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Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. I (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Author: Jefferson, Thomas
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. I (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private" ***
Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has been preserved.
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Many spelling inconsistencies were noted and unchanged in the text
(e.g. Geisner/Geismer, Eldridge/Elbridge, Williamsburg/Williamsburgh,
Thoulouse/Toulouse, Albermarle/Albemarle).
On page 20, "becames destructive" should possibly be "becomes
destructive".
Evident errors in the printing of the letter from the Count de
Vergennes on pages 73 and 74 have been left as printed.
On page 117, "public powder" should possibly be "public power".
On page 271, "Crochet" should possibly be "Crocket".
On page 582, the date May 27 is repeated.
Inconsistent punctuation in the legal citations (pages 147 to 162),
has been left as printed.
[Illustration: Th. Jefferson]
THE
WRITINGS
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON:
BEING HIS
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES,
ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL
AND PRIVATE.
PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS
ON THE LIBRARY,
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS,
DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX
TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE,
BY THE EDITOR
H. A. WASHINGTON.
VOL. I.
NEW YORK:
H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY.
1861.
Entered, according by Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
TAYLOR & MAURY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of
Columbia.
STEREOTYPED BY
THOMAS B. SMITH
216 William St., N. Y.
PREFACE.
Mr. Jefferson having, by his last will and testament, bequeathed to
his grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, all his manuscript papers,
Congress, by an act of the 12th of April, 1848, made an appropriation
for the purpose of purchasing them for the Government; and, by the
same act, an additional appropriation was made to print and publish
them under the direction and supervision of the Joint Committee on
the Library. It is under the authority of this act that the present
publication is made. The immense mass of manuscript left by Mr.
Jefferson having been deposited with the Editor, he has carefully gone
through the whole, and selected from it, for the present publication,
everything which possesses permanent public interest either on account
of its intrinsic value, or as matter of history, or as illustrating
the character of the distinguished Author, or as embodying his views
upon the almost infinite variety of topics, philosophical, moral,
religious, scientific, historical, and political, so ably discussed
by him--thus making this work a complete depository of the writings
of Thomas Jefferson. Under the view which the Editor has taken of his
editorial duties, and the instructions of the Library Committee, he has
not felt himself at liberty to encumber the publication with matter of
his own farther than is necessary to illustrate the text. Such notes as
have been appended will, therefore, be found to be purely explanatory
and historical in their character. Under the impression that the value
of such publications as the present depends much upon facility of
reference, a particular Index has been appended to each volume as well
as a general Index to the whole.
CONTENTS TO VOL. I.
BOOK I.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, 1.
APPENDIX TO AUTOBIOGRAPHY, 111.
BOOK II.
PART I--LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO
EUROPE--(1773-1783), 181.
PART II--LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE--(1784-1790), 338.
Adams, John, letters written to, 205, 356, 358, 365, 370,
376, 378, 416, 436, 437, 460, 486, 492, 497, 510, 501,
511, 529, 569, 584, 591.
Aranda, Count de, letter written to, 470.
Auberteuil, Hilliard d', 535.
Bancroft, Dr., letter written to, 535.
Bannister, J. Jr., letter written to, 466.
Bellini, Mr., letter written to, 443.
Buchanan and Hay, letter written to, 578.
Campbell, Colonel, letter written to, 295.
Carmichael, William, letters written to, 392, 469, 473, 551,
579.
Carr, Peter, letter written to, 395.
Cary, Colonel A., letters written to, 197, 507.
Castries, Monsieur de, letters written to, 361, 374.
Cathalan, Monsieur, letter written to, 600.
Chastellux, Chevalier de, letters written to, 321, 339.
Commissioners of the French Treasury, letter written to, 519.
Crevecœur, Monsieur de, letter written to, 594.
Delegates in Congress, from Georgia, letter written to, 500.
Delegates in Congress, from Virginia, letters written to,
287, 307.
Desbordes, Monsieur, letter written to, 462.
Drayton, William, letter written to, 554.
Dumas, W. F., letters written to, 528, 552.
Dumas and Short, letter written to, 415.
Forrest, Colonel Uriah, letter written to, 338.
Franklin, Dr. Benjamin, letters written to, 204, 448, 525.
Franklin, W. T., letter written to, 555.
French and Nephew, letter written to, 362.
Gates, Major General, letters written to, 238, 251, 254, 260,
262, 266, 268, 275, 294, 314.
Geisner, Baron, letter written to, 427.
Gerry, Eldridge, letters written to, 454, 556.
Governor of Georgia, letter written to, 499.
Governor of Maryland, letter written to, 343.
Governor of Virginia, letters written to, 402, 513, 599.
Greene, Major General, letter written to, 509.
Hartley, David, letter written to, 422.
Henry, Patrick, letter written to, 212.
Hogendorp, letter written to, 463.
Hopkinson, F., letters written to, 440, 503.
Humphreys, Colonel, letters written to, 496, 559.
Izard, R., letter written to, 441.
Jay, John, letters written to, 332, 339, 344, 380, 384, 403,
408, 452, 457, 522, 537, 538, 543, 545, 571, 573, 574,
582, 602.
Jones, John Paul, letters written to, 391, 594.
Jones, Joseph, letter written to, 353.
La Fayette, letters written to, 311, 579, 596.
La Luzerne, Chevalier de, letter written to, 326.
Lambe, Mr., letter written to, 581.
La Morleine, Monsieur, letter written to, 578.
Langdon, John, letter written to, 428.
La Valee, Monsieur de, letter written to, 429.
La Rouene, Marquis de, letter written to, 512.
Lee, Richard Henry, letters written to, 204, 540.
Livingston, Robert R., letters written to, 320, 327, 330,
331.
---- From, 329, 331.
Madison, James, letters written to, 315, 324, 412, 431, 446,
531.
Marbois, Monsieur de, letter written to, 297.
Mathews, Colonel, letter written to, 233.
McPherson, Charles, letter written to, 195.
Monroe, James, letters written to, 317, 345, 358, 405, 526,
564, 586, 605.
---- From, 316.
O'Bryan, Richard, letter written to, 477.
Osgood, Samuel, letter written to, 450.
Otto, Mr., letter written to, 558
Page, John, letters written to, 181, 184, 186, 188, 189, 190,
191, 193, 210, 399, 548.
Pleasants, T., letter written to, 563.
Poncens, Marquis de, letter written to, 430.
Portail, Monsieur du, letter written to, 357.
President of Congress, letters written to, 285, 287, 299,
300, 301, 302, 303, 304.
Price, Dr., letter written to, 376.
Randolph, Edmund, letters written to, 312, 433.
Randolph, John, letters written to, 200, 202.
Riedesel, General de, letter written to, 240.
Rittenhouse, David, letters written to, 210, 515.
Ross, James, letter written to, 560.
St. Victour and Bettinger, letter written to, 570.
Seward, W. W., letter written to, 478.
Short, William, letter written to, 372.
Small, Dr. William, letter written to, 198.
Steptoe, Mr., letter written to, 323.
Stevens, General Edward, letters written to, 244, 250, 252,
253, 274, 278.
Stewart, A., letter written to, 517.
Style, Dr., letter written to, 363.
Thompson, Charles, letters written to, 354, 542.
Thulemeyer, Baron de, letters written to, 368, 469.
Trist, Mrs., letter written to, 394.
Unger, John Louis de, letter written to, 278.
Van Staphorst, N. & J., letters written to, 369, 461, 471.
Vergennes, Count de, letters written to, 385, 456, 479, 490,
537, 547, 577.
Washington, George, letters written to, 221, 225, 230, 231,
232, 235, 237, 239, 241, 243, 249, 255, 257, 265, 267,
268, 270, 271, 276, 279, 282, 291, 292, 296, 297, 304,
305, 309, 313, 325, 333.
---- From, 328.
Wythe, George, letter written to, 211.
----* (address lost), 207, 246, 272, 289.
BOOK I.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, WITH APPENDIX.
INTRODUCTORY TO BOOK I.
In the arrangement which has been adopted, Book I. comprises the
Autobiography and Appendix. The Autobiography extends to the 21st of
March, 1790, when Mr. Jefferson arrived in New York to enter upon the
duties of the Department of State, and embraces a variety of important
subjects, such as the rise and progress of the difficulties between
Great Britain and her North American Colonies--the circumstances
connected with the Declaration of Independence--the debates in Congress
upon the adoption thereof, as reduced to writing by Mr. Jefferson
at the time--the history of the Articles of Confederation--early
stages of the French Revolution--revision of the Penal Code of
Virginia--abolition of her laws of Primogeniture--overthrow of her
Church Establishment--Act of Religious Freedom, &c.--all matter
interesting in itself, but rendered particularly so by the fact that
it comes from one who was himself a chief actor in the scenes which he
describes.
BOOK I.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, WITH APPENDIX.
JANUARY 6, 1821. At the age of 77, I begin to make some memoranda, and
state some recollections of dates and facts concerning myself, for my
own more ready reference, and for the information of my family.
The tradition in my father's family was, that their ancestor came to
this country from Wales, and from near the mountain of Snowdon, the
highest in Great Britain. I noted once a case from Wales, in the law
reports, where a person of our name was either plaintiff or defendant;
and one of the same name was secretary to the Virginia Company. These
are the only instances in which I have met with the name in that
country. I have found it in our early records; but the first particular
information I have of any ancestor was of my grandfather, who lived
at the place in Chesterfield called Ozborne's, and owned the lands
afterwards the glebe of the parish. He had three sons; Thomas who died
young, Field who settled on the waters of Roanoke and left numerous
descendants, and Peter, my father, who settled on the lands I still
own, called Shadwell, adjoining my present residence. He was born
February 29, 1707-8, and intermarried 1739, with Jane Randolph, of
the age of 19, daughter of Isham Randolph, one of the seven sons of
that name and family, settled at Dungeoness in Goochland. They trace
their pedigree far back in England and Scotland, to which let every one
ascribe the faith and merit he chooses.
My father's education had been quite neglected; but being of a strong
mind, sound judgment, and eager after information, he read much
and improved himself, insomuch that he was chosen, with Joshua Fry,
Professor of Mathematics in William and Mary college, to continue
the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina, which had been
begun by Colonel Byrd; and was afterwards employed with the same Mr.
Fry, to make the first map of Virginia which had ever been made, that
of Captain Smith being merely a conjectural sketch. They possessed
excellent materials for so much of the country as is below the blue
ridge; little being then known beyond that ridge. He was the third
or fourth settler, about the year 1737, of the part of the country in
which I live. He died, August 17th, 1757, leaving my mother a widow,
who lived till 1776, with six daughters and two sons, myself the
elder. To my younger brother he left his estate on James River, called
Snowden, after the supposed birth-place of the family: to myself, the
lands on which I was born and live.
He placed me at the English school at five years of age; and at the
Latin at nine, where I continued until his death. My teacher, Mr.
Douglas, a clergyman from Scotland, with the rudiments of the Latin and
Greek languages, taught me the French; and on the death of my father, I
went to the Reverend Mr. Maury, a correct classical scholar, with whom
I continued two years; and then, to wit, in the spring of 1760, went to
William and Mary college, where I continued two years. It was my great
good fortune, and what probably fixed the destinies of my life, that
Dr. William Small of Scotland, was then professor of Mathematics, a man
profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent
of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged and
liberal mind. He, most happily for me, became soon attached to me, and
made me his daily companion when not engaged in the school; and from
his conversation I got my first views of the expansion of science,
and of the system of things in which we are placed. Fortunately, the
philosophical chair became vacant soon after my arrival at college,
and he was appointed to fill it _per interim_: and he was the first
who ever gave, in that college, regular lectures in Ethics, Rhetoric
and Belles lettres. He returned to Europe in 1762, having previously
filled up the measure of his goodness to me, by procuring for me, from
his most intimate friend, George Wythe, a reception as a student of
law, under his direction, and introduced me to the acquaintance and
familiar table of Governor Fauquier, the ablest man who had ever filled
that office. With him, and at his table, Dr. Small and Mr. Wythe, his
_amici omnium horarum_, and myself, formed a _partie quarree_, and to
the habitual conversations on these occasions I owed much instruction.
Mr. Wythe continued to be my faithful and beloved mentor in youth,
and my most affectionate friend through life. In 1767, he led me into
the practice of the law at the bar of the General court, at which I
continued until the Revolution shut up the courts of justice.[1]
In 1769, I became a member of the legislature by the choice of the
county in which I live, and so continued until it was closed by the
Revolution. I made one effort in that body for the permission of the
emancipation of slaves, which was rejected: and indeed, during the
regal government, nothing liberal could expect success. Our minds were
circumscribed within narrow limits, by an habitual belief that it was
our duty to be subordinate to the mother country in all matters of
government, to direct all our labors in subservience to her interests,
and even to observe a bigoted intolerance for all religions but
hers. The difficulties with our representatives were of habit and
despair, not of reflection and conviction. Experience soon proved
that they could bring their minds to rights, on the first summons of
their attention. But the King's Council, which acted as another house
of legislature, held their places at will, and were in most humble
obedience to that will: the Governor too, who had a negative on our
laws, held by the same tenure, and with still greater devotedness to
it: and, last of all, the Royal negative closed the last door to every
hope of amelioration.
On the 1st of January, 1772, I was married to Martha Skelton, widow
of Bathurst Skelton, and daughter of John Wayles, then twenty-three
years old. Mr. Wayles was a lawyer of much practice, to which he was
introduced more by his great industry, punctuality, and practical
readiness, than by eminence in the science of his profession. He was
a most agreeable companion, full of pleasantry and good humor, and
welcomed in every society. He acquired a handsome fortune, and died
in May, 1773, leaving three daughters: the portion which came on
that event to Mrs. Jefferson, after the debts should be paid, which
were very considerable, was about equal to my own patrimony, and
consequently doubled the ease of our circumstances.
When the famous Resolutions of 1765, against the Stamp-act, were
proposed, I was yet a student of law in Williamsburgh. I attended the
debate, however, at the door of the lobby of the House of Burgesses,
and heard the splendid display of Mr. Henry's talents as a popular
orator. They were great indeed; such as I have never heard from any
other man. He appeared to me to speak as Homer wrote. Mr. Johnson, a
lawyer, and member from the Northern Neck, seconded the resolutions,
and by him the learning and the logic of the case were chiefly
maintained. My recollections of these transactions may be seen page 60
of the life of Patrick Henry, by Wirt, to whom I furnished them.
In May, 1769, a meeting of the General Assembly was called by the
Governor, Lord Botetourt. I had then become a member; and to that
meeting became known the joint resolutions and address of the
Lords and Commons, of 1768-9, on the proceedings in Massachusetts.
Counter-resolutions, and an address to the King by the House of
Burgesses, were agreed to with little opposition, and a spirit
manifestly displayed itself of considering the cause of Massachusetts
as a common one. The Governor dissolved us: but we met the next day in
the Apollo[2] of the Raleigh tavern, formed ourselves into a voluntary
convention, drew up articles of association against the use of any
merchandise imported from Great Britain, signed and recommended them
to the people, repaired to our several counties, and were re-elected
without any other exception than of the very few who had declined
assent to our proceedings.
Nothing of particular excitement occurring for a considerable time,
our countrymen seemed to fall into a state of insensibility to our
situation; the duty on tea, not yet repealed, and the declaratory act
of a right in the British Parliament to bind us by their laws in all
cases whatsoever, still suspended over us. But a court of inquiry held
in Rhode Island in 1762, with a power to send persons to England to be
tried for offences committed here, was considered, at our session of
the spring of 1773, as demanding attention. Not thinking our old and
leading members up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times
required, Mr. Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Francis L. Lee, Mr. Carr and
myself agreed to meet in the evening, in a private room of the Raleigh,
to consult on the state of things. There may have been a member or two
more whom I do not recollect. We were all sensible that the most urgent
of all measures was that of coming to an understanding with all the
other colonies, to consider the British claims as a common cause to
all, and to produce a unity of action: and, for this purpose, that a
committee of correspondence in each colony would be the best instrument
for inter-communication: and that their first measure would probably
be, to propose a meeting of deputies from every colony, at some central
place, who should be charged with the direction of the measures which
should be taken by all. We, therefore, drew up the resolutions which
may be seen in Wirt, page 87. The consulting members proposed to me to
move them, but I urged that it should be done by Mr. Carr, my friend
and brother-in-law, then a new member, to whom I wished an opportunity
should be given of making known to the house his great worth and
talents. It was so agreed; he moved them, they were agreed to _nem.
con._, and a committee of correspondence appointed, of whom Peyton
Randolph, the speaker, was chairman. The Governor (then Lord Dunmore)
dissolved us, but the committee met the next day, prepared a circular
letter to the speakers of the other colonies, inclosing to each a
copy of the resolutions, and left it in charge with their chairman to
forward them by expresses.
The origination of these committees of correspondence between the
colonies has been since claimed for Massachusetts, and Marshall[3] has
given into this error, although the very note of his appendix to which
he refers, shows that their establishment was confined to their own
towns. This matter will be seen clearly stated in a letter of Samuel
Adams Wells to me of April 2nd, 1819, and my answer of May 12th. I
was corrected by the letter of Mr. Wells in the information I had
given Mr. Wirt, as stated in his note, page 87, that the messengers
of Massachusetts and Virginia crossed each other on the way, bearing
similar propositions; for Mr. Wells shows that Massachusetts did not
adopt the measure, but on the receipt of our proposition, delivered at
their next session. Their message, therefore, which passed ours, must
have related to something else, for I well remember Peyton Randolph's
informing me of the crossing of our messengers.[4]
The next event which excited our sympathies for Massachusetts, was
the Boston port bill, by which that port was to be shut up on the 1st
of June, 1774. This arrived while we were in session in the spring
of that year. The lead in the House, on these subjects, being no
longer left to the old members, Mr. Henry, R. H. Lee, Fr. L. Lee,
three or four other members, whom I do not recollect, and myself,
agreeing that we must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line with
Massachusetts, determined to meet and consult on the proper measures,
in the council-chamber, for the benefit of the library in that room.
We were under conviction of the necessity of arousing our people from
the lethargy into which they had fallen, as to passing events; and
thought that the appointment of a day of general fasting and prayer
would be most likely to call up and alarm their attention. No example
of such a solemnity had existed since the days of our distresses in the
war of '55, since which a new generation had grown up. With the help,
therefore, of Rushworth, whom we rummaged over for the revolutionary
precedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, preserved by him,
we cooked up a resolution, somewhat modernizing their phrases, for
appointing the 1st day of June, on which the port-bill was to commence,
for a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore Heaven to
avert from us the evils of civil war, to inspire us with firmness
in support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the King and
Parliament to moderation and justice. To give greater emphasis to our
proposition, we agreed to wait the next morning on Mr. Nicholas, whose
grave and religious character was more in unison with the tone of our
resolution, and to solicit him to move it. We accordingly went to him
in the morning. He moved it the same day; the 1st of June was proposed;
and it passed without opposition. The Governor dissolved us, as
usual. We retired to the Apollo, as before, agreed to an association,
and instructed the committee of correspondence to propose to the
corresponding committees of the other colonies, to appoint deputies to
meet in Congress at such place, _annually_, as should be convenient,
to direct, from time to time, the measures required by the general
interest: and we declared that an attack on any one colony, should
be considered as an attack on the whole. This was in May. We further
recommended to the several counties to elect deputies to meet at
Williamsburgh, the 1st of August ensuing, to consider the state of the
colony, and particularly to appoint delegates to a general Congress,
should that measure be acceded to by the committees of correspondence
generally. It was acceded to; Philadelphia was appointed for the place,
and the 5th of September for the time of meeting. We returned home, and
in our several counties invited the clergy to meet assemblies of the
people on the 1st of June, to perform the ceremonies of the day, and
to address to them discourses suited to the occasion. The people met
generally, with anxiety and alarm in their countenances, and the effect
of the day, through the whole colony, was like a shock of electricity,
arousing every man, and placing him erect and solidly on his centre.
They chose, universally, delegates for the convention. Being elected
one for my own county, I prepared a draught of instructions to be given
to the delegates whom we should send to the Congress, which I meant
to propose at our meeting.[5] In this I took the ground that, from
the beginning, I had thought the only one orthodox or tenable, which
was, that the relation between Great Britain and these colonies was
exactly the same as that of England and Scotland, after the accession
of James, and until the union, and the same as her present relations
with Hanover, having the same executive chief, but no other necessary
political connection; and that our emigration from England to this
country gave her no more rights over us, than the emigrations of the
Danes and Saxons gave to the present authorities of the mother country,
over England. In this doctrine, however, I had never been able to get
any one to agree with me but Mr. Wythe. He concurred in it from the
first dawn of the question, What was the political relation between
us and England? Our other patriots, Randolph, the Lees, Nicholas,
Pendleton, stopped at the half-way house of John Dickinson, who
admitted that England had a right to regulate our commerce, and to
lay duties on it for the purposes of regulation, but not of raising
revenue. But for this ground there was no foundation in compact, in any
acknowledged principles of colonization, nor in reason: expatriation
being a natural right, and acted on as such, by all nations, in all
ages. I set out for Williamsburg some days before that appointed for
our meeting, but was taken ill of a dysentery on the road, and was
unable to proceed. I sent on, therefore, to Williamsburgh, two copies
of my draught, the one under cover to Peyton Randolph, who I knew would
be in the chair of the convention, the other to Patrick Henry. Whether
Mr. Henry disapproved the ground taken, or was too lazy to read it (for
he was the laziest man in reading I ever knew) I never learned: but
he communicated it to nobody. Peyton Randolph informed the convention
he had received such a paper from a member, prevented by sickness from
offering it in his place, and he laid it on the table for perusal. It
was read generally by the members, approved by many, though thought too
bold for the present state of things; but they printed it in pamphlet
form, under the title of "A Summary View of the Rights of British
America." It found its way to England, was taken up by the opposition,
interpolated a little by Mr. Burke so as to make it answer opposition
purposes, and in that form ran rapidly through several editions. This
information I had from Parson Hurt, who happened at the time to be
in London, whither he had gone to receive clerical orders; and I was
informed afterwards by Peyton Randolph, that it had procured me the
honor of having my name inserted in a long list of proscriptions,
enrolled in a bill of attainder commenced in one of the Houses of
Parliament, but suppressed in embryo by the hasty step of events, which
warned them to be a little cautious. Montague, agent of the House of
Burgesses in England, made extracts from the bill, copied the names,
and sent them to Peyton Randolph. The names, I think, were about
twenty, which he repeated to me, but I recollect those only of Hancock,
the two Adamses, Peyton Randolph himself, Patrick Henry, and myself.[6]
The convention met on the 1st of August, renewed their association,
appointed delegates to the Congress, gave them instructions very
temperately and properly expressed, both as to style and matter;[7]
and they repaired to Philadelphia at the time appointed. The splendid
proceedings of that Congress, at their first session, belong to general
history, are known to every one, and need not therefore be noted here.
They terminated their session on the 26th of October, to meet again
on the 10th of May ensuing. The convention, at their ensuing session
of March, '75, approved of the proceedings of Congress, thanked their
delegates, and reappointed the same persons to represent the colony
at the meeting to be held in May: and foreseeing the probability that
Peyton Randolph, their president, and speaker also of the House of
Burgesses, might be called off, they added me, in that event, to the
delegation.
Mr. Randolph was, according to expectation, obliged to leave the chair
of Congress, to attend the General Assembly summoned by Lord Dunmore,
to meet on the 1st day of June, 1775. Lord North's conciliatory
propositions, as they were called, had been received by the Governor,
and furnished the subject for which this assembly was convened. Mr.
Randolph accordingly attended, and the tenor of these propositions
being generally known, as having been addressed to all the governors,
he was anxious that the answer of our Assembly, likely to be the first,
should harmonize with what he knew to be the sentiments and wishes of
the body he had recently left. He feared that Mr. Nicholas, whose mind
was not yet up to the mark of the times, would undertake the answer,
and therefore pressed me to prepare it. I did so, and, with his aid,
carried it through the House, with long and doubtful scruples from
Mr. Nicholas and James Mercer, and a dash of cold water on it here
and there, enfeebling it somewhat, but finally with unanimity, or
a vote approaching it. This being passed, I repaired immediately to
Philadelphia, and conveyed to Congress the first notice they had of
it. It was entirely approved there. I took my seat with them on the
21st of June. On the 24th, a committee which had been appointed to
prepare a declaration of the causes of taking up arms, brought in their
report (drawn I believe by J. Rutledge) which, not being liked, the
House recommitted it, on the 26th, and added Mr. Dickinson and myself
to the committee. On the rising of the House, the committee having not
yet met, I happened to find myself near Governor W. Livingston, and
proposed to him to draw the paper. He excused himself and proposed
that I should draw it. On my pressing him with urgency, "we are as
yet but new acquaintances, sir," said he, "why are you so earnest for
my doing it?" "Because," said I, "I have been informed that you drew
the Address to the people of Great Britain, a production, certainly,
of the finest pen in America." "On that," says he, "perhaps, sir, you
may not have been correctly informed." I had received the information
in Virginia from Colonel Harrison on his return from that Congress.
Lee, Livingston, and Jay had been the committee for that draught.
The first, prepared by Lee, had been disapproved and recommitted. The
second was drawn by Jay, but being presented by Governor Livingston,
had led Colonel Harrison into the error. The next morning, walking in
the hall of Congress, many members being assembled, but the House not
yet formed, I observed Mr. Jay speaking to R. H. Lee, and leading him
by the button of his coat to me. "I understand, sir," said he to me,
"that this gentleman informed you, that Governor Livingston drew the
Address to the people of Great Britain." I assured him, at once, that
I had not received that information from Mr. Lee, and that not a word
had ever passed on the subject between Mr. Lee and myself; and after
some explanations the subject was dropped. These gentlemen had had some
sparrings in debate before, and continued ever very hostile to each
other.
I prepared a draught of the declaration committed to us. It was too
strong for Mr. Dickinson. He still retained the hope of reconciliation
with the mother country, and was unwilling it should be lessened by
offensive statements. He was so honest a man, and so able a one, that
he was greatly indulged even by those who could not feel his scruples.
We therefore requested him to take the paper, and put it into a form
he could approve. He did so, preparing an entire new statement, and
preserving of the former only the last four paragraphs and half of
the preceding one. We approved and reported it to Congress, who
accepted it. Congress gave a signal proof of their indulgence to
Mr. Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any
respectable part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second
petition to the King according to his own ideas, and passing it with
scarcely any amendment. The disgust against this humility was general;
and Mr. Dickinson's delight at its passage was the only circumstance
which reconciled them to it. The vote being passed, although further
observation on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising
and expressing his satisfaction, and concluded by saying, "there is but
one word, Mr. President, in the paper which I disapprove, and that is
the word _Congress;_" on which Ben Harrison rose and said, "There is
but one word in the paper, Mr. President, of which I approve, and that
is the word _Congress_."
On the 22d of July, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, R. H. Lee, and myself,
were appointed a committee to consider and report on Lord North's
conciliatory resolution. The answer of the Virginia Assembly on that
subject having been approved, I was requested by the committee to
prepare this report, which will account for the similarity of feature
in the two instruments.
On the 15th of May, 1776, the convention of Virginia instructed their
delegates in Congress, to propose to that body to declare the colonies
independent of Great Britain, and appointed a committee to prepare a
declaration of rights and plan of government.
[8]In Congress, Friday, June 7, 1776. The delegates from Virginia
moved, in obedience to instructions from their constituents, that the
Congress should declare that these United colonies are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent states, that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political
connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought
to be, totally dissolved; that measures should be immediately taken
for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a Confederation be
formed to bind the colonies more closely together.
The House being obliged to attend at that time to some other business,
the proposition was referred to the next day, when the members were
ordered to attend punctually at ten o'clock.
Saturday, June 8. They proceeded to take it into consideration, and
referred it to a committee of the whole, into which they immediately
resolved themselves, and passed that day and Monday, the 10th, in
debating on the subject.
It was argued by Wilson, Robert R. Livingston, E. Rutledge, Dickinson,
and others--
That, though they were friends to the measures themselves, and saw the
impossibility that we should ever again be united with Great Britain,
yet they were against adopting them at this time:
That the conduct we had formerly observed was wise and proper now, of
deferring to take any capital step till the voice of the people drove
us into it:
That they were our power, and without them our declarations could not
be carried into effect:
That the people of the middle colonies (Maryland, Delaware,
Pennsylvania, the Jerseys and New York) were not yet ripe for bidding
adieu to British connection, but that they were fast ripening, and, in
a short time, would join in the general voice of America:
That the resolution, entered into by this House on the 15th of May,
for suppressing the exercise of all powers derived from the crown, had
shown, by the ferment into which it had thrown these middle colonies,
that they had not yet accommodated their minds to a separation from the
mother country:
That some of them had expressly forbidden their delegates to consent
to such a declaration, and others had given no instructions, and
consequently no powers to give such consent:
That if the delegates of any particular colony had no power to declare
such colony independent, certain they were, the others could not
declare it for them; the colonies being as yet perfectly independent of
each other:
That the assembly of Pennsylvania was now sitting above stairs, their
convention would sit within a few days, the convention of New York was
now sitting, and those of the Jerseys and Delaware counties would meet
on the Monday following, and it was probable these bodies would take up
the question of Independence, and would declare to their delegates the
voice of their state:
That if such a declaration should now be agreed to, these delegates
must retire, and possibly their colonies might secede from the Union:
That such a secession would weaken us more than could be compensated by
any foreign alliance:
That in the event of such a division, foreign powers would either
refuse to join themselves to our fortunes, or, having us so much in
their power as that desperate declaration would place us, they would
insist on terms proportionably more hard and prejudicial:
That we had little reason to expect an alliance with those to whom
alone, as yet, we had cast our eyes:
That France and Spain had reason to be jealous of that rising power,
which would one day certainly strip them of all their American
possessions:
That it was more likely they should form a connection with the
British court, who, if they should find themselves unable otherwise
to extricate themselves from their difficulties, would agree to a
partition of our territories, restoring Canada to France, and the
Floridas to Spain, to accomplish for themselves a recovery of these
colonies:
That it would not be long before we should receive certain information
of the disposition of the French court, from the agent whom we had sent
to Paris for that purpose:
That if this disposition should be favorable, by waiting the event of
the present campaign, which we all hoped would be successful, we should
have reason to expect an alliance on better terms:
That this would in fact work no delay of any effectual aid from such
ally, as, from the advance of the season and distance of our situation,
it was impossible we could receive any assistance during this campaign:
That it was prudent to fix among ourselves the terms on which we should
form alliance, before we declared we would form one at all events:
And that if these were agreed on, and our Declaration of Independence
ready by the time our Ambassador should be prepared to sail, it would
be as well as to go into that Declaration at this day.
On the other side, it was urged by J. Adams, Lee, Wythe, and others,
that no gentleman had argued against the policy or the right of
separation from Britain, nor had supposed it possible we should
ever renew our connection; that they had only opposed its being now
declared:
That the question was not whether, by a Declaration of Independence, we
should make ourselves what we are not; but whether we should declare a
fact which already exists:
That, as to the people or parliament of England, we had always been
independent of them, their restraints on our trade deriving efficacy
from our acquiescence only, and not from any rights they possessed of
imposing them, and that so far, our connection had been federal only,
and was now dissolved by the commencement of hostilities:
That, as to the King, we had been bound to him by allegiance, but
that this bond was now dissolved by his assent to the last act of
Parliament, by which he declares us out of his protection, and by
his levying war on us, a fact which had long ago proved us out of his
protection; it being a certain position in law, that allegiance and
protection are reciprocal, the one ceasing when the other is withdrawn:
That James the II. never declared the people of England out of his
protection, yet his actions proved it, and the Parliament declared it:
No delegates then can be denied, or ever want, a power of declaring an
existing truth:
That the delegates from the Delaware counties having declared their
constituents ready to join, there are only two colonies, Pennsylvania
and Maryland, whose delegates are absolutely tied up, and that these
had, by their instructions, only reserved a right of confirming or
rejecting the measure:
That the instructions from Pennsylvania might be accounted for from the
times in which they were drawn, near a twelvemonth ago, since which the
face of affairs has totally changed:
That within that time, it had become apparent that Britain was
determined to accept nothing less than a _carte-blanche_, and that the
King's answer to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of London,
which had come to hand four days ago, must have satisfied every one of
this point:
That the people wait for us to lead the way:
That _they_ are in favor of the measure, though the instructions given
by some of their _representatives_ are not:
That the voice of the representatives is not always consonant with
the voice of the people, and that this is remarkably the case in these
middle colonies:
That the effect of the resolution of the 15th of May has proved this,
which, raising the murmurs of some in the colonies of Pennsylvania
and Maryland, called forth the opposing voice of the freer part of the
people, and proved them to be the majority even in these colonies:
That the backwardness of these two colonies might be ascribed, partly
to the influence of proprietary power and connections, and partly, to
their having not yet been attacked by the enemy:
That these causes were not likely to be soon removed, as there seemed
no probability that the enemy would make either of these the seat of
this summer's war:
That it would be vain to wait either weeks or months for perfect
unanimity, since it was impossible that all men should ever become of
one sentiment on any question:
That the conduct of some colonies, from the beginning of this contest,
had given reason to suspect it was their settled policy to keep in
the rear of the confederacy, that their particular prospect might be
better, even in the worst event:
That, therefore, it was necessary for those colonies who had thrown
themselves forward and hazarded all from the beginning, to come forward
now also, and put all again to their own hazard:
That the history of the Dutch Revolution, of whom three states only
confederated at first, proved that a secession of some colonies would
not be so dangerous as some apprehended:
That a declaration of Independence alone could render it consistent
with European delicacy, for European powers to treat with us, or even
to receive an Ambassador from us:
That till this, they would not receive our vessels into their ports,
nor acknowledge the adjudications of our courts of admirality to be
legitimate, in cases of capture of British vessels:
That though France and Spain may be jealous of our rising power,
they must think it will be much more formidable with the addition of
Great Britain; and will therefore see it their interest to prevent
a coalition; but should they refuse, we shall be but where we are;
whereas without trying, we shall never know whether they will aid us or
not:
That the present campaign may be unsuccessful, and therefore we had
better propose an alliance while our affairs wear a hopeful aspect:
That to wait the event of this campaign will certainly work delay,
because, during the summer, France may assist us effectually, by
cutting off those supplies of provisions from England and Ireland, on
which the enemy's armies here are to depend; or by setting in motion
the great power they have collected in the West Indies, and calling our
enemy to the defence of the possessions they have there:
That it would be idle to lose time in settling the terms of alliance,
till we had first determined we would enter into alliance:
That it is necessary to lose no time in opening a trade for our people,
who will want clothes, and will want money too, for the payment of
taxes:
And that the only misfortune is, that we did not enter into alliance
with France six months sooner, as, besides opening her ports for the
vent of our last year's produce, she might have marched an army into
Germany, and prevented the petty princes there, from selling their
unhappy subjects to subdue us.
It appearing in the course of these debates, that the colonies of New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina
were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they
were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait
a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July 1st; but,
that this might occasion as little delay as possible, a committee was
appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. The committee were
John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston, and
myself. Committees were also appointed, at the same time, to prepare a
plan of confederation for the colonies, and to state the terms proper
to be proposed for foreign alliance. The committee for drawing the
Declaration of Independence, desired me to do it. It was accordingly
done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the House on Friday,
the 28th of June, when it was read, and ordered to lie on the table.
On Monday, the 1st of July, the House resolved itself into a committee
of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the original motion
made by the delegates of Virginia, which, being again debated through
the day, was carried in the affirmative by the votes of New Hampshire,
Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. South Carolina and Pennsylvania
voted against it. Delaware had but two members present, and they
were divided. The delegates from New York declared they were for it
themselves, and were assured their constituents were for it; but that
their instructions having been drawn near a twelvemonth before, when
reconciliation was still the general object, they were enjoined by them
to do nothing which should impede that object. They, therefore, thought
themselves not justifiable in voting on either side, and asked leave to
withdraw from the question; which was given them. The committee rose
and reported their resolution to the House. Mr. Edward Rutledge, of
South Carolina, then requested the determination might be put off to
the next day, as he believed his colleagues, though they disapproved
of the resolution, would then join in it for the sake of unanimity.
The ultimate question, whether the House would agree to the resolution
of the committee, was accordingly postponed to the next day, when it
was again moved, and South Carolina concurred in voting for it. In the
meantime, a third member had come post from the Delaware counties, and
turned the vote of that colony in favor of the resolution. Members of a
different sentiment attending that morning from Pennsylvania also, her
vote was changed, so that the whole twelve colonies who were authorized
to vote at all, gave their voices for it; and, within a few days,[9]
the convention of New York approved of it, and thus supplied the void
occasioned by the withdrawing of her delegates from the vote.
Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of
Independence, which had been reported and lain on the table the Friday
preceding, and on Monday referred to a committee of the whole. The
pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms
with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages
which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out,
lest they should give them offence. The clause too, reprobating the
enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance
to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain
the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to
continue it. Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little
tender under those censures; for though their people had very few
slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers
of them to others. The debates, having taken up the greater parts of
the 2d, 3d, and 4th days of July, were, on the evening of the last,
closed; the Declaration was reported by the committee, agreed to by
the House, and signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson.
As the sentiments of men are known not only by what they receive,
but what they reject also, I will state the form of the Declaration
as originally reported. The parts struck out by Congress shall be
distinguished by a black line drawn under them[10] and those inserted
by them shall be placed in the margin, or in a concurrent column.
A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of
America, in _General_ Congress assembled.
When, in the course of human events,
it becomes necessary for one people
to dissolve the political bands which
have connected them with another, and
to assume among the powers of the earth
the separate and equal station to which
the laws of nature and of nature's God
entitle them, a decent respect to the
opinions of mankind requires that they
should declare the causes which impel
them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self evident:
that all men are created equal; that they
are endowed by their creator with
[certain] [_inherent and_] inalienable rights; that
among these are life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness; that to secure
these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed;
that whenever any form of government
becomes destructive of these ends, it
is the right of the people to alter
or to abolish it, and to institute new
government, laying its foundation on such
principles, and organizing its powers
in such form, as to them shall seem
most likely to effect their safety and
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate
that governments long established should
not be changed for light and transient
causes; and accordingly all experience
hath shown that mankind are more disposed
to suffer while evils are sufferable,
than to right themselves by abolishing
the forms to which they are accustomed.
But when a long train of abuses and
usurpations, [_begun at a distinguished
period and_] pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce
them under absolute despotism, it is
their right, it is their duty to throw
off such government, and to provide new
guards for their future security. Such
has been the patient sufferance of these
colonies; and such is now the necessity
[alter] which constrains them to [_expunge_]
their former systems of government. The
history of the present king of Great Britain
[repeated] is a history of [_unremitting_] injuries
[all having] injuries and usurpations, [_among_ which
appears no solitary fact to contradict
the uniform tenor of the rest, but all
have_] in direct object the establishment of
an absolute tyranny over these states. To
prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid
world [_for the truth of which we pledge a
faith yet unsullied by falsehood_.]
He has refused his assent to laws the
most wholesome and necessary for the
public good.
He has forbidden his governors to
pass laws of immediate and pressing
importance, unless suspended in their
operation till his assent should be
obtained; and, when so suspended, he has
utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws for
the accommodation of large districts
of people, unless those people would
relinquish the right of representation in
the legislature, a right inestimable to
them, and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies
at places unusual, uncomfortable, and
distant from the depository of their
public records, for the sole purpose of
fatiguing them into compliance with his
measures.
He has dissolved representative houses
repeatedly [_and continually_] for
opposing with manly firmness his
invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time after
such dissolutions to cause others to
be elected, whereby the legislative
powers, incapable of annihilation, have
returned to the people at large for their
exercise, the state remaining, in the
meantime, exposed to all the dangers of
invasion from without and convulsions
within.
He has endeavored to prevent the
population of these states; for that
purpose obstructing the laws for
naturalization of foreigners, refusing to
pass others to encourage their migrations
hither, and raising the conditions of new
appropriations of lands.
[obstructed] He has [_suffered_] the administration of
[by] justice [_totally to cease in some of these
states_] refusing his assent to laws for
establishing judiciary powers.
He has made [_our_] judges dependent on
his will alone for the tenure of their
offices, and the amount and payment of
their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new
offices, [_by a self-assumed power_]
and sent hither swarms of new officers
to harass our people and eat out their
substance.
He has kept among us in times of peace
standing armies [_and ships of war_]
without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military
independent of, and superior to, the
civil power.
He has combined with others to subject
us to a jurisdiction foreign to our
constitutions and unacknowledged by our
laws, giving his assent to their acts
of pretended legislation for quartering
large bodies of armed troops among us;
for protecting them by a mock trial from
punishment for any murders which they
should commit on the inhabitants of these
states; for cutting off our trade with
all parts of the world; for imposing
taxes on us without our consent; for
[in many cases] depriving us [ ] of the benefits of trial
by jury; for transporting us beyond seas
to be tried for pretended offences;
for abolishing the free system of
English laws in a neighboring province,
establishing therein an arbitrary
government, and enlarging its boundaries,
so as to render it at once an example
and fit instrument for introducing
the same absolute rule into these
[colonies] [_states_]; for taking away our charters,
abolishing our most valuable laws, and
altering fundamentally the forms of
our governments; for suspending our own
legislatures, and declaring themselves
invested with power to legislate for us
in all cases whatsoever.
[by declaring us He has abdicated government here
out of his [_withdrawing his governors, and
protection, and declaring us out of his allegiance and
waging war against protection_.]
us.]
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our
coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed
the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large
armies of foreign mercenaries to complete
the works of death, desolation and
tyranny already begun with circumstances
[scarcely paralleled of cruelty and perfidy [ ] unworthy the
in the most barbarous head of a civilized nation.
ages, and totally]
He has constrained our fellow citizens
taken captive on the high seas, to bear
arms against their country, to become
the executioners of their friends and
brethren, or to fall themselves by their
hands.
[excited domestic He has [ ] endeavored to bring on the
insurrection among inhabitants of our frontiers, the
us, and has] merciless Indian savages, whose known
rule of warfare is an undistinguished
destruction of all ages, sexes and
conditions [_of existence_.]
[_He has incited treasonable
insurrections of our fellow citizens,
with the allurements of forfeiture and
confiscation of our property._
_He has waged cruel war against human
nature itself violating its most sacred
rights of life and liberty in the
persons of a distant people who never
offended him, captivating and carrying
them into slavery in another hemisphere,
or to incur miserable death in their
transportation thither. This piratical
warfare, the opprobium of INFIDEL
powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN
king of Great Britain. Determined to
keep open a market where MEN should
be bought and sold, he has prostituted
his negative for suppressing every
legislative attempt to prohibit or to
restrain this execrable commerce. And
that this assemblage of horrors might
want no fact of distinguished die, he is
now exciting those very people to rise
in arms among us, and to purchase that
liberty of which he has deprived them,
by murdering the people on whom he also
obtruded them: thus paying off former
crimes committed against the LIBERTIES
of one people, with crimes which he
urges them to commit against the LIVES
of another_.]
In every stage of these oppressions we
have petitioned for redress in the most
humble terms: our repeated petitions have
been answered only by repeated injuries.
A prince whose character is thus marked
by every act which may define a tyrant
[free] is unfit to be the ruler of a [ ] people
[_who mean to be free. Future ages
will scarcely believe that the hardiness
of one man adventured, within the short
compass of twelve years only, to lay a
foundation so broad and so undisguised
for tyranny over a people fostered and
fixed in principles of freedom._]
Nor have we been wanting in attentions to
our British brethren. We have warned them
from time to time of attempts by their
[an unwarrantable] legislature to extend [_a_] jurisdiction over
[us] [_these our states_]. We have reminded
them of the circumstances of our
emigration and settlement here, [_no
one of which could warrant so strange
a pretension: that these were effected
at the expense of our own blood and
treasure, unassisted by the wealth or
the strength of Great Britain: that in
constituting indeed, our several forms
of government, we had adopted one common
king, thereby laying a foundation for
perpetual league and amity with them: but
that submission to their parliament was
no part of our constitution, nor ever in
idea, if history may be credited: and_,]
[have] we [ ] appealed to their native justice and
[and we have magnanimity [_as well as to_] the ties of our
conjured them by] common kindred to disavow these usurpations
[would inevitably] which [_were likely to_] interrupt our
connection and correspondence. They
too have been deaf to the voice of
justice and of consanguinity, [_and
when occasions have been given them,
by the regular course of their laws,
of removing from their councils the
disturbers of our harmony, they have, by
their free election, re-established them
in power. At this very time too, they
are permitting their chief magistrate to
send over not only soldiers of our common
blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries
to invade and destroy us. These facts
have given the last stab to agonizing
affection, and manly spirit bids us
to renounce forever these unfeeling
brethren. We must endeavor to forget our
former love for them, and hold them as
we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in
war, in peace friends. We might have been
a free and a great people together; but a
communication of grandeur and of freedom,
it seems, is below their dignity. Be it
so, since they will have it. The road to
happiness and to glory is open to us too.
We will tread it apart from them, and_]
[We must therefore] acquiesce in the necessity which denounces
our [_eternal_] separation [ ]!
[and hold them as we
hold the rest of
mankind, enemies in
war, in peace friends.]
We therefore the representatives We, therefore, the
of the United States of representatives of the United
America in General Congress States of America in General
assembled, do in the name, and Congress assembled, appealing to
by the authority of the good the supreme judge of the world
people of these [_states reject for the rectitude of our
and renounce all allegiance and intentions, do in the name, and
subjection to the kings of Great by the authority of the good
Britain and all others who may people of these colonies,
hereafter claim by, through or solemnly publish and declare,
under them; we utterly dissolve that these united colonies are,
all political connection which and of right ought to be free
may heretofore have subsisted and independent states; that
between us and the people or they are absolved from all
parliament of Great Britain: allegiance to the British crown,
and finally we do assert and and that all political
declare these colonies to be connection between them and the
free and independent states_,] state of Great Britain is, and
and that as free and independent ought to be, totally dissolved,
states, they have full power to and that as free and independent
levy war, conclude peace, states, they have full power to
contract alliances, establish levy war, conclude peace,
commerce, and to do all other contract alliances, establish
acts and things which commerce, and to do all other
independent states may of right acts and things which
do. independent states may of right
do.
And for the support of this And for the support of this
declaration, we mutually pledge declaration, with a firm
to each other our lives, our reliance on the protection of
fortunes, and our sacred honor. divine providence, we mutually
pledge to each other our lives,
our fortunes, and our sacred
honor.
The Declaration thus signed on the 4th, on paper, was engrossed on
parchment, and signed again on the 2d of August.
[Some erroneous statements of the proceedings on the Declaration of
Independence having got before the public in latter times, Mr. Samuel
A. Wells asked explanations of me, which are given in my letter to him
of May 12, '19, before and now again referred to.[11] I took notes in
my place while these things were going on, and at their close wrote
them out in form and with correctness, and from 1 to 7 of the two
preceding sheets, are the originals then written; as the two following
are of the earlier debates on the Confederation, which I took in like
manner.[12]]
On Friday, July 12, the committee appointed to draw the articles
of Confederation reported them, and, on the 22d, the House resolved
themselves into a committee to take them into consideration. On the
30th and 31st of that month, and 1st of the ensuing, those articles
were debated which determined the proportion, or quota, of money which
each state should furnish to the common treasury, and the manner of
voting in Congress. The first of these articles was expressed in the
original draught in these words. "Art. XI. All charges of war and
all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence, or
general welfare, and allowed by the United States assembled, shall
be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the
several colonies in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every
age, sex, and quality, except Indians not paying taxes, in each colony,
a true account of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall
be triennially taken and transmitted to the Assembly of the United
States."
Mr. Chase moved that the quotas should be fixed, not by the number of
inhabitants of every condition, but by that of the "white inhabitants."
He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion to property,
that this was, in theory, the true rule; but that, from a variety of
difficulties, it was a rule which could never be adopted in practice.
The value of the property in every State, could never be estimated
justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the State
must therefore be devised, some standard referred to, which would be
more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably
good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained.
He therefore thought it the best mode which we could adopt, with one
exception only: he observed that negroes are property, and as such,
cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those
States where there are few slaves; that the surplus of profit which
a Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses,
&c., whereas a Southern farmer lays out the same surplus in slaves.
There is no more reason, therefore, for taxing the Southern States on
the farmer's head, and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on
their farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle; that the method
proposed would, therefore, tax the Southern States according to their
numbers and their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed
on numbers only: that negroes, in fact, should not be considered as
members of the State, more than cattle, and that they have no more
interest in it.
Mr. John Adams observed, that the numbers of people were taken by this
article, as an index of the wealth of the State, and not as subjects
of taxation; that, as to this matter, it was of no consequence by
what name you called your people, whether by that of freemen or of
slaves; that in some countries the laboring poor were called freemen,
in others they were called slaves; but that the difference as to the
state was imaginary only. What matters it whether a landlord, employing
ten laborers on his farm, gives them annually as much money as will
buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them those necessaries at
short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth annually to the State,
increase its exports as much in the one case as the other. Certainly
five hundred freemen produce no more profits, no greater surplus for
the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves. Therefore, the State
in which are the laborers called freemen, should be taxed no more than
that in which are those called slaves. Suppose, by an extraordinary
operation of nature or of law, one half the laborers of a State
could in the course of one night be transformed into slaves; would
the State be made the poorer or the less able to pay taxes? That the
condition of the laboring poor in most countries, that of the fishermen
particularly of the Northern States, is as abject as that of slaves.
It is the number of laborers which produces the surplus for taxation,
and numbers, therefore, indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth;
that it is the use of the word "property" here, and its application
to some of the people of the State, which produces the fallacy. How
does the Southern farmer procure slaves? Either by importation or by
purchase from his neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the
number of laborers in his country, and proportionably to its profits
and abilities to pay taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a
transfer of a laborer from one farm to another, which does not change
the annual produce of the State, and therefore, should not change its
tax: that if a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can,
it is true, invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may
the Southern farmer, working ten slaves; that a State of one hundred
thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle, than one of one hundred
thousand slaves. Therefore, they have no more of that kind of property;
that a slave may indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
the wealth of his employer; but as to the State, both were equally its
wealth, and should, therefore, equally add to the quota of its tax.
Mr. Harrison proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves should be
counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do as much work
as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one; that this was
proved by the price of labor; the hire of a laborer in the Southern
colonies being from 8 to £12, while in the Northern it was generally
£24.
Mr. Wilson said, that if this amendment should take place, the Southern
colonies would have all the benefit of slaves, whilst the Northern ones
would bear the burthen: that slaves increase the profits of a State,
which the Southern States mean to take to themselves; that they also
increase the burthen of defence, which would of course fall so much
the heavier on the Northern: that slaves occupy the places of freemen,
and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves, and freemen will take their
places. It is our duty to lay every discouragement on the importation
of slaves; but this amendment would give the _jus trium liberorum_
to him who would import slaves: that other kinds of property were
pretty equally distributed through all the colonies: there were as
many cattle, horses and sheep, in the North as the South, and South
as the North; but not so as to slaves: that experience has shown that
those colonies have been always able to pay most, which have the most
inhabitants, whether they be black or white; and the practice of the
Southern colonies has always been to make every farmer pay poll taxes
upon all his laborers, whether they be black or white. He acknowledges,
indeed, that freemen work the most; but they consume the most also.
They do not produce a greater surplus for taxation. The slave is
neither fed nor clothed so expensively as a freeman. Again, white women
are exempted from labor generally, but negro women are not. In this,
then, the Southern States have an advantage as the article now stands.
It has sometimes been said, that slavery is necessary, because the
commodities they raise would be too dear for market if cultivated by
freemen; but now it is said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
Mr. Payne urged the original resolution of Congress, to proportion the
quotas of the States to the number of souls.
Dr. Witherspoon was of opinion, that the value of lands and houses
was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and that it was
practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true barometer
of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and unequal
between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the food of
freemen, and, therefore, should be taxed; horses also eat the food of
freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said too,
that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State is to
pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always take
slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay. But
the cases are not parallel. In the Southern colonies slaves pervade the
whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent. That as to
the original resolution of Congress, to proportion the quotas according
to the souls, it was temporary only, and related to the moneys
heretofore emitted: whereas we are now entering into a new compact, and
therefore stand on original ground.
August 1. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
rejected by the votes of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, against those of
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina. Georgia was
divided.
The other article was in these words. "Art. XVII. In determining
questions, each colony shall have one vote."
July 30, 31, August 1. Present forty-one members. Mr. Chase observed
this article was the most likely to divide us, of any one proposed
in the draught then under consideration: that the larger colonies
had threatened they would not confederate at all, if their weight in
Congress should not be equal to the numbers of people they added to the
confederacy; while the smaller ones declared against a union, if they
did not retain an equal vote for the protection of their rights. That
it was of the utmost consequence to bring the parties together, as,
should we sever from each other, either no foreign power will ally with
us at all, or the different States will form different alliances, and
thus increase the horrors of those scenes of civil war and bloodshed,
which in such a state of separation and independence, would render
us a miserable people. That our importance, our interests, our peace
required that we should confederate, and that mutual sacrifices should
be made to effect a compromise of this difficult question. He was of
opinion, the smaller colonies would lose their rights, if they were
not in some instances allowed an equal vote; and, therefore, that a
discrimination should take place among the questions which would come
before Congress. That the smaller States should be secured in all
questions concerning life or liberty, and the greater ones, in all
respecting property. He, therefore, proposed, that in votes relating to
money, the voice of each colony should be proportioned to the number of
its inhabitants.
Dr. Franklin thought, that the votes should be so proportioned in
all cases. He took notice that the Delaware counties had bound up
their delegates to disagree to this article. He thought it a very
extraordinary language to be held by any State, that they would not
confederate with us, unless we would let them dispose of our money.
Certainly, if we vote equally, we ought to pay equally; but the smaller
States will hardly purchase the privilege at this price. That had
he lived in a State where the representation, originally equal, had
become unequal by time and accident, he might have submitted rather
than disturb government; but that we should be very wrong to set out
in this practice, when it is in our power to establish what is right.
That at the time of the Union between England and Scotland, the latter
had made the objection which the smaller States now do; but experience
had proved that no unfairness had ever been shown them: that their
advocates had prognosticated that it would again happen, as in times of
old, that the whale would swallow Jonas, but he thought the prediction
reversed in event, and that Jonas had swallowed the whale; for the
Scotch had in fact got possession of the government, and gave laws
to the English. He reprobated the original agreement of Congress to
vote by colonies, and, therefore, was for their voting, in all cases,
according to the number of taxables.
Dr. Witherspoon opposed every alteration of the article. All men
admit that a confederacy is necessary. Should the idea get abroad
that there is likely to be no union among us, it will damp the minds
of the people, diminish the glory of our struggle, and lessen its
importance; because it will open to our view future prospects of
war and dissension among ourselves. If an equal vote be refused, the
smaller States will become vassals to the larger; and all experience
has shown that the vassals and subjects of free States are the most
enslaved. He instanced the Helots of Sparta, and the provinces of
Rome. He observed that foreign powers, discovering this blemish, would
make it a handle for disengaging the smaller States from so unequal
a confederacy. That the colonies should in fact be considered as
individuals; and that, as such, in all disputes, they should have an
equal vote; that they are now collected as individuals making a bargain
with each other, and, of course, had a right to vote as individuals.
That in the East India Company they voted by persons, and not by their
proportion of stock. That the Belgic confederacy voted by provinces.
That in questions of war the smaller States were as much interested
as the larger, and therefore, should vote equally; and indeed, that
the larger States were more likely to bring war on the confederacy,
in proportion as their frontier was more extensive. He admitted that
equality of representation was an excellent principle, but then it
must be of things which are co-ordinate; that is, of things similar,
and of the same nature: that nothing relating to individuals could
ever come before Congress; nothing but what would respect colonies.
He distinguished between an incorporating and a federal union. The
union of England was an incorporating one; yet Scotland had suffered
by that union; for that its inhabitants were drawn from it by the
hopes of places and employments: nor was it an instance of equality of
representation; because, while Scotland was allowed nearly a thirteenth
of representation, they were to pay only one fortieth of the land tax.
He expressed his hopes, that in the present enlightened state of men's
minds, we might expect a lasting confederacy, if it was founded on fair
principles.
John Adams advocated the voting in proportion to numbers. He said that
we stand here as the representatives of the people: that in some States
the people are many, in others they are few; that therefore, their
vote here should be proportioned to the numbers from whom it comes.
Reason, justice and equity never had weight enough on the face of the
earth, to govern the councils of men. It is interest alone which does
it, and it is interest alone which can be trusted: that therefore the
interests within doors, should be the mathematical representatives of
the interests without doors: that the individuality of the colonies is
a mere sound. Does the individuality of a colony increase its wealth
or numbers? If it does, pay equally. If it does not add weight in the
scale of the confederacy, it cannot add to their rights, nor weigh
in argument. A. has £50, B. £500, C. £1000 in partnership. Is it just
they should equally dispose of the moneys of the partnership? It has
been said, we are independent individuals making a bargain together.
The question is not what we are now, but what we ought to be when our
bargain shall be made. The confederacy is to make us one individual
only; it is to form us like separate parcels of metal, into one common
mass. We shall no longer retain our separate individuality, but become
a single individual as to all questions submitted to the confederacy.
Therefore, all those reasons, which prove the justice and expediency of
equal representation in other assemblies, hold good here. It has been
objected that a proportional vote will endanger the smaller States.
We answer that an equal vote will endanger the larger. Virginia,
Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts, are the three greater colonies.
Consider their distance, their difference of produce, of interests,
and of manners, and it is apparent they can never have an interest
or inclination to combine for the oppression of the smaller: that the
smaller will naturally divide on all questions with the larger. Rhode
Island, from its relation, similarity and intercourse, will generally
pursue the same objects with Massachusetts; Jersey, Delaware, and
Maryland, with Pennsylvania.
Dr. Rush took notice, that the decay of the liberties of the Dutch
republic proceeded from three causes. 1. The perfect unanimity
requisite on all occasions. 2. Their obligation to consult their
constituents. 3. Their voting by provinces. This last destroyed the
equality of representation, and the liberties of Great Britain also are
sinking from the same defect. That a part of our rights is deposited in
the hands of our legislatures. There, it was admitted, there should be
an equality of representation. Another part of our rights is deposited
in the hands of Congress: why is it not equally necessary there should
be an equal representation there? Were it possible to collect the
whole body of the people together, they would determine the questions
submitted to them by their majority. Why should not the same majority
decide when voting here, by their representatives? The larger colonies
are so providentially divided in situation, as to render every fear
of their combining visionary. Their interests are different, and their
circumstances dissimilar. It is more probable they will become rivals,
and leave it in the power of the smaller States to give preponderance
to any scale they please. The voting by the number of free inhabitants,
will have one excellent effect, that of inducing the colonies to
discourage slavery, and to encourage the increase of their free
inhabitants.
Mr. Hopkins observed, there were four larger, four smaller, and
four middle-sized colonies. That the four largest would contain more
than half the inhabitants of the confederated States, and therefore,
would govern the others as they should please. That history affords
no instance of such a thing as equal representation. The Germanic
body votes by States. The Helvetic body does the same; and so does
the Belgic confederacy. That too little is known of the ancient
confederations, to say what was their practice.
Mr. Wilson thought, that taxation should be in proportion to wealth,
but that representation should accord with the number of freemen. That
government is a collection or result of the wills of all: that if any
government could speak the will of all, it would be perfect; and that,
so far as it departs from this, it becomes imperfect. It has been said
that Congress is a representation of States, not of individuals. I say,
that the objects of its care are all the individuals of the States.
It is strange that annexing the name of "State" to ten thousand men,
should give them an equal right with forty thousand. This must be the
effect of magic, not of reason. As to those matters which are referred
to Congress, we are not so many States; we are one large State. We
lay aside our individuality, whenever we come here. The Germanic
body is a burlesque on government; and their practice, on any point,
is a sufficient authority and proof that it is wrong. The greatest
imperfection in the constitution of the Belgic confederacy is their
voting by provinces. The interest of the whole is constantly sacrificed
to that of the small States. The history of the war in the reign of
Queen Anne sufficiently proves this. It is asked, shall nine colonies
put it into the power of four to govern them as they please? I invert
the question, and ask, shall two millions of people put it in the power
of one million to govern them as they please? It is pretended, too,
that the smaller colonies will be in danger from the greater. Speak
in honest language and say, the minority will be in danger from the
majority. And is there an assembly on earth, where this danger may not
be equally pretended? The truth is, that our proceedings will then be
consentaneous with the interests of the majority, and so they ought
to be. The probability is much greater, that the larger States will
disagree, than that they will combine. I defy the wit of man to invent
a possible case, or to suggest any one thing on earth, which shall
be for the interests of Virginia, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, and
which will not also be for the interest of the other States.[13]
These articles, reported July 12, '76, were debated from day to day,
and time to time, for two years, were ratified July 9, '78, by ten
States, by New Jersey on the 26th of November of the same year, and
by Delaware on the 23d of February following. Maryland alone held off
two years more, acceding to them March 1, '81, and thus closing the
obligation.
Our delegation had been renewed for the ensuing year, commencing
August 11; but the new government was now organized, a meeting of the
legislature was to be held in October, and I had been elected a member
by my county. I knew that our legislation, under the regal government,
had many very vicious points which urgently required reformation, and
I thought I could be of more use in forwarding that work. I therefore
retired from my seat in Congress on the 2d of September, resigned
it, and took my place in the legislature of my State, on the 7th of
October.
On the 11th, I moved for leave to bring in a bill for the establishment
of courts of justice, the organization of which was of importance. I
drew the bill; it was approved by the committee, reported and passed,
after going through its due course.
On the 12th, I obtained leave to bring in a bill declaring tenants in
tail to hold their lands in fee simple. In the earlier times of the
colony, when lands were to be obtained for little or nothing, some
provident individuals procured large grants; and, desirous of founding
great families for themselves, settled them on their descendants in fee
tail. The transmission of this property from generation to generation,
in the same name, raised up a distinct set of families, who, being
privileged by law in the perpetuation of their wealth, were thus formed
into a Patrician order, distinguished by the splendor and luxury
of their establishments. From this order, too, the king habitually
selected his counsellors of State; the hope of which distinction
devoted the whole corps to the interests and will of the crown. To
annul this privilege, and instead of an aristocracy of wealth, of more
harm and danger, than benefit, to society, to make an opening for the
aristocracy of virtue and talent, which nature has wisely provided for
the direction of the interests of society, and scattered with equal
hand through all its conditions, was deemed essential to a well-ordered
republic.--To effect it, no violence was necessary, no deprivation of
natural right, but rather an enlargement of it by a repeal of the law.
For this would authorize the present holder to divide the property
among his children equally, as his affections were divided; and
would place them, by natural generation, on the level of their fellow
citizens. But this repeal was strongly opposed by Mr. Pendleton, who
was zealously attached to ancient establishments; and who, taken all
in all, was the ablest man in debate I have ever met with. He had not
indeed the poetical fancy of Mr. Henry, his sublime imagination, his
lofty and overwhelming diction; but he was cool, smooth and persuasive;
his language flowing, chaste and embellished; his conceptions quick,
acute and full of resource; never vanquished: for if he lost the main
battle, he returned upon you, and regained so much of it as to make it
a drawn one, by dexterous manœuvres, skirmishes in detail, and the
recovery of small advantages which, little singly, were important all
together. You never knew when you were clear of him, but were harassed
by his perseverance, until the patience was worn down of all who had
less of it than himself. Add to this, that he was one of the most
virtuous and benevolent of men, the kindest friend, the most amiable
and pleasant of companions, which ensured a favorable reception to
whatever came from him. Finding that the general principle of entails
could not be maintained, he took his stand on an amendment which he
proposed, instead of an absolute abolition, to permit the tenant in
tail to convey in fee simple, if he chose it; and he was within a few
votes of saving so much of the old law. But the bill passed finally for
entire abolition.
In that one of the bills for organizing our judiciary system, which
proposed a court of Chancery, I had provided for a trial by jury of all
matters of fact, in that as well as in the courts of law. He defeated
it by the introduction of four words only, "_if either party choose_."
The consequence has been, that as no suitor will say to his judge,
"Sir, I distrust you, give me a jury," juries are rarely, I might
say, perhaps, never, seen in that court, but when called for by the
Chancellor of his own accord.
The first establishment in Virginia which became permanent, was
made in 1607. I have found no mention of negroes in the colony until
about 1650. The first brought here as slaves were by a Dutch ship;
after which the English commenced the trade, and continued it until
the revolutionary war. That suspended, _ipso facto_, their further
importation for the present, and the business of the war pressing
constantly on the legislature, this subject was not acted on finally
until the year '78, when I brought in a bill to prevent their further
importation. This passed without opposition, and stopped the increase
of the evil by importation, leaving to future efforts its final
eradication.
The first settlers of this colony were Englishmen, loyal subjects to
their king and church, and the grant to Sir Walter Raleigh contained
an express proviso that their laws "should not be against the true
Christian faith, now professed in the church of England." As soon
as the state of the colony admitted, it was divided into parishes,
in each of which was established a minister of the Anglican church,
endowed with a fixed salary, in tobacco, a glebe house and land
with the other necessary appendages. To meet these expenses, all the
inhabitants of the parishes were assessed, whether they were or not,
members of the established church. Towards Quakers who came here,
they were most cruelly intolerant, driving them from the colony by the
severest penalties. In process of time, however, other sectarisms were
introduced, chiefly of the Presbyterian family; and the established
clergy, secure for life in their glebes and salaries, adding to these,
generally, the emoluments of a classical school, found employment
enough, in their farms and school-rooms, for the rest of the week, and
devoted Sunday only to the edification of their flock, by service, and
a sermon at their parish church. Their other pastoral functions were
little attended to. Against this inactivity, the zeal and industry
of sectarian preachers had an open and undisputed field; and by the
time of the revolution, a majority of the inhabitants had become
dissenters from the established church, but were still obliged to pay
contributions to support the pastors of the minority. This unrighteous
compulsion, to maintain teachers of what they deemed religious errors,
was grievously felt during the regal government, and without a hope
of relief. But the first republican legislature, which met in '76, was
crowded with petitions to abolish this spiritual tyranny. These brought
on the severest contests in which I have ever been engaged. Our great
opponents were Mr. Pendleton and Robert Carter Nicholas; honest men,
but zealous churchmen. The petitions were referred to the committee
of the whole house on the state of the country and, after desperate
contests in that committee, almost daily from the 11th of October to
the 5th of December, we prevailed so far only, as to repeal the laws
which rendered criminal the maintenance of any religious opinions,
the forbearance of repairing to church, or the exercise of any mode
of worship; and further, to exempt dissenters from contributions to
the support of the established church; and to suspend, only until the
next session, levies on the members of that church for the salaries
of their own incumbents. For although the majority of our citizens
were dissenters, as has been observed, a majority of the legislature
were churchmen. Among these, however, were some reasonable and liberal
men, who enabled us, on some points, to obtain feeble majorities. But
our opponents carried, in the general resolutions of the committee
of November 19, a declaration that religious assemblies ought to be
regulated, and that provision ought to be made for continuing the
succession of the clergy, and superintending their conduct. And, in the
bill now passed, was inserted an express reservation of the question,
Whether a general assessment should not be established by law, on every
one, to the support of the pastor of his choice; or whether all should
be left to voluntary contributions; and on this question, debated at
every session, from '76 to '79, (some of our dissenting allies, having
now secured their particular object, going over to the advocates of a
general assessment,) we could only obtain a suspension from session to
session until '79, when the question against a general assessment was
finally carried, and the establishment of the Anglican church entirely
put down. In justice to the two honest but zealous opponents who have
been named, I must add, that although, from their natural temperaments,
they were more disposed generally to acquiesce in things as they
are, than to risk innovations, yet whenever the public will had once
decided, none were more faithful or exact in their obedience to it.
The seat of our government had originally been fixed in the peninsula
of Jamestown, the first settlement of the colonists; and had been
afterwards removed a few miles inland to Williamsburg. But this was at
a time when our settlements had not extended beyond the tide waters.
Now they had crossed the Alleghany; and the centre of population was
very far removed from what it had been. Yet Williamsburg was still the
depository of our archives, the habitual residence of the Governor and
many other of the public functionaries, the established place for the
sessions of the legislature, and the magazine of our military stores;
and its situation was so exposed that it might be taken at any time in
war, and, at this time particularly, an enemy might in the night run
up either of the rivers, between which it lies, land a force above, and
take possession of the place, without the possibility of saving either
persons or things. I had proposed its removal so early as October, '76;
but it did not prevail until the session of May, '79.
Early in the session of May, '79, I prepared, and obtained leave to
bring in a bill, declaring who should be deemed citizens, asserting the
natural right of expatriation, and prescribing the mode of exercising
it. This, when I withdrew from the house, on the 1st of June following,
I left in the hands of George Mason, and it was passed on the 26th of
that month.
In giving this account of the laws of which I was myself the mover
and draughtsman, I, by no means, mean to claim to myself the merit
of obtaining their passage. I had many occasional and strenuous
coadjutors in debate, and one, most steadfast, able and zealous; who
was himself a host. This was George Mason, a man of the first order
of wisdom among those who acted on the theatre of the revolution,
of expansive mind, profound judgment, cogent in argument, learned in
the lore of our former constitution, and earnest for the republican
change on democratic principles. His elocution was neither flowing nor
smooth; but his language was strong, his manner most impressive, and
strengthened by a dash of biting cynicism, when provocation made it
seasonable.
Mr. Wythe, while speaker in the two sessions of 1777, between his
return from Congress and his appointment to the Chancery, was an able
and constant associate in whatever was before a committee of the whole.
His pure integrity, judgment and reasoning powers, gave him great
weight. Of him, see more in some notes inclosed in my letter of August
31, 1821, to Mr. John Saunderson.[14]
Mr. Madison came into the House in 1776, a new member and young; which
circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his
venturing himself in debate before his removal to the Council of State,
in November, '77. From thence he went to Congress, then consisting
of few members. Trained in these successive schools, he acquired
a habit of self-possession, which placed at ready command the rich
resources of his luminous and discriminating mind, and of his extensive
information, and rendered him the first of every assembly afterwards,
of which he became a member. Never wandering from his subject into vain
declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, classical and
copious, soothing always the feelings of his adversaries by civilities
and softness of expression, he rose to the eminent station which he
held in the great National Convention of 1787; and in that of Virginia
which followed, he sustained the new constitution in all its parts,
bearing off the palm against the logic of George Mason, and the fervid
declamation of Mr. Henry. With these consummate powers, were united
a pure and spotless virtue which no calumny has ever attempted to
sully. Of the powers and polish of his pen, and of the wisdom of his
administration in the highest office of the nation, I need say nothing.
They have spoken, and will forever speak for themselves.
So far we were proceeding in the details of reformation only; selecting
points of legislation, prominent in character and principle, urgent,
and indicative of the strength of the general pulse of reformation.
When I left Congress, in '76, it was in the persuasion that our whole
code must be reviewed, adapted to our republican form of government;
and, now that we had no negatives of Councils, Governors, and Kings
to restrain us from doing right, that it should be corrected, in all
its parts, with a single eye to reason, and the good of those for
whose government it was framed. Early, therefore, in the session
of '76, to which I returned, I moved and presented a bill for the
revision of the laws, which was passed on the 24th of October; and on
the 5th of November, Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Wythe, George Mason, Thomas
L. Lee, and myself, were appointed a committee to execute the work.
We agreed to meet at Fredericksburg to settle the plan of operation,
and to distribute the work. We met there accordingly, on the 13th
of January, 1777. The first question was, whether we should propose
to abolish the whole existing system of laws, and prepare a new and
complete Institute, or preserve the general system, and only modify it
to the present state of things. Mr. Pendleton, contrary to his usual
disposition in favor of ancient things, was for the former proposition,
in which he was joined by Mr. Lee. To this it was objected, that to
abrogate our whole system would be a bold measure, and probably far
beyond the views of the legislature; that they had been in the practice
of revising, from time to time, the laws of the colony, omitting the
expired, the repealed, and the obsolete, amending only those retained,
and probably meant we should now do the same, only including the
British statutes as well as our own: that to compose a new Institute,
like those of Justinian and Bracton, or that of Blackstone, which was
the model proposed by Mr. Pendleton, would be an arduous undertaking,
of vast research, of great consideration and judgment; and when reduced
to a text, every word of that text, from the imperfection of human
language, and its incompetence to express distinctly every shade of
idea, would become a subject of question and chicanery, until settled
by repeated adjudications; and this would involve us for ages in
litigation and render property uncertain, until, like the statutes
of old, every word had been tried and settled by numerous decisions,
and by new volumes of reports and commentaries; and that no one of
us, probably, would undertake such a work, which to be systematical,
must be the work of one hand. This last was the opinion of Mr. Wythe,
Mr. Mason, and myself. When we proceeded to the distribution of the
work, Mr. Mason excused himself, as, being no lawyer, he felt himself
unqualified for the work, and he resigned soon after. Mr. Lee excused
himself on the same ground, and died, indeed, in a short time. The
other two gentlemen, therefore, and myself divided the work among
us. The common law and statutes to the 4 James I. (when our separate
legislature was established) were assigned to me; the British statutes,
from that period to the present day, to Mr. Wythe; and the Virginia
laws to Mr. Pendleton. As the law of Descents, and the criminal law
fell of course within my portion, I wished the committee to settle
the leading principles of these, as a guide for me in framing them;
and, with respect to the first, I proposed to abolish the law of
primogeniture, and to make real estate descendible in parcenary to the
next of kin, as personal property is, by the statute of distribution.
Mr. Pendleton wished to preserve the right of primogeniture, but seeing
at once that that could not prevail, he proposed we should adopt
the Hebrew principle, and give a double portion to the elder son. I
observed, that if the eldest son could eat twice as much, or do double
work, it might be a natural evidence of his right to a double portion;
but being on a par in his powers and wants, with his brothers and
sisters, he should be on a par also in the partition of the patrimony;
and such was the decision of the other members.
On the subject of the Criminal law, all were agreed, that the
punishment of death should be abolished, except for treason and murder;
and that, for other felonies, should be substituted hard labor in the
public works, and in some cases, the _Lex talionis_. How this last
revolting principle came to obtain our approbation I do not remember.
There remained, indeed, in our laws, a vestige of it in a single case
of a slave; it was the English law, in the time of the Anglo-Saxons,
copied probably from the Hebrew law of "an eye for an eye, a tooth
for a tooth," and it was the law of several ancient people; but the
modern mind had left it far in the rear of its advances. These points,
however, being settled, we repaired to our respective homes for the
preparation of the work.
In the execution of my part, I thought it material not to vary the
diction of the ancient statutes by modernizing it, nor to give rise
to new questions by new expressions. The text of these statutes had
been so fully explained and defined, by numerous adjudications, as
scarcely ever now to produce a question in our courts. I thought it
would be useful, also, in all new draughts, to reform the style of the
later British statutes, and of our own acts of Assembly; which, from
their verbosity, their endless tautologies, their involutions of case
within case, and parenthesis within parenthesis, and their multiplied
efforts at certainty, by _saids_ and _aforesaids_, by _ors_ and by
_ands_, to make them more plain, are really rendered more perplexed
and incomprehensible, not only to common readers, but to the lawyers
themselves. We were employed in this work from that time to February,
1779, when we met at Williamsburg, that is to say, Mr. Pendleton, Mr.
Wythe and myself; and meeting day by day, we examined critically our
several parts, sentence by sentence, scrutinizing and amending, until
we had agreed on the whole. We then returned home, had fair copies made
of our several parts, which were reported to the General Assembly,
June 18, 1779, by Mr. Wythe and myself, Mr. Pendleton's residence
being distant, and he having authorized us by letter to declare his
approbation. We had, in this work, brought so much of the Common law
as it was thought necessary to alter, all the British statutes from
_Magna Charta_ to the present day, and all the laws of Virginia,
from the establishment of our legislature, in the 4th Jac. 1. to the
present time, which we thought should be retained, within the compass
of one hundred and twenty-six bills, making a printed folio of ninety
pages only. Some bills were taken out, occasionally, from time to
time, and passed; but the main body of the work was not entered on
by the legislature until after the general peace, in 1785, when, by
the unwearied exertions of Mr. Madison, in opposition to the endless
quibbles, chicaneries, perversions, vexations and delays of lawyers and
demi-lawyers, most of the bills were passed by the legislature, with
little alteration.
The bill for establishing religious freedom, the principles of which
had, to a certain degree, been enacted before, I had drawn in all the
latitude of reason and right. It still met with opposition; but, with
some mutilations in the preamble, it was finally passed; and a singular
proposition proved that its protection of opinion was meant to be
universal. Where the preamble declares, that coercion is a departure
from the plan of the holy author of our religion, an amendment was
proposed, by inserting the word "Jesus Christ," so that it should read,
"a departure from the plan of Jesus Christ, the holy author of our
religion;" the insertion was rejected by a great majority, in proof
that they meant to comprehend, within the mantle of its protection,
the Jew and the Gentile, the Christian and Mahometan, the Hindoo, and
Infidel of every denomination.
Beccaria, and other writers on crimes and punishments, had satisfied
the reasonable world of the unrightfulness and inefficacy of the
punishment of crimes by death; and hard labor on roads, canals and
other public works, had been suggested as a proper substitute. The
Revisors had adopted these opinions; but the general idea of our
country had not yet advanced to that point. The bill, therefore,
for proportioning crimes and punishments, was lost in the House of
Delegates by a majority of a single vote. I learned afterwards, that
the substitute of hard labor in public, was tried (I believe it was
in Pennsylvania) without success. Exhibited as a public spectacle,
with shaved heads and mean clothing, working on the high roads,
produced in the criminals such a prostration of character, such
an abandonment of self-respect, as, instead of reforming, plunged
them into the most desperate and hardened depravity of morals and
character. To pursue the subject of this law.--I was written to in
1785 (being then in Paris) by directors appointed to superintend the
building of a Capitol in Richmond, to advise them as to a plan, and
to add to it one of a Prison. Thinking it a favorable opportunity
of introducing into the State an example of architecture, in the
classic style of antiquity, and the Maison quarrée of Nismes, an
ancient Roman temple, being considered as the most perfect model
existing of what may be called Cubic architecture, I applied to M.
Clerissault, who had published drawings of the Antiquities of Nismes,
to have me a model of the building made in stucco, only changing
the order from Corinthian to Ionic, on account of the difficulty of
the Corinthian capitals. I yielded, with reluctance, to the taste of
Clerissault, in his preference of the modern capital of Scamozzi to
the more noble capital of antiquity. This was executed by the artist
whom Choiseul Gouffier had carried with him to Constantinople, and
employed, while Ambassador there, in making those beautiful models of
the remains of Grecian architecture which are to be seen at Paris. To
adapt the exterior to our use, I drew a plan for the interior, with
the apartments necessary for legislative, executive, and judiciary
purposes; and accommodated in their size and distribution to the form
and dimensions of the building. These were forwarded to the Directors,
in 1786, and were carried into execution, with some variations, not
for the better, the most important of which, however, admit of future
correction. With respect to the plan of a Prison, requested at the
same time, I had heard of a benevolent society, in England, which had
been indulged by the government, in an experiment of the effect of
labor, in _solitary confinement_, on some of their criminals; which
experiment had succeeded beyond expectation. The same idea had been
suggested in France, and an Architect of Lyons had proposed a plan of
a well-contrived edifice, on the principle of solitary confinement.
I procured a copy, and as it was too large for our purposes, I drew
one on a scale less extensive, but susceptible of additions as they
should be wanting. This I sent to the Directors, instead of a plan of
a common prison, in the hope that it would suggest the idea of labor
in solitary confinement, instead of that on the public works, which
we had adopted in our Revised Code. Its principle, accordingly, but
not its exact form, was adopted by Latrobe in carrying the plan into
execution, by the erection of what is now called the Penitentiary,
built under his direction. In the meanwhile, the public opinion was
ripening, by time, by reflection, and by the example of Pennsylvania,
where labor on the highways had been tried, without approbation, from
1786 to '89, and had been followed by their Penitentiary system on the
principle of confinement and labor, which was proceeding auspiciously.
In 1796, our legislature resumed the subject, and passed the law for
amending the Penal laws of the commonwealth. They adopted solitary,
instead of public, labor, established a gradation in the duration
of the confinement, approximated the style of the law more to the
modern usage, and, instead of the settled distinctions of murder and
manslaughter, preserved in my bill, they introduced the new terms of
murder in the first and second degree. Whether these have produced more
or fewer questions of definition, I am not sufficiently informed of our
judiciary transactions to say. I will here, however, insert the text of
my bill, with the notes I made in the course of my researches into the
subject.[15]
The acts of Assembly concerning the College of William and Mary,
were properly within Mr. Pendleton's portion of our work; but these
related chiefly to its revenue, while its constitution, organization
and scope of science, were derived from its charter. We thought that
on this subject, a systematical plan of general education should be
proposed, and I was requested to undertake it. I accordingly prepared
three bills for the Revisal, proposing three distinct grades of
education, reaching all classes. 1st. Elementary schools, for all
children generally, rich and poor. 2d. Colleges, for a middle degree
of instruction, calculated for the common purposes of life, and such
as would be desirable for all who were in easy circumstances. And, 3d,
an ultimate grade for teaching the sciences generally, and in their
highest degree. The first bill proposed to lay off every county into
Hundreds, or Wards, of a proper size and population for a school, in
which reading, writing, and common arithmetic should be taught; and
that the whole State should be divided into twenty-four districts,
in each of which should be a school for classical learning, grammar,
geography, and the higher branches of numerical arithmetic. The second
bill proposed to amend the constitution of William and Mary college,
to enlarge its sphere of science, and to make it in fact a University.
The third was for the establishment of a library. These bills were not
acted on until the same year, '96, and then only so much of the first
as provided for elementary schools. The College of William and Mary
was an establishment purely of the Church of England; the Visitors
were required to be all of that Church; the Professors to subscribe
its thirty-nine Articles; its Students to learn its Catechism; and one
of its fundamental objects was declared to be, to raise up Ministers
for that church. The religious jealousies, therefore, of all the
dissenters, took alarm lest this might give an ascendancy to the
Anglican sect, and refused acting on that bill. Its local eccentricity,
too, and unhealthy autumnal climate, lessened the general inclination
towards it. And in the Elementary bill, they inserted a provision which
completely defeated it; for they left it to the court of each county to
determine for itself, when this act should be carried into execution,
within their county. One provision of the bill was, that the expenses
of these schools should be borne by the inhabitants of the county,
every one in proportion to his general tax rate. This would throw on
wealth the education of the poor; and the justices, being generally
of the more wealthy class, were unwilling to incur that burden, and
I believe it was not suffered to commence in a single county. I shall
recur again to this subject, towards the close of my story, if I should
have life and resolution enough to reach that term; for I am already
tired of talking about myself.
The bill on the subject of slaves, was a mere digest of the existing
laws respecting them, without any intimation of a plan for a future
and general emancipation. It was thought better that this should be
kept back, and attempted only by way of amendment, whenever the bill
should be brought on. The principles of the amendment, however, were
agreed on, that is to say, the freedom of all born after a certain
day, and deportation at a proper age. But it was found that the public
mind would not yet bear the proposition, nor will it bear it even at
this day. Yet the day is not distant when it must bear and adopt it,
or worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the book
of fate, than that these people are to be free; nor is it less certain
that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government.
Nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinction
between them. It is still in our power to direct the process of
emancipation and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degree,
as that the evil will wear off insensibly, and their place be, _pari
passu_, filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is
left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held
up. We should in vain look for an example in the Spanish deportation or
deletion of the Moors. This precedent would fall far short of our case.
I considered four of these bills, passed or reported, as forming a
system by which every fibre would be eradicated of ancient or future
aristocracy; and a foundation laid for a government truly republican.
The repeal of the laws of entail would prevent the accumulation and
perpetuation of wealth, in select families, and preserve the soil
of the country from being daily more and more absorbed in mortmain.
The abolition of primogeniture, and equal partition of inheritances,
removed the feudal and unnatural distinctions which made one member
of every family rich, and all the rest poor, substituting equal
partition, the best of all Agrarian laws. The restoration of the rights
of conscience relieved the people from taxation for the support of a
religion not theirs; for the establishment was truly of the religion
of the rich, the dissenting sects being entirely composed of the less
wealthy people; and these, by the bill for a general education, would
be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to
exercise with intelligence their parts in self-government; and all this
would be effected, without the violation of a single natural right of
any one individual citizen. To these, too, might be added, as a further
security, the introduction of the trial by jury into the Chancery
courts, which have already ingulfed, and continue to ingulf, so great
a proportion of the jurisdiction over our property.
On the 1st of June, 1779, I was appointed Governor of the Commonwealth,
and retired from the legislature. Being elected, also, one of
the Visitors of William and Mary college, a self-electing body, I
effected, during my residence in Williamsburg that year, a change
in the organization of that institution, by abolishing the Grammar
school, and the two professorships of Divinity and Oriental languages,
and substituting a professorship of Law and Police, one of Anatomy,
Medicine and Chemistry, and one of Modern languages; and the charter
confining us to six professorships, we added the Law of Nature and
Nations, and the Fine Arts to the duties of the Moral professor, and
Natural History to those of the professor of Mathematics and Natural
Philosophy.
Being now, as it were, identified with the Commonwealth itself, to
write my own history, during the two years of my administration, would
be to write the public history of that portion of the revolution within
this State. This has been done by others, and particularly by Mr.
Girardin, who wrote his Continuation of Burke's History of Virginia,
while at Milton, in this neighborhood, had free access to all my
papers while composing it, and has given as faithful an account as
I could myself. For this portion, therefore, of my own life, I refer
altogether to his history. From a belief that, under the pressure of
the invasion under which we were then laboring, the public would have
more confidence in a Military chief, and that the Military commander,
being invested with the Civil power also, both might be wielded with
more energy, promptitude and effect for the defence of the State, I
resigned the administration at the end of my second year, and General
Nelson was appointed to succeed me.
Soon after my leaving Congress, in September, '76, to wit, on the last
day of that month, I had been appointed, with Dr. Franklin, to go
to France, as a Commissioner, to negotiate treaties of alliance and
commerce with that government. Silas Deane, then in France, acting
as[16] agent for procuring military stores, was joined with us in
commission. But such was the state of my family that I could not leave
it, nor could I expose it to the dangers of the sea, and of capture
by the British ships, then covering the ocean. I saw, too, that the
laboring oar was really at home, where much was to be done, of the
most permanent interest, in new modelling our governments, and much
to defend our fanes and fire-sides from the desolations of an invading
enemy, pressing on our country in every point. I declined, therefore,
and Dr. Lee was appointed in my place. On the 15th of June, 1781, I had
been appointed, with Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Laurens,
a Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating peace, then expected to
be effected through the mediation of the Empress of Russia. The same
reasons obliged me still to decline; and the negotiation was in fact
never entered on. But, in the autumn of the next year, 1782, Congress
receiving assurances that a general peace would be concluded in the
winter and spring, they renewed my appointment on the 13th of November
of that year. I had, two months before that, lost the cherished
companion of my life, in whose affections, unabated on both sides, I
had lived the last ten years in unchequered happiness. With the public
interests, the state of my mind concurred in recommending the change
of scene proposed; and I accepted the appointment, and left Monticello
on the 19th of December, 1782, for Philadelphia, where I arrived on
the 27th. The Minister of France, Luzerne, offered me a passage in the
Romulus frigate, which I accepting; but she was then lying a few miles
below Baltimore, blocked up in the ice. I remained, therefore, a month
in Philadelphia, looking over the papers in the office of State, in
order to possess myself of the general state of our foreign relations,
and then went to Baltimore, to await the liberation of the frigate from
the ice. After waiting there nearly a month, we received information
that a Provisional treaty of peace had been signed by our Commissioners
on the 3d of September, 1782, to become absolute, on the conclusion of
peace between France and Great Britain. Considering my proceeding to
Europe as now of no utility to the public, I returned immediately to
Philadelphia, to take the orders of Congress, and was excused by them
from further proceeding. I, therefore, returned home, where I arrived
on the 15th of May, 1783.
On the 6th of the following month, I was appointed by the legislature
a delegate to Congress, the appointment to take place on the 1st of
November ensuing, when that of the existing delegation would expire.
I, accordingly, left home on the 16th of October, arrived at Trenton,
where Congress was sitting, on the 3d of November, and took my seat on
the 4th, on which day Congress adjourned, to meet at Annapolis on the
26th.
Congress had now become a very small body, and the members very remiss
in their attendance on its duties, insomuch, that a majority of the
States, necessary by the Confederation to constitute a House even for
minor business, did not assemble until the 13th of December.
They, as early as January 7,1782, had turned their attention to the
moneys current in the several States, and had directed the Financier,
Robert Morris, to report to them a table of rates, at which the foreign
coins should be received at the treasury. That officer, or rather his
assistant, Gouverneur Morris, answered them on the 15th, in an able
and elaborate statement of the denominations of money current in the
several States, and of the comparative value of the foreign coins
chiefly in circulation with us. He went into the consideration of
the necessity of establishing a standard of value with us, and of the
adoption of a money Unit. He proposed for that Unit, such a fraction
of pure silver as would be a common measure of the penny of every
State, without leaving a fraction. This common divisor he found to be
1-1440 of a dollar, or 1-1600 of the crown sterling. The value of a
dollar was, therefore, to be expressed by 1,440 units, and of a crown
by 1,600; each Unit containing a quarter of a grain of fine silver.
Congress turning again their attention to this subject the following
year, the Financier, by a letter of April 30, 1783, further explained
and urged the Unit he had proposed; but nothing more was done on it
until the ensuing year, when it was again taken up, and referred to a
committee, of which I was a member. The general views of the Financier
were sound, and the principle was ingenious on which he proposed to
found his Unit; but it was too minute for ordinary use, too laborious
for computation, either by the head or in figures. The price of a loaf
of bread, 1-20 of a dollar, would be 72 units.
A pound of butter, 1-5 of a dollar, 288 units.
A horse or bullock, of eighty dollars value, would require a notation
of six figures, to wit, 115,200, and the public debt, suppose of eighty
millions, would require twelve figures, to wit, 115,200,000,000 units.
Such a system of money-arithmetic would be entirely unmanageable for
the common purposes of society. I proposed, therefore, instead of this,
to adopt the Dollar as our Unit of account and payment, and that its
divisions and sub-divisions should be in the decimal ratio. I wrote
some Notes on the subject, which I submitted to the consideration of
the Financier. I received his answer and adherence to his general
system, only agreeing to take for his Unit one hundred of those he
first proposed, so that a Dollar should be 14 40-100, and a crown 16
units. I replied to this, and printed my notes and reply on a flying
sheet, which I put into the hands of the members of Congress for
consideration, and the Committee agreed to report on my principle. This
was adopted the ensuing year, and is the system which now prevails. I
insert, here, the Notes and Reply, as showing the different views on
which the adoption of our money system hung.[17] The divisions into
dimes, cents, and mills is now so well understood, that it would be
easy of introduction into the kindred branches of weights and measures.
I use, when I travel, an Odometer of Clarke's invention, which divides
the mile into cents, and I find every one comprehends a distance
readily, when stated to him in miles and cents; so he would in feet and
cents, pounds and cents, &c.
The remissness of Congress, and their permanent session, began to
be a subject of uneasiness; and even some of the legislatures had
recommended to them intermissions, and periodical sessions. As
the Confederation had made no provision for a visible head of the
government, during vacations of Congress, and such a one was necessary
to superintend the executive business, to receive and communicate with
foreign ministers and nations, and to assemble Congress on sudden and
extraordinary emergencies, I proposed, early in April, the appointment
of a committee, to be called the "Committee of the States," to consist
of a member from each State, who should remain in session during the
recess of Congress: that the functions of Congress should be divided
into executive and legislative, the latter to be reserved, and the
former, by a general resolution, to be delegated to that Committee.
This proposition was afterwards agreed to; a Committee appointed, who
entered on duty on the subsequent adjournment of Congress, quarrelled
very soon, split into two parties, abandoned their post, and left
the government without any visible head, until the next meeting in
Congress. We have since seen the same thing take place in the Directory
of France; and I believe it will forever take place in any Executive
consisting of a plurality. Our plan, best, I believe, combines wisdom
and practicability, by providing a plurality of Counsellors, but a
single Arbiter for ultimate decision. I was in France when we heard of
this schism, and separation of our Committee, and, speaking with Dr.
Franklin of this singular disposition of men to quarrel, and divide
into parties, he gave his sentiments, as usual, by way of Apologue. He
mentioned the Eddystone lighthouse, in the British channel, as being
built on a rock, in the mid-channel, totally inaccessible in winter,
from the boisterous character of that sea, in that season; that,
therefore, for the two keepers employed to keep up the lights, all
provisions for the winter were necessarily carried to them in autumn,
as they could never be visited again till the return of the milder
season; that, on the first practicable day in the spring, a boat put
off to them with fresh supplies. The boatmen met at the door one of
the keepers, and accosted him with a "How goes it, friend? Very well.
How is your companion? I do not know. Don't know? Is not he here? I
can't tell. Have not you seen him to-day? No. When did you see him? Not
since last fall. You have killed him? Not I, indeed." They were about
to lay hold of him, as having certainly murdered his companion; but
he desired them to go up stairs and examine for themselves. They went
up, and there found the other keeper. They had quarrelled, it seems,
soon after being left there, had divided into two parties, assigned the
cares below to one, and those above to the other, and had never spoken
to, or seen, one another since.
But to return to our Congress at Annapolis. The definitive treaty of
peace which had been signed at Paris on the 3d of September, 1783,
and received here, could not be ratified without a House of nine
States. On the 23d of December, therefore, we addressed letters to
the several Governors, stating the receipt of the definitive treaty;
that seven States only were in attendance, while nine were necessary
to its ratification; and urging them to press on their delegates the
necessity of their immediate attendance. And on the 26th, to save time,
I moved that the Agent of Marine (Robert Morris) should be instructed
to have ready a vessel at this place, at New York, and at some Eastern
port, to carry over the ratification of the treaty when agreed to.
It met the general sense of the House, but was opposed by Dr. Lee,
on the ground of expense, which it would authorize the Agent to incur
for us; and, he said, it would be better to ratify at once, and send
on the ratification. Some members had before suggested, that seven
States were competent to the ratification. My motion was therefore
postponed, and another brought forward by Mr. Read, of South Carolina,
for an immediate ratification. This was debated the 26th and 27th.
Reed, Lee, Williamson and Jeremiah Chase, urged that ratification was
a mere matter of form, that the treaty was conclusive from the moment
it was signed by the ministers; that, although the Confederation
requires the assent of _nine States to enter into_ a treaty, yet, that
its conclusion could not be called _entrance into it_; that supposing
nine States requisite, it would be in the power of five States to
keep us always at war; that nine States had virtually authorized the
ratification, having ratified the provisional treaty, and instructed
their ministers to agree to a definitive one in the same terms, and
the present one was, in fact, substantially, and almost verbatim, the
same; that there now remain but sixty-seven days for the ratification,
for its passage across the Atlantic, and its exchange; that there was
no hope of our soon having nine States present; in fact, that this was
the ultimate point of time to which we could venture to wait; that if
the ratification was not in Paris by the time stipulated, the treaty
would become void; that if ratified by seven States, it would go under
our seal, without its being known to Great Britain that only seven had
concurred; that it was a question of which they had no right to take
cognizance, and we were only answerable for it to our constituents;
that it was like the ratification which Great Britain had received from
the Dutch, by the negotiations of Sir William Temple.
On the contrary, it was argued by Monroe, Gerry, Howell, Ellery and
myself, that by the modern usage of Europe, the ratification was
considered as the act which gave validity to a treaty, until which, it
was not obligatory.[18] That the commission to the ministers reserved
the ratification to Congress; that the treaty itself stipulated
that it should be ratified; that it became a second question, who
were competent to the ratification? That the Confederation expressly
required nine States to enter into any treaty; that, by this, that
instrument must have intended, that the assent of nine States should
be necessary, as well to the _completion_ as to the _commencement_ of
the treaty, its object having been to guard the rights of the Union in
all those important cases where nine States are called for; that by the
contrary construction, seven States, containing less than one-third
of our whole citizens, might rivet on us a treaty, commenced indeed
under commission and instructions from nine States, but formed by the
minister in express contradiction to such instructions, and in direct
sacrifice of the interests of so great a majority; that the definitive
treaty was admitted not to be a verbal copy of the provisional one,
and whether the departures from it were of substance, or not, was a
question on which nine States alone were competent to decide; that
the circumstances of the ratification of the provisional articles by
nine States, the instructions to our ministers to form a definitive
one by them, and their actual agreement in substance, do not render
us competent to ratify in the present instance; if these circumstances
are in themselves a ratification, nothing further is requisite than to
give attested copies of them, in exchange for the British ratification;
if they are not, we remain where we were, without a ratification by
nine States, and incompetent ourselves to ratify; that it was but four
days since the seven States, now present, unanimously concurred in
a resolution, to be forwarded to the Governors of the absent States,
in which they stated, as a cause for urging on their delegates, that
nine States were necessary to ratify the treaty; that in the case of
the Dutch ratification, Great Britain had courted it, and therefore
was glad to accept it as it was; that they knew our Constitution, and
would object to a ratification by seven; that, if that circumstance was
kept back, it would be known hereafter, and would give them ground to
deny the validity of a ratification, into which they should have been
surprised and cheated, and it would be a dishonorable prostitution
of our seal; that there is a hope of nine States; that if the treaty
would become null, if not ratified in time, it would not be saved by
an imperfect ratification; but that, in fact, it would not be null,
and would be placed on better ground, going in unexceptionable form,
though a few days too late, and rested on the small importance of this
circumstance, and the physical impossibilities which had prevented a
punctual compliance in point of time; that this would be approved by
all nations, and by Great Britain herself, if not determined to renew
the war, and if so determined, she would never want excuses, were this
out of the way. Mr. Read gave notice, he should call for the yeas and
nays; whereon those in opposition, prepared a resolution, expressing
pointedly the reasons of their dissent from his motion. It appearing,
however, that his proposition could not be carried, it was thought
better to make no entry at all. Massachusetts alone would have been
for it; Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and Virginia against it, Delaware,
Maryland and North Carolina, would have been divided.
Our body was little numerous, but very contentious. Day after day
was wasted on the most unimportant questions. A member, one of those
afflicted with the morbid rage of debate, of an ardent mind, prompt
imagination, and copious flow of words, who heard with impatience any
logic which was not his own, sitting near me on some occasion of a
trifling but wordy debate, asked me how I could sit in silence, hearing
so much false reasoning, which a word should refute? I observed to him,
that to refute indeed was easy, but to silence was impossible; that in
measures brought forward by myself, I took the laboring oar, as was
incumbent on me; but that in general, I was willing to listen; that
if every sound argument or objection was used by some one or other of
the numerous debaters, it was enough; if not, I thought it sufficient
to suggest the omission, without going into a repetition of what had
been already said by others: that this was a waste and abuse of the
time and patience of the House, which could not be justified. And I
believe, that if the members of deliberate bodies were to observe this
course generally, they would do in a day, what takes them a week; and
it is really more questionable, than may at first be thought, whether
Bonaparte's dumb legislature, which said nothing, and did much, may
not be preferable to one which talks much, and does nothing. I served
with General Washington in the legislature of Virginia, before the
revolution, and, during it, with Dr. Franklin in Congress. I never
heard either of them speak ten minutes at a time, nor to any but the
main point, which was to decide the question. They laid their shoulders
to the great points, knowing that the little ones would follow of
themselves. If the present Congress errs in too much talking, how can
it be otherwise, in a body to which the people send one hundred and
fifty lawyers, whose trade it is to question everything, yield nothing,
and talk by the hour? That one hundred and fifty lawyers should do
business together, ought not to be expected. But to return again to our
subject.
Those who thought seven States competent to the ratification, being
very restless under the loss of their motion, I proposed, on the
third of January, to meet them on middle ground, and therefore moved a
resolution, which premised, that there were but seven States present,
who were unanimous for the ratification, but that they differed in
opinion on the question of competency; that those however in the
negative were unwilling that any powers which it might be supposed
they possessed, should remain unexercised for the restoration of
peace, provided it could be done, saving their good faith, and without
importing any opinion of Congress, that seven States were competent,
and resolving that the treaty be ratified so far as they had power;
that it should be transmitted to our ministers, with instructions to
keep it uncommunicated; to endeavor to obtain three months longer for
exchange of ratifications; that they should be informed, that so soon
as nine States shall be present, a ratification by nine shall be sent
them: if this should get to them before the ultimate point of time for
exchange, they were to use it, and not the other; if not, they were
to offer the act of the seven States in exchange, informing them the
treaty had come to hand while Congress was not in session; that but
seven States were as yet assembled, and these had unanimously concurred
in the ratification. This was debated on the third and fourth; and
on the fifth, a vessel being to sail for England, from this port
(Annapolis), the House directed the President to write to our ministers
accordingly.
January 14. Delegates from Connecticut having attended yesterday, and
another from South Carolina coming in this day, the treaty was ratified
without a dissenting voice; and three instruments of ratification
were ordered to be made out, one of which was sent by Colonel Harmer,
another by Colonel Franks, and the third transmitted to the Agent of
Marine, to be forwarded by any good opportunity.
Congress soon took up the consideration of their foreign relations.
They deemed it necessary to get their commerce placed with every
nation, on a footing as favorable as that of other nations; and for
this purpose, to propose to each a distinct treaty of commerce.
This act too would amount to an acknowledgment, by each, of our
independence, and of our reception into the fraternity of nations;
which, although as possessing our station of right, and in fact
we would not condescend to ask, we were not unwilling to furnish
opportunities for receiving their friendly salutations and welcome.
With France, the United Netherlands, and Sweden, we had already
treaties of commerce; but commissions were given for those countries
also, should any amendments be thought necessary. The other States to
which treaties were to be proposed, were England, Hamburg, Saxony,
Prussia, Denmark, Russia, Austria, Venice, Rome, Naples, Tuscany,
Sardinia, Genoa, Spain, Portugal, the Porte, Algiers, Tripoli, Tunis,
and Morocco.
On the 7th of May Congress resolved that a Minister Plenipotentiary
should be appointed, in addition to Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, for
negotiating treaties of commerce with foreign nations, and I was
elected to that duty. I accordingly left Annapolis on the 11th, took
with me my eldest daughter, then at Philadelphia (the two others being
too young for the voyage), and proceeded to Boston, in quest of a
passage. While passing through the different States, I made a point of
informing myself of the state of the commerce of each; went on to New
Hampshire with the same view, and returned to Boston. Thence I sailed
on the 5th of July, in the Ceres, a merchant ship of Mr. Nathaniel
Tracey, bound to Cowes. He was himself a passenger, and, after a
pleasant voyage of nineteen days, from land to land, we arrived at
Cowes on the 26th. I was detained there a few days by the indisposition
of my daughter. On the 30th, we embarked for Havre, arrived there on
the 31st, left it on the 3d of August, and arrived at Paris on the 6th.
I called immediately on Dr. Franklin, at Passy, communicated to him
our charge, and we wrote to Mr. Adams, then at the Hague, to join us at
Paris.
Before I had left America, that is to say, in the year 1781, I had
received a letter from M. de Marbois, of the French legation in
Philadelphia, informing me, he had been instructed by his government to
obtain such statistical accounts of the different States of our Union,
as might be useful for their information; and addressing to me a number
of queries relative to the State of Virginia. I had always made it a
practice, whenever an opportunity occurred of obtaining any information
of our country, which might be of use to me in any station, public
or private, to commit it to writing. These memoranda were on loose
papers, bundled up without order, and difficult of recurrence, when
I had occasion for a particular one. I thought this a good occasion
to embody their substance, which I did in the order of Mr. Marbois'
queries, so as to answer his wish, and to arrange them for my own
use. Some friends, to whom they were occasionally communicated, wished
for copies; but their volume rendering this too laborious by hand, I
proposed to get a few printed, for their gratification. I was asked
such a price, however, as exceeded the importance of the object. On
my arrival at Paris, I found it could be done for a fourth of what I
had been asked here. I therefore corrected and enlarged them, and had
two hundred copies printed, under the title of "Notes on Virginia."
I gave a very few copies to some particular friends in Europe, and
sent the rest to my friends in America. An European copy, by the death
of the owner, got into the hands of a bookseller, who engaged its
translation, and when ready for the press, communicated his intentions
and manuscript to me, suggesting that I should correct it, without
asking any other permission for the publication. I never had seen so
wretched an attempt at translation. Interverted, abridged, mutilated,
and often reversing the sense of the original, I found it a blotch of
errors, from beginning to end. I corrected some of the most material,
and, in that form, it was printed in French. A London bookseller, on
seeing the translation, requested me to permit him to print the English
original. I thought it best to do so, to let the world see that it was
not really so bad as the French translation had made it appear. And
this is the true history of that publication.
Mr. Adams soon joined us at Paris, and our first employment was to
prepare a general form, to be proposed to such nations as were disposed
to treat with us. During the negotiations for peace with the British
Commissioner, David Hartley, our Commissioners had proposed, on the
suggestion of Dr. Franklin, to insert an article, exempting from
capture by the public or private armed ships, of either belligerent,
when at war, all merchant vessels and their cargoes, employed merely
in carrying on the commerce between nations. It was refused by
England, and unwisely, in my opinion. For, in the case of a war with
us, their superior commerce places infinitely more at hazard on the
ocean, than ours; and, as hawks abound in proportion to game, so our
privateers would swarm, in proportion to the wealth exposed to their
prize, while theirs would be few, for want of subjects of capture.
We inserted this article in our form, with a provision against the
molestation of fishermen, husbandmen, citizens unarmed, and following
their occupations in unfortified places, for the humane treatment of
prisoners of war, the abolition of contraband of war, which exposes
merchant vessels to such vexatious and ruinous detentions and abuses;
and for the principle of free bottoms, free goods.
In a conference with the Count de Vergennes, it was thought better to
leave to legislative regulation, on both sides, such modifications of
our commercial intercourse, as would voluntarily flow from amicable
dispositions. Without urging, we sounded the ministers of the several
European nations, at the court of Versailles, on their dispositions
towards mutual commerce, and the expediency of encouraging it by the
protection of a treaty. Old Frederic, of Prussia, met us cordially,
and without hesitation, and appointing the Baron de Thulemeyer, his
minister at the Hague, to negotiate with us, we communicated to him our
Projét, which, with little alteration by the King, was soon concluded.
Denmark and Tuscany, entered also into negotiations with us. Other
powers appearing indifferent; we did not think it proper to press them.
They seemed, in fact, to know little about us, but as rebels, who had
been successful in throwing off the yoke of the mother country. They
were ignorant of our commerce, which had been always monopolized by
England, and of the exchange of articles it might offer advantageously
to both parties. They were inclined, therefore, to stand aloof, until
they could see better what relations might be usefully instituted with
us. The negotiations, therefore, begun with Denmark and Tuscany, we
protracted designedly, until our powers had expired; and abstained
from making new propositions to others having no colonies; because our
commerce being an exchange of raw for wrought materials, is a competent
price for admission into the colonies of those possessing them; but
were we to give it, without price, to others, all would claim it,
without price, on the ordinary ground of _gentis amicissimæ_.
Mr. Adams being appointed Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States, to London, left us in June, and in July, 1785, Dr. Franklin
returned to America, and I was appointed his successor at Paris. In
February, 1786, Mr. Adams wrote to me, pressingly, to join him in
London immediately, as he thought he discovered there some symptoms
of better disposition towards us. Colonel Smith, his secretary of
legation, was the bearer of his urgencies for my immediate attendance.
I, accordingly, left Paris on the 1st of March, and, on my arrival
in London, we agreed on a very summary form of treaty, proposing
an exchange of citizenship for our citizens, our ships, and our
productions generally, except as to office. On my presentation, as
usual, to the King and Queen, at their levées, it was impossible for
anything to be more ungracious, than their notice of Mr. Adams and
myself. I saw, at once, that the ulcerations of mind in that quarter,
left nothing to be expected on the subject of my attendance; and, on
the first conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, the Minister for
foreign affairs, the distance and disinclination which he betrayed
in his conversation, the vagueness and evasions of his answers to
us, confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to have anything
to do with us. We delivered him, however, our Projét, Mr. Adams not
despairing as much as I did, of its effect. We afterwards, by one or
more notes, requested his appointment of an interview and conference,
which, without directly declining, he evaded, by pretences of other
pressing occupations for the moment. After staying there seven weeks,
till within a few days of the expiration of our commission, I informed
the minister, by note, that my duties at Paris required my return to
that place, and that I should, with pleasure, be the bearer of any
commands to his Ambassador there. He answered, that he had none, and,
wishing me a pleasant journey, I left London the 26th, and arrived at
Paris the 30th of April.
While in London, we entered into negotiations with the Chevalier Pinto,
Ambassador of Portugal, at that place. The only article of difficulty
between us was, a stipulation that our bread stuff should be received
in Portugal, in the form of flour as well as of grain. He approved
of it himself, but observed that several Nobles, of great influence
at their court, were the owners of wind-mills in the neighborhood of
Lisbon, which depended much for their profits on manufacturing our
wheat, and that this stipulation would endanger the whole treaty. He
signed it, however, and its fate was what he had candidly portended.
My duties, at Paris, were confined to a few objects; the receipt of
our whale-oils, salted fish, and salted meats, on favorable terms;
the admission of our rice on equal terms with that of Piedmont,
Egypt and the Levant; a mitigation of the monopolies of our tobacco
by the Farmers-general, and a free admission of our productions into
their islands, were the principal commercial objects which required
attention; and, on these occasions, I was powerfully aided by all
the influence and the energies of the Marquis de La Fayette, who
proved himself equally zealous for the friendship and welfare of both
nations; and, in justice, I must also say, that I found the government
entirely disposed to befriend us on all occasions, and to yield us
every indulgence, not absolutely injurious to themselves. The Count de
Vergennes had the reputation, with the diplomatic corps, of being wary
and slippery in his diplomatic intercourse; and so he might be with
those whom he knew to be slippery, and double-faced themselves. As he
saw that I had no indirect views, practised no subtleties, meddled in
no intrigues, pursued no concealed object, I found him as frank, as
honorable, as easy of access to reason, as any man with whom I had ever
done business; and I must say the same for his successor, Montmorin,
one of the most honest and worthy of human beings.
Our commerce, in the Mediterranean, was placed under early alarm, by
the capture of two of our vessels and crews by the Barbary cruisers.
I was very unwilling that we should acquiesce in the European
humiliation, of paying a tribute to those lawless pirates, and
endeavored to form an association of the powers subject to habitual
depredations from them. I accordingly prepared, and proposed to their
Ministers at Paris, for consultation with their governments, articles
of a special confederation, in the following form:
"Proposals for concerted operation among the powers at war with the
piratical States of Barbary.
1. "It is proposed, that the several powers at war with the piratical
States of Barbary, or any two or more of them who shall be willing,
shall enter into a convention to carry on their operations against
those States, in concert, beginning with the Algerines.
2. "This convention shall remain open to any other powers, who shall,
at any future time, wish to accede to it; the parties reserving the
right to prescribe the conditions of such accession, according to the
circumstances existing at the time it shall be proposed.
3. "The object of the convention shall be, to compel the piratical
States to perpetual peace, without price, and to guarantee that peace
to each other.
4. "The operations for obtaining this peace shall be constant cruises
on their coast, with a naval force now to be agreed on. It is not
proposed that this force shall be so considerable as to be inconvenient
to any party. It is believed that half a dozen frigates, with as many
Tenders or Xebecs, one half of which shall be in cruise, while the
other half is at rest, will suffice.
5. "The force agreed to be necessary, shall be furnished by the
parties, in certain quotas, now to be fixed; it being expected, that
each will be willing to contribute, in such proportion as circumstances
may render reasonable.
6. "As miscarriages often proceed from the want of harmony among
officers of different nations, the parties shall now consider and
decide, whether it will not be better to contribute their quotas in
money, to be employed in fitting out and keeping on duty, a single
fleet of the force agreed on.
7. "The difficulties and delays, too, which will attend the management
of these operations, if conducted by the parties themselves separately,
distant as their courts may be from one another, and incapable of
meeting in consultation, suggest a question, whether it will not
be better for them to give full powers, for that purpose, to their
Ambassadors, or other Ministers resident at some one court of Europe,
who shall form a Committee, or Council, for carrying this convention
into effect; wherein, the vote of each member shall be computed in
proportion to the quota of his sovereign, and the majority so computed,
shall prevail in all questions within the view of this convention. The
court of Versailles is proposed, on account of its neighborhood to the
Mediterranean, and because all those powers are represented there, who
are likely to become parties to this convention.
8. "To save to that Council the embarrassment of personal solicitations
for office, and to assure the parties that their contributions will
be applied solely to the object for which they are destined, there
shall be no establishment of officers for the said Council, such as
Commissioners, Secretaries, or any other kind, with either salaries
or perquisites, nor any other lucrative appointments but such whose
functions are to be exercised on board the said vessels.
9. "Should war arise between any two of the parties to this convention,
it shall not extend to this enterprise, nor interrupt it; but as to
this they shall be reputed at peace.
10. "When Algiers shall be reduced to peace, the other piratical
States, if they refuse to discontinue their piracies, shall become the
objects of this convention, either successively or together, as shall
seem best.
11. "Where this convention would interfere with treaties actually
existing between any of the parties and the States of Barbary, the
treaty shall prevail, and such party shall be allowed to withdraw from
the operations against that State."
Spain had just concluded a treaty with Algiers, at the expense of
three millions of dollars, and did not like to relinquish the benefit
of that, until the other party should fail in their observance of
it. Portugal, Naples, the two Sicilies, Venice, Malta, Denmark and
Sweden, were favorably disposed to such an association; but their
representatives at Paris expressed apprehensions that France would
interfere, and, either openly or secretly, support the Barbary powers;
and they required, that I should ascertain the dispositions of the
Count de Vergennes on the subject. I had before taken occasion to
inform him of what we were proposing, and, therefore, did not think it
proper to insinuate any doubt of the fair conduct of his government;
but, stating our propositions, I mentioned the apprehensions
entertained by us, that England would interfere in behalf of those
piratical governments. "She dares not do it," said he. I pressed it
no further. The other Agents were satisfied with this indication of
his sentiments, and nothing was now wanting to bring it into direct
and formal consideration, but the assent of our government, and their
authority to make the formal proposition. I communicated to them
the favorable prospect of protecting our commerce from the Barbary
depredations, and for such a continuance of time, as, by an exclusion
of them from the sea, to change their habits and characters, from a
predatory to an agricultural people: towards which, however, it was
expected they would contribute a frigate, and its expenses, to be
in constant cruise. But they were in no condition to make any such
engagement. Their recommendatory powers for obtaining contributions,
were so openly neglected by the several States, that they declined
an engagement which they were conscious they could not fulfil with
punctuality; and so it fell through.
[19]In 1786, while at Paris, I became acquainted with John Ledyard,
of Connecticut, a man of genius, of some science, and of fearless
courage and enterprise. He had accompanied Captain Cook in his voyage
to the Pacific, had distinguished himself on several occasions by an
unrivalled intrepidity, and published an account of that voyage, with
details unfavorable to Cook's deportment towards the savages, and
lessening our regrets at his fate. Ledyard had come to Paris, in the
hope of forming a company to engage in the fur trade of the Western
coast of America. He was disappointed in this, and, being out of
business, and of a roaming, restless character, I suggested to him the
enterprise of exploring the Western part of our continent, by passing
through St. Petersburg to Kamschatka, and procuring a passage thence in
some of the Russian vessels to Nootka Sound, whence he might make his
way across the continent to the United States; and I undertook to have
the permission of the Empress of Russia solicited. He eagerly embraced
the proposition, and M. de Sémoulin, the Russian Ambassador, and more
particularly Baron Grimm, the special correspondent of the Empress,
solicited her permission for him to pass through her dominions, to the
Western coast of America. And here I must correct a material error,
which I have committed in another place, to the prejudice of the
Empress. In writing some notes of the life of Captain Lewis, prefixed
to his "Expedition to the Pacific," I stated that the Empress gave
the permission asked, and afterwards retracted it. This idea, after a
lapse of twenty-six years, had so insinuated itself into my mind, that
I committed it to paper, without the least suspicion of error. Yet I
find, on recurring to my letters of that date, that the Empress refused
permission at once, considering the enterprise as entirely chimerical.
But Ledyard would not relinquish it, persuading himself that, by
proceeding to St. Petersburg, he could satisfy the Empress of its
practicability, and obtain her permission. He went accordingly, but she
was absent on a visit to some distant part of her dominions,[20] and he
pursued his course to within two hundred miles of Kamschatka, where he
was overtaken by an arrest from the Empress, brought back to Poland,
and there dismissed. I must therefore, in justice, acquit the Empress
of ever having for a moment countenanced, even by the indulgence of an
innocent passage through her territories, this interesting enterprise.
The pecuniary distresses of France produced this year a measure
of which there had been no example for near two centuries, and the
consequences of which, good and evil, are not yet calculable. For its
remote causes, we must go a little back.
Celebrated writers of France and England had already sketched good
principles on the subject of government; yet the American Revolution
seems first to have awakened the thinking part of the French nation
in general, from the sleep of despotism in which they were sunk.
The officers too, who had been to America, were mostly young men,
less shackled by habit and prejudice, and more ready to assent to
the suggestions of common sense, and feeling of common rights, than
others. They came back with new ideas and impressions. The press,
notwithstanding its shackles, began to disseminate them; conversation
assumed new freedoms; Politics became the theme of all societies, male
and female, and a very extensive and zealous party was formed, which
acquired the appellation of the Patriotic party, who, sensible of
the abusive government under which they lived, sighed for occasions
of reforming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the
kingdom, sufficiently at leisure to think, the men of letters, the
easy Bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from reflection, partly
from mode; for these sentiments became matter of mode, and as such,
united most of the young women to the party. Happily for the nation,
it happened, at the same moment, that the dissipations of the Queen
and court, the abuses of the pension-list, and dilapidations in the
administration of every branch of the finances, had exhausted the
treasures and credit of the nation, insomuch that its most necessary
functions were paralyzed. To reform these abuses would have overset
the Minister; to impose new taxes by the authority of the King,
was known to be impossible, from the determined opposition of the
Parliament to their enregistry. No resource remained then, but to
appeal to the nation. He advised, therefore, the call of an Assembly
of the most distinguished characters of the nation, in the hope that,
by promises of various and valuable improvements in the organization
and regimen of the government, they would be induced to authorize new
taxes, to control the opposition of the Parliament, and to raise the
annual revenue to the level of expenditures. An Assembly of Notables
therefore, about one hundred and fifty in number, named by the King,
convened on the 22d of February. The Minister (Calonne) stated to them,
that the annual excess of expenses beyond the revenue, when Louis XVI.
came to the throne, was thirty-seven millions of livres; that four
hundred and forty millions had been borrowed to re-establish the navy;
that the American war had cost them fourteen hundred and forty millions
(two hundred and fifty-six millions of dollars), and that the interest
of these sums, with other increased expenses, had added forty millions
more to the annual deficit. (But a subsequent and more candid estimate
made it fifty-six millions.) He proffered them an universal redress
of grievances, laid open those grievances fully, pointed out sound
remedies, and, covering his canvas with objects of this magnitude, the
deficit dwindled to a little accessory, scarcely attracting attention.
The persons chosen were the most able and independent characters in the
kingdom, and their support, if it could be obtained, would be enough
for him. They improved the occasion for redressing their grievances,
and agreed that the public wants should be relieved; but went into an
examination of the causes of them. It was supposed that Colonne was
conscious that his accounts could not bear examination; and it was
said, and believed, that he asked of the King, to send four members
to the Bastile, of whom the Marquis de La Fayette was one, to banish
twenty others, and two of his Ministers. The King found it shorter to
banish him. His successor went on in full concert with the Assembly.
The result was an augmentation of the revenue, a promise of economies
in its expenditure, of an annual settlement of the public accounts
before a council, which the Comptroller, having been heretofore obliged
to settle only with the King in person, of course never settled at all;
an acknowledgment that the King could not lay a new tax, a reformation
of the Criminal laws, abolition of torture, suppression of corvees,
reformation of the gabelles, removal of the interior Custom Houses,
free commerce of grain, internal and external, and the establishment of
Provincial Assemblies; which, altogether, constituted a great mass of
improvement in the condition of the nation. The establishment of the
Provincial Assemblies was, in itself, a fundamental improvement. They
would be of the choice of the people, one-third renewed every year,
in those provinces where there are no States, that is to say, over
about three-fourths of the kingdom. They would be partly an Executive
themselves, and partly an Executive Council to the Intendant, to whom
the Executive power, in his province, had been heretofore entirely
delegated. Chosen by the people, they would soften the execution
of hard laws, and, having a right of representation to the King,
they would censure bad laws, suggest good ones, expose abuses, and
their representations, when united, would command respect. To the
other advantages, might be added the precedent itself of calling the
Assemblée des Notables, which would perhaps grow into habit. The hope
was, that the improvements thus promised would be carried into effect;
that they would be maintained during the present reign, and that that
would be long enough for them to take some root in the constitution,
so that they might come to be considered as a part of that, and be
protected by time, and the attachment of the nation.
The Count de Vergennes had died a few days before the meeting of the
Assembly, and the Count de Montmorin had been named Minister of Foreign
Affairs, in his place. Villedeuil succeeded Calonne, as Comptroller
General, and Lomenie de Bryenne, Archbishop of Thoulouse, afterwards of
Sens, and ultimately Cardinal Lomenie, was named Minister principal,
with whom the other Ministers were to transact the business of their
departments, heretofore done with the King in person; and the Duke de
Nivernois, and M. de Malesherbes, were called to the Council. On the
nomination of the Minister principal, the Marshals de Segur and de
Castries retired from the departments of War and Marine, unwilling to
act subordinately, or to share the blame of proceedings taken out of
their direction. They were succeeded by the Count de Brienne, brother
of the Prime Minister, and the Marquis de La Luzerne, brother to him
who had been Minister in the United States.
A dislocated wrist, unsuccessfully set, occasioned advice from
my surgeon, to try the mineral waters of Aix, in Provence, as a
corroborant. I left Paris for that place therefore, on the 28th of
February, and proceeded up the Seine, through Champagne and Burgundy,
and down the Rhone through the Beaujolais by Lyons, Avignon, Nismes to
Aix; where, finding on trial no benefit from the waters, I concluded
to visit the rice country of Piedmont, to see if anything might be
learned there, to benefit the rivalship of our Carolina rice with
that, and thence to make a tour of the seaport towns of France, along
its Southern and Western coast, to inform myself, if anything could be
done to favor our commerce with them. From Aix, therefore, I took my
route by Marseilles, Toulon, Hieres, Nice, across the Col de Tende,
by Coni, Turin, Vercelli, Novara, Milan, Pavia, Novi, Genoa. Thence,
returning along the coast of Savona, Noli, Albenga, Oneglia, Monaco,
Nice, Antibes, Frejus, Aix, Marseilles, Avignon, Nismes, Montpellier,
Frontignan, Cette, Agde, and along the canal of Languedoc, by Bezieres,
Narbonne, Cascassonne, Castelnaudari, through the Souterrain of St.
Feriol, and back by Castelnaudari, to Toulouse; thence to Montauban,
and down the Garonne by Langon to Bordeaux. Thence to Rochefort, la
Rochelle, Nantes, L'Orient; then back by Rennes to Nantes, and up
the Loire by Angers, Tours, Amboise, Blois to Orleans, thence direct
to Paris, where I arrived on the 10th of June. Soon after my return
from this journey, to wit, about the latter part of July, I received
my younger daughter, Maria, from Virginia, by the way of London, the
youngest having died some time before.
The treasonable perfidy of the Prince of Orange, Stadtholder and
Captain General of the United Netherlands, in the war which England
waged against them, for entering into a treaty of commerce with the
United States, is known to all. As their Executive officer, charged
with the conduct of the war, he contrived to baffle all the measures of
the States General, to dislocate all their military plans, and played
false into the hands of England against his own country, on every
possible occasion, confident in her protection, and in that of the King
of Prussia, brother to his Princess. The States General, indignant at
this patricidal conduct, applied to France for aid, according to the
stipulations of the treaty concluded with her in '85. It was assured
to them readily, and in cordial terms, in a letter from the Count de
Vergennes, to the Marquis de Verac, Ambassador of France at the Hague,
of which the following is an extract:
"Extrait de la depéche de Monsieur le Comte de Vergennes à Monsieur le
Marquis de Verac, Ambassadeur de France à la Haye, du 1er Mars, 1786.
"Le Roi concourrera, autant, qu'il sera en son pouvoir, au succes de la
chose, et vous inviterez, de sa part, les patriotes de lui communiquer
leurs vues, leurs plans, et leurs envieux. Vous les assurerez, que le
roi prend un interet veritable à leurs personnes comme à leur cause,
et qu'ils peuvent compter sur sa protection. Ils doivent y compter
d'autant plus, Monsieur, que nous ne dissimulons pas, que si Monsieur
le Stadhoulder reprend son ancienne influence, le systeme Anglois ne
tardera pas de prevaloir, et que notre alliance deviendroit un être
de raison. Les Patriotes sentiront facilement, que cette position
seroit incompatible avec la dignite, comme avec la consideration de
sa majesté. Mais dans le cas, Monsieur, ou les chefs des Patriotes
auroient à craindre une scission, ils auroient le temps suffisant
pour ramener ceux de leurs amis, que les Anglomanes ont egares, et
preparer les choses de manière que la question de nouveau mise en
deliberation, soit decidee selon leurs desirs. Dans cette hypothese, le
roi vous autorise à agir de concert avec eux, de suivre la direction
qu'ils jugeront devoir vous donner, et d'employer tous les moyens
pour augmenter le nombre des partisans de la bonne cause. Il me reste,
Monsieur, de vous parler de la surete personelle des Patriotes. Vous
les assurerez, que dans tout etat de cause, le roi les prend sous
sa protection immediate, et vous ferez connoitre, partout ou vous
le jugerez necessaire, que sa Majesté regarderoit comme une offense
personnelle, tout ce qu'on entreprenderoit contre leur liberté. Il est
à presumer que ce langage, tenu avec energie, en imposera a l'audace
des Anglomanes, et que Monsieur le Prince de Nassau croira courir
quelque risque en provoquant le ressentiment de sa Majesté."[21]
This letter was communicated by the Patriots to me, when at Amsterdam,
in 1788, and a copy sent by me to Mr. Jay, in my letter to him of March
16, 1788.
The object of the Patriots was, to establish a representative and
republican government. The majority of the States General were with
them, but the majority of the populace of the towns was with the Prince
of Orange; and that populace was played off with great effect, by
the triumvirate of * * * Harris, the English Ambassador, afterwards
Lord Malmesbury, the Prince of Orange, a stupid man, and the Princess
as much a man as either of her colleagues, in audaciousness, in
enterprise, and in the thirst of domination. By these, the mobs of the
Hague were excited against the members of the States General; their
persons were insulted and endangered in the streets; the sanctuary
of their houses was violated; and the Prince, whose function and
duty it was to repress and punish these violations of order, took no
steps for that purpose. The States General, for their own protection,
were therefore obliged to place their militia under the command of
a Committee. The Prince filled the courts of London and Berlin with
complaints at this usurpation of his prerogatives, and, forgetting
that he was but the first servant of a Republic, marched his regular
troops against the city of Utrecht, where the States were in session.
They were repulsed by the militia. His interests now became marshalled
with those of the public enemy, and against his own country. The
States, therefore, exercising their rights of sovereignty, deprived
him of all his powers. The great Frederic had died in August, '86. He
had never intended to break with France in support of the Prince of
Orange. During the illness of which he died, he had, through the Duke
of Brunswick, declared to the Marquis de La Fayette, who was then at
Berlin, that he meant not to support the English interest in Holland:
that he might assure the government of France, his only wish was, that
some honorable place in the Constitution should be reserved for the
Stadtholder and his children, and that he would take no part in the
quarrel, unless an entire abolition of the Stadtholderate should be
attempted. But his place was now occupied by Frederic William, his
great nephew, a man of little understanding, much caprice, and very
inconsiderate; and the Princess, his sister, although her husband was
in arms against the legitimate authorities of the country, attempting
to go to Amsterdam, for the purpose of exciting the mobs of that
place, and being refused permission to pass a military post on the
way, he put the Duke of Brunswick at the head of twenty thousand men,
and made demonstrations of marching on Holland. The King of France
hereupon declared, by his Chargé des Affaires in Holland, that if
the Prussian troops continued to menace Holland with an invasion, his
Majesty, in quality of Ally, was determined to succor that province.
In answer to this, Eden gave official information to Count Montmorin,
that England must consider as at an end its convention with France
relative to giving notice of its naval armaments, and that she was
arming generally. War being now imminent, Eden, since Lord Aukland,
questioned me on the effect of our treaty with France, in the case
of a war, and what might be our dispositions. I told him frankly,
and without hesitation, that our dispositions would be neutral, and
that I thought it would be the interest of both these powers that we
should be so; because, it would relieve both from all anxiety as to
feeding their West India islands; that England, too, by suffering us to
remain so, would avoid a heavy land war on our Continent, which might
very much cripple her proceedings elsewhere; that our treaty, indeed,
obliged us to receive into our ports the armed vessels of France,
with their prizes, and to refuse admission to the prizes made on her
by her enemies: that there was a clause, also, by which we guaranteed
to France her American possessions, which might perhaps force us into
the war, if these were attacked. "Then it will be war," said he, "for
they will assuredly be attacked." Liston, at Madrid, about the same
time, made the same inquiries of Carmichael. The Government of France
then declared a determination to form a camp of observation at Givet,
commenced arming her marine, and named the Bailli de Suffrein their
Generalissimo on the Ocean. She secretly engaged, also, in negotiations
with Russia, Austria, and Spain, to form a quadruple alliance. The Duke
of Brunswick having advanced to the confines of Holland, sent some
of his officers to Givet, to reconnoitre the state of things there,
and report them to him. He said afterwards, that "if there had been
only a few tents at that place, he should not have advanced further,
for that the King would not, merely for the interest of his sister,
engage in a war with France." But, finding that there was not a single
company there, he boldly entered the country, took their towns as
fast as he presented himself before them, and advanced on Utrecht. The
States had appointed the Rhingrave of Salm their Commander-in-Chief;
a Prince without talents, without courage, and without principle.
He might have held out in Utrecht for a considerable time, but he
surrendered the place without firing a gun, literally ran away and
hid himself, so that for months it was not known what had become of
him. Amsterdam was then attacked, and capitulated. In the meantime,
the negotiations for the quadruple alliance were proceeding favorably;
but the secrecy with which they were attempted to be conducted, was
penetrated by Fraser, Chargé des Affaires of England at St. Petersburg,
who instantly notified his court, and gave the alarm to Prussia. The
King saw at once what would be his situation, between the jaws of
France, Austria, and Russia. In great dismay, he besought the court
of London not to abandon him, sent Alvensleben to Paris to explain and
soothe; and England, through the Duke of Dorset and Eden, renewed her
conferences for accommodation. The Archbishop, who shuddered at the
idea of war, and preferred a peaceful surrender of right to an armed
vindication of it, received them with open arms, entered into cordial
conferences, and a declaration, and counter-declaration, were cooked up
at Versailles, and sent to London for approbation. They were approved
there, reached Paris at one o'clock of the 27th, and were signed that
night at Versailles. It was said and believed at Paris, that M. de
Montmorin, literally "pleuroit comme un enfant," when obliged to sign
this counter-declaration; so distressed was he by the dishonor of
sacrificing the Patriots, after assurances so solemn of protection, and
absolute encouragement to proceed. The Prince of Orange was reinstated
in all his powers, now become regal. A great emigration of the Patriots
took place; all were deprived of office, many exiled, and their
property confiscated. They were received in France, and subsisted,
for some time, on her bounty. Thus fell Holland, by the treachery
of her Chief, from her honorable independence, to become a province
of England; and so, also, her Stadtholder, from the high station of
the first citizen of a free Republic, to be the servile Viceroy of a
foreign Sovereign. And this was effected by a mere scene of bullying
and demonstration; not one of the parties, France, England, or Prussia,
having ever really meant to encounter actual war for the interest of
the Prince of Orange. But it had all the effect of a real and decisive
war.
Our first essay, in America, to establish a federative government
had fallen, on trial, very short of its object. During the war of
Independence, while the pressure of an external enemy hooped us
together, and their enterprises kept us necessarily on the alert,
the spirit of the people, excited by danger, was a supplement to the
Confederation, and urged them to zealous exertions, whether claimed
by that instrument or not; but, when peace and safety were restored,
and every man became engaged in useful and profitable occupation, less
attention was paid to the calls of Congress. The fundamental defect
of the Confederation was, that Congress was not authorized to act
immediately on the people, and by its own officers. Their power was
only requisitory, and these requisitions were addressed to the several
Legislatures, to be by them carried into execution, without other
coercion than the moral principle of duty. This allowed, in fact, a
negative to every Legislature, on every measure proposed by Congress;
a negative so frequently exercised in practice, as to benumb the action
of the Federal government, and to render it inefficient in its general
objects, and more especially in pecuniary and foreign concerns. The
want, too, of a separation of the Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary
functions, worked disadvantageously in practice. Yet this state of
things afforded a happy augury of the future march of our Confederacy,
when it was seen that the good sense and good dispositions of the
people, as soon as they perceived the incompetence of their first
compact, instead of leaving its correction to insurrection and civil
war, agreed, with one voice, to elect deputies to a general Convention,
who should peaceably meet and agree on such a Constitution as "would
ensure peace, justice, liberty, the common defence and general
welfare."
This Convention met at Philadelphia on the 25th of May, '87. It sat
with closed doors, and kept all its proceedings secret, until its
dissolution on the 17th of September, when the results of its labors
were published all together. I received a copy, early in November, and
read and contemplated its provisions with great satisfaction. As not
a member of the Convention, however, nor probably a single citizen of
the Union, had approved it in all its parts, so I, too, found articles
which I thought objectionable. The absence of express declarations
ensuring freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom of the
person under the uninterrupted protection of the Habeas corpus,
and trial by jury in Civil as well as in Criminal cases, excited my
jealousy; and the re-eligibility of the President for life, I quite
disapproved. I expressed freely, in letters to my friends, and most
particularly to Mr. Madison and General Washington, my approbations
and objections. How the good should be secured and the ill brought
to rights, was the difficulty. To refer it back to a new Convention
might endanger the loss of the whole. My first idea was, that the
nine States first acting, should accept it unconditionally, and thus
secure what in it was good, and that the four last should accept on
the previous condition, that certain amendments should be agreed to;
but a better course was devised, of accepting the whole, and trusting
that the good sense and honest intentions of our citizens, would make
the alterations which should be deemed necessary. Accordingly, all
accepted, six without objection, and seven with recommendations of
specified amendments. Those respecting the press, religion, and juries,
with several others, of great value, were accordingly made; but the
Habeas corpus was left to the discretion of Congress, and the amendment
against the re-eligibility of the President was not proposed. My fears
of that feature were founded on the importance of the office, on the
fierce contentions it might excite among ourselves, if continuable
for life, and the dangers of interference, either with money or arms,
by foreign nations, to whom the choice of an American President might
become interesting. Examples of this abounded in history; in the
case of the Roman Emperors, for instance; of the Popes, while of any
significance; of the German Emperors; the Kings of Poland, and the
Deys of Barbary. I had observed, too, in the feudal history, and in
the recent instance, particularly, of the Stadtholder of Holland,
how easily offices, or tenures for life, slide into inheritances. My
wish, therefore, was, that the President should be elected for seven
years, and be ineligible afterwards. This term I thought sufficient to
enable him, with the concurrence of the Legislature, to carry through
and establish any system of improvement he should propose for the
general good. But the practice adopted, I think, is better, allowing
his continuance for eight years, with a liability to be dropped at
half way of the term, making that a period of probation. That his
continuance should be restrained to seven years, was the opinion of
the Convention at an earlier stage of its session, when it voted that
term, by a majority of eight against two, and by a simple majority
that he should be ineligible a second time. This opinion was confirmed
by the House so late as July 26, referred to the Committee of detail,
reported favorably by them, and changed to the present form by final
vote, on the last day but one only of their session. Of this change,
three States expressed their disapprobation; New York, by recommending
an amendment, that the President should not be eligible a third
time, and Virginia and North Carolina that he should not be capable
of serving more than eight, in any term of sixteen years; and though
this amendment has not been made in form, yet practice seems to have
established it. The example of four Presidents voluntarily retiring
at the end of their eighth year, and the progress of public opinion,
that the principle is salutary, have given it in practice the force of
precedent and usage; insomuch, that, should a President consent to be
a candidate for a third election, I trust he would be rejected, on this
demonstration of ambitious views.
But there was another amendment, of which none of us thought at the
time, and in the omission of which, lurks the germ that is to destroy
this happy combination of National powers in the General government,
for matters of National concern, and independent powers in the States,
for what concerns the States severally. In England, it was a great
point gained at the Revolution, that the commissions of the Judges,
which had hitherto been during pleasure, should thenceforth be made
during good behavior. A Judiciary, dependent on the will of the King,
had proved itself the most oppressive of all tools, in the hands of
that Magistrate. Nothing, then, could be more salutary, than a change
there, to the tenure of good behavior; and the question of good
behavior, left to the vote of a simple majority in the two Houses of
Parliament. Before the Revolution, we were all good English Whigs,
cordial in their free principles, and in their jealousies of their
Executive Magistrate. These jealousies are very apparent, in all our
state Constitutions; and, in the General government in this instance,
we have gone even beyond the English caution, by requiring a vote
of two-thirds, in one of the Houses, for removing a Judge; a vote
so impossible, where[22] any defence is made, before men of ordinary
prejudices and passions, that our Judges are effectually independent
of the nation. But this ought not to be. I would not, indeed, make them
dependent on the Executive authority, as they formerly were in England;
but I deem it indispensable to the continuance of this government,
that they should be submitted to some practical and impartial control;
and that this, to be imparted, must be compounded of a mixture of
State and Federal authorities. It is not enough that honest men are
appointed Judges. All know the influence of interest on the mind of
man, and how unconsciously his judgment is warped by that influence.
To this bias add that of the _esprit de corps_, of their peculiar
maxim and creed, that "it is the office of a good Judge to enlarge his
jurisdiction," and the absence of responsibility; and how can we expect
impartial decision between the General government, of which they are
themselves so eminent a part, and an individual State, from which they
have nothing to hope or fear? We have seen, too, that contrary to all
correct example, they are in the habit of going out of the question
before them, to throw an anchor ahead, and grapple further hold for
future advances of power. They are then, in fact, the corps of sappers
and miners, steadily working to undermine the independent rights of the
States, and to consolidate all power in the hands of that government in
which they have so important a freehold estate. But it is not by the
consolidation, or concentration of powers, but by their distribution,
that good government is effected. Were not this great country already
divided into States, that division must be made, that each might do for
itself what concerns itself directly, and what it can so much better do
than a distant authority. Every State again is divided into counties,
each to take care of what lies within its local bounds; each county
again into townships or wards, to manage minuter details; and every
ward into farms, to be governed each by its individual proprietor.
Were we directed from Washington when to sow, and when to reap, we
should soon want bread. It is by this partition of cares, descending
in gradation from general to particular, that the mass of human affairs
may be best managed, for the good and prosperity of all. I repeat, that
I do not charge the Judges with wilful and ill-intentioned error; but
honest error must be arrested, where its toleration leads to public
ruin. As, for the safety of society, we commit honest maniacs to
Bedlam, so judges should be withdrawn from their bench, whose erroneous
biases are leading us to dissolution. It may, indeed, injure them in
fame or in fortune; but it saves the Republic, which is the first and
supreme law.
Among the debilities of the government of the Confederation, no one was
more distinguished or more distressing, than the utter impossibility
of obtaining, from the States, the moneys necessary for the payment
of debts, or even for the ordinary expenses of the government. Some
contributed a little, some less, and some nothing; and the last
furnished at length an excuse for the first to do nothing also. Mr.
Adams, while residing at the Hague, had a general authority to borrow
what sums might be requisite, for ordinary and necessary expenses.
Interest on the public debt, and the maintenance of the diplomatic
establishment in Europe, had been habitually provided in this way.
He was now elected Vice-President of the United States, was soon to
return to America, and had referred our bankers to me for future
counsel, on our affairs in their hands. But I had no powers, no
instructions, no means, and no familiarity with the subject. It had
always been exclusively under his management, except as to occasional
and partial deposits in the hands of Mr. Grand, banker in Paris, for
special and local purposes. These last had been exhausted for some
time, and I had fervently pressed the Treasury board to replenish
this particular deposit, as Mr. Grand now refused to make further
advances. They answered candidly, that no funds could be obtained
until the new government should get into action, and have time to make
its arrangements. Mr. Adams had received his appointment to the court
of London, while engaged at Paris, with Dr. Franklin and myself, in
the negotiations under our joint commissions. He had repaired thence
to London, without returning to the Hague, to take leave of that
government. He thought it necessary, however, to do so now, before
he should leave Europe, and accordingly went there. I learned his
departure from London, by a letter from Mrs. Adams, received on the
very day on which he would arrive at the Hague. A consultation with
him, and some provision for the future, was indispensable, while we
could yet avail ourselves of his powers; for when they would be gone,
we should be without resource. I was daily dunned by a Company who
had formerly made a small loan to the United States, the principal of
which was now become due; and our bankers in Amsterdam, had notified
me that the interest on our general debt would be expected in June;
that if we failed to pay it, it would be deemed an act of bankruptcy,
and would effectually destroy the credit of the United States, and all
future prospect of obtaining money there; that the loan they had been
authorized to open, of which a third only was filled, had now ceased
to get forward, and rendered desperate that hope of resource. I saw
that there was not a moment to lose, and set out for the Hague on the
second morning after receiving the information of Mr. Adams's journey.
I went the direct road by Louvres, Senlis, Roye, Pont St. Maxence,
Bois le duc, Gournay, Peronne, Cambray, Bouchain, Valenciennes,
Mons, Bruxelles, Malines, Antwerp, Mordick, and Rotterdam, to the
Hague, where I happily found Mr. Adams. He concurred with me at once
in opinion, that something must be done, and that we ought to risk
ourselves on doing it without instructions, to save the credit of the
United States. We foresaw, that before the new government could be
adopted, assembled, establish its financial system, get the money into
the Treasury, and place it in Europe, considerable time would elapse;
that, therefore, we had better provide at once, for the years '88, '89,
and '90, in order to place our government at its ease, and our credit
in security, during that trying interval. We set out, therefore, by
the way of Leyden, for Amsterdam, where we arrived on the 10th. I had
prepared an estimate, showing that
Florins.
There would be necessary for the year '88--531,937-10
'89--538,540
'90--473,540
------------
Total, 1,544,017-10
Florins.
To meet this,
the bankers had in hand, 79,268-2-8
and the unsold bonds
would yield, 542,800 622,068-2-8
------- -----------
Leaving a deficit of 921,949-7-4
We proposed then to borrow a million,
yielding 920,000
-----------
Which would leave a small deficiency of 1,949-7-4
Mr. Adams accordingly executed 1000 bonds, for 1000 florins each, and
deposited them in the hands of our bankers, with instructions, however,
not to issue them until Congress should ratify the measure. This done,
he returned to London, and I set out for Paris; and, as nothing urgent
forbade it, I determined to return along the banks of the Rhine, to
Strasburg, and thence strike off to Paris. I accordingly left Amsterdam
on the 30th of March, and proceeded by Utrecht, Nimeguen, Cleves,
Duysberg, Dusseldorf, Cologne, Bonne, Coblentz, Nassau, Hocheim,
Frankfort, and made an excursion to Hanau, thence to Mayence, and
another excursion to Rudesheim, and Johansberg; then by Oppenheim,
Worms, and Manheim, making an excursion to Heidelberg, then by Spire,
Carlsruh, Rastadt and Kelh, to Strasburg, where I arrived April the
16th, and proceeded again on the 18th, by Phalsbourg, Fenestrange,
Dieuze, Moyenvie, Nancy, Toul, Ligny, Barleduc, St. Diziers, Vitry,
Chalons sur Marne, Epernay, Chateau Thierri, Meaux, to Paris, where I
arrived on the 23d of April; and I had the satisfaction to reflect,
that by this journey our credit was secured, the new government was
placed at ease for two years to come, and that, as well as myself,
relieved from the torment of incessant duns, whose just complaints
could not be silenced by any means within our power.
A Consular Convention had been agreed on in '84, between Dr. Franklin
and the French government, containing several articles, so entirely
inconsistent with the laws of the several States, and the general
spirit of our citizens, that Congress withheld their ratification, and
sent it back to me, with instructions to get those articles expunged,
or modified so as to render them compatible with our laws. The Minister
unwillingly released us from these concessions, which, indeed,
authorized the exercise of powers very offensive in a free State.
After much discussion, the Convention was reformed in a considerable
degree, and was signed by the Count Montmorin and myself, on the 14th
of November, '88; not, indeed, such as I would have wished, but such as
could be obtained with good humor and friendship.
On my return from Holland, I found Paris as I had left it, still in
high fermentation. Had the Archbishop, on the close of the Assembly of
Notables, immediately carried into operation the measures contemplated,
it was believed they would all have been registered by the Parliament;
but he was slow, presented his edicts, one after another, and at
considerable intervals, which gave time for the feelings excited by the
proceedings of the Notables to cool off, new claims to be advanced, and
a pressure to arise for a fixed constitution, not subject to changes
at the will of the King. Nor should we wonder at this pressure, when
we consider the monstrous abuses of power under which this people
were ground to powder; when we pass in review the weight of their
taxes, and the inequality of their distribution; the oppressions of
the tithes, the tailles, the corvees, the gabelles, the farms and
the barriers; the shackles on commerce by monopolies; on industry by
guilds and corporations; on the freedom of conscience, of thought,
and of speech; on the freedom of the press by the Censure; and of
the person by Lettres de Cachet; the cruelty of the Criminal code
generally; the atrocities of the Rack; the venality of the Judges,
and their partialities to the rich; the monopoly of Military honors
by the Noblesse; the enormous expenses of the Queen, the Princes and
the Court; the prodigalities of pensions; and the riches, luxury,
indolence and immorality of the Clergy. Surely under such a mass of
misrule and oppression, a people might justly press for a thorough
reformation, and might even dismount their rough-shod riders, and
leave them to walk on their own legs. The edicts, relative to the
corvees and free circulation of grain, were first presented to the
Parliament and registered; but those for the impôt territorial, and
stamp tax, offered some time after, were refused by the Parliament,
which proposed a call of the States General, as alone competent to
their authorization. Their refusal produced a Bed of justice, and
their exile to Troyes. The Advocates, however, refusing to attend
them, a suspension in the administration of justice took place. The
Parliament held out for awhile, but the ennui of their exile and
absence from Paris, began at length to be felt, and some dispositions
for compromise to appear. On their consent, therefore, to prolong some
of the former taxes, they were recalled from exile, the King met them
in session, November 19, '87, promised to call the States General in
the year '92, and a majority expressed their assent to register an
edict for successive and annual loans from 1788 to '92; but a protest
being entered by the Duke of Orleans, and this encouraging others in a
disposition to retract, the King ordered peremptorily the registry of
the edict, and left the assembly abruptly. The Parliament immediately
protested, that the votes for the enregistry had not been legally
taken, and that they gave no sanction to the loans proposed. This was
enough to discredit and defeat them. Hereupon issued another edict,
for the establishment of a cour plenière, and the suspension of all the
Parliaments in the kingdom. This being opposed, as might be expected,
by reclamations from all the Parliaments and Provinces, the King gave
way, and by an edict of July 5th, '88, renounced his cour plenière, and
promised the States General for the 1st of May, of the ensuing year;
and the Archbishop, finding the times beyond his faculties, accepted
the promise of a Cardinal's hat, was removed [September '88] from the
Ministry, and M. Necker was called to the department of finance. The
innocent rejoicings of the people of Paris on this change provoked the
interference of an officer of the city guards, whose order for their
dispersion not being obeyed, he charged them with fixed bayonets,
killed two or three, and wounded many. This dispersed them for the
moment, but they collected the next day in great numbers, burnt ten or
twelve guardhouses, killed two or three of the guards, and lost six or
eight more of their own number. The city was hereupon put under Martial
law, and after awhile the tumult subsided. The effect of this change
of ministers, and the promise of the States General at an early day,
tranquillized the nation. But two great questions now occurred. 1st.
What proportion shall the number of deputies of the Tiers etat bear to
those of the Nobles and Clergy? And 2d, shall they sit in the same or
in distinct apartments? M. Necker, desirous of avoiding himself these
knotty questions, proposed a second call of the same Notables, and that
their advice should be asked on the subject. They met, November 9, '88;
and, by five bureaux against one, they recommended the forms of the
States General of 1614; wherein the Houses were separate, and voted by
orders, not by persons. But the whole nation declaring at once against
this, and that the Tiers etat should be, in numbers, equal to both the
other orders, and the Parliament deciding for the same proportion,
it was determined so to be, by a declaration of December 27th, '88.
A Report of M. Necker, to the King, of about the same date, contained
other very important concessions. 1. That the King could neither lay
a new tax, nor prolong an old one. 2. It expressed a readiness to
agree on the periodical meeting of the States. 3. To consult on the
necessary restriction on Lettres de Cachet; and 4. How far the press
might be made free. 5. It admits that the States are to appropriate
the public money; and 6. That Ministers shall be responsible for
public expenditures. And these concessions came from the very heart
of the King. He had not a wish but for the good of the nation; and
for that object, no personal sacrifice would ever have cost him a
moment's regret; but his mind was weakness itself, his constitution
timid, his judgment null, and without sufficient firmness even to
stand by the faith of his word. His Queen, too, haughty and bearing
no contradiction, had an absolute ascendancy over him; and around her
were rallied the King's brother d'Artois, the court generally, and the
aristocratic part of his Ministers, particularly Breteuil, Broglio,
Vauguyon, Foulon, Luzerne, men whose principles of government were
those of the age of Louis XIV. Against this host, the good counsels
of Necker, Montmorin, St. Priest, although in unison with the wishes
of the King himself, were of little avail. The resolutions of the
morning, formed under their advice, would be reversed in the evening,
by the influence of the Queen and court. But the hand of heaven weighed
heavily indeed on the machinations of this junto; producing collateral
incidents, not arising out of the case, yet powerfully co-exciting
the nation to force a regeneration of its government, and overwhelming
with accumulated difficulties, this liberticide resistance. For, while
laboring under the want of money for even ordinary purposes, in a
government which required a million of livres a day, and driven to the
last ditch by the universal call for liberty, there came on a winter
of such severe cold, as was without example in the memory of man, or
in the written records of history. The Mercury was at times 50° below
the freezing point of Fahrenheit, and 22° below that of Reaumur. All
out-door labor was suspended, and the poor, without the wages of labor,
were, of course, without either bread or fuel. The government found
its necessities aggravated by that of procuring immense quantities of
fire-wood, and of keeping great fires at all the cross streets, around
which the people gathered in crowds, to avoid perishing with cold.
Bread, too, was to be bought, and distributed daily, gratis, until
a relaxation of the season should enable the people to work; and the
slender stock of bread stuff had for some time threatened famine, and
had raised that article to an enormous price. So great, indeed, was the
scarcity of bread, that, from the highest to the lowest citizen, the
bakers were permitted to deal but a scanty allowance per head, even
to those who paid for it; and, in cards of invitation to dine in the
richest houses, the guest was notified to bring his own bread. To eke
out the existence of the people, every person who had the means, was
called on for a weekly subscription, which the Curés collected, and
employed in providing messes for the nourishment of the poor, and vied
with each other in devising such economical compositions of food, as
would subsist the greatest number with the smallest means. This want
of bread had been foreseen for some time past, and M. de Montmorin had
desired me to notify it in America, and that, in addition to the market
price, a premium should be given on what should be brought from the
United States. Notice was accordingly given, and produced considerable
supplies. Subsequent information made the importations from America,
during the months of March, April and May, into the Atlantic ports of
France, amount to about twenty-one thousand barrels of flour, besides
what went to other ports, and in other months; while our supplies to
their West Indian islands relieved them also from that drain. This
distress for bread continued till July.
Hitherto no acts of popular violence had been produced by the struggle
for political reformation. Little riots, on ordinary incidents, had
taken place as at other times, in different parts of the kingdom, in
which some lives, perhaps a dozen or twenty, had been lost; but in the
month of April, a more serious one occurred in Paris, unconnected,
indeed, with the Revolutionary principle, but making part of the
history of the day. The Fauxbourg St. Antoine is a quarter of the
city inhabited entirely by the class of day laborers and journeymen
in every line. A rumor was spread among them, that a great paper
manufacturer, of the name of Reveillon, had proposed, on some occasion,
that their wages should be lowered to fifteen sous a day. Inflamed
at once into rage, and without inquiring into its truth, they flew
to his house in vast numbers, destroyed everything in it, and in his
magazines and work-shops, without secreting, however, a pin's worth
to themselves, and were continuing this work of devastation, when the
regular troops were called in. Admonitions being disregarded, they were
of necessity fired on, and a regular action ensued, in which about one
hundred of them were killed, before the rest would disperse. There
had rarely passed a year without such a riot, in some part or other
of the Kingdom; and this is distinguished only as cotemporary with the
Revolution, although not produced by it.
The States General were opened on the 5th of May, '89, by speeches from
the King, the Garde des Sceaux, Lamoignon, and M. Necker. The last
was thought to trip too lightly over the constitutional reformations
which were expected. His notices of them in this speech, were not
as full as in his previous 'Rapport au Roi.' This was observed, to
his disadvantage; but much allowance should have been made for the
situation in which he was placed, between his own counsels, and those
of the ministers and party of the court. Overruled in his own opinions,
compelled to deliver, and to gloss over those of his opponents, and
even to keep their secrets, he could not come forward in his own
attitude.
The composition of the Assembly, although equivalent, on the whole,
to what had been expected, was something different in its elements. It
had been supposed, that a superior education would carry into the scale
of the Commons a respectable portion of the Noblesse. It did so as to
those of Paris, of its vicinity, and of the other considerable cities,
whose greater intercourse with enlightened society had liberalized
their minds, and prepared them to advance up to the measure of the
times. But the Noblesse of the country, which constituted two-thirds
of that body, were far in their rear. Residing constantly on their
patrimonial feuds, and familiarized, by daily habit, with Seigneurial
powers and practices, they had not yet learned to suspect their
inconsistence with reason and right. They were willing to submit
to equality of taxation, but not to descend from their rank and
prerogatives to be incorporated in session with the Tiers etat. Among
the Clergy, on the other hand, it had been apprehended that the higher
orders of the Hierarchy, by their wealth and connections, would have
carried the elections generally; but it turned out, that in most cases,
the lower clergy had obtained the popular majorities. These consisted
of the Curés, sons of the peasantry, who had been employed to do all
the drudgery of parochial services for ten, twenty, or thirty Louis a
year; while their superiors were consuming their princely revenues in
palaces of luxury and indolence.
The objects for which this body was convened, being of the first order
of importance, I felt it very interesting to understand the views
of the parties of which it was composed, and especially the ideas
prevalent as to the organization contemplated for their government.
I went, therefore, daily from Paris to Versailles, and attended
their debates, generally till the hour of adjournment. Those of the
Noblesse were impassioned and tempestuous. They had some able men on
both sides, actuated by equal zeal. The debates of the Commons were
temperate, rational, and inflexibly firm. As preliminary to all other
business, the awful questions came on, shall the States sit in one,
or in distinct apartments? And shall they vote by heads or houses?
The opposition was soon found to consist of the Episcopal order among
the clergy, and two-thirds of the Noblesse; while the Tiers etat
were, to a man, united and determined. After various propositions
of compromise had failed, the Commons undertook to cut the Gordian
knot. The Abbe Sieyes, the most logical head of the nation, (author
of the pamphlet "Qu'est ce que le Tiers etat?" which had electrified
that country, as Paine's Common Sense did us,) after an impressive
speech on the 10th of June, moved that a last invitation should be
sent to the Noblesse and Clergy, to attend in the hall of the States,
collectively or individually, for the verification of powers, to which
the Commons would proceed immediately, either in their presence or
absence. This verification being finished, a motion was made, on the
15th, that they should constitute themselves a National Assembly;
which was decided on the 17th, by a majority of four-fifths. During
the debates on this question, about twenty of the Curés had joined
them, and a proposition was made, in the chamber of the Clergy, that
their whole body should join. This was rejected, at first, by a small
majority only; but, being afterwards somewhat modified, it was decided
affirmatively, by a majority of eleven. While this was under debate,
and unknown to the court, to wit, on the 19th, a council was held in
the afternoon, at Marly, wherein it was proposed that the King should
interpose, by a declaration of his sentiments, in a _seance royale_. A
form of declaration was proposed by Necker, which, while it censured,
in general, the proceedings, both of the Nobles and Commons, announced
the King's views, such as substantially to coincide with the Commons.
It was agreed to in Council, the _seance_ was fixed for the 22d, the
meetings of the States were till then to be suspended, and everything,
in the meantime, kept secret. The members, the next morning (the
20th) repairing to their house, as usual, found the doors shut and
guarded, a proclamation posted up for a _seance royale_ on the 22d,
and a suspension of their meetings in the meantime. Concluding that
their dissolution was now to take place, they repaired to a building
called the "Jeu de paume" (or Tennis court) and there bound themselves
by oath to each other, never to separate, of their own accord, till
they had settled a constitution for the nation, on a solid basis,
and, if separated by force, that they would reassemble in some other
place. The next day they met in the church of St. Louis, and were
joined by a majority of the clergy. The heads of the Aristocracy saw
that all was lost without some bold exertion. The King was still at
Marly. Nobody was permitted to approach him but their friends. He was
assailed by falsehoods in all shapes. He was made to believe that the
Commons were about to absolve the army from their oath of fidelity
to him, and to raise their pay. The court party were now all rage
and desperation. They procured a committee to be held, consisting of
the King and his Ministers, to which Monsieur and the Count d'Artois
should be admitted. At this committee, the latter attacked M. Necker
personally, arraigned his declaration, and proposed one which some of
his prompters had put into his hands. M. Necker was brow-beaten and
intimidated, and the King shaken. He determined that the two plans
should be deliberated on the next day, and the _seance royale_ put
off a day longer. This encouraged a fiercer attack on M. Necker the
next day. His draught of a declaration was entirely broken up, and
that of the Count d'Artois inserted into it. Himself and Montmorin
offered their resignation, which was refused; the Count d'Artois saying
to M. Necker, "No sir, you must be kept as the hostage; we hold you
responsible for all the ill which shall happen." This change of plan
was immediately whispered without doors. The Noblesse were in triumph;
the people in consternation. I was quite alarmed at this state of
things. The soldiery had not yet indicated which side they should
take, and that which they should support would be sure to prevail.
I considered a successful reformation of government in France, as
insuring a general reformation through Europe, and the resurrection,
to a new life, of their people, now ground to dust by the abuses of
the governing powers. I was much acquainted with the leading patriots
of the Assembly. Being from a country which had successfully passed
through a similar reformation, they were disposed to my acquaintance,
and had some confidence in me. I urged, most strenuously, an immediate
compromise; to secure what the government was now ready to yield,
and trust to future occasions for what might still be wanting. It was
well understood that the King would grant, at this time, 1. Freedom
of the person by Habeas corpus: 2. Freedom of conscience: 3. Freedom
of the press: 4. Trial by jury: 5. A representative Legislature: 6.
Annual meetings: 7. The origination of laws: 8. The exclusive right of
taxation and appropriation: and 9. The responsibility of Ministers;
and with the exercise of these powers they could obtain, in future,
whatever might be further necessary to improve and preserve their
constitution. They thought otherwise, however, and events have proved
their lamentable error. For, after thirty years of war, foreign and
domestic, the loss of millions of lives, the prostration of private
happiness, and the foreign subjugation of their own country for a
time, they have obtained no more, nor even that securely. They were
unconscious of (for who could foresee?) the melancholy sequel of
their well-meant perseverance; that their physical force would be
usurped by a first tyrant to trample on the independence, and even the
existence, of other nations: that this would afford a fatal example
for the atrocious conspiracy of Kings against their people; would
generate their unholy and homicide alliance to make common cause among
themselves, and to crush, by the power of the whole, the efforts of any
part to moderate their abuses and oppressions.
When the King passed, the next day, through the lane formed from the
Chateau to the "Hotel des etats," there was a dead silence. He was
about an hour in the House, delivering his speech and declaration.
On his coming out, a feeble cry of "vive le Roi" was raised by some
children, but the people remained silent and sullen. In the close of
his speech, he had ordered that the members should follow him, and
resume their deliberations the next day. The Noblesse followed him, and
so did the Clergy, except about thirty, who, with the Tiers, remained
in the room, and entered into deliberation. They protested against
what the King had done, adhered to all their former proceedings, and
resolved the inviolability of their own persons. An officer came, to
order them out of the room in the King's name. "Tell those who sent
you," said Mirabeau, "that we shall not move hence but at our own will,
or the point of the bayonet." In the afternoon, the people, uneasy,
began to assemble in great numbers in the courts, and vicinities of
the palace. This produced alarm. The Queen sent for M. Necker. He was
conducted, amidst the shouts and acclamations of the multitude, who
filled all the apartments of the palace. He was a few minutes only
with the Queen, and what passed between them did not transpire. The
King went out to ride. He passed through the crowd to his carriage, and
into it, without being in the least noticed. As M. Necker followed him,
universal acclamations were raised of "vive Monsieur Necker, vive le
sauveur de la France opprimée." He was conducted back to his house with
the same demonstrations of affection and anxiety. About two hundred
deputies of the Tiers, catching the enthusiasm of the moment, went to
his house, and extorted from him a promise that he would not resign.
On the 25th, forty-eight of the Nobles joined the Tiers, and among
them the Duke of Orleans. There were then with them one hundred and
sixty-four members of the Clergy, although the minority of that body
still sat apart, and called themselves the Chamber of the Clergy. On
the 26th, the Archbishop of Paris joined the Tiers, as did some others
of the Clergy and of the Noblesse.
These proceedings had thrown the people into violent ferment. It gained
the soldiery, first of the French guards, extended to those of every
other denomination, except the Swiss, and even to the body guards of
the King. They began to quit their barracks, to assemble in squads, to
declare they would defend the life of the King, but would not be the
murderers of their fellow-citizens. They called themselves the soldiers
_of the nation_, and left now no doubt on which side they would be,
in case of rupture. Similar accounts came in from the troops in other
parts of the kingdom, giving good reason to believe they would side
with their fathers and brothers, rather than with their officers.
The operation of this medicine at Versailles was as sudden as it was
powerful. The alarm there was so complete, that in the afternoon of
the 27th, the King wrote, with his own hand, letters to the Presidents
of the Clergy and Nobles, engaging them immediately to join the Tiers.
These two bodies were debating, and hesitating, when notes from the
Count d'Artois decided their compliance. They went in a body, and took
their seats with the Tiers, and thus rendered the union of the orders
in one chamber complete.
The Assembly now entered on the business of their mission, and first
proceeded to arrange the order in which they would take up the heads of
their constitution, as follows:
First, and as Preliminary to the whole, a general Declaration of the
Rights of Man. Then, specifically, the Principles of the Monarchy;
Rights of the Nation; rights of the King; rights of the Citizens;
organization and rights of the National Assembly; forms necessary for
the enactment of Laws; organization and functions of the Provincial
and Municipal Assemblies; duties and limits of the Judiciary power;
functions and duties of the Military power.
A Declaration of the Rights of Man, as the preliminary of their work,
was accordingly prepared and proposed by the Marquis de La Fayette.
But the quiet of their march was soon disturbed by information that
troops, and particularly the foreign troops, were advancing on Paris
from various quarters. The King had probably been advised to this,
on the pretext of preserving peace in Paris. But his advisers were
believed to have other things in contemplation. The Marshal de Broglio
was appointed to their command, a high-flying aristocrat, cool and
capable of everything. Some of the French guards were soon arrested,
under other pretexts, but really, on account of their dispositions in
favor of the National cause. The people of Paris forced their prison,
liberated them, and sent a deputation to the Assembly to solicit a
pardon. The Assembly recommended peace and order to the people of
Paris, the prisoners to the King, and asked from him the removal of
the troops. His answer was negative and dry, saying they might remove
themselves, if they pleased, to Noyons or Soissons. In the meantime,
these troops, to the number of twenty or thirty thousand, had arrived,
and were posted in, and between Paris and Versailles. The bridges and
passes were guarded. At three o'clock in the afternoon of the 11th
of July, the Count de La Luzerne was sent to notify M. Necker of his
dismission, and to enjoin him to retire instantly, without saying a
word of it to anybody. He went home, dined, and proposed to his wife a
visit to a friend, but went in fact to his country house at St. Ouen,
and at midnight set out for Brussels. This was not known till the next
day (the 12th,) when the whole Ministry was changed, except Villedeuil,
of the domestic department, and Barenton, Garde des sceaux. The changes
were as follows:
The Baron de Breteuil, President of the Council of Finance; de la
Galaisiere, Comptroller General, in the room of M. Necker; the Marshal
de Broglio, Minister of War, and Foulon under him, in the room of
Puy-Segur; the Duke de la Vauguyon, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
instead of the Count de Montmorin; de La Porte, Minister of Marine, in
place of the Count de La Luzerne; St. Priest was also removed from the
Council. Luzerne and Puy-Segur had been strongly of the Aristocratic
party in the Council, but they were not considered equal to the work
now to be done. The King was now completely in the hands of men,
the principal among whom had been noted, through their lives, for
the Turkish despotism of their characters, and who were associated
around the King, as proper instruments for what was to be executed.
The news of this change began to be known at Paris, about one or two
o'clock. In the afternoon, a body of about one hundred German cavalry
were advanced, and drawn up in the Place Louis XV., and about two
hundred Swiss posted at a little distance in their rear. This drew
people to the spot, who thus accidentally found themselves in front
of the troops, merely at first as spectators; but, as their numbers
increased, their indignation rose. They retired a few steps, and
posted themselves on and behind large piles of stones, large and small,
collected in that place for a bridge, which was to be built adjacent
to it. In this position, happening to be in my carriage on a visit,
I passed through the lane they had formed, without interruption. But
the moment after I had passed, the people attacked the cavalry with
stones. They charged, but the advantageous position of the people, and
the showers of stones, obliged the horse to retire, and quit the field
altogether, leaving one of their number on the ground, and the Swiss
in the rear not moving to their aid. This was the signal for universal
insurrection, and this body of cavalry, to avoid being massacred,
retired towards Versailles. The people now armed themselves with such
weapons as they could find in armorer's shops, and private houses,
and with bludgeons; and were roaming all night, through all parts of
the city, without any decided object. The next day (the 13th,) the
Assembly pressed on the King to send away the troops, to permit the
Bourgeoisie of Paris to arm for the preservation of order in the city,
and offered to send a deputation from their body to tranquillize them;
but their propositions were refused. A committee of magistrates and
electors of the city were appointed by those bodies, to take upon them
its government. The people, now openly joined by the French guards,
forced the prison of St. Lazare, released all the prisoners, and took
a great store of corn, which they carried to the corn-market. Here they
got some arms, and the French guards began to form and train them. The
city-committee determined to raise forty-eight thousand Bourgeoise,
or rather to restrain their numbers to forty-eight thousand. On the
14th, they sent one of their members (Monsieur de Corny) to the Hotel
des Invalides, to ask arms for their Garde Bourgeoise. He was followed
by, and he found there, a great collection of people. The Governor
of the Invalids came out, and represented the impossibility of his
delivering arms, without the orders of those from whom he received
them. De Corny advised the people then to retire, and retired himself;
but the people took possession of the arms. It was remarkable, that
not only the Invalids themselves made no opposition, but that a body
of five thousand foreign troops, within four hundred yards, never
stirred. M. de Corny, and five others, were then sent to ask arms of M.
de Launay, Governor of the Bastile. They found a great collection of
people already before the place, and they immediately planted a flag
of truce, which was answered by a like flag hoisted on the parapet.
The deputation prevailed on the people to fall back a little, advanced
themselves to make their demand of the Governor, and in that instant,
a discharge from the Bastile killed four persons of those nearest to
the deputies. The deputies retired. I happened to be at the house of
M. de Corny, when he returned to it, and received from him a narrative
of these transactions. On the retirement of the deputies, the people
rushed forward, and almost in an instant, were in possession of a
fortification of infinite strength, defended by one hundred men, which
in other times had stood several regular sieges, and had never been
taken. How they forced their entrance has never been explained. They
took all the arms, discharged the prisoners, and such of the garrison
as were not killed in the first moment of fury; carried the Governor
and Lieutenant Governor, to the Place de Grève, (the place of public
execution,) cut off their heads, and sent them through the city, in
triumph, to the Palais royal. About the same instant, a treacherous
correspondence having been discovered in M. de Flesselles, Prevôt
des Marchands, they seized him in the Hotel de Ville, where he was
in the execution of his office, and cut off his head. These events,
carried imperfectly to Versailles, were the subject of two successive
deputations from the Assembly to the King, to both of which he gave dry
and hard answers; for nobody had as yet been permitted to inform him,
truly and fully, of what had passed at Paris. But at night, the Duke
de Liancourt forced his way into the King's bed chamber, and obliged
him to hear a full and animated detail of the disasters of the day
in Paris. He went to bed fearfully impressed. The decapitation of de
Launay worked powerfully through the night on the whole Aristocratic
party; insomuch, that in the morning, those of the greatest influence
on the Count d'Artois, represented to him the absolute necessity that
the King should give up everything to the Assembly. This according with
the dispositions of the King, he went about eleven o'clock, accompanied
only by his brothers, to the Assembly, and there read to them a
speech, in which he asked their interposition to re-establish order.
Although couched in terms of some caution, yet the manner in which
it was delivered, made it evident that it was meant as a surrender
at discretion. He returned to the Chateau a foot, accompanied by the
Assembly. They sent off a deputation to quiet Paris, at the head of
which was the Marquis de La Fayette, who had, the same morning, been
named Commandant en chef of the Milice Bourgeoise; and Monsieur Bailly,
former President of the States General, was called for as Prevôt des
Marchands. The demolition of the Bastile was now ordered and begun. A
body of the Swiss guards, of the regiment of Ventimille, and the city
horse guards joined the people. The alarm at Versailles increased. The
foreign troops were ordered off instantly. Every Minister resigned.
The King confirmed Bailly as Prevôt des Marchands, wrote to M. Necker,
to recall him, sent his letter open to the Assembly, to be forwarded
by them, and invited them to go with him to Paris the next day, to
satisfy the city of his dispositions; and that night, and the next
morning, the Count d'Artois, and M. de Montesson, a deputy connected
with him, Madame de Polignac, Madame de Guiche, and the Count de
Vaudreuil, favorites of the Queen, the Abbe de Vermont her confessor,
the Prince of Conde, and Duke of Bourbon fled. The King came to Paris,
leaving the Queen in consternation for his return. Omitting the less
important figures of the procession, the King's carriage was in the
centre; on each side of it, the Assembly, in two ranks a foot; at their
head the Marquis de La Fayette, as Commander-in-chief, on horseback,
and Bourgeois guards before and behind. About sixty thousand citizens,
of all forms and conditions, armed with the conquests of the Bastile
and Invalids, as far as they would go, the rest with pistols, swords,
pikes, pruning-hooks, scythes, &c., lined all the streets through which
the procession passed, and with the crowds of people in the streets,
doors, and windows, saluted them everywhere with the cries of "vive
la nation," but not a single "vive le Roi" was heard. The King stopped
at the Hotel de Ville. There M. Bailly presented and put into his hat,
the popular cockade, and addressed him. The King being unprepared, and
unable to answer, Bailly went to him, gathered from him some scraps of
sentences, and made out an answer, which he delivered to the audience,
as from the King. On their return, the popular cries were "vive le Roi
et la nation." He was conducted by a garde Bourgeoise to his palace at
Versailles, and thus concluded an "amende honorable," as no sovereign
ever made, and no people ever received.
And here, again, was lost another precious occasion of sparing to
France the crimes and cruelties through which she has since passed,
and to Europe, and finally America, the evils which flowed on them
also from this mortal source. The King was now become a passive
machine in the hands of the National Assembly, and had he been left to
himself, he would have willingly acquiesced in whatever they should
devise as best for the nation. A wise constitution would have been
formed, hereditary in his line, himself placed at its head, with
powers so large as to enable him to do all the good of his station,
and so limited, as to restrain him from its abuse. This he would
have faithfully administered, and more than this, I do not believe,
he ever wished. But he had a Queen of absolute sway over his weak
mind and timid virtue, and of a character the reverse of his in all
points. This angel, as gaudily painted in the rhapsodies of Burke, with
some smartness of fancy, but no sound sense, was proud, disdainful
of restraint, indignant at all obstacles to her will, eager in the
pursuit of pleasure, and firm enough to hold to her desires, or
perish in their wreck. Her inordinate gambling and dissipations, with
those of the Count d'Artois, and others of her _clique_, had been a
sensible item in the exhaustion of the treasury, which called into
action the reforming hand of the nation; and her opposition to it,
her inflexible perverseness, and dauntless spirit, led herself to the
Guillotine, drew the King on with her, and plunged the world into
crimes and calamities which will forever stain the pages of modern
history. I have ever believed, that had there been no Queen, there
would have been no revolution. No force would have been provoked, nor
exercised. The King would have gone hand in hand with the wisdom of his
sounder counsellors, who, guided by the increased lights of the age,
wished only, with the same pace, to advance the principles of their
social constitution. The deed which closed the mortal course of these
sovereigns, I shall neither approve nor condemn. I am not prepared
to say, that the first magistrate of a nation cannot commit treason
against his country, or is unamenable to its punishment; nor yet, that
where there is no written law, no regulated tribunal, there is not
a law in our hearts, and a power in our hands, given for righteous
employment in maintaining right, and redressing wrong. Of those who
judged the King many thought him wilfully criminal; many, that his
existence would keep the nation in perpetual conflict with the horde
of Kings who would war against a generation which might come home to
themselves, and that it were better that one should die than all. I
should not have voted with this portion of the legislature. I should
have shut up the Queen in a convent, putting harm out of her power,
and placed the King in his station, investing him with limited powers,
which, I verily believe, he would have honestly exercised, according
to the measure of his understanding. In this way, no void would have
been created, courting the usurpation of a military adventurer, nor
occasion given for those enormities which demoralized the nations of
the world, and destroyed, and is yet to destroy, millions and millions
of its inhabitants. There are three epochs in history, signalized
by the total extinction of national morality. The first was of the
successors of Alexander, not omitting himself: The next, the successors
of the first Cæsar: The third, our own age. This was begun by the
partition of Poland, followed by that of the treaty of Pilnitz; next
the conflagration of Copenhagen; then the enormities of Bonaparte,
partitioning the earth at his will, and devastating it with fire
and sword; now the conspiracy of Kings, the successors of Bonaparte,
blasphemously calling themselves the Holy Alliance, and treading in the
footsteps of their incarcerated leader; not yet, indeed, usurping the
government of other nations, avowedly and in detail, but controlling by
their armies the forms in which they will permit them to be governed;
and reserving, _in petto_, the order and extent of the usurpations
further meditated. But I will return from a digression, anticipated,
too, in time, into which I have been led by reflection on the criminal
passions which refused to the world a favorable occasion of saving it
from the afflictions it has since suffered.
M. Necker had reached Basle before he was overtaken by the letter of
the King, inviting him back to resume the office he had recently left.
He returned immediately, and all the other Ministers having resigned,
a new administration was named, to wit: St. Priest and Montmorin were
restored; the Archbishop of Bordeaux was appointed Garde des sceaux, La
Tour du Pin, Minister of War; La Luzerne, Minister of Marine. This last
was believed to have been effected by the friendship of Montmorin; for
although differing in politics, they continued firm in friendship, and
Luzerne, although not an able man, was thought an honest one. And the
Prince of Bauvau was taken into the Council.
Seven Princes of the blood Royal, six ex-Ministers, and many of the
high Noblesse, having fled, and the present Ministers, except Luzerne,
being all of the popular party, all the functionaries of government
moved, for the present, in perfect harmony.
In the evening of August the 4th, and on the motion of the Viscount
de Noailles, brother in law of La Fayette, the Assembly abolished all
titles of rank, all the abusive privileges of feudalism, the tithes
and casuals of the Clergy, all Provincial privileges, and, in fine,
the Feudal regimen generally. To the suppression of tithes, the Abbe
Sieyes was vehemently opposed; but his learned and logical arguments
were unheeded, and his estimation lessened by a contrast of his
egoism (for he was beneficed on them), with the generous abandonment
of rights by the other members of the Assembly. Many days were
employed in putting into the form of laws, the numerous demolitions
of ancient abuses; which done, they proceeded to the preliminary work
of a Declaration of rights. There being much concord of sentiment on
the elements of this instrument, it was liberally framed, and passed
with a very general approbation. They then appointed a Committee for
the "reduction of a projet" of a constitution, at the head of which
was the Archbishop of Bordeaux. I received from him, as chairman of
the Committee, a letter of July 20th, requesting me to attend and
assist at their deliberations; but I excused myself, on the obvious
considerations, that my mission was to the King as Chief Magistrate
of the nation, that my duties were limited to the concerns of my own
country, and forbade me to intermeddle with the internal transactions
of that, in which I had been received under a specific character only.
Their plan of a constitution was discussed in sections, and so reported
from time to time, as agreed to by the Committee. The first respected
the general frame of the government; and that this should be formed
into three departments, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary, was
generally agreed. But when they proceeded to subordinate developments,
many and various shades of opinion came into conflict, and schism,
strongly marked, broke the Patriots into fragments of very discordant
principles. The first question, Whether there should be a King? met
with no open opposition; and it was readily agreed, that the government
of France should be monarchical and hereditary. Shall the King have a
negative on the laws? shall that negative be absolute, or suspensive
only? Shall there be two Chambers of Legislation? or one only? If two,
shall one of them be hereditary? or for life? or for a fixed term? and
named by the King? or elected by the people? These questions found
strong differences of opinion, and produced repulsive combinations
among the Patriots. The Aristocracy was cemented by a common principle,
of preserving the ancient regime, or whatever should be nearest
to it. Making this their polar star, they moved in phalanx, gave
preponderance on every question to the minorities of the Patriots, and
always to those who advocated the least change. The features of the new
constitution were thus assuming a fearful aspect, and great alarm was
produced among the honest Patriots by these dissensions in their ranks.
In this uneasy state of things, I received one day a note from the
Marquis de La Fayette, informing me that he should bring a party of six
or eight friends to ask a dinner of me the next day. I assured him of
their welcome. When they arrived, they were La Fayette himself, Duport,
Barnave, Alexander la Meth, Blacon, Mounier, Maubourg, and Dagout.
These were leading Patriots, of honest but differing opinions, sensible
of the necessity of effecting a coalition by mutual sacrifices,
knowing each other, and not afraid, therefore, to unbosom themselves
mutually. This last was a material principle in the selection. With
this view, the Marquis had invited the conference, and had fixed the
time and place inadvertently, as to the embarrassment under which it
might place me. The cloth being removed, and wine set on the table,
after the American manner, the Marquis introduced the objects of the
conference, by summarily reminding them of the state of things in the
Assembly, the course which the principles of the Constitution were
taking, and the inevitable result, unless checked by more concord
among the Patriots themselves. He observed, that although he also had
his opinion, he was ready to sacrifice it to that of his brethren of
the same cause; but that a common opinion must now be formed, or the
Aristocracy would carry everything, and that, whatever they should
now agree on, he, at the head of the National force, would maintain.
The discussions began at the hour of four, and were continued till ten
o'clock in the evening; during which time, I was a silent witness to a
coolness and candor of argument, unusual in the conflicts of political
opinion; to a logical reasoning, and chaste eloquence, disfigured by
no gaudy tinsel of rhetoric or declamation, and truly worthy of being
placed in parallel with the finest dialogues of antiquity, as handed
to us by Xenophon, by Plato and Cicero. The result was, that the King
should have a suspensive veto on the laws, that the legislature should
be composed of a single body only, and that to be chosen by the people.
This Concordate decided the fate of the constitution. The Patriots
all rallied to the principles thus settled, carried every question
agreeably to them, and reduced the Aristocracy to insignificance
and impotence. But duties of exculpation were now incumbent on me.
I waited on Count Montmorin the next morning, and explained to him,
with truth and candor, how it had happened that my house had been made
the scene of conferences of such a character. He told me, he already
knew everything which had passed, that so far from taking umbrage
at the use made of my house on that occasion, he earnestly wished I
would habitually assist at such conferences, being sure I should be
useful in moderating the warmer spirits, and promoting a wholesome
and practicable reformation only. I told him, I knew too well the
duties I owed to the King, to the nation, and to my own country, to
take any part in councils concerning their internal government, and
that I should persevere, with care, in the character of a neutral and
passive spectator, with wishes only, and very sincere ones, that those
measures might prevail which would be for the greatest good of the
nation. I have no doubts, indeed, that this conference was previously
known and approved by this honest Minister, who was in confidence and
communication with the Patriots, and wished for a reasonable reform of
the Constitution.
Here I discontinue my relation of the French Revolution. The minuteness
with which I have so far given its details, is disproportioned to the
general scale of my narrative. But I have thought it justified by the
interest which the whole world must take in this Revolution. As yet,
we are but in the first chapter of its history. The appeal to the
rights of man, which had been made in the United States, was taken
up by France, first of the European nations. From her, the spirit has
spread over those of the South. The tyrants of the North have allied
indeed against it; but it is irresistible. Their opposition will only
multiply its millions of human victims; their own satellites will
catch it, and the condition of man through the civilized world, will be
finally and greatly ameliorated. This is a wonderful instance of great
events from small causes. So inscrutable is the arrangement of causes
and consequences in this world, that a two-penny duty on tea, unjustly
imposed in a sequestered part of it, changes the condition of all its
inhabitants. I have been more minute in relating the early transactions
of this regeneration, because I was in circumstances peculiarly
favorable for a knowledge of the truth. Possessing the confidence and
intimacy of the leading Patriots, and more than all, of the Marquis
Fayette, their head and Atlas, who had no secrets from me, I learned
with correctness the views and proceedings of that party; while my
intercourse with the diplomatic missionaries of Europe at Paris, all
of them with the court, and eager in prying into its councils and
proceedings, gave me a knowledge of these also. My information was
always, and immediately committed to writing, in letters to Mr. Jay,
and often to my friends, and a recurrence to these letters now insures
me against errors of memory.
These opportunities of information ceased at this period, with my
retirement from this interesting scene of action. I had been more than
a year soliciting leave to go home, with a view to place my daughters
in the society and care of their friends, and to return for a short
time to my station at Paris. But the metamorphosis through which
our government was then passing from its Chrysalid to its Organic
form suspended its action in a great degree; and it was not till
the last of August, that I received the permission I had asked. And
here, I cannot leave this great and good country, without expressing
my sense of its pre-eminence of character among the nations of the
earth. A more benevolent people I have never known, nor greater
warmth and devotedness in their select friendships. Their kindness
and accommodation to strangers is unparalleled, and the hospitality
of Paris is beyond anything I had conceived to be practicable in
a large city. Their eminence, too, in science, the communicative
dispositions of their scientific men, the politeness of the general
manners, the ease and vivacity of their conversation, give a charm
to their society, to be found nowhere else. In a comparison of this,
with other countries, we have the proof of primacy, which was given
to Themistocles, after the battle of Salamis. Every general voted to
himself the first reward of valor, and the second to Themistocles.
So, ask the travelled inhabitant of any nation, in what country on
earth would you rather live?--Certainly, in my own, where are all my
friends, my relations, and the earliest and sweetest affections and
recollections of my life. Which would be your second choice? France.
On the 26th of September I left Paris for Havre, where I was detained
by contrary winds until the 8th of October. On that day, and the
9th, I crossed over to Cowes, where I had engaged the Clermont, Capt.
Colley, to touch for me. She did so; but here again we were detained
by contrary winds, until the 22d, when we embarked, and landed at
Norfolk on the 23d of November. On my way home, I passed some days at
Eppington, in Chesterfield, the residence of my friend and connection,
Mr. Eppes; and, while there, I received a letter from the President,
General Washington, by express, covering an appointment to be Secretary
of State.[23] I received it with real regret. My wish had been to
return to Paris, where I had left my household establishment, as
if there myself, and to see the end of the Revolution, which I then
thought would be certainly and happily closed in less than a year. I
then meant to return home, to withdraw from political life, into which
I had been impressed by the circumstances of the times, to sink into
the bosom of my family and friends, and devote myself to studies more
congenial to my mind. In my answer of December 15th, I expressed these
dispositions candidly to the President, and my preference of a return
to Paris; but assured him, that if it was believed I could be more
useful in the administration of the government, I would sacrifice my
own inclinations without hesitation, and repair to that destination;
this I left to his decision. I arrived at Monticello on the 23d
of December, where I received a second letter from the President,
expressing his continued wish that I should take my station there, but
leaving me still at liberty to continue in my former office, if I could
not reconcile myself to that now proposed. This silenced my reluctance,
and I accepted the new appointment.
In the interval of my stay at home, my eldest daughter had been happily
married to the eldest son of the Tuckahoe branch of Randolphs, a young
gentleman of genius, science, and honorable mind, who afterwards filled
a dignified station in the General Government, and the most dignified
in his own State. I left Monticello on the first of March, 1790,
for New York. At Philadelphia I called on the venerable and beloved
Franklin. He was then on the bed of sickness from which he never rose.
My recent return from a country in which he had left so many friends,
and the perilous convulsions to which they had been exposed, revived
all his anxieties to know what part they had taken, what had been
their course, and what their fate. He went over all in succession,
with a rapidity and animation almost too much for his strength. When
all his inquiries were satisfied, and a pause took place, I told him
I had learned with much pleasure that, since his return to America,
he had been occupied in preparing for the world the history of his own
life. I cannot say much of that, said he; but I will give you a sample
of what I shall leave; and he directed his little grandson (William
Bache) who was standing by the bedside, to hand him a paper from the
table, to which he pointed. He did so; and the Doctor putting it into
my hands, desired me to take it and read it at my leisure. It was about
a quire of folio paper, written in a large and running hand, very like
his own. I looked into it slightly, then shut it, and said I would
accept his permission to read it, and would carefully return it. He
said, "no, keep it." Not certain of his meaning, I again looked into
it, folded it for my pocket, and said again, I would certainly return
it. "No," said he, "keep it." I put it into my pocket, and shortly
after took leave of him. He died on the 17th of the ensuing month of
April; and as I understood that he had bequeathed all his papers to his
grandson, William Temple Franklin, I immediately wrote to Mr. Franklin,
to inform him I possessed this paper, which I should consider as his
property, and would deliver to his order. He came on immediately to
New York, called on me for it, and I delivered it to him. As he put
it into his pocket, he said carelessly, he had either the original,
or another copy of it, I do not recollect which. This last expression
struck my attention forcibly, and for the first time suggested to me
the thought that Dr. Franklin had meant it as a confidential deposit
in my hands, and that I had done wrong in parting from it. I have
not yet seen the collection he published of Dr. Franklin's works,
and, therefore, know not if this is among them. I have been told
it is not. It contained a narrative of the negotiations between Dr.
Franklin and the British Ministry, when he was endeavoring to prevent
the contest of arms which followed. The negotiation was brought about
by the intervention of Lord Howe and his sister, who, I believe, was
called Lady Howe, but I may misremember her title. Lord Howe seems
to have been friendly to America, and exceedingly anxious to prevent
a rupture. His intimacy with Dr. Franklin, and his position with the
Ministry, induced him to undertake a mediation between them; in which
his sister seemed to have been associated. They carried from one
to the other, backwards and forwards, the several propositions and
answers which passed, and seconded with their own intercessions, the
importance of mutual sacrifices, to preserve the peace and connection
of the two countries. I remember that Lord North's answers were dry,
unyielding, in the spirit of unconditional submission, and betrayed
an absolute indifference to the occurrence of a rupture; and he said
to the mediators distinctly, at last, that "a rebellion was not to
be deprecated on the part of Great Britain; that the confiscations it
would produce would provide for many of their friends." This expression
was reported by the mediators to Dr. Franklin, and indicated so cool
and calculated a purpose in the Ministry, as to render compromise
hopeless, and the negotiation was discontinued. If this is not among
the papers published, we ask, what has become of it? I delivered
it with my own hands, into those of Temple Franklin. It certainly
established views so atrocious in the British government, that its
suppression would, to them, be worth a great price. But could the
grandson of Dr. Franklin be, in such degree, an accomplice in the
parricide of the memory of his immortal grandfather? The suspension
for more than twenty years of the general publication, bequeathed and
confided to him, produced, for awhile, hard suspicions against him;
and if, at last, all are not published, a part of these suspicions may
remain with some.
I arrived at New York on the 21st of March, where Congress was in
session.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] [See Appendix, note A.]
[2] [The name of a public room in the Raleigh.]
[3] Life of Washington, vol. ii, p. 151.
[4] [See Appendix, note B.]
[5] [See Appendix, note C.]
[6] See Girardin's History of Virginia, Appendix No. 12.
note.
[7] [See Appendix, note D.]
[8] [Here, in the original manuscript, commence the "two
preceding sheets" referred to by Mr. Jefferson, page 26, as
containing "notes" taken by him "whilst these things were
going on." They are easily distinguished from the body of the
MS. in which they were inserted by him, being of a paper very
different in size, quality and color, from that in which the
latter is written.]
[9] July 9.
[10] [In this publication, the parts struck out are printed
in _Italics_ and inclosed in brackets.]
[11] [See Appendix, note B.]
[12] [The above note of the author is on a slip of paper,
pasted in at the end of the Declaration. Here is also sewed
into the MS. a slip of newspaper containing, under the head
"Declaration of Independence," a letter from Thomas M'Kean,
to Messrs. William M'Corkle & Son, dated "Philadelphia, June
16, 1817." This letter is to be found in the Port Folio,
Sept. 1817, p. 249.]
[13] [Here terminate the author's notes of the "earlier
debates on the confederation," and recommences the MS. begun
by him in 1821.]
[14] [See Appendix, note A.]
[15] [See Appendix, note E.]
[16] His ostensible character was to be that of a merchant,
his real one that of agent for military supplies, and also
for sounding the dispositions of the government of France,
and seeing how far they would favor us, either secretly or
openly. His appointment had been by the Committee of foreign
correspondence, March, 1776.
[17] [See Appendix, note F.]
[18] Vattel L. 2, § 156. L. 4, § 77. 1. Mably Droit D'Europe,
86.
[19] [In the original MS., the paragraph ending "fell
through," terminates page 81 between this page and the next,
there is stitched in, a leaf of old writing, constituting a
memorandum, whereof note G. in the Appendix, is a copy.]
[20] The Crimea.
[21] [Extract from the despatch of the Count de Vergennes, to
the Marquis de Verac, Ambassador from France, at the Hague,
dated March 1, 1786:
"The King will give his aid, as far as may be in his power,
towards the success of the affair, and will, on his part,
invite the Patriots to communicate to him their views, their
plans, and their discontents. You may assure them that the
King takes a real interest in themselves as well as their
cause, and that they may rely upon his protection. On this
they may place the greater dependence, as we do not conceal,
that if the Stadtholder resumes his former influence, the
English System will soon prevail, and our alliance become a
mere affair of the imagination. The Patriots will readily
feel, that this position would be incompatible both with
the dignity and consideration of his Majesty. But in case
the Chief of the Patriots should have to fear a division,
they would have time sufficient to reclaim those whom the
Anglomaniacs had misled, and to prepare matters in such
a manner, that the question when again agitated, might be
decided according to their wishes. In such a hypothetical
case, the King authorizes you to act in concert with them,
to pursue the direction which they may think proper to give
you, and to employ every means to augment the number of the
partisans of the good cause. It remains for me to speak of
the personal security of the Patriots. You may assure them,
that under every circumstance, the King will take them under
his immediate protection, and you will make known wherever
you may judge necessary, that his Majesty will regard as a
personal offence every undertaking against their liberty.
It is to be presumed that this language, energetically
maintained, may have some effect on the audacity of the
Anglomaniacs, and that the Prince de Nassau will feel that he
runs some risk in provoking the resentment of his Majesty."]
[22] In the impeachment of Judge Pickering, of New Hampshire,
a habitual and maniac drunkard, no defence was made. Had
there been, the party vote of more than one-third of the
Senate would have acquitted him.
[23] [See Appendix, note H.]
APPENDIX.
[NOTE A.]
LETTER TO JOHN SAUNDERSON, ESQ.
Monticello, August 31, 1820.
SIR,
Your letter of the 19th was received in due time, and I wish it were
in my power to furnish you more fully, than in the enclosed paper,
with materials for the biography of George Wythe; but I possess none
in writing, am very distant from the place of his birth and early
life, and know not a single person in that quarter from whom inquiry
could be made, with the expectation of collecting anything material.
Add to this, that feeble health disables me, almost, from writing;
and entirely from the labor of going into difficult research. I became
acquainted with Mr. Wythe when he was about thirty-five years of age.
He directed my studies in the law, led me into business, and continued,
until death, my most affectionate friend. A close intimacy with him,
during that period of forty odd years, the most important of his
life, enables me to state its leading facts, which, being of my own
knowledge, I vouch their truth. Of what precedes that period, I speak
from hearsay only, in which there may be error, but of little account,
as the character of the facts will themselves manifest. In the epoch
of his birth, I may err a little, stating that from the recollection
of a particular incident, the date of which, within a year or two, I
do not distinctly remember. These scanty outlines you will be able,
I hope, to fill up from other information, and they may serve you,
sometimes, as landmarks to distinguish truth from error, in what you
hear from others. The exalted virtue of the man will also be a polar
star to guide you in all matters which may touch that element of his
character. But on that you will receive imputation from no man; for, as
far as I know, he never had an enemy. Little as I am able to contribute
to the just reputation of this excellent man, it is the act of my life
most gratifying to my heart; and leaves me only to regret that a waning
memory can do no more.
Of Mr. Hancock I can say nothing, having known him only in the chair of
Congress. Having myself been the youngest man but one in that body, the
disparity of age prevented any particular intimacy. But of him there
can be no difficulty in obtaining full information in the North.
I salute you, Sir, with sentiments of great respect,
TH. JEFFERSON.
NOTES FOR THE BIOGRAPHY OF GEORGE WYTHE.
George Wythe was born about the year 1727, or 1728, of a respectable
family in the County of Elizabeth City, on the shores of the
Chesapeake. He inherited, from his father, a fortune sufficient for
independence and ease. He had not the benefit of a regular education
in the schools, but acquired a good one of himself, and without
assistance; insomuch, as to become the best Latin and Greek scholar
in the State. It is said, that while reading the Greek Testament, his
mother held an English one, to aid him in rendering the Greek text
conformably with that. He also acquired, by his own reading, a good
knowledge of Mathematics, and of Natural and Moral Philosophy. He
engaged in the study of the law under the direction of a Mr. Lewis,
of that profession, and went early to the bar of the General Court,
then occupied by men of great ability, learning, and dignity in their
profession. He soon became eminent among them, and, in process of time,
the first at the bar, taking into consideration his superior learning,
correct elocution, and logical style of reasoning; for in pleading he
never indulged himself with an useless or declamatory thought or word;
and became as distinguished by correctness and purity of conduct in
his profession, as he was by his industry and fidelity to those who
employed him. He was early elected to the House of Representatives,
then called the House of Burgesses, and continued in it until the
Revolution. On the first dawn of that, instead of higgling on half-way
principles, as others did who feared to follow their reason, he took
his stand on the solid ground that the only link of political union
between us and Great Britain, was the identity of our Executive; that
that nation and its Parliament had no more authority over us, than we
had over them, and that we were co-ordinate nations with Great Britain
and Hanover.
In 1774, he was a member of a Committee of the House of Burgesses,
appointed to prepare a Petition to the King, a Memorial to the House
of Lords, and a Remonstrance to the House of Commons, on the subject
of the proposed Stamp Act. He was made draughtsman of the last, and,
following his own principles, he so far overwent the timid hesitations
of his colleagues, that his draught was subjected by them to material
modifications; and, when the famous Resolutions of Mr. Henry, in 1775,
were proposed, it was not on any difference of principle that they
were opposed by Wythe, Randolph, Pendleton, Nicholas, Bland, and other
worthies, who had long been the habitual leaders of the House; but
because those papers of the preceding session had already expressed the
same sentiments and assertions of right, and that an answer to them was
yet to be expected.
In August, 1775, he was appointed a member of Congress, and in 1776,
signed the Declaration of Independence, of which he had, in debate,
been an eminent supporter. And subsequently, in the same year, he
was appointed, by the Legislature of Virginia, one of a Committee
to revise the laws of the State, as well of British as of Colonial
enactment, and to prepare bills for re-enacting them, with such
alterations as the change in the form and principles of the government,
and other circumstances, required, and of this work, he executed the
period commencing with the revolution in England, and ending with
the establishment of the new government here; excepting the Acts for
regulating descents, for religious freedom, and for proportioning
crimes and punishments. In 1777, he was chosen Speaker of the House of
Delegates, being of distinguished learning in Parliamentary law and
proceedings; and towards the end of the same year, he was appointed
one of the three Chancellors, to whom that department of the Judiciary
was confided, on the first organization of the new government. On a
subsequent change of the form of that court, he was appointed sole
Chancellor, in which office he continued to act until his death, which
happened in June, 1806, about the seventy-eighth or seventy-ninth year
of his age.
Mr. Wythe had been twice married: first, I believe, to a daughter
of Mr. Lewis, with whom he had studied law, and afterwards to a Miss
Taliaferro, of a wealthy and respectable family in the neighborhood of
Williamsburg; by neither of whom did he leave issue.
No man ever left behind him a character more venerated than George
Wythe. His virtue was of the purest tint; his integrity inflexible,
and his justice exact; of warm patriotism, and, devoted as he was to
liberty, and the natural and equal rights of man, he might truly be
called the Cato of his country, without the avarice of the Roman; for
a more disinterested person never lived. Temperance and regularity
in all his habits, gave him general good health, and his unaffected
modesty and suavity of manners endeared him to every one. He was of
easy elocution, his language chaste, methodical in the arrangement of
his matter, learned and logical in the use of it, and of great urbanity
in debate; not quick of apprehension, but, with a little time, profound
in penetration, and sound in conclusion. In his philosophy he was firm,
and neither troubling, nor perhaps trusting, any one with his religious
creed, he left the world to the conclusion, that that religion must be
good which could produce a life of such exemplary virtue.
His stature was of the middle size, well formed and proportioned, and
the features of his face were manly, comely, and engaging. Such was
George Wythe, the honor of his own, and the model of future times.
[NOTE B.]
LETTER TO SAMUEL A. WELLS, ESQ.
Monticello, May 12, 1819.
SIR,
An absence of some time at an occasional and distant residence, must
apologize for the delay in acknowledging the receipt of your favor
of April 12; and, candor obliges me to add, that it has been somewhat
extended by an aversion to writing, as well as to calls on my memory
for facts so much obliterated from it by time, as to lessen my own
confidence in the traces which seem to remain. One of the inquiries
in your letter, however, may be answered without an appeal to the
memory. It is that respecting the question, whether committees of
correspondence originated in Virginia, or Massachusetts? on which
you suppose me to have claimed it for Virginia; but certainly I
have never made such a claim. The idea, I suppose, has been taken up
from what is said in Wirt's history of Mr. Henry, page 87, and from
an inexact attention to its precise terms. It is there said, "this
House (of Burgesses, of Virginia) had the merit of originating that
powerful engine of resistance, corresponding committees _between
the legislatures of the different colonies_." That the fact, as here
expressed, is true, your letter bears witness, when it says, that the
resolutions of Virginia, for this purpose, were transmitted to the
speakers of the different assemblies, and by that of Massachusetts,
was laid, at the next session, before that body, who appointed a
committee for the specified object: adding, "thus, in Massachusetts,
there were two committees of correspondence, one chosen by the
people, the other appointed by the House of Assembly; in the former,
Massachusetts preceded Virginia; in the latter, Virginia preceded
Massachusetts." To the origination of committees for the interior
correspondence between the counties and towns of a State, I know of
no claim on the part of Virginia; and certainly none was ever made by
myself. I perceive, however, one error, into which memory had led me.
Our committee for national correspondence, was appointed in March,
'73, and I well remember, that going to Williamsburg, in the month of
June following, Peyton Randolph, our Chairman, told me that messengers
bearing despatches between the two States, had crossed each other by
the way, that of Virginia carrying our propositions for a committee
of national correspondence, and that of Massachusetts, bringing, as
my memory suggested, a similar proposition. But here I must have
misremembered; and the resolutions brought us from Massachusetts,
were probably those you mention of the town-meeting of Boston, on
the motion of Mr. Samuel Adams, appointing a committee "to state the
rights of the colonists, and of that province in particular, and the
infringements of them; to communicate them to the several towns, as
the sense of the town of Boston, and to request, of each town, a free
communication of its sentiments on the subject." I suppose, therefore,
that these resolutions were not received, as you think, while the House
of Burgesses was in session in March, 1773, but a few days after we
rose, and were probably what was sent by the messenger, who crossed
ours by the way. They may, however, have been still different. I must,
therefore, have been mistaken in supposing, and stating to Mr. Wirt,
that the proposition of a committee for national correspondence, was
nearly simultaneous in Virginia and Massachusetts.
A similar misapprehension of another passage in Mr. Wirt's book,
for which I am also quoted, has produced a similar reclamation on
the part of Massachusetts, by some of her most distinguished and
estimable citizens. I had been applied to by Mr. Wirt, for such facts
respecting Mr. Henry, as my intimacy with him, and participation in
the transactions of the day, might have placed within my knowledge. I
accordingly committed them to paper; and Virginia being the theatre
of his action, was the only subject within my contemplation. While
speaking of him, of the resolutions and measures here, in which he
had the acknowledged lead, I used the expression, that "Mr. Henry
certainly gave the first impulse to the ball of revolution." [Wirt,
page 41.] The expression is indeed general, and in all its extension,
would comprehend all the sister States; but indulgent construction
would restrain it, as was really meant, to the subject matter under
contemplation, which was Virginia alone; according to the rule of the
lawyers, and a fair canon of general criticism, that every expression
should be construed secundum subjectam materiam. Where the first attack
was made, there must have been of course, the first act of resistance,
and that was in Massachusetts. Our first overt act of war, was Mr.
Henry's embodying a force of militia from several counties, regularly
armed and organized, marching them in military array, and making
reprisal on the King's treasury at the seat of government, for the
public powder taken away by his Governor. This was on the last days of
April, 1775. Your formal battle of Lexington, was ten or twelve days
before that, and greatly overshadowed in importance, as it preceded in
time, our little affray, which merely amounted to a levying of arms
against the King; and very possibly, you had had military affrays
before the regular battle of Lexington.
These explanations will, I hope, assure you, Sir, that so far as either
facts or opinions have been truly quoted from me, they have never been
meant to intercept the just fame of Massachusetts, for the promptitude
and perseverance of her early resistance. We willingly cede to her the
laud of having been (although not exclusively) "the cradle of sound
principles," and, if some of us believe she has deflected from them in
her course, we retain full confidence in her ultimate return to them.
I will now proceed to your quotation from Mr. Galloway's statement
of what passed in Congress, on their Declaration of Independence;
in which statement there is not one word of truth, and where bearing
some resemblance to truth, it is an entire perversion of it. I do not
charge this on Mr. Galloway himself; his desertion having taken place
long before these measures, he doubtless received his information from
some of the loyal friends whom he left behind him. But as yourself,
as well as others, appear embarrassed by inconsistent accounts of
the proceedings on that memorable occasion, and as those who have
endeavored to restore the truth, have themselves committed some errors,
I will give you some extracts from a written document on that subject;
for the truth of which I pledge myself to heaven and earth; having,
while the question of Independence was under consideration before
Congress, taken written notes, in my seat, of what was passing, and
reduced them to form on the final conclusion. I have now before me that
paper, from which the following are extracts. "Friday, June 7th, 1776.
The delegates from Virginia moved, in obedience to instructions from
their constituents, that the Congress should declare that these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States;
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and
that all political connection between them and the State of Great
Britain is, and ought to be totally dissolved; that measures should be
immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a
Confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely together. The
House, being obliged to attend at that time to some other business, the
proposition was referred to the next day, when the members were ordered
to attend punctually at ten o'clock. Saturday, June 8th. They proceeded
to take it into consideration, and referred it to a committee of the
whole, into which they immediately resolved themselves, and passed that
day in debating on the subject.
"It appearing in the course of these debates, that the colonies of New
York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and South Carolina,
were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they
were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait
a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July 1st. But
that this might occasion as little delay as possible, a Committee was
appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. The Committee
were John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston
and myself. This was reported to the House on Friday, the 28th of
June, when it was read and ordered to lie on the table. On Monday,
the 1st of July, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the
whole, and resumed the consideration of the original motion made by the
delegates of Virginia, which, being again debated through the day, was
carried in the affirmative by the votes of New Hampshire, Connecticut,
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina and Georgia. South Carolina and Pennsylvania voted against
it. Delaware had but two members present, and they were divided. The
delegates from New York declared they were for it themselves, and were
assured their constituents were for it; but that their instructions
having been drawn near a twelvemonth before, when reconciliation was
still the general object, they were enjoined by them, to do nothing
which should impede that object. They, therefore, thought themselves
not justifiable in voting on either side, and asked leave to withdraw
from the question, which was given them. The Committee rose, and
reported their resolutions to the House. Mr. Rutledge, of South
Carolina, then requested the determination might be put off to the
next day, as he believed his colleagues, though they disapproved of
the resolution, would then join in it for the sake of unanimity. The
ultimate question, whether the House would agree to the resolution of
the Committee, was accordingly postponed to the next day, when it was
again moved, and South Carolina concurred in voting for it. In the
meantime, a third member had come post from the Delaware counties, and
turned the vote of that colony in favor of the resolution. Members of
a different sentiment attending that morning from Pennsylvania also,
her vote was changed; so that the whole twelve colonies, who were
authorized to vote at all, gave their votes for it; and within a few
days [July 9th] the convention of New York approved of it, and this
supplied the void occasioned by the withdrawing of their delegates from
the vote." [Be careful to observe, that this vacillation and vote were
on the original motion of the 7th of June, by the Virginia delegates,
that Congress should declare the colonies independent.] "Congress
proceeded, the same day, to consider the Declaration of Independence,
which had been reported and laid on the table the Friday preceding,
and on Monday, referred to a Committee of the whole. The pusillanimous
idea, that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still
haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages which
conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they
should give them offence. The debates having taken up the greater parts
of the second, third and fourth days of July, were, in the evening
of the last, closed; the Declaration was reported by the Committee,
agreed to by the House, and signed by every member present except Mr.
Dickinson." So far my notes.
Governor M'Kean, in his letter to McCorkle of July 16th, 1817, has
thrown some lights on the transactions of that day; but, trusting to
his memory chiefly, at an age when our memories are not to be trusted,
he has confounded two questions, and ascribed proceedings to one which
belonged to the other. These two questions were, 1st, the Virginia
motion of June the 7th, to declare Independence; and 2d, the actual
Declaration, its matter and form. Thus he states the question on the
Declaration itself, as decided on the 1st of July; but it was the
Virginia motion which was voted on that day in committee of the whole;
South Carolina, as well as Pennsylvania, then voting against it. But
the ultimate decision in _the House_, on the report of the Committee,
being, by request, postponed to the next morning, all the States voted
for it, except New York, whose vote was delayed for the reason before
stated. It was not till the 2d of July, that the Declaration itself was
taken up; nor till the 4th, that it was decided, and it was signed by
every member present, except Mr. Dickinson.
The subsequent signatures of members who were not then present, and
some of them not yet in office, is easily explained, if we observe
who they were; to wit, that they were of New York and Pennsylvania.
New York did not sign till the 15th, because it was not till the
9th (five days after the general signature), that their Convention
authorized them to do so. The Convention of Pennsylvania, learning that
it had been signed by a minority only of their delegates, named a new
delegation on the 20th, leaving out Mr. Dickinson, who had refused to
sign, Willing and Humphreys who had withdrawn, re-appointing the three
members who had signed, Morris, who had not been present, and five new
ones, to wit, Rush, Clymer, Smith, Taylor and Ross: and Morris, and
the five new members were permitted to sign, because it manifested
the assent of their full delegation, and the express will of their
Convention, which might have been doubted on the former signature
of a minority only. Why the signature of Thornton, of New Hampshire,
was permitted so late as the 4th of November, I cannot now say; but
undoubtedly for some particular reason, which we should find to have
been good, had it been expressed. These were the only post-signers, and
you see, Sir, that there were solid reasons for receiving those of New
York and Pennsylvania, and that this circumstance in no wise affects
the faith of this Declaratory Charter of our rights, and of the rights
of man.
With a view to correct errors of fact before they become inveterate
by repetition, I have stated what I find essentially material in my
papers, but with that brevity, which the labor of writing constrains me
to use.
On the four particular articles of enquiry in your letter, respecting
your grandfather, the venerable Samuel Adams, neither memory nor
memorandums enable me to give any information. I can say that he was
truly a great man, wise in council, fertile in resources, immoveable
in his purposes, and had, I think, a greater share than any other
member, in advising and directing our measures, in the Northern war.
As a speaker, he could not be compared with his living colleague
and namesake, whose deep conceptions, nervous style, and undaunted
firmness, made him truly our bulwark in debate. But Mr. Samuel Adams,
although not of fluent elocution, was so rigorously logical, so clear
in his views, abundant in good sense, and master always of his subject,
that he commanded the most profound attention, whenever he rose in an
assembly, by which the froth of declamation was heard with the most
sovereign contempt. I sincerely rejoice, that the record of his worth
is to be undertaken by one so much disposed as you will be, to hand him
down fairly to that posterity for whose liberty and happiness he was so
zealous a laborer.
With sentiments of sincere veneration for his memory, accept yourself
this tribute to it, with the assurance of my great respect.
* * * * *
P. S. August 6th, 1822. Since the date of this letter, to-wit, this
day, August 6, '22, I have received the new publication of the Secret
Journals of Congress, wherein is stated a resolution of July 19th,
1776, that the Declaration passed on the 4th, be fairly engrossed on
parchment, and when engrossed, be signed by every member; and another
of August 2nd, that being engrossed and compared at the table, it was
signed by the members; that is to say, the copy engrossed on parchment
(for durability) was signed by the members, after being compared at
the table, with the original one signed on paper as before stated.
I add this P. S. to the copy of my letter to Mr. Wells, to prevent
confounding the signature of the original with that of the copy
engrossed on parchment.
[NOTE C.]
_On the instructions given to the first delegation of Virginia to
Congress, in August, 1774._
The Legislature of Virginia happened to be in session, in Williamsburg,
when news was received of the passage, by the British Parliament, of
the Boston Port Bill, which was to take effect on the first day of June
then ensuing. The House of Burgesses, thereupon, passed a resolution,
recommending to their fellow-citizens, that that day should be set
apart for fasting and prayer to the Supreme Being, imploring him to
avert the calamities then threatening us, and to give us one heart and
one mind to oppose every invasion of our liberties. The next day, May
the 20th, 1774, the Governor dissolved us. We immediately repaired to
a room in the Raleigh tavern, about one hundred paces distant from the
Capitol, formed ourselves into a meeting, Peyton Randolph in the chair,
and came to resolutions, declaring, that an attack on one colony, to
enforce arbitrary acts, ought to be considered as an attack on all, and
to be opposed by the united wisdom of all. We, therefore, appointed
a Committee of correspondence, to address letters to the Speakers of
the several Houses of Representatives of the colonies, proposing the
appointment of deputies from each, to meet _annually in a General
Congress_, to deliberate on their common interests, and on the measures
to be pursued in common. The members then separated to their several
homes, except those of the Committee, who met the next day, prepared
letters according to instructions, and despatched them by messengers
express, to their several destinations. It had been agreed, also,
by the meeting, that the Burgesses, who should be elected under the
writs then issuing, should be requested to meet in Convention, on a
certain day in August, to learn the results of these letters, and to
appoint delegates to a Congress, should that measure be approved by
the other colonies. At the election, the people re-elected every man
of the former Assembly, as a proof of their approbation of what they
had done. Before I left home, to attend the Convention, I prepared
what I thought might be given, in instruction, to the Delegates who
should be appointed to attend the General Congress proposed. They were
drawn in haste, with a number of blanks, with some uncertainties and
inaccuracies of historical facts, which I neglected at the moment,
knowing they could be readily corrected at the meeting. I set out on my
journey, but was taken sick on the road, and was unable to proceed. I
therefore sent on, by express, two copies, one under cover to Patrick
Henry, the other to Peyton Randolph, who I knew would be in the chair
of the Convention. Of the former, no more was ever heard or known.
Mr. Henry probably thought it too bold, as a first measure, as the
majority of the members did. On the other copy being laid on the table
of the Convention, by Peyton Randolph, as the proposition of a member,
who was prevented from attendance by sickness on the road, tamer
sentiments were preferred, and, I believe, wisely preferred; the leap
I proposed being too long, as yet, for the mass of our citizens. The
distance between these, and the instructions actually adopted, is of
some curiosity, however, as it shews the inequality of pace with which
we moved, and the prudence required to keep front and rear together.
My creed had been formed on unsheathing the sword at Lexington. They
printed the paper, however, and gave it the title of 'A summary view
of the rights of British America.' In this form it got to London, where
the opposition took it up, shaped it to opposition views, and, in that
form, it ran rapidly through several editions.
Mr. Marshall, in his history of General Washington, chapter 3,
speaking of this proposition for Committees of correspondence and for
a General Congress, says, 'this measure had already been proposed in
town meeting, in Boston,' and some pages before, he had said, that 'at
a session of the General Court of Massachusetts, in September, 1770,
that Court, in pursuance of a favorite idea of uniting all the colonies
in one system of measures, elected a Committee of correspondence, to
communicate with such Committees as might be appointed by the other
colonies.' This is an error. The Committees of correspondence, elected
by Massachusetts, were expressly for a correspondence among the several
_towns_ of that province only. Besides the text of their proceedings,
his own note X, proves this. The first proposition for a general
correspondence between the several states, and for a General Congress,
was made by our meeting of May, 1774. Botta, copying Marshall, has
repeated his error, and so it will be handed on from copyist to
copyist, _ad infinitum_. Here follows my proposition, and the more
prudent one which was adopted.
Resolved, That it be an instruction to the said deputies, when
assembled in General Congress, with the deputies from the other states
of British America, to propose to the said Congress, that an humble
and dutiful address be presented to his Majesty, begging leave to
lay before him, as Chief Magistrate of the British empire, the united
complaints of his Majesty's subjects in America; complaints which are
excited by many unwarrantable encroachments and usurpations, attempted
to be made by the legislature of one part of the empire, upon the
rights which God, and the laws, have given equally and independently
to all. To represent to his Majesty that these, his States, have often
individually made humble application to his imperial Throne, to obtain,
through its intervention, some redress of their injured rights; to
none of which, was ever even an answer condescended. Humbly to hope
that this, their joint address, penned in the language of truth, and
divested of those expressions of servility, which would persuade his
Majesty that we are asking favors, and not rights, shall obtain from
his Majesty a more respectful acceptance; and this his Majesty will
think we have reason to expect, when he reflects that he is no more
than the chief officer of the people, appointed by the laws, and
circumscribed with definite powers, to assist in working the great
machine of government, erected for their use, and, consequently,
subject to their superintendence; and, in order that these, our rights,
as well as the invasions of them, may be laid more fully before his
Majesty, to take a view of them, from the origin and first settlement
of these countries.
To remind him that our ancestors, before their emigration to America,
were the free inhabitants of the British dominions in Europe, and
possessed a right, which nature has given to all men, of departing
from the country in which chance, not choice, has placed them, of going
in quest of new habitations, and of there establishing new societies,
under such laws and regulations as, to them, shall seem most likely to
promote public happiness. That their Saxon ancestors had, under this
universal law, in like manner, left their native wilds and woods in the
North of Europe, had possessed themselves of the Island of Britain,
then less charged with inhabitants, and had established there that
system of laws which has so long been the glory and protection of that
country. Nor was ever any claim of superiority or dependence asserted
over them, by that mother country from which they had migrated: and
were such a claim made, it is believed his Majesty's subjects in Great
Britain have too firm a feeling of the rights derived to them from
their ancestors, to bow down the sovereignty of their state before
such visionary pretensions. And it is thought that no circumstance
has occurred to distinguish, materially, the British from the Saxon
emigration. America was conquered, and her settlements made and
firmly established, at the expense of individuals, and not of the
British public. Their own blood was spilt in acquiring lands for their
settlement, their own fortunes expended in making that settlement
effectual. For themselves they fought, for themselves they conquered,
and for themselves alone they have right to hold. No shilling was ever
issued from the public treasures of his Majesty, or his ancestors,
for their assistance, till of very late times, after the colonies
had become established on a firm and permanent footing. That then,
indeed, having become valuable to Great Britain for her commercial
purposes, his Parliament was pleased to lend them assistance against
an enemy who would fain have drawn to herself the benefits of their
commerce, to the great aggrandisement of herself, and danger of Great
Britain. Such assistance, and in such circumstances, they had often
before given to Portugal and other allied states, with whom they
carry on a commercial intercourse. Yet these states never supposed,
that by calling in her aid, they thereby submitted themselves to her
sovereignty. Had such terms been proposed, they would have rejected
them with disdain, and trusted for better, to the moderation of their
enemies, or to a vigorous exertion of their own force. We do not,
however, mean to underrate those aids, which, to us, were doubtless
valuable, on whatever principles granted: but we would shew that they
cannot give a title to that authority which the British Parliament
would arrogate over us; and that may amply be repaid by our giving to
the inhabitants of Great Britain such exclusive privileges in trade as
may be advantageous to them, and, at the same time, not too restrictive
to ourselves. That settlement having been thus effected in the wilds
of America, the emigrants thought proper to adopt that system of laws,
under which they had hitherto lived in the mother country, and to
continue their union with her, by submitting themselves to the same
common sovereign, who was thereby made the central link, connecting the
several parts of the empire thus newly multiplied.
But that not long were they permitted, however far they thought
themselves removed from the hand of oppression, to hold undisturbed the
rights thus acquired at the hazard of their lives and loss of their
fortunes. A family of Princes was then on the British throne, whose
treasonable crimes against their people, brought on them, afterwards,
the exertion of those sacred and sovereign rights of punishment,
reserved in the hands of the people for cases of extreme necessity,
and judged by the constitution unsafe to be delegated to any other
judicature. While every day brought forth some new and unjustifiable
exertion of power over their subjects on that side of the water, it
was not to be expected that those here, much less able at that time
to oppose the designs of despotism, should be exempted from injury.
Accordingly, this country which had been acquired by the lives, the
labors, and fortunes of individual adventurers, was by these Princes,
several times, parted out and distributed among the favorites and
followers of their fortunes; and, by an assumed right of the Crown
alone, were erected into distinct and independent governments; a
measure, which it is believed, his Majesty's prudence and understanding
would prevent him from imitating at this day; as no exercise of such
power, of dividing and dismembering a country, has ever occurred in his
Majesty's realm of England, though now of very ancient standing; nor
could it be justified or acquiesced under there, or in any part of his
Majesty's empire.
That the exercise of a free trade with all parts of the world,
possessed by the American colonists, as of natural right, and which
no law of their own had taken away or abridged, was next the object
of unjust encroachment. Some of the colonies having thought proper
to continue the administration of their government in the name and
under the authority of his Majesty, King Charles the first, whom,
notwithstanding his late deposition by the Commonwealth of England,
they continued in the sovereignty of their State, the Parliament,
for the Commonwealth, took the same in high offence, and assumed upon
themselves the power of prohibiting their trade with all other parts
of the world, except the Island of Great Britain. This arbitrary act,
however, they soon recalled, and by solemn treaty entered into on
the 12th day of March, 1651, between the said Commonwealth, by their
Commissioners, and the colony of Virginia by their House of Burgesses,
it was expressly stipulated by the eighth article of the said treaty,
that they should have 'free trade as the people of England do enjoy
to all places and with all nations, according to the laws of that
Commonwealth.' But that, upon the restoration of his Majesty, King
Charles the second, their rights of free commerce fell once more a
victim to arbitrary power; and by several acts of his reign, as well
as of some of his successors, the trade of the colonies was laid under
such restrictions, as show what hopes they might form from the justice
of a British Parliament, were its uncontrolled power admitted over
these States.[24] History has informed us, that bodies of men as well
as of individuals, are susceptible of the spirit of tyranny. A view
of these acts of Parliament for regulation, as it has been affectedly
called, of the American trade, if all other evidences were removed out
of the case, would undeniably evince the truth of this observation.
Besides the duties they impose on our articles of export and import,
they prohibit our going to any markets Northward of Cape Finisterra, in
the kingdom of Spain, for the sale of commodities which Great Britain
will not take from us, and for the purchase of others, with which she
cannot supply us; and that, for no other than the arbitrary purpose of
purchasing for themselves, by a sacrifice of our rights and interests,
certain privileges in their commerce with an allied state, who, in
confidence, that their exclusive trade with America will be continued,
while the principles and power of the British Parliament be the same,
have indulged themselves in every exorbitance which their avarice
could dictate or our necessity extort: have raised their commodities
called for in America, to the double and treble of what they sold for,
before such exclusive privileges were given them, and of what better
commodities of the same kind would cost us elsewhere; and, at the same
time, give us much less for what we carry thither, than might be had
at more convenient ports. That these acts prohibit us from carrying, in
quest of other purchasers, the surplus of our tobaccos, remaining after
the consumption of Great Britain is supplied: so that we must leave
them with the British merchant, for whatever he will please to allow
us, to be by him re-shipped to foreign markets, where he will reap the
benefits of making sale of them for full value. That, to heighten still
the idea of Parliamentary justice, and to show with what moderation
they are like to exercise power, where themselves are to feel no
part of its weight, we take leave to mention to his Majesty, certain
other acts of the British Parliament, by which they would prohibit
us from manufacturing, for our own use, the articles we raise on our
own lands, with our own labor. By an act passed in the fifth year of
the reign of his late Majesty, King George the second, an American
subject is forbidden to make a hat for himself, of the fur which he
has taken, perhaps, on his own soil; an instance of despotism, to
which no parallel can be produced in the most arbitrary ages of British
history. By one other act, passed in the twenty-third year of the same
reign, the iron which we make, we are forbidden to manufacture; and,
heavy as that article is, and necessary in every branch of husbandry,
besides commission and insurance, we are to pay freight for it to Great
Britain, and freight for it back again, for the purpose of supporting,
not men, but machines, in the island of Great Britain. In the same
spirit of equal and impartial legislation, is to be viewed the act
of Parliament, passed in the fifth year of the same reign, by which
American lands are made subject to the demands of British creditors,
while their own lands were still continued unanswerable for their
debts; from which, one of these conclusions must necessarily follow,
either that justice is not the same thing in America as in Britain,
or else, that the British Parliament pay less regard to it here than
there. But, that we do not point out to his Majesty the injustice
of these acts, with intent to rest on that principle the cause of
their nullity; but to show that experience confirms the propriety
of those political principles, which exempt us from the jurisdiction
of the British Parliament. The true ground on which we declare these
acts void, is, that the British Parliament has no right to exercise
authority over us.
That these exercises of usurped power have not been confined to
instances alone, in which themselves were interested; but they have
also intermeddled with the regulation of the internal affairs of the
colonies. The act of the 9th of Anne for establishing a post office in
America, seems to have had little connection with British convenience,
except that of accommodating his Majesty's ministers and favorites with
the sale of a lucrative and easy office.
That thus have we hastened through the reigns which preceded his
Majesty's, during which the violation of our rights were less alarming,
because repeated at more distant intervals, than that rapid and bold
succession of injuries, which is likely to distinguish the present from
all other periods of American story. Scarcely have our minds been able
to emerge from the astonishment into which one stroke of Parliamentary
thunder has involved us, before another more heavy and more alarming is
fallen on us. Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental
opinion of a day; but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished
period, and pursued unalterably through every change of ministers,
too plainly prove a deliberate, systematical plan of reducing us to
slavery.
[Sidenote: Act for granting certain duties.]
That the act passed in the fourth year of his Majesty's reign, entitled
'an act
[Sidenote: Stamp act.]
One other act passed in the fifth year of his reign, entitled 'an act
[Sidenote: Act declaring the right of Parliament over the colonies.]
One other act passed in the sixth year of his reign, entitled 'an act
[Sidenote: Act for granting duties on paper, tea, &c.]
And one other act passed in the seventh year of his reign, entitled 'an
act
Form that connected chain of Parliamentary usurpation, which has
already been the subject of frequent applications to his Majesty,
and the Houses of Lords and Commons of Great Britain; and, no answers
having yet been condescended to any of these, we shall not trouble his
Majesty with a repetition of the matters they contained.
[Sidenote: Act suspending legislature of New-York.]
But that one other act passed in the same seventh year of his reign,
having been a peculiar attempt, must ever require peculiar mention. It
is entitled 'an act
One free and independent legislature, hereby takes upon itself to
suspend the powers of another, free and independent as itself. Thus
exhibiting a phenomenon unknown in nature, the creator, and creature of
its own power. Not only the principles of common sense, but the common
feelings of human nature must be surrendered up, before his Majesty's
subjects here, can be persuaded to believe, that they hold their
political existence at the will of a British Parliament. Shall these
governments be dissolved, their property annihilated, and their people
reduced to a state of nature, at the imperious breath of a body of men
whom they never saw, in whom they never confided, and over whom they
have no powers of punishment or removal, let their crimes against the
American public be ever so great? Can any one reason be assigned, why
one hundred and sixty thousand electors in the island of Great Britain,
should give law to four millions in the States of America, every
individual of whom is equal to every individual of them in virtue,
in understanding, and in bodily strength? Were this to be admitted,
instead of being a free people, as we have hitherto supposed, and mean
to continue ourselves, we should suddenly be found the slaves, not of
one, but of one hundred and sixty thousand tyrants; distinguished, too,
from all others, by this singular circumstance, that they are removed
from the reach of fear, the only restraining motive which may hold the
hand of a tyrant.
That, by 'an act to discontinue in such manner, and for such time as
are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or shipping
of goods, wares and merchandize, at the town and within the harbor of
Boston, in the province of Massachusetts bay, in North America,'[25]
which was past at the last session of the British Parliament, a large
and populous town, whose trade was their sole subsistence, was deprived
of that trade, and involved in utter ruin. Let us for a while, suppose
the question of right suspended, in order to examine this act on
principles of justice. An act of Parliament had been passed, imposing
duties on teas, to be paid in America, against which act the Americans
had protested, as inauthoritative. The East India Company, who till
that time, had never sent a pound of tea to America on their own
account, step forth on that occasion, the asserters of Parliamentary
right, and send hither many ship loads of that obnoxious commodity. The
masters of their several vessels, however, on their arrival in America,
wisely attended to admonition, and returned with their cargoes. In the
province of New-England alone, the remonstrances of the people were
disregarded, and a compliance, after being many days waited for, was
flatly refused. Whether in this, the master of the vessel was governed
by his obstinacy, or his instructions, let those who know, say. There
are extraordinary situations which require extraordinary interposition.
An exasperated people, who feel that they possess power, are not easily
restrained within limits strictly regular. A number of them assembled
in the town of Boston, threw the tea into the ocean, and dispersed
without doing any other act of violence. If in this they did wrong,
they were known, and were amenable to the laws of the land; against
which, it could not be objected, that they had ever, in any instance,
been obstructed or diverted from the regular course, in favor of
popular offenders. They should, therefore, not have been distrusted
on this occasion. But that ill-fated colony had formerly been bold
in their enmities against the House of Stuart, and were now devoted
to ruin, by that unseen hand which governs the momentous affairs of
this great empire. On the partial representations of a few worthless
ministerial dependants, whose constant office it has been to keep that
government embroiled, and who, by their treacheries, hope to obtain the
dignity of British knighthood, without calling for a party accused,
without asking a proof, without attempting a distinction between the
guilty and the innocent, the whole of that ancient and wealthy town, is
in a moment reduced from opulence to beggary. Men who had spent their
lives in extending the British commerce, who had invested, in that
place, the wealth their honest endeavors had merited, found themselves
and their families, thrown at once on the world, for subsistence by
its charities. Not the hundredth part of the inhabitants of that town,
had been concerned in the act complained of; many of them were in
Great Britain, and in other parts beyond sea; yet all were involved
in one indiscriminate ruin, by a new executive power, unheard of till
then, that of a British Parliament. A property of the value of many
millions of money, was sacrificed to revenge, not repay, the loss of a
few thousands. This is administering justice with a heavy hand indeed!
And when is this tempest to be arrested in its course? Two wharves are
to be opened again when his Majesty shall think proper: the residue,
which lined the extensive shores of the bay of Boston, are forever
interdicted the exercise of commerce. This little exception seems
to have been thrown in for no other purpose, than that of setting a
precedent for investing his Majesty with legislative powers. If the
pulse of his people shall beat calmly under this experiment, another
and another will be tried, till the measure of despotism be filled
up. It would be an insult on common sense, to pretend that this
exception was made, in order to restore its commerce to that great
town. The trade, which cannot be received at two wharves alone, must
of necessity be transferred to some other place; to which it will soon
be followed by that of the two wharves. Considered in this light, it
would be an insolent and cruel mockery at the annihilation of the town
of Boston. By the act for the suppression of riots and tumults in the
town of Boston,[26] passed also in the last session of Parliament, a
murder committed there, is, if the Governor pleases, to be tried in
the court of King's bench, in the island of Great Britain, by a jury
of Middlesex. The witnesses, too, on receipt of such a sum as the
Governor shall think it reasonable for them to expend, are to enter
into recognizance to appear at the trial. This is, in other words,
taxing them to the amount of their recognizance; and that amount may
be whatever a Governor pleases. For who does his Majesty think can
be prevailed on to cross the Atlantic for the sole purpose of bearing
evidence to a fact? His expenses are to be borne, indeed, as they shall
be estimated by a Governor; but who are to feed the wife and children
whom he leaves behind, and who have had no other subsistence but his
daily labor? Those epidemical disorders, too, so terrible in a foreign
climate, is the cure of them to be estimated among the articles of
expense, and their danger to be warded off by the Almighty power of a
Parliament? And the wretched criminal, if he happen to have offended
on the American side, stripped of his privilege of trial by peers of
his vicinage, removed from the place where alone full evidence could
be obtained, without money, without counsel, without friends, without
exculpatory proof, is tried before Judges predetermined to condemn.
The cowards who would suffer a countryman to be torn from the bowels of
their society, in order to be thus offered a sacrifice to Parliamentary
tyranny, would merit that everlasting infamy now fixed on the authors
of the act! A clause, for a similar purpose, had been introduced into
an act passed in the twelfth year of his Majesty's reign, entitled, 'an
act for the better securing and preserving his Majesty's Dock-yards,
Magazines, Ships, Ammunition and Stores;' against which, as meriting
the same censures, the several colonies have already protested.
That these are the acts of power, assumed by a body of men foreign to
our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; against which we do,
on behalf of the inhabitants of British America, enter this, our solemn
and determined protest. And we do earnestly intreat his Majesty, as
yet the only mediatory power between the several States of the British
empire, to recommend to his Parliament of Great Britain, the total
revocation of these acts, which, however nugatory they may be, may yet
prove the cause of further discontents and jealousies among us.
That we next proceed to consider the conduct of his Majesty, as holding
the Executive powers of the laws of these States, and mark out his
deviations from the line of duty. By the Constitution of Great Britain,
as well as of the several American States, his Majesty possesses the
power of refusing to pass into a law, any bill which has already passed
the other two branches of the legislature. His Majesty, however, and
his ancestors, conscious of the impropriety of opposing their single
opinion to the united wisdom of two Houses of Parliament, while their
proceedings were unbiassed by interested principles, for several ages
past, have modestly declined the exercise of this power, in that part
of his empire called Great Britain. But, by change of circumstances,
other principles than those of justice simply, have obtained an
influence on their determinations. The addition of new States to
the British empire has produced an addition of new, and, sometimes,
opposite interests. It is now, therefore, the great office of his
Majesty to resume the exercise of his negative power, and to prevent
the passage of laws by any one legislature of the empire, which might
bear injuriously on the rights and interests of another. Yet this will
not excuse the wanton exercise of this power, which we have seen his
Majesty practice on the laws of the American legislature. For the most
trifling reasons, and, sometimes for no conceivable reason at all, his
Majesty has rejected laws of the most salutary tendency. The abolition
of domestic slavery is the great object of desire in those colonies,
where it was, unhappily, introduced in their infant state. But previous
to the enfranchisement of the slaves we have, it is necessary to
exclude all further importations from Africa. Yet our repeated attempts
to effect this, by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might
amount to a prohibition, having been hitherto defeated by his Majesty's
negative: thus preferring the immediate advantages of a few British
corsairs, to the lasting interests of the American States, and to the
rights of human nature, deeply wounded by this infamous practice. Nay,
the single interposition of an interested individual against a law was
scarcely ever known to fail of success, though, in the opposite scale,
were placed the interests of a whole country. That this is so shameful
an abuse of a power, trusted with his Majesty for other purposes, as
if, not reformed, would call for some legal restrictions.
With equal inattention to the necessities of his people here has his
Majesty permitted our laws to lie neglected, in England, for years,
neither confirming them by his assent, nor annulling them by his
negative: so, that such of them as have no suspending clause, we hold
on the most precarious of all tenures, his Majesty's will; and such of
them as suspend themselves till his Majesty's assent be obtained, we
have feared might be called into existence at some future and distant
period, when time and change of circumstances shall have rendered
them destructive to his people here. And, to render this grievance
still more oppressive, his Majesty, by his instructions, has laid
his Governors under such restrictions, that they can pass no law, of
any moment, unless it have such suspending clause: so that, however
immediate may be the call for legislative interposition, the law cannot
be executed, till it has twice crossed the Atlantic, by which time the
evil may have spent its whole force.
But in what terms reconcilable to Majesty, and at the same time to
truth, shall we speak of a late instruction to his Majesty's Governor
of the colony of Virginia, by which he is forbidden to assent to any
law for the division of a county, unless the new county will consent to
have no representative in Assembly? That colony has as yet affixed no
boundary to the Westward. Their Western counties, therefore, are of an
indefinite extent. Some of them are actually seated many hundred miles
from their Eastern limits. Is it possible, then, that his Majesty can
have bestowed a single thought on the situation of those people, who in
order to obtain justice for injuries, however great or small, must, by
the laws of that colony, attend their county court at such a distance,
with all their witnesses, monthly, till their litigation be determined?
Or does his Majesty seriously wish, and publish it to the world, that
his subjects should give up the glorious right of representation, with
all the benefits derived from that, and submit themselves the absolute
slaves of his sovereign will? Or is it rather meant to confine the
legislative body to their present numbers, that they may be the cheaper
bargain, whenever they shall become worth a purchase?
One of the articles of impeachment against Tresilian, and the other
Judges of Westminster Hall, in the reign of Richard the Second, for
which they suffered death, as traitors to their country, was, that
they had advised the King, that he might dissolve his Parliament at
any time; and succeeding kings have adopted the opinion of these unjust
Judges. Since the establishment, however, of the British constitution,
at the glorious Revolution, on its free and ancient principles,
neither his Majesty, nor his ancestors, have exercised such a power
of dissolution in the island of Great Britain;[27] and when his
Majesty was petitioned, by the united voice of his people there, to
dissolve the present Parliament, who had become obnoxious to them, his
Ministers were heard to declare, in open Parliament, that his Majesty
possessed no such power by the constitution. But how different their
language, and his practice, here! To declare, as their duty required,
the known rights of their country, to oppose the usurpation of every
foreign judicature, to disregard the imperious mandates of a Minister
or Governor, have been the avowed causes of dissolving Houses of
Representatives in America. But if such powers be really vested in his
Majesty, can he suppose they are there placed to awe the members from
such purposes as these? When the representative body have lost the
confidence of their constituents, when they have notoriously made sale
of their most valuable rights, when they have assumed to themselves
powers which the people never put into their hands, then, indeed, their
continuing in office becomes dangerous to the State, and calls for an
exercise of the power of dissolution. Such being the cause for which
the representative body should, and should not, be dissolved, will
it not appear strange, to an unbiassed observer, that that of Great
Britain was not dissolved, while those of the colonies have repeatedly
incurred that sentence?
But your Majesty, or your Governors, have carried this power beyond
every limit known or provided for by the laws. After dissolving
one House of Representatives, they have refused to call another, so
that, for a great length of time, the legislature provided by the
laws, has been out of existence. From the nature of things, every
society must, at all times, possess within itself the sovereign
powers of legislation. The feelings of human nature revolt against
the supposition of a State so situated, as that it may not, in any
emergency, provide against dangers which, perhaps, threaten immediate
ruin. While those bodies are in existence to whom the people have
delegated the powers of legislation, they alone possess, and may
exercise, those powers. But when they are dissolved, by the lopping
off one or more of their branches, the power reverts to the people, who
may use it to unlimited extent, either assembling together in person,
sending deputies, or in any other way they may think proper. We forbear
to trace consequences further; the dangers are conspicuous with which
this practice is replete.
That we shall, at this time also, take notice of an error in the nature
of our land holdings, which crept in at a very early period of our
settlement. The introduction of the Feudal tenures into the kingdom
of England, though ancient, is well enough understood to set this
matter in a proper light. In the earlier ages of the Saxon settlement,
feudal holdings were certainly altogether unknown, and very few, if
any, had been introduced at the time of the Norman conquest. Our Saxon
ancestors held their lands, as they did their personal property, in
absolute dominion, disincumbered with any superior, answering nearly
to the nature of those possessions which the Feudalist term Allodial.
William the Norman, first introduced that system generally. The lands
which had belonged to those who fell in the battle of Hastings, and
in the subsequent insurrections of his reign, formed a considerable
proportion of the lands of the whole kingdom. These he granted out,
subject to feudal duties, as did he also those of a great number of
his new subjects, who, by persuasions or threats, were induced to
surrender them for that purpose. But still, much was left in the hands
of his Saxon subjects, held of no superior, and not subject to feudal
conditions. These, therefore, by express laws, enacted to render
uniform the system of military defence, were made liable to the same
military duties as if they had been feuds; and the Norman lawyers soon
found means to saddle them, also, with the other feudal burthens. But
still they had not been surrendered to the King, they were not derived
from his grant, and therefore they were not holden of him. A general
principle was introduced, that "all lands in England were held either
mediately or immediately of the Crown;" but this was borrowed from
those holdings which were truly feudal, and only applied to others
for the purposes of illustration. Feudal holdings were, therefore, but
exceptions out of the Saxon laws of possession, under which all lands
were held in absolute right. These, therefore, still form the basis
or groundwork of the Common law, to prevail wheresoever the exceptions
have not taken place. America was not conquered by William the Norman,
nor its lands surrendered to him or any of his successors. Possessions
there are, undoubtedly, of the Allodial nature. Our ancestors, however,
who migrated hither, were laborers, not lawyers. The fictitious
principle, that all lands belong originally to the King, they were
early persuaded to believe real, and accordingly took grants of their
own lands from the Crown. And while the Crown continued to grant for
small sums and on reasonable rents, there was no inducement to arrest
the error, and lay it open to public view. But his Majesty has lately
taken on him to advance the terms of purchase and of holding, to the
double of what they were; by which means, the acquisition of lands
being rendered difficult, the population of our country is likely to
be checked. It is time, therefore, for us to lay this matter before
his Majesty, and to declare, that he has no right to grant lands of
himself. From the nature and purpose of civil institutions, all the
lands within the limits, which any particular party has circumscribed
around itself, are assumed by that society, and subject to their
allotment; this may be done by themselves assembled collectively, or by
their legislature, to whom they may have delegated sovereign authority,
and, if they are allotted in neither of these ways, each individual of
the society, may appropriate to himself such lands as he finds vacant,
and occupancy will give him title.
That, in order to enforce the arbitrary measures before complained
of, his Majesty has, from time to time, sent among us large bodies
of armed forces, not made up of the people here, nor raised by the
authority of our laws. Did his Majesty possess such a right as this,
it might swallow up all our other rights, whenever he should think
proper. But his Majesty has no right to land a single armed man on our
shores; and those whom he sends here are liable to our laws, for the
suppression and punishment of riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies,
or are hostile bodies invading us in defiance of law. When, in the
course of the late war, it became expedient that a body of Hanoverian
troops should be brought over for the defence of Great Britain, his
Majesty's grandfather, our late sovereign, did not pretend to introduce
them under any authority he possessed. Such a measure would have given
just alarm to his subjects of Great Britain, whose liberties would not
be safe if armed men of another country, and of another spirit, might
be brought into the realm at any time, without the consent of their
legislature. He, therefore, applied to Parliament, who passed an act
for that purpose, limiting the number to be brought in, and the time
they were to continue. In like manner is his Majesty restrained in
every part of the empire. He possesses indeed the executive power of
the laws in every State; but they are the laws of the particular State,
which he is to administer within that State, and not those of any one
within the limits of another. Every State must judge for itself, the
number of armed men which they may safely trust among them, of whom
they are to consist, and under what restrictions they are to be laid.
To render these proceedings still more criminal against our laws,
instead of subjecting the military to the civil power, his majesty
has expressly made the civil subordinate to the military. But can his
Majesty thus put down all law under his feet? Can he erect a power
superior to that which erected himself? He has done it indeed by force;
but let him remember that force cannot give right.
That these are our grievances, which we have thus laid before his
Majesty, with that freedom of language and sentiment which becomes a
free people, claiming their rights as derived from the laws of nature,
and not as the gift of their Chief Magistrate. Let those flatter,
who fear: it is not an American art. To give praise where it is not
due might be well from the venal, but would ill beseem those who are
asserting the rights of human nature. They know, and will, therefore,
say, that Kings are the servants, not the proprietors of the people.
Open your breast, Sire, to liberal and expanded thought. Let not the
name of George the third, be a blot on the page of history. You are
surrounded by British counsellors, but remember that they are parties.
You have no ministers for American affairs, because you have none
taken from among us, nor amenable to the laws on which they are to
give you advice. It behoves you, therefore, to think and to act for
yourself and your people. The great principles of right and wrong
are legible to every reader; to pursue them, requires not the aid
of many counsellors. The whole art of government consists in the art
of being honest. Only aim to do your duty, and mankind will give you
credit where you fail. No longer persevere in sacrificing the rights
of one part of the empire to the inordinate desires of another; but
deal out to all, equal and impartial right. Let no act be passed by
any one legislature, which may infringe on the rights and liberties
of another. This is the important post in which fortune has placed
you, holding the balance of a great, if a well-poised empire. This,
Sire, is the advice of your great American council, on the observance
of which may perhaps depend your felicity and future fame, and the
preservation of that harmony which alone can continue, both to Great
Britain and America, the reciprocal advantages of their connection.
It is neither our wish nor our interest to separate from her. We are
willing, on our part, to sacrifice everything which reason can ask, to
the restoration of that tranquillity for which all must wish. On their
part, let them be ready to establish union on a generous plan. Let
them name their terms, but let them be just. Accept of every commercial
preference it is in our power to give, for such things as we can raise
for their use, or they make for ours. But let them not think to exclude
us from going to other markets to dispose of those commodities which
they cannot use, nor to supply those wants which they cannot supply.
Still less, let it be proposed, that our properties, within our own
territories, shall be taxed or regulated by any power on earth, but
our own. The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time:
the hand of force may destroy, but cannot disjoin them. This, Sire, is
our last, our determined resolution. And that you will be pleased to
interpose, with that efficacy which your earnest endeavors may insure,
to procure redress of these our great grievances, to quiet the minds
of your subjects in British America against any apprehensions of future
encroachment, to establish fraternal love and harmony through the whole
empire, and that that may continue to the latest ages of time, is the
fervent prayer of all British America.
[NOTE D.]
August, 1774.
_Instructions for the Deputies appointed to meet in General Congress on
the part of this Colony._
The unhappy disputes between Great Britain and her American colonies,
which began about the third year of the reign of his present Majesty,
and since, continually increasing, have proceeded to lengths so
dangerous and alarming, as to excite just apprehensions in the minds
of his Majesty's faithful subjects of this colony, that they are in
danger of being deprived of their natural, ancient, constitutional,
and chartered rights, have compelled them to take the same into their
most serious consideration; and, being deprived of their usual and
accustomed mode of making known their grievances, have appointed
us their representatives to consider what is proper to be done in
this dangerous crisis of American affairs. It being our opinion that
the united wisdom of North America should be collected in a General
Congress of all the colonies, we have appointed the Honorable Peyton
Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard
Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, Esquires, deputies to
represent this colony in the said Congress, to be held at Philadelphia,
on the first Monday in September next.
And that they may be the better informed of our sentiments, touching
the conduct we wish them to observe on this important occasion, we
desire that they will express, in the first place, our faith and true
allegiance to his Majesty, King George the third, our lawful and
rightful sovereign; and that we are determined, with our lives and
fortunes, to support him in the legal exercise of all his just rights
and prerogatives. And, however misrepresented, we sincerely approve
of a constitutional connection with Great Britain, and wish, most
ardently, a return of that intercourse of affection and commercial
connection, that formerly united both countries, which can only be
effected by a removal of those causes of discontent, which have of late
unhappily divided us.
It cannot admit of a doubt, but the British subjects in America are
entitled to the same rights and privileges as their fellow subjects
possess in Britain; and therefore, that the power assumed by the
British Parliament to bind America by their statutes _in all cases_
whatsoever, is unconstitutional, and the source of these unhappy
differences.
The end of government would be defeated by the British Parliament
exercising a power over the lives, the property, and the liberty of
American subjects, who are not, and, from their local circumstances,
cannot be, there represented. Of this nature, we consider the several
acts of Parliament for raising a revenue in America, for extending the
jurisdiction of the courts of Admiralty, for seizing American subjects,
and transporting them to Britain to be tried for crimes committed in
America, and the several late oppressive acts respecting the town of
Boston, and Province of the Massachusetts Bay.
The original constitution of the American colonies possessing their
assemblies with the sole right of directing their internal polity, it
is absolutely destructive of the end of their institution, that their
legislatures should be suspended, or prevented, by hasty dissolutions,
from exercising their legislative powers.
Wanting the protection of Britain, we have long acquiesced in their
acts of navigation, restrictive of our commerce, which we consider as
an ample recompense for such protection; but as those acts derive their
efficacy from that foundation alone, we have reason to expect they will
be restrained, so as to produce the reasonable purposes of Britain, and
not injurious to us.
To obtain redress of these grievances, without which the people of
America can neither be safe, free, nor happy, they are willing to
undergo the great inconvenience that will be derived to them, from
stopping all imports whatever, from Great Britain, after the first day
of November next, and also to cease exporting any commodity whatsoever,
to the same place, after the tenth day of August, 1775. The earnest
desire we have to make as quick and full payment as possible of our
debts to Great Britain, and to avoid the heavy injury that would
arise to this country from an earlier adoption of the non-exportation
plan, after the people have already applied so much of their labor
to the perfecting of the present crop, by which means, they have been
prevented from pursuing other methods of clothing and supporting their
families, have rendered it necessary to restrain you in this article of
non-exportation; but it is our desire, that you cordially co-operate
with our sister colonies in General Congress, in such other just and
proper methods as they, or the majority, shall deem necessary for the
accomplishment of these valuable ends.
The proclamation issued by General Gage, in the government of the
Province of the Massachusetts Bay, declaring it treason for the
inhabitants of that province to assemble themselves to consider of
their grievances, and form associations for their common conduct on the
occasion, and requiring the civil magistrates and officers to apprehend
all such persons, to be tried for their supposed offences, is the
most alarming process that ever appeared in a British government; and
the said General Gage hath, thereby, assumed, and taken upon himself,
powers denied by the constitution to our legal sovereign; that he,
not having condescended to disclose by what authority he exercises
such extensive and unheard of powers, we are at a loss to determine,
whether he intends to justify himself as the representative of the
King, or as the Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces in America.
If he considers himself as acting in the character of his Majesty's
representative, we would remind him that the statute 25th, Edward
the third has expressed and defined all treasonable offences, and
that the legislature of Great Britain had declared, that no offence
shall be construed to be treason, but such as is pointed out by that
statute, and that this was done to take out of the hands of tyrannical
Kings, and of weak and wicked Ministers, that deadly weapon, which
constructive treason had furnished them with, and which had drawn the
blood of the best and honestest men in the kingdom; and that the King
of Great Britain hath no right by his proclamation, to subject his
people to imprisonment, pains, and penalties.
That if the said General Gage conceives he is empowered to act in this
manner, as the Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces in America,
this odious and illegal proclamation must be considered as a plain
and full declaration, that this despotic Viceroy will be bound by no
law, nor regard the constitutional rights of his Majesty's subjects,
whenever they interfere with the plan he has formed for oppressing
the good people of the Massachusetts Bay; and, therefore, that the
executing, or attempting to execute, such proclamations, will justify
resistance and reprisal.
[NOTE E.]
Monticello, November 1. 1778.
DEAR SIR,
I have got through the bill for "proportioning crimes and punishments
in cases heretofore capital," and now enclose it to you with a request
that you will be so good, as scrupulously to examine and correct
it, that it may be presented to our committee with as few defects
as possible. In its style, I have aimed at accuracy, brevity, and
simplicity, preserving, however, the very words of the established
law, wherever their meaning had been sanctioned by judicial decisions,
or rendered technical by usage. The same matter, if couched in the
modern statutory language, with all its tautologies, redundancies,
and circumlocutions, would have spread itself over many pages, and
been unintelligible to those whom it most concerns. Indeed, I wished
to exhibit a sample of reformation in the barbarous style into which
modern statutes have degenerated from their ancient simplicity. And I
must pray you to be as watchful over what I have not said, as what is
said; for the omissions of this bill have all their positive meaning.
I have thought it better to drop, in silence, the laws we mean to
discontinue, and let them be swept away by the general negative words
of this, than to detail them in clauses of express repeal. By the side
of the text I have written the notes I made, as I went along, for the
benefit of my own memory. They may serve to draw your attention to
questions, to which the expressions or the omissions of the text may
give rise. The extracts from the Anglo-Saxon laws, the sources of the
Common law, I wrote in their original, for my own satisfaction;[28] but
I have added Latin, or liberal English translations. From the time of
Canute to that of the Magna Charta, you know, the text of our statutes
is preserved to us in Latin only, and some old French.
I have strictly observed the scale of punishments settled by the
Committee, without being entirely satisfied with it. The _Lex
talionis_, although a restitution of the Common law, to the simplicity
of which we have generally found it so advantageous to return, will
be revolting to the humanized feelings of modern times. An eye for an
eye, and a hand for a hand, will exhibit spectacles in execution whose
moral effect would be questionable; and even the _membrum pro membro_
of Bracton, or the punishment of the offending member, although long
authorized by our law, for the same offence in a slave has, you know,
been not long since repealed, in conformity with public sentiment. This
needs reconsideration.
I have heard little of the proceedings of the Assembly, and do not
expect to be with you till about the close of the month. In the
meantime, present me respectfully to Mrs. Wythe, and accept assurances
of the affectionate esteem and respect of, dear Sir,
Your friend and servant.
George Wythe, Esq.
_A Bill for proportioning Crimes and Punishments, in cases heretofore
Capital._
Whereas, it frequently happens that wicked and dissolute men, resigning
themselves to the dominion of inordinate passions, commit violations on
the lives, liberties, and property of others, and, the secure enjoyment
of these having principally induced men to enter into society,
government would be defective in its principal purpose, were it not to
restrain such criminal acts, by inflicting due punishments on those who
perpetrate them; but it appears, at the same time, equally deducible
from the purposes of society, that a member thereof, committing an
inferior injury, does not wholly forfeit the protection of his fellow
citizens, but, after suffering a punishment in proportion to his
offence, is entitled to their protection from all greater pain, so that
it becomes a duty in the legislature to arrange, in a proper scale,
the crimes which it may be necessary for them to repress, and to adjust
thereto a corresponding gradation of punishments.
And whereas, the reformation of offenders, though an object worthy
the attention of the laws, is not effected at all by capital
punishments, which exterminate instead of reforming, and should be
the last melancholy resource against those whose existence is become
inconsistent with the safety of their fellow citizens, which also
weaken the State, by cutting off so many who, if reformed, might
be restored sound members to society, who, even under a course of
correction, might be rendered useful in various labors for the public,
and would be living and long-continued spectacles to deter others from
committing the like offences.
And forasmuch as the experience of all ages and countries hath shown,
that cruel and sanguinary laws defeat their own purpose, by engaging
the benevolence of mankind to withhold prosecutions, to smother
testimony, or to listen to it with bias, when, if the punishment were
only proportioned to the injury, men would feel it their inclination,
as well as their duty, to see the laws observed.
For rendering crimes and punishments, therefore, more proportionate to
each other:
Be it enacted by the General Assembly, that no crime shall be
henceforth punished by the deprivation of life or limb,[29] except
those hereinafter ordained to be so punished.
[30]If a man do levy war[31] against the Commonwealth [_in the
same_], or be adherent to the enemies of the Commonwealth [_within
the same_],[32] giving to them aid or comfort in the Commonwealth, or
elsewhere, and thereof be convicted of open deed, by the evidence of
two sufficient witnesses, or his own voluntary confession, the said
cases, and no[33] others, shall be adjudged treasons which extend to
the Commonwealth, and the person so convicted shall suffer death, by
hanging,[34] and shall forfeit his lands and goods to the Commonwealth.
If any person commit petty treason, or a husband murder his wife, a
parent[35] his child, or a child his parent, he shall suffer death by
hanging, and his body be delivered to Anatomists to be dissected.
Whosoever committeth murder by poisoning shall suffer death by poison.
Whosoever committeth murder by way of duel shall suffer death by
hanging; and if he were the challenger, his body, after death, shall be
gibbetted.[36] He who removeth it from the gibbet shall be guilty of a
misdemeanor; and the officer shall see that it be replaced.
Whosoever shall commit murder in any other way shall suffer death by
hanging.
And in all cases of Petty treason and murder, one half of the lands
and goods of the offender, shall be forfeited to the next of kin
to the person killed, and the other half descend and go to his own
representatives. Save only, where one shall slay the challenger in
a duel,[37] in which case, no part of his lands or goods shall be
forfeited to the kindred of the party slain, but, instead thereof, a
moiety shall go to the Commonwealth.
The same evidence[38] shall suffice, and order and course[39] of
trial be observed in cases of Petty treason, as in those of other[40]
murders.
Whosoever shall be guilty of manslaughter,[41] shall, for the first
offence, be condemned to hard[42] labor for seven years in the public
works, shall forfeit one half of his lands and goods to the next of kin
to the person slain; the other half to be sequestered during such term,
in the hands and to the use of the Commonwealth, allowing a reasonable
part of the profits for the support of his family. The second offence
shall be deemed murder.
And where persons, meaning to commit a trespass[43] only, or larceny,
or other unlawful deed, and doing an act from which involuntary
homicide hath ensued, have heretofore been adjudged guilty of
manslaughter, or of murder, by transferring such their unlawful
intention to an act, much more penal than they could have in probable
contemplation; no such case shall hereafter be deemed manslaughter,
unless manslaughter was intended, nor murder, unless murder was
intended.
In other cases of homicide, the law will not add to the miseries of the
party, by punishments and forfeitures.[44]
Whenever sentence of death shall have been pronounced against any
person for treason or murder, execution shall be done on the next
day but one after such sentence, unless it be Sunday, and then on the
Monday following.[45]
Whosoever shall be guilty of Rape,[46] Polygamy,[47] or Sodomy[48]
with man or woman, shall be punished, if a man, by castration,[49] if a
woman, by cutting through the cartilage of her nose a hole of one half
inch in diameter at the least.
But no one shall be punished for Polygamy, who shall have married after
probable information of the death of his or her husband or wife, or
after his or her husband or wife, hath absented him or herself, so that
no notice of his or her being alive hath reached such person for seven
years together, or hath suffered the punishments before prescribed for
rape, polygamy, or sodomy.
Whosoever on purpose, and of malice forethought, shall maim[50]
another, or shall disfigure him, by cutting out or disabling the
tongue, slitting or cutting off a nose, lip, or ear, branding, or
otherwise, shall be maimed, or disfigured in like[51] sort: or if that
cannot be, for want of the same part, then as nearly as may be, in some
other part of at least equal value and estimation, in the opinion of
a jury, and moreover, shall forfeit one half of his lands and goods to
the sufferer.
Whosoever shall counterfeit[52] any coin, current by law within this
Commonwealth, or any paper bills issued in the nature of money, or
of certificates of loan on the credit of this Commonwealth, or of all
or any of the United States of America, or any Inspectors' notes for
tobacco, or shall pass any such counterfeit coin, paper, bills, or
notes, knowing them to be counterfeit; or, for the sake of lucre, shall
diminish,[53] case, or wash any such coin, shall be condemned to hard
labor six years in the public works, and shall forfeit all his lands
and goods to the Commonwealth.
[54]Whosoever committeth Arson, shall be condemned to hard labor
five years in the public works, and shall make good the loss of the
sufferers threefold.[55]
If any person shall, within this Commonwealth, or being a citizen
thereof, shall without the same, wilfully destroy,[56] or run[57] away
with any sea-vessel, or goods laden on board thereof, or plunder or
pilfer any wreck, he shall be condemned to hard labor five years in the
public works, and shall make good the loss of the sufferers threefold.
Whosoever committeth Robbery,[58] shall be condemned to hard labor
four years in the public works, and shall make double reparation to the
persons injured.
Whatsoever act, if committed on any Mansion house, would be deemed
Burglary,[59] shall be Burglary, if committed on any other house; and
he, who is guilty of Burglary, shall be condemned to hard labor four
years in the public works, and shall make double reparation to the
persons injured.
Whatsoever act, if committed in the night time, shall constitute
the crime of Burglary, shall, if committed in the day, be deemed
House-breaking;[60] and whosoever is guilty thereof, shall be
condemned to hard labor three years in the public works, and shall make
reparation to the persons injured.
Whosoever shall be guilty of Horse-stealing,[61] shall be condemned to
hard labor three years in the public works, and shall make reparation
to the person injured.
Grand Larceny[62] shall be where the goods stolen are of the value of
five dollars; and whosoever shall be guilty thereof, shall be forthwith
put in the pillory for one half hour, shall be condemned to hard
labor[63] two years in the public works, and shall make reparation to
the person injured.
Petty Larceny shall be, where the goods stolen are of less value than
five dollars; and whosoever shall be guilty thereof, shall be forthwith
put in the pillory for a quarter of an hour, shall be condemned to hard
labor one year in the public works, and shall make reparation to the
person injured.
Robbery[64] or larceny of bonds, bills obligatory, bills of exchange,
or promissory notes for the payment of money or tobacco, lottery
tickets, paper bills issued in the nature of money, or of certificates
of loan on the credit of this Commonwealth, or of all or any of the
United States of America, or Inspectors' notes for tobacco, shall
be punished in the same manner as robbery or larceny of the money or
tobacco due on, or represented by such papers.
Buyers[65] and receivers of goods taken by way of robbery or larceny,
knowing them to have been so taken, shall be deemed accessaries to such
robbery or larceny after the fact.
Prison-breakers[66], also, shall be deemed accessaries after the fact,
to traitors or felons whom they enlarge from prison.[67]
All attempts to delude the people, or to abuse their understanding by
exercise of the pretended arts of witchcraft, conjuration, enchantment,
or sorcery, or by pretended prophecies, shall be punished by ducking
and whipping, at the discretion of a jury, not exceeding fifteen
stripes.[68]
If the principal offenders be fled,[69] or secreted from justice,
in any case not touching life or member, the accessaries may,
notwithstanding, be prosecuted as if their principal were
convicted.[70]
If any offender stand mute of obstinacy,[71] or challenge peremptorily
more of the jurors than by law he may, being first warned of the
consequence thereof, the court shall proceed as if he had confessed the
charge.[72]
Pardon and Privilege of clergy, shall henceforth be abolished, that
none may be induced to injure through hope of impunity. But if the
verdict be against the defendant, and the court before whom the
offence is heard and determined, shall doubt that it may be untrue for
defect of testimony, or other cause, they may direct a new trial to be
had.[73]
No attainder shall work corruption of blood in any case.
In all cases of forfeiture, the widow's dower shall be saved to her,
during her title thereto; after which it shall be disposed of as if no
such saving had been.
The aid of Counsel,[74] and examination of their witnesses on oath,
shall be allowed to defendants in criminal prosecutions.
Slaves guilty of any offence[75] punishable in others by labor in the
public works, shall be transported to such parts in the West Indies,
South America, or Africa, as the Governor shall direct, there to be
continued in slavery.
[NOTE F.]
_Notes on the Establishment of a Money Unit, and of a Coinage for the
United States._
In fixing the Unit of Money, these circumstances are of principal
importance.
I. That it be of _convenient size_ to be applied as a measure to the
common money transactions of life.
II. That its parts and multiples be in _an easy proportion_ to each
other, so as to facilitate the money arithmetic.
III. That the Unit and its parts, or divisions, be _so nearly of the
value of some of the known coins_, as that they may be of easy adoption
for the people.
The Spanish Dollar seems to fulfil all these conditions.
I. Taking into our view all money transactions, great and small,
I question if a common measure of more _convenient size_ than the
Dollar could be proposed. The value of 100, 1000, 10,000 dollars is
well estimated by the mind; so is that of the tenth or the hundredth
of a dollar. Few transactions are above or below these limits. The
expediency of attending to the size of the money Unit will be evident,
to any one who will consider how inconvenient it would be to a
manufacturer or merchant, if, instead of the yard for measuring cloth,
either the inch or the mile had been made the Unit of Measure.
II. The most _easy ratio_ of multiplication and division, is that by
ten. Every one knows the facility of Decimal Arithmetic. Every one
remembers, that, when learning Money-Arithmetic, he used to be puzzled
with adding the farthings, taking out the fours and carrying them on;
adding the pence, taking out the twelves and carrying them on; adding
the shillings, taking out the twenties and carrying them on; but when
he came to the pounds, where he had only tens to carry forward, it was
easy and free from error. The bulk of mankind are school-boys through
life. These little perplexities are always great to them. And even
mathematical heads feel the relief of an easier, substituted for a
more difficult process. Foreigners, too, who trade and travel among
us, will find a great facility in understanding our coins and accounts
from this ratio of subdivision. Those who have had occasion to convert
the livres, sols, and deniers of the French; the gilders, stivers, and
frenings of the Dutch; the pounds, shillings, pence, and farthings of
these several States, into each other, can judge how much they would
have been aided, had their several subdivisions been in a decimal
ratio. Certainly, in all cases, where we are free to choose between
easy and difficult modes of operation, it is most rational to choose
the easy. The Financier, therefore, in his report, well proposes that
our Coins should be in decimal proportions to one another. If we adopt
the Dollar for our Unit, we should strike four coins, one of gold, two
of silver, and one of copper, viz.:
1. A golden piece, equal in value to ten dollars:
2. The Unit or Dollar itself, of silver:
3. The tenth of a Dollar, of silver also:
4. The hundredth of a Dollar, of copper.
Compare the arithmetical operations, on the same sum of money expressed
in this form, and expressed in the pound sterling and its division.
£ s. d. qrs. Dollars.
Addition. 8 13 11 1-2 = 38.65
4 12 8 3-4 = 20.61
------------ -----
13 6 8 1-4 = 59.26
£ s. d. qrs. Dollars.
Subtraction. 8 13 11 1-2 = 38.65
4 12 8 3-4 = 20.61
------------ -----
4 1 2 3-4 = 18.04
Multiplication by 8.
£ s. d. qrs. Dollars.
8 13 11 1-2 = 38.65
20 8
---- ------
173 $309.20
12
----
2087
4
----
8350
8
------
4)66,800
12)16 700
20) 1391 8
£69 11 8
Division by 8.
£ s. d. qrs. Dollars.
8 13 11 1-2 = 8)38.65
20 4.83
----
173
12
----
2087
4
----
8)8350
4)1043
12) 260 3-4
20) 21 8 3-4
£1 1 8 3-4
A bare inspection of the above operations will evince the labor which
is occasioned by subdividing the Unit into 20ths, 240ths, and 960ths,
as the English do, and as we have done; and the ease of subdivision
in a decimal ratio. The same difference arises in making payment.
An Englishman, to pay £8, 13_s._ 11_d._ 1-2 qrs., must find, by
calculation, what combination of the coins of his country will pay
this sum; but an American, having the same sum to pay, thus expressed
$38.65, will know, by inspection only, that three golden pieces, eight
units or dollars, six tenths, and five coppers, pay it precisely.
III. The third condition required is, that the Unit, its multiples, and
subdivisions, coincide in value with some of the known coins so nearly,
that the people may, by a quick reference in the mind, estimate their
value. If this be not attended to, they will be very long in adopting
the innovation, if ever they adopt it. Let us examine, in this point of
view, each of the four coins proposed.
1. The golden piece will be 1-5 more than a half joe, and 1-15 more
than a double guinea. It will be readily estimated, then, by reference
to either of them; but more readily and accurately as equal to ten
dollars.
2. The Unit, or Dollar, is a known coin, and the most familiar of all,
to the minds of the people. It is already adopted from South to North;
has identified our currency, and therefore happily offers itself as a
Unit already introduced. Our public debt, our requisitions, and their
appointments, have given it actual and long possession of the place
of Unit. The course of our commerce, too, will bring us more of this
than of any other foreign coin, and therefore renders it more worthy
of attention. I know of no Unit which can be proposed in competition
with the Dollar, but the Pound. But what is the Pound? 1547 grains
of fine silver in Georgia; 1289 grains in Virginia, Connecticut,
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire; 1031 1-4 grains in
Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey; 966 3-4 grains in
North Carolina and New York. Which of these shall we adopt? To which
State give that pre-eminence of which all are so jealous? And on which
impose the difficulties of a new estimate of their corn, their cattle,
and other commodities? Or shall we hang the pound sterling, as a common
badge, about all their necks? This contains 1718 3-4 grains of pure
silver. It is difficult to familiarize a new coin to the people; it
is more difficult to familiarize them to a new coin with an old name.
Happily, the dollar is familiar to them all, and is already as much
referred to for a measure of value, as their respective provincial
pounds.
3. The tenth will be precisely the Spanish bit, or half pistereen. This
is a coin perfectly familiar to us all. When we shall make a new coin,
then, equal in value to this, it will be of ready estimate with the
people.
4. The hundredth, or copper, will differ little from the copper of
the four Eastern States, which is 1-108 of a dollar; still less from
the penny of New York and North Carolina, which is 1-96 of a dollar;
and somewhat more from the penny or copper of Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, and Maryland, which is 1-90 of a dollar.
It will be about the medium between the old and the new coppers of
these States, and will therefore soon be substituted for them both.
In Virginia, coppers have never been in use. It will be as easy,
therefore, to introduce them there of one value as of another. The
copper coin proposed will be nearly equal to three-fourths of their
penny, which is the same with the penny lawful of the Eastern States.
A great deal of small change is useful in a State, and tends to reduce
the price of small articles. Perhaps it would not be amiss to coin
three more pieces of silver, one of the value of five-tenths, or half
a dollar, one of the value of two-tenths, which would be equal to the
Spanish pistereen, and one of the value of five coppers, which would be
equal to the Spanish half-bit. We should then have five silver coins,
viz.:
1. The Unit or Dollar:
2. The half dollar or five-tenths:
3. The double tenth, equal to 2, or one-fifth of a dollar, or to
the pistereen:
4. The tenth, equal to a Spanish bit:
5. The five copper piece, equal to .5, or one-twentieth of a
dollar, or the half-bit.
The plan reported by the Financier is worthy of his sound judgment. It
admits, however, of objection, in the size of the Unit. He proposes
that this shall be the 1440th part of a dollar: so that it will
require 1440 of his units to make the one before proposed. He was led
to adopt this by a mathematical attention to our old currencies, all
of which this Unit will measure without leaving a fraction. But as
our object is to get rid of those currencies, the advantage derived
from this coincidence will soon be past, whereas the inconveniences of
this Unit will forever remain, if they do not altogether prevent its
introduction. It is defective in two of the three requisites of a Money
Unit. 1. It is inconvenient in its application to the ordinary money
transactions. 10.000 dollars will require eight figures to express
them, to wit 14,400,000 units. A horse or bullock of eighty dollars
value, will require a notation of six figures, to wit, 115,200 units.
As a money of account, this will be laborious, even when facilitated
by the aid of decimal arithmetic: as a common measure of the value of
property, it will be too minute to be comprehended by the people. The
French are subjected to very laborious calculations, the Livre being
their ordinary money of account, and this but between l-5th and l-6th
of a dollar; but what will be our labors, should our money of account
be 1-1440th of a dollar? 2. It is neither equal, nor near to any of the
known coins in value.
If we determine that a Dollar shall be our Unit, we must then say with
precision what a Dollar is. This coin, struck at different times, of
different weights and fineness, is of different values. Sir Isaac
Newton's assay and representation to the Lords of the Treasury, in
1717, of those which he examined, make their values as follows:
dwts. grs.
The Seville piece of eight 17--12 containing 387 grains of
pure silver
The Mexico piece of eight 17--10 5-9 " 385 1-2
The Pillar piece of eight 17--9 " 385 3-4
The new Seville piece of eight 14-- " 308 7-10
The Financier states the old Dollar as containing 376 grains of fine
silver, and the new 365 grains. If the Dollars circulating among us be
of every date equally, we should examine the quantity of pure metal in
each, and from them form an average for our Unit. This is a work proper
to be committed to mathematicians as well as merchants, and which
should be decided on actual and accurate experiment.
The quantum of alloy is also to be decided. Some is necessary, to
prevent the coin from wearing too fast; too much, fills our pockets
with copper, instead of silver. The silver coin assayed by Sir Isaac
Newton, varied from 1 1-2 to 76 pennyweights alloy, in the pound troy
of mixed metal. The British standard has 18 dwt.; the Spanish coins
assayed by Sir Isaac Newton, have from 18 to 19 1-2 dwt.; the new
French crown has in fact 19 1-2, though by edict, it should have 20
dwt., that is 1-12.
The taste of our countrymen will require, that their furniture plate
should be as good as the British standard. Taste cannot be controlled
by law. Let it then give the law, in a point which is indifferent to a
certain degree. Let the Legislature fix the alloy of furniture plate
at 18 dwt., the British standard, and Congress that of their coin at
one ounce in the pound, the French standard. This proportion has been
found convenient for the alloy of gold coin, and it will simplify the
system of our mint to alloy both metals in the same degree. The coin,
too, being the least pure, will be the less easily melted into plate.
These reasons are light, indeed, and, of course, will only weigh, if no
heavier ones can be opposed to them.
The proportion between the values of gold and silver is a mercantile
problem altogether. It would be inaccurate to fix it by the popular
exchanges of a half Joe for eight dollars, a Louis for four French
crowns, or five Louis for twenty-three dollars. The first of these,
would be to adopt the Spanish proportion between gold and silver;
the second, the French; the third, a mere popular barter, wherein
convenience is consulted more than accuracy. The legal proportion
in Spain is 16 for 1; in England, 15 1-2 for 1; in France, 15 for
1. The Spaniards and English are found, in experience, to retain an
over-proportion of gold coins, and to lose their silver. The French
have a greater proportion of silver. The difference at market has
been on the decrease. The Financier states it at present, as at 14 1-2
for one. Just principles will lead us to disregard legal proportions
altogether; to enquire into the market price of gold, in the several
countries with which we shall principally be connected in commerce, and
to take an average from them. Perhaps we might, with safety, lean to a
proportion somewhat above par for gold, considering our neighborhood,
and commerce with the sources of the coins, and the tendency which
the high price of gold in Spain has, to draw thither all that of their
mines, leaving silver principally for our and other markets. It is not
impossible that 15 for 1, may be found an eligible proportion. I state
it, however, as a conjecture only.
As to the alloy for gold coin, the British is an ounce in the pound;
the French, Spanish, and Portuguese differ from that, only from a
quarter of a grain, to a grain and a half. I should, therefore, prefer
the British, merely because its fraction stands in a more simple form,
and facilitates the calculations into which it enters.
Should the Unit be fixed at 365 grains of pure silver, gold at 15 for
1, and the alloy of both be one-twelfth, the weight of the coins will
be as follows:
Grains. Grains. dwt. Grains.
of pure metal of alloy will weigh
The Golden piece containing 242 1-3 22.12 11 - 1.45
The Unit or Dollar 365 33.18 16 - 14.18
The half dollar, or five tenths, 182 1-2 16.59 8 - 7.09
The fifth, or Pistereen, 73 6.63 3 - 7.63
The tenth, or Bit. 36 1-2 3.318 1 - 15.818
The twentieth, or half Bit, 18 1-4 1.659 19.9
The quantity of fine silver which shall constitute the Unit, being
settled, and the proportion of the value of gold to that of silver; a
table should be formed from the assay before suggested, classing the
several foreign coins according to their fineness, declaring the worth
of a pennyweight or grain in each class, and that they shall be lawful
tenders at those rates, if not clipped or otherwise diminished; and,
where diminished, offering their value for them at the mint, deducting
the expense of re-coinage. Here the Legislatures should co-operate
with Congress, in providing that no money be received or paid at their
treasuries, or by any of their officers, or any bank, but on actual
weight; in making it criminal, in a high degree, to diminish their
own coins, and, in some smaller degree, to offer them in payment when
diminished.
That this subject may be properly prepared, and in readiness for
Congress to take up at their meeting in November, something must now
be done. The present session drawing to a close, they probably would
not choose to enter far into this undertaking themselves. The Committee
of the States, however, during the recess, will have time to digest
it thoroughly, if Congress will fix some general principles for their
government. Suppose they be instructed,
To appoint proper persons to assay and examine, with the utmost
accuracy practicable, the Spanish milled dollars of different dates, in
circulation with us.
To assay and examine, in like manner, the fineness of all the other
coins which may be found in circulation within these States.
To report to the Committee the result of these assays, by them to be
laid before Congress.
To appoint, also, proper persons to enquire what are the proportions
between the values of fine gold, and fine silver, at the markets of
the several countries with which we are, or probably may be, connected
in commerce; and what would be a proper proportion here, having
regard to the average of their values at those markets, and to other
circumstances, and to report the same to the Committee, by them to be
laid before Congress.
To prepare an Ordinance for establishing the Unit of Money within these
States; for subdividing it; and for striking coins of gold, silver, and
copper, on the following principles:
That the Money Unit of these States shall be equal in value to a
Spanish milled dollar containing so much fine silver as the assay,
before directed, shall show to be contained, on an average, in dollars
of the several dates in circulation with us.
That this Unit shall be divided into tenths and hundredths; that there
shall be a coin of silver of the value of a Unit; one other of the same
metal, of the value of one-tenth of a Unit; one other of copper, of the
value of the hundredth of a Unit.
That there shall be a coin of gold of the value of ten Units, according
to the report before directed, and the judgment of the Committee
thereon.
That the alloy of the said coins of gold and silver, shall be equal in
weight to one-eleventh part of the fine metal.
That there be proper devices for these coins.
That measures be proposed for preventing their diminution, and also
their currency, and that of any others, when diminished.
That the several foreign coins be described and classed in the said
Ordinance, the fineness of each class stated, and its value by weight
estimated in Units and decimal parts of Units.
And that the said draught of an Ordinance be reported to Congress at
their next meeting, for their consideration and determination.
_Supplementary Explanations._
The preceding notes having been submitted to the consideration of the
Financier, he favored me with his opinion and observations on them,
which render necessary the following supplementary explanations.
I observed, in the preceding notes, that the true proportion of value
between gold and silver was a mercantile problem altogether, and that,
perhaps, fifteen for one, might be found an eligible proportion. The
Financier is so good as to inform me, that this would be higher than
the market would justify. Confident of his better information on this
subject, I recede from that idea.[76]
He also informs me, that the several coins, in circulation among us,
have been already assayed with accuracy, and the result published in
a work on that subject. The assay of Sir Isaac Newton had superseded,
in my mind, the necessity of this operation as to the older coins,
which were the subject of his examination. This later work, with equal
reason, may be considered as saving the same trouble as to the latter
coins.
So far, then, I accede to the opinions of the Financier. On the other
hand, he seems to concur with me, in thinking his smallest fractional
division too minute for a Unit, and, therefore, proposes to transfer
that denomination to his largest silver coin, containing 1000 of the
units first proposed, and worth about 4s. 2d. lawful, or 25-36 of a
Dollar. The only question then remaining between us is, whether the
Dollar, or this coin, be best for the Unit. We both agree that _the
ease of adoption with the people_, is the thing to be aimed at.
1. As to the Dollar, events have overtaken and superseded the question.
It is no longer a doubt whether the people can adopt it with ease;
they have adopted it, and will have to be turned out of that, into
another tract of calculation, if another Unit be assumed. They have
now two Units, which they use with equal facility, viz., the Pound of
their respective State, and the Dollar. The first of these is peculiar
to each State: the second, happily, common to all. In each State, the
people have an easy rule of converting the pound of their State into
dollars, or dollars into pounds; and this is enough for them, without
knowing how this may be done in every State of the Union. Such of them
as live near enough the borders of their State to have dealings with
their neighbors, learn also the rule of their neighbors: thus, in
Virginia and the Eastern States, where the dollar is 6s. or 3-10 of
a pound, to turn pounds into dollars, they multiply by 10 and divide
by 3. To turn dollars into pounds, they multiply by 3, and divide by
10. Those in Virginia who live near to Carolina, where the dollar is
8s. or 4-10 of a pound, learn the operation of that State, which is a
multiplication by 4, and division by 10, _et e converso_. Those who
live near Maryland, where the dollar is 7s. 6d. or 3-8 of a pound,
multiply by 3, and divide by 8, _et e converso_. All these operations
are easy, and have been found, by experience, not too much for the
arithmetic of the people, when they have occasion to convert their old
Unit into dollars, or the reverse.
2. As to the Unit of the Financier; in the States where the dollars is
3-10 of a pound, this Unit will be 5-24. Its conversion into the pound
then, will be by a multiplication of 5, and a division by 24. In the
States where the dollar is 3-8 of a pound, this Unit will be 25-96 of a
pound, and the operation must be to multiply by 25, and divide by 96,
_et e converso_. Where the dollar is 4-10 of a pound, this Unit will
be 5-18. The simplicity of the fraction, and of course the facility
of conversion and reconversion, is therefore against this Unit, and in
favor of the dollar, in every instance. The only advantage it has over
the dollar, is, that it will in every case express our farthing without
a remainder; whereas, though the dollar and its decimals will do this
in many cases, it will not in all. But, even in these, by extending
your notation one figure further, to wit, to thousands, you approximate
to perfect accuracy within less than the two-thousandth part of a
dollar; an atom in money which every one would neglect. Against this
single inconvenience, the other advantages of the dollar are more than
sufficient to preponderate. This Unit will present to the people a new
coin, and whether they endeavor to estimate its value by comparing it
with a Pound, or with a Dollar, the Units they now possess, they will
find the fraction very compound, and of course less accommodated to
their comprehension and habits than the dollar. Indeed the probability
is, that they could never be led to compute in it generally.
The Financier supposes that the 1-100 part of a dollar is not
sufficiently small, where the poor are purchasers or vendors. If it is
not, make a smaller coin. But I suspect that it is small enough. Let
us examine facts, in countries where we are acquainted with them. In
Virginia, where our towns are few, small, and of course their demand
for necessaries very limited, we have never yet been able to introduce
a copper coin at all. The smallest coin which anybody will receive
there, is the half-bit, or 1-20 of a dollar. In those States where
the towns are larger and more populous, a more habitual barter of
small wants, has called for a copper coin of 1-90, 1-96, or 1-108 of
a dollar. In England, where the towns are many and populous, and where
ages of experience have matured the conveniences of intercourse, they
have found that some wants may be supplied for a farthing, or 1-208 of
a dollar, and they have accommodated a coin to this want. This business
is evidently progressive. In Virginia, we are far behind. In some
other States, they are further advanced, to wit, to the appreciation
of 1-90, 1-96, 1-108 of a dollar. To this most advanced state, then, I
accommodated my smallest coin in the decimal arrangement, as _a money
of payment_, corresponding with the _money of account_. I have no doubt
the time will come when a smaller coin will be called for. When that
comes, let it be made. It will probably be the half of the copper I
suppose, that is to say, 5-1000 or .005 of a dollar, this being very
nearly the farthing of England. But it will be time enough to make it,
when the people shall be ready to receive it.
My proposition then, is, that our notation of money shall be decimal,
descending _ad libitum_ of the person noting; that the Unit of this
notation shall be a Dollar; that coins shall be accommodated to it
from ten dollars to the hundredth of a dollar and that, to set this on
foot, the resolutions be adopted which were proposed in the notes, only
substituting _an enquiry into the fineness of the coins_ in lieu of _an
assay of them_.
[NOTE G.]
I have sometimes asked myself, whether my country is the better for
my having lived at all? I do not know that it is. I have been the
instrument of doing the following things; but they would have been done
by others; some of them, perhaps, a little better.
The Rivanna had never been used for navigation; scarcely an empty
canoe had ever passed down it. Soon after I came of age, I examined its
obstructions, set on foot a subscription for removing them, got an Act
of Assembly passed, and the thing effected, so as to be used completely
and fully for carrying down all our produce.
The Declaration of Independence.
I proposed the demolition of the church establishment, and the freedom
of religion. It could only be done by degrees; to wit, the Act of 1776,
c. 2. exempted dissenters from contributions to the Church, and left
the Church clergy to be supported by voluntary contributions of their
own sect; was continued from year to year, and made perpetual 1779, c.
36. I prepared the act for religious freedom in 1777, as part of the
revisal, which was not reported to the Assembly till 1779, and that
particular law not passed till 1785, and then by the efforts of Mr.
Madison.
The act putting an end to entails.
The act prohibiting the importation of slaves.
The act concerning citizens, and establishing the natural right of man
to expatriate himself, at will.
The act changing the course of descents, and giving the inheritance to
all the children, &c., equally, I drew as part of the revisal.
The act for apportioning crimes and punishments, part of the same work,
I drew. When proposed to the legislature, by Mr. Madison, in 1785, it
failed by a single vote. G. K. Taylor afterwards, in 1796, proposed
the same subject; avoiding the adoption of any part of the diction of
mine, the text of which had been studiously drawn in the technical
terms of the law, so as to give no occasion for new questions by
new expressions. When I drew mine, public labor was thought the best
punishment to be substituted for death. But, while I was in France,
I heard of a society in England, who had successfully introduced
solitary confinement, and saw the drawing of a prison at Lyons, in
France, formed on the idea of solitary confinement. And, being applied
to by the Governor of Virginia for the plan of a Capitol and Prison, I
sent him the Lyons plan, accompanying it with a drawing on a smaller
scale, better adapted to our use. This was in June, 1786. Mr. Taylor
very judiciously adopted this idea, (which had now been acted on in
Philadelphia, probably from the English model) and substituted labor in
confinement, to the public labor proposed by the Committee of revisal;
which themselves would have done, had they been to act on the subject
again. The public mind was ripe for this in 1796, when Mr. Taylor
proposed it, and ripened chiefly by the experiment in Philadelphia;
whereas, in 1785, when it had been proposed to our Assembly, they were
not quite ripe for it.
In 1789 and 1790, I had a great number of olive plants, of the best
kind, sent from Marseilles to Charleston, for South Carolina and
Georgia. They were planted, and are flourishing; and, though not yet
multiplied, they will be the germ of that cultivation in those States.
In 1790, I got a cask of heavy upland rice, from the river Denbigh,
in Africa, about lat. 9° 30' North, which I sent to Charleston, in
hopes it might supersede the culture of the wet rice, which renders
South Carolina and Georgia so pestilential through the summer. It was
divided, and a part sent to Georgia. I know not whether it has been
attended to in South Carolina; but it has spread in the upper parts
of Georgia, so as to have become almost general, and is highly prized.
Perhaps it may answer in Tennessee and Kentucky. The greatest service
which can be rendered any country is, to add an useful plant to its
culture; especially, a bread grain; next in value to bread is oil.
Whether the act for the more general diffusion of knowledge will ever
be carried into complete effect, I know not. It was received by the
legislature with great enthusiasm at first; and a small effort was made
in 1796, by the act to establish public schools, to carry a part of it
into effect, viz., that for the establishment of free English schools;
but the option given to the courts has defeated the intention of the
act.[77]
[NOTE H.]
New York, October 13, 1789.
SIR,
In the selection of characters to fill the important offices of
Government, in the United States, I was naturally led to contemplate
the talents and dispositions which I knew you to possess and entertain
for the service of your country; and without being able to consult
your inclination, or to derive any knowledge of your intention from
your letters, either to myself or to any other of your friends, I was
determined, as well by motives of private regard, as a conviction of
public propriety, to nominate you for the Department of State, which,
under its present organization, involves many of the most interesting
objects of the Executive authority. But grateful as your acceptance of
this commission would be to me, I am, at the same time, desirous to
accommodate your wishes, and I have, therefore, forborne to nominate
your successor at the court of Versailles, until I should be informed
of your determination.
Being on the eve of a journey through the Eastern States, with a view
to observe the situation of the country, and in a hope of perfectly
re-establishing my health, which a series of indispositions has much
impaired, I have deemed it proper to make this communication of your
appointment, in order that you might lose no time, should it be your
_wish_ to visit Virginia during the recess of Congress, which will
probably be the most convenient season, both as it may respect your
private concerns and the public service.
Unwilling, as I am, to interfere in the direction of your choice of
assistants, I shall only take the liberty of observing to you, that
from warm recommendations which I have received in behalf of Roger
Alden, Esq., assistant Secretary to the late Congress, I have placed
all the papers thereunto belonging, under his care. Those papers which
more properly appertain to the office of Foreign Affairs, are under the
superintendence of Mr. Jay, who has been so obliging as to continue his
good offices, and they are in the immediate charge of Mr. Remsen.
With sentiments of very great esteem and regard,
I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The Honorable Thomas Jefferson.
I take this occasion to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors,
of the 4th and 5th of December of the last, and 10th of May of the
present year, and to thank you for the communications therein.
G. W.
New York, November 30, 1789.
DEAR SIR,
You will perceive by the enclosed letter, (which was left for you at
the office of Foreign Affairs, when I made a journey to the Eastern
States,) the motives on which I acted with regard to yourself, and the
occasion of my explaining them at that early period.
Having now reason to hope, from Mr. Trumbull's report, that you will
be arrived at Norfolk before this time, (on which event I would most
cordially congratulate you,) and having a safe conveyance by Mr.
Griffin, I forward your commission to Virginia; with a request to
be made acquainted with your sentiments as soon as you shall find it
convenient to communicate them to me.
With sentiments of very great esteem and regard,
I am, dear sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
The Honorable Thomas Jefferson.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] 12. C. 2. c. 18. 15. C. 2. c. 11. 25. C. 2. c. 7. 7. 8.
W. M. c. 22. 11. W. 34. Anne. 6. C. 2. c. 13.
[25] 14. G. 3.
[26] 14. G. 3.
[27] On further inquiry, I find two instances of dissolutions
before the Parliament would, of itself, have been at an end:
viz., the Parliament called to meet August 24, 1698, was
dissolved by King William, December 19, 1700, and a new one
called, to meet February 6, 1701, which was also dissolved,
November 11, 1701, and a new one met December 30, 1701.
[28] [In this publication, the original Saxon words are
given, but, owing to the want of Saxon letter, they are
printed in common type.]
[29] This takes away the punishment of cutting off the hand
of a person striking an other, or drawing his sword in one of
the superior courts of justice. Stamf. P. C. 38. 33. H. 8.
c. 12. In an earlier stage of the Common law, it was death.
Gif hwa gefeohte on Cyninges huse sy he scyldig ealles his
yrfes, and sy on Cyninges dome hwæther he lif age de nage: si
quis in regis domo pugnet, perdat omnem suam haereditatem,
et in regis sit arbitrio, possideat vitam an non possideat.
Ll. Inae. 6. Gif hwa on Cyninges healle gefeohte, oththe his
wæpne gebrede, and hine mon gefo, sy thæt on Cyninges dome
swa death, swa lif, swa he him forgyfan wille: si quis in
aula regia pugnet, vel arma sua extrahat et capiatur, sit
in regis arbitrio tam mors quam vita, sicut ei condonare
voluerit. Ll. Alfr. 7. Gif hwa on Cyninges hirede gefeohte
tholige thæt lifes, buton se Cyning him gearian wille:
si quis in regia dimicat, perdat vitam, nisi rex hoc illi
condonare velit. Ll. Cnuti. 56. 4. Bl. 125.
[30] 25. E. 3. st. 5. c. 2. 7. W. 3. c. 3. § 2.
[31] Though the crime of an accomplice in treason is not here
described, yet, Lord Coke says, the partaking and maintaining
a treason herein described, makes him a principal in that
treason: it being a rule that in treason all are principals.
3 Inst. 138. 2 Inst. 590. 1 H. 6. 5.
[32] These words in the English statute narrow its operation.
A man adhering to the enemies of the Commonwealth, in a
foreign country, would certainly not be guilty of treason
with us, if these words be retained. The convictions of
treason of that kind in England have been under that branch
of the statute which makes the compassing the king's death
treason. Foster 196. 197. But as we omit that branch, we must
by other means reach this flagrant case.
[33] The stat. 25. E. 3. directs all other cases of treasons
to await the opinion of Parliament. This has the effect of
negative words, excluding all other treasons. As we drop
that part of the statute, we must, by negative words, prevent
an inundation of common law treasons. I strike out the word
"it," therefore, and insert "the said cases, and no others."
Quære, how far those negative words may affect the case of
accomplices above mentioned? Though if their case was within
the statute, so as that it needed not await the opinion of
Parliament, it should seem to be also within our act, so as
not to be ousted by the negative words.
[34] This implies "by the neck." See 2 Hawk. 544. notes n. o.
[35] By the stat. 21. Jac. 1. c. 27. and Act Ass. 1170. c.
12. concealment by the mother of the death of a bastard child
is made murder. In justification of this, it is said, that
shame is a feeling which operates so strongly on the mind,
as frequently to induce the mother of such a child to murder
it, in order to conceal her disgrace. The act of concealment,
therefore, proves she was influenced by shame, and that
influence produces a presumption that she murdered the child.
The effect of this law then is, to make what, in its nature,
is only presumptive evidence of a murder conclusive of that
fact. To this I answer, 1. So many children die before or
soon after birth, that to presume all those murdered who are
found dead, is a presumption which will lead us oftener wrong
than right, and consequently would shed more blood than it
would save. 2. If the child were born dead, the mother would
naturally choose rather to conceal it, in hopes of still
keeping a good character in the neighborhood. So that the
act of concealment is far from proving the guilt of murder on
the mother. 3. If shame be a powerful affection of the mind,
is not parental love also? Is it not the strongest affection
known? Is it not greater than even that of self-preservation?
While we draw presumptions from shame, one affection of the
mind, against the life of the prisoner, should we not give
some weight to presumptions from parental love, an affection
at least as strong, in favor of life? If concealment of the
fact is a presumptive evidence of murder, so strong as to
overbalance all other evidence that may possibly be produced
to take away the presumption, why not trust the force of this
incontestable presumption to the jury, who are, in a regular
course, to hear presumptive, as well as positive testimony?
If the presumption arising from the act of concealment,
may be destroyed by proof positive or circumstantial to the
contrary, why should the legislature preclude that contrary
proof? Objection. The crime is difficult to prove, being
usually committed in secret. Answer. But circumstantial
proof will do; for example, marks of violence, the behavior,
countenance, &c. of the prisoner, &c. And if conclusive
proof be difficult to be obtained, shall we therefore fasten
irremovably upon equivocal proof? Can we change the nature of
what is contestable, and make it incontestable? Can we make
that conclusive which God and nature have made inconclusive?
Solon made no law against parricide, supposing it impossible
that any one could be guilty of it; and the Persians, from
the same opinion, adjudged all who killed their reputed
parents to be bastards; and although parental be yet stronger
than filial affection, we admit saticide proved on the most
equivocal testimony, whilst they rejected all proof of an
act certainly not more repugnant to nature, as of a thing
impossible, unprovable. See Beccaria, § 31.
[36] 25. G. 2. c. 37.
[37] Quære, if the estates of both parties in a duel, should
not be forfeited? The deceased is equally guilty with a
suicide.
[38] Quære, if these words may not be omitted? By the Common
law, one witness in treason was sufficient. Foster 233.
Plowd. 8. a. Mirror e. 3. § 34. Waterhouse on Fortese. de
laud. 252. Carth. 144. per. Holt. But Lord Coke, contra 3
inst. 26. The stat. 1. E. 6. c. 12. & 5. E. 6. c. 11. first
required two witnesses in treason. The clause against high
treason supra, does the same as to high treason; but it seems
if 1st and 5th E. 6. are dropped, Petty treason will be tried
and proved, as at Common law, by one witness. But quære,
Lord Coke being contra, whose opinion it is ever dangerous to
neglect.
[39] These words are intended to take away the peremptory
challenge of thirty-five jurors. The same words being used 1.
2. Ph. & M. c. 10. are deemed to have restored the peremptory
challenge in high treason; and consequently are sufficient to
take it away. Foster 237.
[40] Petty treason is considered in law only as an aggravated
murder. Foster 107. 323. A pardon of all murders, pardons
Petty treason. 1 Hale P. C. 378. see 2 H. P. C. 340. 342. It
is also included in the word "felony," so that a pardon of
all felonies, pardons Petty treason.
[41] Manslaughter is punishable at law, by burning in the
hands, and forfeiture of chattels.
[42] It is best, in this act, to lay down principles only,
in order that it may not forever be undergoing change; and,
to carry into effect the minuter parts of it, frame a bill
"for the employment and government of felons, or malefactors,
condemned to labor for the Commonwealth," which may serve
as an Appendix to this, and in which all the particulars
requisite may be directed; and as experience will, from
time to time, be pointing out amendments, these may be made
without touching this fundamental act. See More's Utopia
p. 50. for some good hints. Fugitives might, in such a
bill, be obliged to work two days for every one they absent
themselves.
[43] The shooting at a wild fowl, and killing a man, is
homicide by misadventure. Shooting at a pullet, without any
design to take it away, is manslaughter; and with a design
to take it away, is murder. 6 Sta. tr. 222. To shoot at the
poultry of another, and thereby set fire to his house, is
arson, in the opinion of some. Dalt. c. 116. 1. Hale's P. C.
569. c. contra.
[44] Beccaria. § 32. Suicide. Homicides are, 1. Justifiable.
2. Excusable. 3. Felonious. For the last, punishments have
been already provided. The first are held to be totally
without guilt, or rather commendable. The second are in
some cases not quite unblamable. These should subject the
party to marks of contrition; viz., the killing of a man
in defence of property; so also in defence of one's person,
which is a species of excusable homicide; because, although
cases may happen where these also are commendable yet
most frequently they are done on too slight appearance of
danger; as in return for a blow, kick, fillip, &c.; or on a
person's getting into a house, not animo furandi, but perhaps
veneris causa, &c. Bracton says, "si quis furem nocturnum
occident ita demum impune foret, si parcere ei sine periculo
suo non potuit, si autem potuit, aliter erit. Item erit
si quis hamsokne quae dicitur invasio domus contra pacem
domini regis in domo sua se defenderit, et invasor occisus
fuerit; impersecutus et insultus remanebit, si ille quem
invasit aliter se defendere non potuit; dicitur enim quod
non est dignus habere pacem qui non vult observare eam."
L. 3. c. 23. § 3. "Qui latronem occiderit, non tenetur,
nocturnum vel diurnum, si aliter periculum evadere non
possit; tenetur tamen si possit. Item non tenetur si per
infortunium, et non animo et voluntate occidendi, nec dolus,
nec culpa ejus inveniatur." L. 3. c. 36. § 1. The stat. 24.
H. 8. c. 5. is therefore merely declaratory of the Common
law. See on the general subject Puffend. 2. 5. § 10. 11.
12. 16. 17. Excusable homicides are by misadventure, or in
self-defence. It is the opinion of some lawyers, that the
Common law punished these with death, and that the statute
of Marlbridge, c. 26. and Gloucester, c. 9. first took away
this by giving them title to a pardon, as matter of right,
and a writ of restitution of their goods. See 2. Inst. 148.
315. 3. Inst. 55. Bracton L. 3. c. 4. § 2. Fleta L. 1. c.
23. § 14. 15. 21. E. 3. 23. But it is believed never to have
been capital. 1. H. P. C. 425. 1 Hawk. 75. Foster, 282. 4.
Bl. 188. It seems doubtful also, whether at Common law, the
party forfeited all his chattels in this case, or only paid
a weregild. Foster, ubi supra, doubts, and thinks it of no
consequence, as the statute of Gloucester entitles the party
to Royal grace, which goes as well to forfeiture as life.
To me there seems no reason for calling these excusable
homicides, and the killing a man in defence of property,
a justifiable homicide. The latter is less guiltless than
misadventure or self-defence.
Suicide is by law punishable by forfeiture of chattels.
This bill exempts it from forfeiture. The suicide injures
the State less than he who leaves it with his effects. If
the latter then be not punished, the former should not.
As to the example, we need not fear its influence. Men are
too much attached to life, to exhibit frequent instances of
depriving themselves of it. At any rate, the quasi-punishment
of confiscation will not prevent it. For if one be found
who can calmly determine to renounce life, who is so weary
of his existence here, as rather to make experiment of what
is beyond the grave, can we suppose him, in such a state of
mind, susceptible of influence from the losses to his family
from confiscation? That men in general, too, disapprove of
this severity, is apparent from the constant practice of
juries finding the suicide in a state of insanity; because
they have no other way of saving the forfeiture. Let it then
be done away.
[45] Beccaria. § 19. 25. G. 2. c. 37.
[46] 13. E. 1. e. 34. Forcible abduction of a woman having
substance, is felony by 3. H. 7. c. 2. 3. Inst. 61. 4. Bl.
208. If goods be taken, it will be felony as to them, without
this statute; and as to the abduction of the woman, quære if
not better to leave that, and also kidnapping, 4. Bl. 219.
to the Common law remedies, viz., fine, imprisonment, and
pillory, Raym. 474. 2 Show. 221. Skin. 47. Comb. 10. the
writs of Homine replegiando, Capias in Withernam, Habeas
corpus, and the action of trespass? Rape was felony at the
Common law. 3. Inst. 60. but see 2. Inst. 181. further--for
its definition see 2. Inst. 180. Bracton, L. 3. c. 28.
§ 1. says the punishment of rape is "amissio membrorum,
ut sit membrum pro membro, quia virgo, cum corrumpitur,
membrum amittit, et ideo corruptor puniatur in eo in quo
deliquit; oculos igitur amittat propter aspectum decoris
quo virginem concupivit; amittat et testiculos qui calorem
stupri induxerunt. Olim quidem corruptores virginitatis et
castitatis suspendebantur et eorum fautores, &c. Modernis
tamen temporibus aliter observatur," &c. And Fleta, "solet
justiciarius pro quolibet mahemio ad amissionem testiculorum
vel oculorum convictum condemnare, sed non sine errore,
eo quod id judicium nisi in corruptione virginum tantum
competebat; nam pro virginitatis corruptione solebant abscidi
et merito judicari, ut sic pro membro quod abstulit, membrum
per quod deliquit amitteret, viz., testiculos, qui calorem
stupri induxerunt," &c. Fleta, L. 1. c. 40. § 4. "Gif theow
man theowne to nydhed genyde, gabte mid his eowende:" "Si
servus servam ad stuprum coegerit, compenset hoc virga sua
virili. Si quis puellam," &c. Ll. Aelfridi. 25. "Hi purgist
femme per forze forfait ad les membres." Ll. Gul. conq. 19.
In Dyer, 305, a man was indicted, and found guilty of a rape
on a girl of seven years old. The court "doubted of the rape
of so tender a girl; but if she had been nine years old, it
would have been otherwise." 14. Eliz. Therefore the statute
18. Eliz. e. 6. says, "For plain declaration of law, be it
enacted, that if any person shall unlawfully and carnally
know and abuse any woman child, under the age of ten years,
&c., he shall suffer as a felon, without allowance of
clergy." Lord Hale, however, 1. P. C. 630. thinks it rape
independent of that statute, to know carnally, a girl under
twelve, the age of consent. Yet 4. Bl. 212. seems to neglect
this opinion; and as it was founded on the words of 3. E. 1.
e. 13. and this is with us omitted, the offence of carnally
knowing a girl under twelve, or ten years of age, will not be
distinguished from that of any other.
[47] 1. Jac. 1. e. 11. Polygamy was not penal till the
statute 1. Jac. The law contented itself with the nullity of
the act. 4. Bl. 163. 3. Inst. 88.
[48] 25. H. 8. c. 6. Buggery is twofold. 1. With mankind,
2. with beasts. Buggery is the Genus, of which Sodomy
and Bestiality, are the species. 12. Co. 37. says, "note
that Sodomy is with mankind." But Finch's L. B. 3. c. 24.
"Sodomiary is a carnal copulation against nature, to wit,
of man or woman in the same sex, or of either of them
with beasts." 12. Co. 36. says, "it appears by the ancient
authorities of the law that this was felony." Yet the 25. H.
8. declares it felony, as if supposed not to be so. Britton,
c. 9. says, that Sodomites are to be burnt. F. N. B. 269. b.
Fleta, L. 1. c. 37. says, "percorantes et Sodomitae in terra
vivi confodiantur." The Mirror makes it treason. Bestiality
can never make any progress; it cannot therefore be injurious
to society in any great degree, which is the true measure
of criminality in foro civili, and will ever be properly and
severely punished, by universal derision. It may, therefore;
be omitted. It was anciently punished with death, as it
has been latterly. Ll. Aelfrid. 31. and 25. H. 8. c. 6. see
Beccaria. § 31. Montesq.
[49] Bracton, Fleta, &c.
[50] 22. 23. Car. 2. c. l. Maiming was felony at the Common
law. Britton, c. 25. "Mahemium autem dici poteri, aubi
aliquis in aliqua parte sui corparis laesionem acceperit,
per quam affectus sit inutilis ad pugnandum: ut si manus
amputetur, vel pes, oculus privetur, vel scerda de osse
capitis la veter, vel si quis dentes praecisores amiserit,
vel castratus fuerit, et talis pro mahemiato poterit
adjudicari." Fleta L. 1. c. 40. "Et volons que nul maheme
ne soit tenus forsque de membre tollet dount home est plus
feble a combatre, sicome del oyl, ou de la mayn, ou del pie,
ou de la tete debruse, ou de les dentz devant." Britton, c.
25. For further definitions, see Bracton, L. 3. c. 24. § 3.
4. Finch L. B. 3. c. 12. Co. L. 126. a. b. 288. a. 3. Bl.
121. 4. Bl. 205. Stamf. P. C. L. 1. c. 41. I do not find
any of these definitions confine the offence to wilful and
malicious perpetrations of it. 22. 23. Car. 2. c. 1. called
the Coventry act, has the words "on purpose and of malice
forethought." Nor does the Common law prescribe the same
punishment for disfiguring, as for maiming.
[51] The punishment was by retaliation. "Et come ascun appele
serra de tele felonie atteint et attende jugement, si soit
le judgment tiel que il perde autriel membre come il avera
tollet al pleintyfe. Et sy la pleynte soi faite de femme que
avera tollet a home ses membres, en tiel cas perdra la femme
la une meyn par jugement, come le membre dount ele axera
trespasse." Britton, c. 25. Fleta, B. 1. c. 40. Ll. Aelfr.
19. 40.
[52] 25. E. 3. st. 5. c. 2. 5. El. c. 11. 18. El. c. 1. 8.
9. W. 3. c. 26. 15. 16. G. 2. c. 28. 7. Ann. c. 25. By the
laws of Aethelstan and Canute, this was punished by cutting
off the hand. "Gif se mynetere ful wurthe slea man tha hand
of, the he that ful mid worthe and sette uppon tha mynet
smiththan." In English characters and words "if the minter
foul [criminal] wert, slay the hand off, that he the foul
[crime] with wrought, and set upon the mint-smithery." Ll.
Aethelst. 14. "Et si quis praeter hanc, falsam fecerit,
perdat manum quacum falsam confecit." Ll. Cnuti. 8. It had
been death by the Ll. Aethelredi sub fine. By those of II.
I. "si quis cum falso denario inventus fuerit--fiat justitia
mea, saltem de dextro puguo et de testiculis." Anno 1108.
Operae pretium vero est audire quam severus rex fuerit in
pravos. Monetarios enim fere omnes totius Angliae fecit
ementulari, et manus dextras abscindi, quia monetam furtive
corruperant. Wilkins ib. et anno 1125. When the Common
law became settled, it appears to have been punishable by
death. "Est aluid genus criminis quod sub nomine falsi
continetur, et tangit coronam domini regis, et ultimum
inducit supplicium, sicut de illis qui falsam fabricant
monetam, et qui de re non reproba, faciunt reprobam; sicut
sunt retonsores denariorum." Bract. L. 3. c. § 2. Fleta, L.
1. c. 22. § 4. Lord Hale thinks it was deemed petty treason
at common law. 1. H. P. C. 220. 224. The bringing in false
money with intent to merchandize, and make payment of it, is
treason, by 25. E. 3. But the best proof of the intention, is
the act of passing it, and why not leave room for repentance
here, as in other cases of felonies intended? l. H. P. C.
229.
[53] Clipping, filing, rounding, impairing, scaling,
lightening, (the words in the statutes) are included in
"diminishing;" gilding, in the word "casing;" coloring
in the word "washing;" and falsifying, or making, is
"counterfeiting."
[54] 43. L. c. 13. confined to four counties. 22. 23. Car. 2.
c. 7. 9. G. 1. c. 22. 9. G. 3. c. 29.
[55] Arson was a felony at Common law--3. Inst. 66; punished
by a fine, Ll. Aethelst. 6. But Ll. Cnuti, 61. make it a
"scelus inexpiable." "Hus brec and bærnet and open thyfth
æberemorth and hlaford swice æfter woruld laga is botleds."
Word for word, "house break and burnt, and open theft, and
manifest murther, and lord-treachery, afterworld's law is
bootless." Bracton says it was punished by death. "Si quis
turbida seditione incendium fecerit nequiter et in felonia,
vel ob inimicitias, vel praedandi causa, capitali puniatur
poena vel senteutia." Bract. L. 3. 27. He defines it as
commissible by burning "aedes alienas." Ib. Britton, c.
9. "Ausi soit enquis de ceux que felonisement en temps de
pees cient autre _blees_ ou autre _mesons_ ars, et ceux que
serrount de ceo atteyntz, soient ars issint que eux soient
punys par mesme cele chose dount ilz pecherent." Fleta, L.
1. c. 37. is a copy of Bracton. The Mirror c. 1. § 8. says,
"Ardours sont que ardent citie, ville, maison home, maison
beast, ou auters chatelx, de lour felonie en temps de pace
pour haine ou vengeance." Again, c. 2. § 11. pointing out
the words of the appellor "jeo dise que Sebright, &c., entiel
meason ou _biens_ mist de feu." Coke 3. Inst. 67. says, "the
ancient authors extended this felony further than houses,
viz., to sacks of corn, waynes or carts of coal, wood or
other goods." He denies it as commissible, not only on the
inset houses, parcel of the mansion house, but the outset
also, as barn, stable, cowhouse, sheep house, dairy house,
mill house, and the like, parcel of the mansion house. But
"burning of a barn, being no parcel of a mansion house, is no
felony," unless there be corn or hay within it. Ib. The 22.
23. Car. 2. and 9. G. 1. are the principal statutes against
arson. They extend the offence beyond the Common law.
[56] 1. Ann. st. 2. c. 9. 12. Ann. c. 18. 4. G. I. c. 12. 26.
G. 2. c. 19.
[57] 11. 12. W. 3. c. 7.
[58] Robbery was a felony at Common law. 3 Inst. 68. "Scelus
inexpiable," by the Ll. Cnuti. 61. [See before in Arson.]
It was punished with death. Britt. c. 15, "de robbours et de
larouns et de semblables mesfesours, soit ausi ententivement
enquis--et tauntost soient ceux robbours juges a la mort."
Fleta says, "si quis convictus fuerit de bonis viri robbatis
vel asportatis ad sectam regis judicium capitale subibit." L.
1. c. 39. See also Bract. L. 3. c. 32. § 1.
[59] Burglary was felony at the Common law. 3 Inst. 63.
It was not distinguished by ancient authors, except the
Mirror, from simple House-breaking, ib. 65. Burglary and
House-breaking were called "Hamsockne diximus etiam de
pacis violatione et de immunitatibus domus, si quis hoc in
posterum fecerit ut perdat omne quod habet, et sit in regis
arbitrio utrum vitam habeat. Eac we quædon be mundbryce and
be ham socnum, sethe hit ofer this do thæt he dolie ealles
thæs the age, and sy on Cyninges dome hwæther he life age;
and we quoth of mound-breach, and of home-seeking he who it
after this do, that he dole all that he owe [owns], and is
in king's doom whether he life owes [owns.] Ll. Eadmundi.
c. 6. and see Ll. Cnuti. 61. "hus brec," in notes on Arson.
ante. A Burglar was also called a Burgessor. "Et soit enquis
de Burgessours et sunt tenus Burgessours trestous ceux que
_felonisement_ en temps de pees debrusout esglises ou auter
mesons, ou murs ou portes de nos cytes, ou de nos Burghes."
Britt. c. 10. "Burglaria est nocturna diruptio habitaculi
alicujus, vel ecclesiae, etiam murorum, partarumve civitatis
aut burgi, ad feloniam aliquam perpetrandam. _Noctanter_
dico, recentiores secutus; veteres enim hoc non adjungunt.
Spelm. gloss. verb. Burglaria. It was punished with death.
Ib. citn. from the office of a Coroner. It may be committed
in the outset houses, as well as inset. 3 Inst. 65. though
not under the same roof or contiguous, provided they be
within the Curtilage or Homestall. 4 Bl. 225. As by the
Common law, all felonies were clergiable, the stat. 23 H.
8. c. 1. 5. E. 6. c. 9. and 18 El. c. 7. first distinguished
them, by taking the clerical privilege of impunity from the
principals, and 3. 4. W. M. c. 9. from accessories before the
fact. No _statute_ defines what Burglary is. The 12 Ann. c.
7. decides the doubt whether, where breaking is subsequent to
entry, it is Burglary. Bacon's Elements had affirmed, and 1.
H. P. C. 554. had denied it. Our bill must distinguish them
by different degrees of punishment.
[60] At the Common law, the offence of Housebreaking was
not distinguished from Burglary, and neither of them from
any other larceny. The statutes at first took away clergy
from Burglary, which made a leading distinction between the
two offences. Later statutes, however, have taken clergy
from so many cases of Housebreaking, as nearly to bring
the offences together again. These are 23 H. 8. c. 1. 1.
E. 6. c. 12. 5 and 6 E. 6. c. 9. 3 and 4 W. M. c. 9. 39
El. c. 15. 10 and 11 W. 3 c. 23. 12 Ann. c. 7. See Barr.
428. 4 Bl. 240. The circumstances which in these statutes
characterize the offence, seem to have been occasional
and unsystematical. The houses on which Burglary may be
committed, and the circumstances which constitute that crime
being ascertained, it will be better to define Housebreaking
by the same subjects and circumstances, and let the crimes be
distinguished only by the hour at which they are committed,
and the degree of punishment.
[61] The offence of Horse-stealing seems properly
distinguishable from other larcenies, here, where these
animals generally run at large, the temptation being so great
and frequent, and the facility of commission so remarkable.
See 1 E. 6. c. 12. 23 E. 6. c. 33. 31 El. c. 12.
[62] The distinction between grand and petty larceny, is very
ancient. At first 8d. was the sum which constituted grand
larceny. Ll. Aethelst. c. 1. "Ne parcatur ulli furi, qui
furtum manutenens captus sit, supra 12. annos nato, et supra
8. denarios." Afterwards, in the same king's reign it was
raised to 12d. "non parcatur alicui furi ultra 12 denarios,
et ultra 12 annos nato--ut occidemus illum et capiamus omne
quod possidet, et imprimis sumamus rei furto ablatae pretium
ab haerede, ac dividatur postea reliquum in duas partes,
una pars uxori, si munda, et facinoris conscia non sit; et
residuum in duo, dimidium capiat rex, dimidium societas." Ll.
Aethelst. Wilkins, p. 65.
[63] Ll. Inae. c. 7. "Si quis furetur ita ut uxor ejus et
infans ipsius nesciant, solvat 60. solidos poenae loco. Si
autem furetur testantibus omnibus haeredibus suis, _abeant
omnes in servitutem_." Ina was king of the West-Saxons,
and began to reign A. C. 688. After the union of the
Heptarchy, i. e. temp. Aethelst. inter 924 and 940, we find
it punishable with death as above. So it was inter 1017 and
1035, i. e. temp. Cnuti. Ll. Cnuti 61. cited in notes on
Arson. In the time of William the conqueror, it seems to
have been made punishable by fine only. Ll. Gul. conq. apud
Wilk. p. 218, 220. This commutation, however, was taken away
by Ll. H. 1. anno 1108. "Si quis in furto vel latrocinio
deprehensus fuisset, suspenderetur; sublata wirgildorum, id
est, pecuniarae redemptionis lege." Larceny is the felonious
taking and carrying away of the personal goods of another. 1.
As to the taking, the 3. 4. W. M. c. 9 § 5. is not additional
to the Common law, but declaratory of it; because where
only the care or use, and not the possession, of things is
delivered, to take them was larceny at the Common law. The
33. H. 6. c. 1. and 21 H. 8. c. 7. indeed, have added to
the Common law, by making it larceny in a servant to convert
things of his master's. But quære, if they should be imitated
more than as to other breaches of trust in general. 2. As
to the subject of larceny, 4 G. 2. c. 32. 6 G. 3. c. 36. 48.
43. El. c. 7. 15. Car. 2. c. 2. 23. G. 2. c. 26. 31. G. 2. c.
35. 9. G. 3. c. 41. 25. G. 2. c. 10. have extended larceny to
things of various sorts either real, or fixed to the reality.
But the enumeration is unsystematical, and in this country,
where the produce of the earth is so spontaneous, as to have
rendered things of this kind scarcely a breach of civility or
good manners, in the eyes of the people, quære, if it would
not too much enlarge the field of Criminal law? The same may
be questioned of 9 G. 1. c. 22. 13 Car. 2. c. 10. 10 G. 2. c.
32. 5 G. 3. c. 14. 22 and 23 Car. 2. c. 25. 37 E. 3. c. 19.
making it felony to steal animals feræ naturæ.
[64] 2 G. 2. c. 25 § 3. 7 G. 3. c. 50.
[65] 3. 4. W. M. c. 9. § 4. 5 Ann. c. 31. § 5. 4 G. 1. c. 11.
§ 1.
[66] 1 E. 2.
[67] Breach of prison at the Common law was capital, without
regard to the crime for which the party was committed.
"Cum pro criminis qualitate in carcerem recepti fuerint,
conspiraverint (ut ruptis vinculis aut fracto carcere)
evadant, amplius (quam causa pro qua recepti sunt exposeit)
puniendi sunt, videlicet ultimo supplicio, quamvis ex eo
crimine innocentes inveniantur, propter quod inducti sunt in
carcerem et imparcati. Bracton L. 3. c. 9. § 4. Britt. c. 11.
Fleta, L. 1. c. 26. § 4. Yet in the Y. B. Hill. 1. H. 7. 2.
Hussey says, that by the opinion of Billing and Choke, and
all the justices, it was a felony in strangers only, but not
in the prisoner himself. S. C. Fitz. Abr. Coron. 48. They are
principal felons, not accessaries. ib. Whether it was felony
in the prisoner at Common law, is doubted. Stam. P. C. 30.
b The Mirror c. 5. § 1, says, 'abusion est a tener escape
de prisoner, ou de bruserie del gaole pur peche mortell, car
cel usage n'est garrant per nul ley, ne in nul part est use
forsque in cest realme, et en France, eins [mais] est leu
garrantie de ceo faire per la ley de nature." 2 Inst. 589.
The stat. 1. E. 2. de fraugentibus prisonam, restrained the
judgment of life and limb for prison breaking, to cases where
the offence of the prisoner required such judgment.
It is not only vain, but wicked, in a legislator to frame
laws in opposition to the laws of nature, and to arm them
with the terrors of death. This is truly creating crimes in
order to punish them. The law of nature impels every one
to escape from confinement; it should not, therefore, be
subjected to punishment. Let the legislator restrain his
criminal by walls, not by parchment. As to strangers breaking
prison to enlarge an offender, they should, and may be fairly
considered as accessaries after the fact. This bill says
nothing of the prisoner releasing himself by breach of jail,
he will have the benefit of the first section of the bill,
which repeals the judgment of life and death at the common
law.
[68] Gif wiccan owwe wigleras nansworan, owwe morthwyrhtan
owwe fule afylede æbere horcwenan ahwhar on lande wurthan
agytene, thonne fyrsie man of earde and clænsie tha theode,
owwe on earde forfare hi mid ealle, buton hi geswican and
the deoper gebetan: if witches, or weirds, man-swearers,
or murther-wroughters, or foul, defiled, open whore-queens,
anywhere in the land were gotten, then force them off earth,
and cleanse the nation, or in earth forth-fare them withal,
buton they beseech, and deeply better. Ll. Ed. et Guthr.
c. 11. "Sagae, mulieres barbara, factitantes sacrificia,
aut pestiferi, si cui mortem intulerint, neque id inficiari
poterint, capitis poena esto." Ll. Aethelst. c. 6. apud
Lambard. Ll. Aelfr. 30. Ll. Cnuti. c. 4. "Mesme cel jugement
(d'etrears) eyent sorcers, et sorceresses, &c. ut supra."
Fleta ut et ubi supra. 3. Inst. 44. Trial of witches before
Hale in 1664. The statutes 33 H. 8. c. 8. 5. El. c. 16 and
1. Jac. 1. c. 12. seem to be only in confirmation of the
Common law. 9 G. 2. c. 25. punishes them with pillory, and a
year's imprisonment. 3 E. 6. c. 15. 5 El. c. 15. punish fond,
fantastical and false prophecies, by fine and imprisonment.
[69] 1 Ann. c. 9. § 2.
[70] As every treason includes within it a misprision
of treason, so every felony includes a misprision, or
misdemeanor. 1 Hale P. C. 652. 708. "Licet fuerit felonia,
tamen in eo continetur misprisio." 2 R. 3 10. Both principal
and accessary, therefore, may be proceeded against in any
case, either for felony or misprision, at the Common law.
Capital cases not being mentioned here, accessaries to them
will of course be triable for misprisions, if the offender
flies.
[71] E. 1. c. 12.
[72] Whether the judgment of penance lay at Common law.
See 2 Inst. 178. 2 H. P. C. 321. 4 Bl. 322. It was given on
standing mute; but on challenging more than the legal number,
whether that sentence, or sentence of death is to be given,
seems doubtful. 2 H. P. C. 316. Quære, whether it would not
be better to consider the supernumerary challenge as merely
void, and to proceed in the trial? Quære too, in case of
silence?
[73] "Cum Clericus sic de crimine convictus degradetur
non sequitur alia poena pro uno delicto, vel pluribus ante
degradationem perpetratis. Satis enim sufficit ei pro poena
degradatio, quae est magna capitis diminutio, nisi forte
convictus fuerit de apostatia, quia hinc primo degradetur, et
postea per manum laicalem comburetur, secundum quod accidit
in concilio Oxoni celebrato a bonae memoriae S. Cantuanen.
Archiepiscopo de quodam diacono, qui se apostatavit pro
quadam Judaea; qui cum esset per episcopum degradatus, statim
fuit igni traditus per manum laicalem." Bract. L. 3. c.
9. § 2. "Et mesme cel jugement (i. e. qui ils soient ars)
eyent sorcers et sorceresses, et sodomites et mescreauntz
apertement atteyntz." Britt. c. 9. "Christiani autem
Apostatae, sortilegii, et hujusmodi detractari debent et
comburi." Fleta, L. 1. c. 37. § 2. see 3. Inst. 39. 12. Rep.
92. 1. H. P. C. 393. The extent of the clerical privilege
at the Common law. 1. As to the crimes, seems very obscure
and uncertain. It extended to no case where the judgment
was not of life, or limb. Note in 2. H. P. C. 326. This
therefore excluded it in trespass, petty larceny, or killing
se defendendo. In high treason against the person of the
King, it seems not to have been allowed. Note 1. H. P. C.
185. Treasons, therefore, not against the King's person
immediately, petty treasons and felonies, seem to have been
the cases where it was allowed; and even of those, not for
insidiatio varium, depopulatio agrorum, or combustio domorum.
The statute de Clero, 25. E. 3. st. 3. c. 4. settled the
law on this head. 2. As to the persons, it extended to all
clerks, always, and toties quoties. 2. H. P. C. 374. To nuns
also. Fitz. Abr. Corone. 461. 22. E. 3. The clerical habit
and tonsure were considered as evidence of the person being
clerical. 26. Assiz. 19. 20. E. 2. Fitz. Corone. 233. By the
9. E. 4. 28. b. 34. H. 6. 49 a. b. simple reading became the
evidence. This extended impunity to a great number of laymen,
and toties quoties. The stat. 4. H. 7. c. 13. directed that
real clerks should, upon a second arraignment, produce their
orders, and all others to be burnt in the hand with M. or T.
on the first allowance of clergy, and not to be admitted to
it a second time. A heretic, Jew, or Turk (as being incapable
of orders) could not have clergy. 11. Co. Rep. 29 b. But a
Greek, or other alien, reading in a book of his own country,
might. Bro. Clergie. 20. So a blind man, if he could speak
Latin. Ib. 21. qu. 11. Rep. 29. b. The orders entitling the
party, were bishops, priests, deacons and subdeacons, the
inferior being reckoned Clerici in minoribus. 2. H. P. C.
373. Quære, however, if this distinction is not founded on
the stat. 23. H. 8. c. 1. 25. H. 8. c. 32. By merely dropping
all the statutes, it should seem that none but clerks would
be entitled to this privilege, and that they would, toties
quoties.
[74] 1. Ann. c. 9.
[75] Manslaughter, counterfeiting, arson, asportation of
vessels, robbery, burglary, house-breaking, horse-stealing,
larceny.
[76] In a newspaper, which frequently gives good details in
political economy, I find, under the Hamburgh head, that the
present market price of Gold and Silver is, in England, 15.5
for 1: in Russia, 15: in Holland, 14.75: in Savoy, 14.6:
in France, 14.42: in Spain, 14.3: in Germany, 14.155: the
average of which is 14.675 or 14 5-8. I would still incline
to give a little more than the market price for gold, because
of its superior convenience in transportation.
[77] [It appears, from a blank space at the bottom of this
paper, that a continuation had been intended. Indeed, from
the loose manner in which the above notes are written, it may
be inferred, that they were originally intended as memoranda
only, to be used in some more permanent form.]
BOOK II.
CORRESPONDENCE.
PART I.--BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE, 1773-1783.
PART II.--WHILE MINISTER TO FRANCE, 1784-1790.
PART III.--FROM HIS RETURN TO UNITED STATES TO HIS DEATH, 1790-1826.
INTRODUCTORY TO BOOK II.
This division of the work includes all the Correspondence, official
and private, of Thomas Jefferson, from 1762 to his death in 1826, which
possesses general interest or permanent public value. For the purpose
of easy reference, it has been classified as follows:
PART I.--LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE.--The letters
included in this division, consist principally of the private
correspondence of the Author's youth, and his official letters while
Governor of Virginia. The former are interesting mainly as illustrating
his character, his views, and his purposes in life. The latter,
relating to the period of the invasion of Virginia, and the military
operations in the South, possess no inconsiderable historical value.
PART II.--LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE.--The letters included
in this division, relate principally to the objects of his mission
to Europe--his efforts to extend the commercial relations of this
country with the European nations--the history of particular treaties
of commerce--piratical depredations upon our commerce by the Barbary
States--our Foreign Debt--our relations generally with Europe--the rise
and progress of the French Revolution through its early stages--his
views of the Confederation and the new Constitution--the political and
social condition of Europe, &c., all interspersed with the reflections
by the Author upon every variety of topic, literary, scientific,
social, and political.
PART III.--LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES TO
THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.--To the great majority of readers, this will be
found to be much the most interesting division of the work, ranging,
as it does, over the whole field of Literature, Philosophy, Science,
Religion, Morals, History, and Politics, and embodying the mature
views of the Author upon nearly all the great Constitutional questions
which have arisen under our Government, and many of the most important
problems which have agitated the world.
PART I.
LETTERS WRITTEN BEFORE HIS MISSION TO EUROPE
1773-1783.
TO JOHN PAGE.
FAIRFIELD, December 25, 1762.
DEAR PAGE,--This very day, to others the day of greatest mirth and
jollity, sees me overwhelmed with more and greater misfortunes than
have befallen a descendant of Adam for these thousand years past, I
am sure; and perhaps, after excepting Job, since the creation of the
world. I think his misfortunes were somewhat greater than mine; for,
although we may be pretty nearly on a level in other respects, yet, I
thank my God, I have the advantage of brother Job in this, that Satan
has not as yet put forth his hand to load me with bodily afflictions.
You must know, dear Page, that I am now in a house surrounded with
enemies, who take counsel together against my soul; and when I lay
me down to rest, they say among themselves, come let us destroy him.
I am sure if there is such a thing as a Devil in this world, he must
have been here last night, and have had some hand in contriving what
happened to me. Do you think the cursed rats (at his instigation, I
suppose) did not eat up my pocket-book, which was in my pocket, within
a foot of my head? And not contented with plenty for the present, they
carried away my jemmy-worked silk garters, and half a dozen new minuets
I had just got, to serve, I suppose, as provision for the winter. But
of this I should not have accused the Devil, (because, you know rats
will be rats, and hunger, without the addition of his instigations,
might have urged them to do this,) if something worse, and from a
different quarter, had not happened. You know it rained last night, or
if you do not know it, I am sure I do. When I went to bed, I laid my
watch in the usual place, and going to take her up after I arose this
morning, I found her in the same place, it's true, but _Quantum mutatus
ab illo_! all afloat in water, let in at a leak in the roof of the
house, and as silent and still as the rats that had eat my pocket-book.
Now, you know, if chance had had anything to do in this matter, there
were a thousand other spots where it might have chanced to leak as well
as at this one, which was perpendicularly over my watch. But I'll tell
you, it's my opinion that the Devil came and bored the hole over it
on purpose. Well, as I was saying, my poor watch had lost her speech.
I should not have cared much for this, but something worse attended
it; the subtle particles of the water with which the case was filled,
had, by their penetration, so overcome the cohesion of the particles
of the paper, of which my dear picture and watch-paper were composed,
that, in attempting to take them out to dry them, good God! _Mens
horret referre!_ My cursed fingers gave them such a rent, as I fear I
never shall get over. This, cried I, was the last stroke Satan had in
reserve for me; he knew I cared not for anything else he could do to
me, and was determined to try his last most fatal expedient. "_Multis
fortunæ vulneribus percussus, huic uni me imparem sensi, et penitus
succubui!_" I would have cried bitterly, but I thought it beneath the
dignity of a man, and a man too, who had read των οντων, τα μεν εφ'
ἡμιν, τα δ' ουκ εφ' ἡμιν. However, whatever misfortunes may attend the
picture or lover, my hearty prayers shall be, that all the health and
happiness which Heaven can send may be the portion of the original,
and that so much goodness may ever meet with what may be most
agreeable in this world, as I am sure it must be in the next. And now,
although the picture be defaced, there is so lively an image of her
imprinted in my mind, that I shall think of her too often, I fear, for
my peace of mind; and too often, I am sure, to get through old Coke
this winter; for God knows I have not seen him since I packed him up
in my trunk in Williamsburg. Well, Page, I do wish the Devil had old
Coke, for I am sure I never was so tired of an old dull scoundrel in
my life. What! are there so few inquietudes tacked to this momentary
life of ours, that we must need be loading ourselves with a thousand
more? Or, as brother Job says, (who, by-the-bye, I think began to
whine a little under his afflictions,) "Are not my days few? Cease
then, that I may take comfort a little before I go whence I shall not
return, even to the land of darkness, and the shadow of death." But
the old fellows say we must read to gain knowledge, and gain knowledge
to make us happy and admired. _Mere jargon!_ Is there any such thing
as happiness in this world? No. And as for admiration, I am sure the
man who powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most
nonsense, is most admired. Though to be candid, there are some who
have too much good sense to esteem such monkey-like animals as these,
in whose formation, as the saying is, the tailors and barbers go
halves with God Almighty; and since these are the only persons whose
esteem is worth a wish, I do not know but that, upon the whole, the
advice of these old fellows may be worth following.
You cannot conceive the satisfaction it would give me to have a letter
from you. Write me very circumstantially everything which happened at
the wedding. Was she there? because, if she was, I ought to have been
at the Devil for not being there too. If there is any news stirring
in town or country, such as deaths, courtships, or marriages, in the
circle of my acquaintance, let me know it. Remember me affectionately
to all the young ladies of my acquaintance, particularly the Miss
Burwells, and Miss Potters, and tell them that though that heavy
earthly part of me, my body, be absent, the better half of me, my soul,
is ever with them, and that my best wishes shall ever attend them.
Tell Miss Alice Corbin that I verily believe the rats knew I was to
win a pair of garters from her, or they never would have been so cruel
as to carry mine away. This very consideration makes me so sure of
the bet, that I shall ask everybody I see from that part of the world
what pretty gentleman is making his addresses to her. I would fain ask
the favor of Miss Becca Burwell to give me another watch-paper of her
own cutting, which I should esteem much more, though it were a plain
round one, than the nicest in the world cut by other hands; however,
I am afraid she would think this presumption, after my suffering the
other to get spoiled. If you think you can excuse me to her for this,
I should be glad if you would ask her. Tell Miss Sukey Potter that
I heard, just before I came out of town, that she was offended with
me about something, what it is I do not know; but this I know, that
I never was guilty of the least disrespect to her in my life, either
in word or deed; as far from it as it has been possible for one to
be. I suppose when we meet next, she will be _endeavoring_ to repay
an imaginary affront with a real one; but she may save herself the
trouble, for nothing that she can say or do to me shall ever lessen her
in my esteem, and I am determined always to look upon her as the same
honest-hearted, good-humored, agreeable lady I ever did. Tell--tell--in
short, tell them all ten thousand things more than either you or I can
now or ever shall think of as long as we live.
My mind has been so taken up with thinking of my acquaintances, that,
till this moment, I almost imagined myself in Williamsburg, talking to
you in our old unreserved way; and never observed, till I turned over
the leaf, to what an immoderate size I had swelled my letter; however,
that I may not tire your patience by further additions, I will make but
this one more, that I am sincerely and affectionately,
Dear Page, your friend and servant.
P. S. I am now within an easy day's ride of Shadwell, whither I shall
proceed in two or three days.
TO JOHN PAGE.
SHADWELL, Jan. 20, 1763.
DEAR PAGE,--To tell you the plain truth, I have not a syllable to write
to you about. For I do not conceive that anything can happen in my
world which you would give a curse to know, or I either. All things
here appear to me to trudge on in one and the same round: we rise
in the morning that we may eat breakfast, dinner and supper, and go
to bed again that we may get up the next morning and do the same: so
that you never saw two peas more alike than our yesterday and to-day.
Under these circumstances, what would you have me say? Would you that
I should write nothing but truth? I tell you I know nothing that is
true. Or would you rather that I should write you a pack of lies? Why,
unless they were more ingenious than I am able to invent, they would
furnish you with little amusement. What can I do then? nothing, but
ask you the news in your world. How have you done since I saw you? How
did Nancy look at you when you danced with her at Southall's? Have you
any glimmering of hope? How does R. B. do? Had I better stay here and
do nothing, or go down and do less? or, in other words, had I better
stay here while I am here, or go down that I may have the pleasure of
sailing up the river again in a full-rigged flat? Inclination tells me
to go, receive my sentence, and be no longer in suspense; but reason
says, if you go, and your attempt proves unsuccessful, you will be
ten times more wretched than ever. In my last to you, dated Fairfield,
Dec. 25, I wrote to you of the losses I had sustained; in the present
I may mention one more, which is the loss of the whites of my eyes, in
the room of which I have got reds, which gives me such exquisite pain
that I have not attempted to read anything since a few days after Jack
Walker went down, and God knows when I shall be able to do it. I have
some thoughts of going to Petersburg, if the actors go there in May.
If I do, I do not know but I may keep on to Williamsburg, as the birth
night will be near. I hear that Ben Harrison has been to Wilton: let
me know his success. Have you an inclination to travel, Page? because
if you have, I shall be glad of your company. For you must know that
as soon as the Rebecca (the name I intend to give the vessel above
mentioned) is completely finished, I intend to hoist sail and away.
I shall visit particularly England, Holland, France, Spain, Italy,
(where I would buy me a good fiddle,) and Egypt, and return through the
British provinces to the Northward home. This to be sure, would take us
two or three years, and if we should not both be cured of love in that
time, I think the devil would be in it. After desiring you to remember
me to acquaintances below, male and female, I subscribe myself,
Dear Page, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN PAGE.
SHADWELL, July 15th, 1763.
DEAR PAGE,--Yours of May 30th came safe to hand. The rival you
mentioned I know not whether to think formidable or not, as there has
been so great an opening for him during my absence. I say _has been_,
because I expect there is one no longer. Since you have undertaken to
act as my attorney, you advise me to go immediately and lay siege _in
form_. You certainly did not think, at the time you wrote this, of that
paragraph in my letter wherein I mentioned to you my resolution of
going to Britain. And to begin an affair of that kind now, and carry
it on so long a time in form, is by no means a proper plan. No, no,
Page; whatever assurances I may give her in private of my esteem for
her, or whatever assurances I may ask in return from her, depend on
it--they must be kept in private. Necessity will oblige me to proceed
in a method which is not generally thought fair; that of treating
with a ward before obtaining the approbation of her guardian. I say
necessity will oblige me to it, because I never can bear to remain
in suspense so long a time. If I am to succeed, the sooner I know it,
the less uneasiness I shall have to go through. If I am to meet with
a disappointment, the sooner I know it, the more of life I shall have
to wear it off; and if I do meet with one, I hope in God, and verily
believe, it will be the last. I assure you, that I almost envy you
your present freedom; and if Belinda will not accept of my service, it
shall never be offered to another. That she may, I pray most sincerely;
but that she will, she never gave me reason to hope. With regard to my
not proceeding in form, I do not know how she may like it. I am afraid
not much. That her guardians would not, if they should know of it, is
very certain. But I should think that if they were consulted after I
return, it would be sufficient. The greatest inconvenience would be my
not having the liberty of visiting so freely. This is a subject worth
your talking over with her; and I wish you would, and would transmit to
me your whole confab at length. I should be scared to death at making
her so unreasonable a proposal as that of waiting until I return from
Britain, unless she could first be prepared for it. I am afraid it will
make my chance of succeeding considerably worse. But the event at last
must be this, that if she consents, I shall be happy; if she does not,
I must _endeavor_ to be as much so as possible. I have thought a good
deal on your case, and as mine may perhaps be similar, I must endeavor
to look on it in the same light in which I have often advised you to
look on yours. Perfect happiness, I believe, was never intended by the
Deity to be the lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he
has very much put in our power the nearness of our approaches to it, is
what I have steadfastly believed.
The most fortunate of us, in our journey through life, frequently
meet with calamities and misfortunes which may greatly afflict us;
and, to fortify our minds against the attacks of these calamities and
misfortunes, should be one of the principal studies and endeavors
of our lives. The only method of doing this is to assume a perfect
resignation to the Divine will, to consider that whatever does happen,
must happen; and that, by our uneasiness, we cannot prevent the blow
before it does fall, but we may add to its force after it has fallen.
These considerations, and others such as these, may enable us in some
measure to surmount the difficulties thrown in our way; to bear up
with a tolerable degree of patience under this burthen of life; and to
proceed with a pious and unshaken resignation, till we arrive at our
journey's end, when we may deliver up our trust into the hands of him
who gave it, and receive such reward as to him shall seem proportioned
to our merit. Such, dear Page, will be the language of the man who
considers his situation in this life, and such should be the language
of every man who would wish to render that situation as easy as the
nature of it will admit. Few things will disturb him at all: nothing
will disturb him much.
If this letter was to fall into the hands of some of our gay
acquaintance, your correspondent and his solemn notions would probably
be the subjects of a great deal of mirth and raillery, but to you, I
think, I can venture to send it. It is in effect a continuation of the
many conversations we have had on subjects of this kind; and I heartily
wish we could now continue these conversations face to face. The time
will not be very long now before we may do it, as I expect to be in
Williamsburg by the first of October, if not sooner. I do not know
that I shall have occasion to return, if I can rent rooms in town to
lodge in; and to prevent the inconvenience of moving my lodgings for
the future, I think to build: no castle though, I assure you; only a
small house, which shall contain a room for myself and another for you,
and no more, unless Belinda should think proper to favor us with her
company, in which case I will enlarge the plan as much as she pleases.
Make my compliments to her particularly, as also to Sukey Potter, Judy
Burwell, and such others of my acquaintance as enquire after me. I am,
Dear Page, your sincere friend.
TO JOHN PAGE.
WILLIAMSBURG, October 7, 1763.
DEAR PAGE,--In the most melancholy fit that ever any poor soul was, I
sit down to write to you. Last night, as merry as agreeable company
and dancing with Belinda in the Apollo could make me, I never could
have thought the succeeding sun would have seen me so wretched as I
now am! I was prepared to say a great deal: I had dressed up, in my
own mind, such thoughts as occurred to me, in as moving a language as
I knew how, and expected to have performed in a tolerably creditable
manner. But, good God! When I had an opportunity of venting them, a
few broken sentences, uttered in great disorder, and interrupted with
pauses of uncommon length, were the too visible marks of my strange
confusion! The whole confab I will tell you, word for word, if I can,
when I see you, which God send may be soon. Affairs at W. and M. are
in the greatest confusion. Walker, M'Clurg and Wat Jones are expelled
_pro tempore_, or, as Horrox softens it, rusticated for a month.
Lewis Burwell, Warner Lewis, and one Thompson, have fled to escape
flagellation. I should have excepted Warner Lewis, who came off of
his own accord. Jack Walker leaves town on Monday. The court is now at
hand, which I must attend constantly, so that unless you come to town,
there is little probability of my meeting with you anywhere else. For
God sake come. I am, dear Page, your sincere friend.
TO JOHN PAGE.
DEVILSBURG, January 19, 1764.
The contents of your letter have not a little alarmed me; and really,
upon seriously weighing them with what has formerly passed between ----
and myself, I am somewhat at a loss what to conclude; your "_semper
saltat, semper ridet, semper loquitur, semper solicitat_," &c., appear
a little suspicious, but good God! it is impossible! I told you our
confab in the Apollo; but I believe I never told you that we had on
another occasion. I then opened my mind more freely, and more fully.
I mentioned the necessity of my going to England, and the delays
which would consequently be occasioned by that. I said in what manner
I should conduct myself till then, and explained my reasons, which
appears to give that satisfaction I could have wished; in short, I
managed in such a manner that I was tolerable easy myself, without
doing anything which could give αδνιλεβ'ς friends the least
umbrage, were the whole that passed to be related to them. I asked
no question which would admit of a categorical answer; but I assured
αδνιλεβ that such questions would one day be asked--in short,
were I to have another interview with him, I could say nothing now
which I did not say then; and were I, with a view of obtaining one,
_licentiam solicitandi aliis, quibus degit postulare_, it would be
previously necessary to go the rounds _cum custodibus_; and after
all this, he could be in no other situation than he is at present.
After the proofs I have given of my sincerity, he can be under no
apprehension of a change in my sentiments; and were I to do as my
friends advise me, I would give no better security than he has at
present. He is satisfied that I shall make him an offer, and if he
intends to accept of it, he will disregard those made by others; my
fate depends on αδνιλεβ'ς present resolutions, by them I must
stand or fall--if they are not favorable to me, it is out of my power
to say anything to make them so which I have not said already; so that
a visit could not possibly be of the least weight, and it is, I am
sure, what he does not in the least expect. I hear you are courting
F----y B----l, but shall not listen to it till I hear it from you. When
I was up the country, I wrote a letter to you, dated Fairfield, Dec.
25, 1763; let me know if you have received such a one. As I suppose you
do not use your Statutes of Britain, if you can lend them to me, till
I can provide myself with a copy, it will infinitely oblige me. Adieu,
dear Page.
TO GOVERNOR PAGE.
DEVILSBURG,[78] January 23, 1764.
DEAR PAGE,--I received your letter of Wednesday, the 18th instant;
in that, of this day, you mention one which you wrote last Friday,
and sent by the Secretary's boy; but I have neither seen nor heard of
such a one. God send mine of January 19 to you may not have shared
the same fate; for, by your letter, I am uncertain whether you have
received it or not; you therein say, "you hope to have received an
answer from me by this time," by which I judge it has miscarried; but
you mention mine of December 25th, which put me in spirits again, as
I do not know how you should have got intelligence that I had wrote
such a one, unless you had seen my letter of Jan. 19, in which it was
mentioned--yes, there is one other way by which you might have received
such intelligence. My letter of Jan. 19 may have been opened, and the
person who did it may have been further incited by curiosity, to ask
you if you had received such a letter as they saw mentioned therein;
but God send, and I hope this is not the case. Sukey Potter, to whom
I sent it, told me yesterday she delivered it to Mr. T. Nelson, the
younger, who had delivered it to you--I hope with his own hand. I wish
I had followed your example, and wrote it in Latin, and that I had
called my dear _campana in die_,[79] instead of αδνιλεβ.
We must fall on some scheme of communicating our thoughts to each
other, which shall be totally unintelligible to every one but to
ourselves. I will send you some of these days Shelton's Tachygraphical
Alphabet, and directions. Jack Walker is engaged to Betsey Moore, and
desired all his brethren might be made acquainted with his happiness.
But I hear he will not be married this year or two. Put _campana in
die_ in mind of me; tell him I think as I always did. I have sent my
horses up the country, so that it is out of my power to take even an
airing on horseback at any time. My paper holds out no longer, so must
bid you adieu.
TO JOHN PAGE.
DEVILSBURG, April 9, 1764.
DEAR PAGE,--This letter will be conveyed to you by the assistance
of our friend Warner Lewis. Poor fellow! never did I see one more
sincerely captivated in my life. He walked to the Indian camp with her
yesterday, by which means he had an opportunity of giving her two or
three love squeezes by the hand; and, like a true arcadian swain, has
been so enraptured ever since, that he is company for no one. B----y
has at last bestowed her hand on B----d; and whether it was for money,
beauty, or principle, will be so nice a dispute, that no one will
venture to pronounce. Two days before the wedding I was not a little
surprised, on going to the door at my house, to see him alight from
his horse. He stepped up to me, and desired the favor of me to come to
Mr. Yates' at such a time. It was so unexpected, that for some time I
could make no reply; at last, I said "yes," and turned about and walked
back into my room. I accordingly attended, and to crown the joke, when
I got there, was dubbed a bridesman. There were many other curious
circumstances too tedious to mention here. Jack Walker is expected in
town to-morrow. How does your pulse beat after your trip to the Isle of
Wight? What a high figure I should have cut, had I gone! When I heard
who visited you there, I thought I had met with the narrowest escape in
the world. I wonder how I should have behaved--I am sure I should have
been at a great loss. If your mistress can spare you a little time,
your friends here would be very glad to see you, particularly Small and
myself, as everything is now ready for taking the height of this place
above the water of the creeks. Fleming's relapse will justly afford you
great matter of triumph, after rallying you so much on being in love.
Adieu, dear Page.
P. S. Walker is just arrived--he goes out of town on Wednesday, and
will return again in about three weeks.
TO JOHN PAGE.
CHARLOTTESVILLE, Feb. 21, 1770.
DEAR PAGE,--I am to acquaint Mrs. Page of the loss of my favorite
pullet; the consequence of which will readily occur to her. I promised
also to give her some Virginia silk which I had expected, and I begin
to wish my expectation may not prove vain. I fear she will think me
but an ungainly acquaintance. My late loss may perhaps have reached
you by this time; I mean the loss of my mother's house by fire, and
in it of every paper I had in the world, and almost every book. On
a reasonable estimate I calculate the _cost_ of the books burned to
have been £200 sterling. Would to God it had been the money, _then_
had it never cost me a sigh! To make the loss more sensible, it fell
principally on my books of Common Law, of which I have but one left, at
that time lent out. Of papers too of every kind I am utterly destitute.
All of these, whether public or private, of business or of amusement,
have perished in the flames. I had made some progress in preparing for
the succeeding General Court; and having, as was my custom, thrown my
thoughts into the form of notes, I troubled my head no more with them.
These are gone, and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not
a trace behind. The records also, and other papers which furnished me
with states of the several cases, having shared the same fate, I have
no foundation whereon to set out anew. I have in vain attempted to
recollect some of them; the defect sometimes of one, sometimes of more
circumstances, rendering them so imperfect that I can make nothing of
them. What am I to do then in April? The resolution which the Court
has declared of admitting no continuances of causes seemed to be
unalterable; yet it might surely be urged, that my case is too singular
to admit of their being often troubled with the like excuse. Should
it be asked, what are the misfortunes of an individual to a Court?
The answer of a Court, as well as of an individual, if left to me,
should be in the words of Terence, "_homo sum; humani nil a me alienum
puto_"--but a truce with this disagreeable subject.
Am I never more to have a letter from you? Why the devil don't you
write? But I suppose you are always in the moon, or some of the
planetary regions. I mean you are there in idea; and, unless you mend,
you shall have my consent to be there _de facto_; at least, during the
vacations of the Court and Assembly. If your spirit is too elevated to
advert to sublunary subjects, depute my friend Mrs. Page to support
your correspondences. Methinks I should, with wonderful pleasure,
open and peruse a letter written by so fair, and (what is better)
so friendly hands. If thinking much of you would entitle me to the
civility of a letter, I assure you I merit a very long one. If this
conflagration, by which I am burned out of a home, had come before I
had advanced so far in preparing another, I do not know but I might
have cherished some treasonable thoughts of leaving these my native
hills; indeed I should be much happier were I nearer to Rosewell and
Severn hills--however, the gods, I fancy, were apprehensive that if we
were placed together, we should pull down the moon, or play some such
devilish prank with their works. I reflect often with pleasure on the
philosophical evenings I passed at Rosewell in my last visits there.
I was always fond of philosophy, even in its drier forms; but from a
ruby lip, it comes with charms irresistible. Such a feast of sentiment
must exhilarate and lengthen life, at least as much as the feast of
the sensualist shortens it--in a word, I prize it so highly, that, if
you will at any time collect the same _Belle Assemblée_, on giving me
three days previous notice, I shall certainly repair to my place as
a member of it. Should it not happen before I come down, I will carry
Sally Nicholas in the green chair to Newquarter, where your periagua
(how the ---- should I spell that word?) will meet us, automaton-like,
of its own accord. You know I had a wagon which moved itself--cannot
we construct a boat then which shall row itself? _Amicus noster,
Fons_,[80] _quo modo agit, et quid agit?_ You may be all dead for
anything we can tell here. I expect he will follow the good old rule of
driving one passion out by letting another in. _Clavum clavo pangere_
was your advice to me on a similar occasion. I hope you will watch his
immersion as narrowly as if he were one of Jupiter's satellites; and
give me immediate notice, that I may prepare a dish of advice. I do not
mean, Madam, to advise him against it. On the contrary, I am become an
advocate for the passion; for I too am _cœlo tactus, Currus_[81]
_bene se habet_. He speaks, thinks, and dreams of nothing but his
young son. This friend of ours, Page, in a very small house, with a
table, half a dozen chairs, and one or two servants, is the happiest
man in the universe. Every incident in life he so takes as to render
it a source of pleasure. With as much benevolence as the heart of man
will hold, but with an utter neglect of the costly apparatus of life,
he exhibits to the world a new phenomenon in philosophy--the Samian
sage in the tub of the cynic. Name me sometimes _homunculo tuo_, not
forgetting little _dic mendacium_. I am determined not to enter on the
next page, lest I should extend this nonsense to the bottom of that
also. _A dieu je vous commis_, not doubting his care of you both.
TH: JEFFERSON.
TO CHAS. McPHERSON.
ALBERMARLE, IN VIRGINIA, Feb. 25th, 1773.
DEAR SIR,--Encouraged by the small acquaintance which I had the
pleasure of having contracted with you during your residence in this
country, I take the liberty of making the present application to you.
I understood you were related to the gentleman of your name (Mr. James
McPherson), to whom the world is so much indebted for the elegant
collection, arrangement, and translation of Ossian's poems. These
pieces have been and will, I think, during my life, continue to be
to me the sources of daily and exalted pleasures. The tender and the
sublime emotions of the mind were never before so wrought up by the
human hand. I am not ashamed to own that I think this rude bard of the
North the greatest poet that has ever existed. Merely for the pleasure
of reading his works, I am become desirous of learning the language
in which he sung, and of possessing his songs in their original form.
Mr. McPherson, I think, informs us he is possessed of the originals.
Indeed, a gentleman has lately told me he had seen them in print; but
I am afraid he has mistaken a specimen from Temora, annexed to some
of the editions of the translation, for the whole works. If they are
printed, it will abridge my request and your trouble, to the sending
me a printed copy; but if there be more such, my petition is, that
you would be so good as to use your interest with Mr. McPherson to
obtain leave to take a manuscript copy of them, and procure it to be
done. I would choose it in a fair, round hand, on fine paper, with a
good margin, bound in parchments as elegantly as possible, lettered on
the back, and marbled or gilt on the edges of the leaves. I would not
regard expense in doing this. I would further beg the favor of you to
give me a catalogue of the books written in that language, and to send
me such of them as may be necessary for learning it. These will, of
course, include a grammar and dictionary. The cost of these, as well
as the copy of Ossian, will be (for me), on demand, answered by Mr.
Alexander McCaul, sometime of Virginia, merchant, but now of Glasgow,
or by your friend Mr. Ninian Minzees, of Richmond, in Virginia, to
whose care the books may be sent. You can, perhaps, tell me whether
we may ever hope to see any more of those Celtic pieces published.
Manuscript copies of any which are in print, it would at any time give
me the greatest happiness to receive. The glow of one warm thought is
to me worth more than money. I hear with pleasure from your friend that
your path through life is likely to be smoothed by success. I wish the
business and the pleasures of your situation would admit leisure now
and then to scribble a line to one who wishes you every felicity, and
would willingly merit the appellation of, dear sir,
Your friend and humble servant.
TO COL. A. CARY.
Dec. 9th, 1774.
DEAR SIR,--As I mean to be a conscientious observer of the measures
generally thought requisite for the preservation of our independent
rights, so I think myself bound to account to my country for any act of
mine which might wear an appearance of contravening them. I, therefore,
take the liberty of stating to you the following matter, that through
your friendly intervention, it may be communicated to the committee of
your county. You may remember that it was about the last of May that
the House of Burgesses, after its dissolution, met in Raleigh, and
formed our first association against the future use of tea only; tho'
the proceedings of the ministry against the town of Boston were then
well known to us.
I believe nobody thought at that time of extending our association
further, to the total interruption of our commerce with Britain; or, if
it was proposed by any (which I don't recollect), it was condemned by
the general sense of the members who formed that association. Two or
three days, therefore, after this, I wrote to Cary & Co., of London,
for fourteen pairs of sash windows, to be sent to me ready made and
glazed, with a small parcel of spare glass to mend with. This letter
went by a ship, which sailed about the third of June, just before Power
arrived here. I did not suppose they would send them till Power should
come in again in the spring of 1775.
About the middle of June, as nearly as I can recollect, a few of the
late members were again convened (in consequence of fresh advices from
Boston), and then it was suggested that a more extensive association
might be necessary. A convention met for that purpose the first of
August, and formed a new association, of which I received a copy about
the 11th of the month. But as a general Congress was then appointed
to be held to reconsider the same matters, and it was agreed that
our association should be subject to any alteration that they might
recommend, I did not write to countermand my order, thinking I should
have sufficient time after the final determination of the Congress
should be known, to countermand it before Power should sail in the
spring. Accordingly, within a few days after receiving a copy of the
general association, I wrote to Cary & Co. not to send the sashes
and glass which I had ordered, and gave my letter to the care of a
gentleman (Mr. Evans) just then going downward, who promised to send
it out speedily; but three or four days after I received a letter
from those gentlemen, dated August 29th, in which they inform me my
window frames and glass are ready, but that it being necessary to
detain them about a month to harden the puttying, they were not sent
in that ship, but might be expected by the next ship afterwards. From
this I conclude they may be near arriving at this time, in which case
they will come under the 1st and 10th articles of the association. In
order, therefore, that no proceeding of mine might give a handle for
traducing our measures, I thought it better previously to lay before
your committee, within whose ward they will probably be landed, a full
state of the matter, by which it might be seen under what expectations
I had failed to give an earlier countermand, and to show that, as they
come under the prohibitions of the Continental association, (which,
without the spirit of prophecy, could not have been foretold when I
ordered them,) so I mean they shall be subject to its condemnation. To
your committee, therefore, if landed within their county, I submit the
disposal of them, which shall be obeyed as soon as made known to their
and your
Most humble servant.
Dec. 9th, 1774. A copy of this sent to Col. A. Cary, and another to
Col. B. Harrison, by Mr. Marrei.
TO DR. WILLIAM SMALL.
May 7, 1775.
DEAR SIR,--Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an
action of considerable magnitude, between the King's troops and our
brethren of Boston, in which it is said five hundred of the former,
with the Earl of Percy, are slain. That such an action has occurred,
is undoubted, though perhaps the circumstances may not have reached us
with truth. This accident has cut off our last hope of reconciliation,
and a phrensy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people.
It is a lamentable circumstance, that the only mediatory power,
acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation
his divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still
blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing, in every speech
and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate
into acquiescence, but the effect has been most unfortunately
otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its
ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people
here were in a state, in which they were more likely to be provoked,
than frightened, by haughty deportment. And to fill up the measure of
irritation, a proscription of individuals has been substituted in the
room of just trial. Can it be believed, that a grateful people will
suffer those to be consigned to execution, whose sole crime has been
the developing and asserting their rights? Had the Parliament possessed
the power of reflection, they would have avoided a measure as impotent,
as it was inflammatory. When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained
high hope that a reconciliation could have been brought about. The
difference between his terms, and those offered by our Congress,
might have been accommodated, if entered on, by both parties, with a
disposition to accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems,
can brook no opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men, who
have made sale of their virtue to the Minister, should yet talk of
retaining dignity! But I am getting into politics, though I sat down
only to ask your acceptance of the wine, and express my constant wishes
for your happiness.
TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ.
MONTICELLO, August 25, 1775.
DEAR SIR,--I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not
eligible to you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of
Great Britain will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest.
There may be people to whose tempers and dispositions contention is
pleasing, and who, therefore, wish a continuance of confusion, but
to me it is of all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish is
a restoration of our just rights; my second, a return of the happy
period, when, consistently with duty, I may withdraw myself totally
from the public stage, and pass the rest of my days in domestic ease
and tranquillity, banishing every desire of ever hearing what passes
in the world. Perhaps (for the latter adds considerably to the warmth
of the former wish), looking with fondness towards a reconciliation
with Great Britain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to contribute
towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evident to
yourself, that the Ministry have been deceived by their officers on
this side of the water, who (for what purpose I cannot tell) have
constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small
faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This, you
can inform them, of your own knowledge, is untrue. They have taken
it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender
at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of
the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were
thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative
to America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded, this would go far
towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in Parliament
who are called friends to America, seem to know nothing of our real
determinations. I observe, they pronounced in the last Parliament, that
the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms
they held out, but kept something in reserve, to give up; and, in fact,
that they would give up everything but the article of taxation. Now,
the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the
assertion. Their continuance in this error may, perhaps, produce very
ill consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought
possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they were not
unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and
all acts of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British generosity
to render these, at some future time, as easy to America as the
interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt.
I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now
be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our real
intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be
accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till
it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great
Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most potent
nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they
may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be
certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our
accepting a foreign aid, which, perhaps, may not be obtainable, but
on condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would
be thought a hard condition, to those who still wish for re-union with
their parent country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be
in dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any nation
on earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather
than submit to the rights of legislating for us, assumed by the British
Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly
exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole Island in the ocean.
If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his
disposition, it will, perhaps, be in your power, by assisting to do
this, to render service to the whole empire, at the most critical time,
certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the
head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original
station in the political scale of Europe, depends, perhaps, on the
resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and
salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as
you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I
expect, to communicate some things, consistently with your honor, and
the duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication
among individuals, may be mutually beneficial to the contending
parties. On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts,
your knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility;
if I hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative
points, you can only know they are my opinions. My best wishes for your
felicity, attend you, wherever you go, and believe me to be assuredly,
Your friend and servant.
TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ,.
PHILADELPHIA, November 29, 1775.
DEAR SIR,--I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of the death
of our most worthy Speaker, which happened here on the 22d of the last
month. He was struck with an apoplexy, and expired within five hours.
I have it in my power to acquaint you, that the success of our arms has
corresponded with the justice of our cause. Chambly and St. John's were
taken some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular army in Canada,
except about forty or fifty men. This day, certain intelligence has
reached us, that our General, Montgomery, is received into Montreal;
and we expect, every hour, to be informed that Quebec has opened its
arms to Colonel Arnold, who, with eleven hundred men, was sent from
Boston up the Kennebec, and down the Chaudière river to that place. He
expected to be there early this month. Montreal acceded to us on the
13th, and Carlton set out, with the shattered remains of his little
army, for Quebec, where we hope he will be taken up by Arnold. In
a short time, we have reason to hope, the delegates of Canada will
join us in Congress, and complete the American union, as far as we
wish to have it completed. We hear that one of the British transports
has arrived at Boston; the rest are beating off the coast, in very
bad weather. You will have heard, before this reaches you, that Lord
Dunmore has commenced hostilities in Virginia. That people bore with
everything, till he attempted to burn the town of Hampton. They opposed
and repelled him, with considerable loss on his side, and none on ours.
It has raised our countrymen into a perfect phrensy. It is an immense
misfortune, to the whole empire, to have a King of such a disposition
at such a time. We are told, and everything proves it true, that he is
the bitterest enemy we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies
me that ignorance or wickedness, somewhere, controls him. In an earlier
part of this contest, our petitions told him, that from our King there
was but one appeal. The admonition was despised, and that appeal forced
on us. To undo his empire, he has but one truth more to learn; that,
after colonies have drawn the sword, there is but one step more they
can take. That step is now pressed upon us, by the measures adopted,
as if they were afraid we would not take it. Believe me, dear Sir,
there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a
union with Great Britain, than I do. But by the God that made me, I
will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the
British Parliament propose; and in this, I think I speak the sentiments
of America. We want neither inducement nor power, to declare and assert
a separation. It is will, alone, which is wanting, and that is growing
apace under the fostering hand of our King. One bloody campaign will
probably decide, everlastingly, our future course; and I am sorry to
find a bloody campaign is decided on. If our winds and waters should
not combine to rescue their shores from slavery, and General Howe's
reinforcements should arrive in safety, we have hopes he will be
inspirited to come out of Boston and take another drubbing; and we
must drub him soundly, before the sceptred tyrant will know we are not
mere brutes, to crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod with which he
designs to scourge us,
Yours, &c.
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
PHILADELPHIA, July 8, 1776.
DEAR SIR,--For news, I refer you to your brother, who writes on that
head. I enclose you a copy of the Declaration of Independence, as
agreed to by the House, and also as originally framed. You will judge
whether it is the better or worse for the critics. I shall return
to _Virginia_ after the 11th of _August_. I wish my successor may be
certain to come before that time; in that case I shall hope to see you,
and not _Wythe_, in Convention, that the business of Government, which
is of everlasting concern, may receive your aid.
Adieu, and believe me to be your friend and servant.
TO DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PARIS.
VIRGINIA, August 13, 1777.
HONORABLE SIR,--I forbear to write you news, as the time of Mr.
Shore's departure being uncertain, it might be old before you receive
it, and he can, in person, possess you of all we have. With respect
to the State of Virginia in particular, the people seem to have laid
aside the monarchical, and taken up the republican government, with
as much ease as would have attended their throwing off an old, and
putting on a new suit of clothes. Not a single throe has attended
this important transformation. A half-dozen aristocratical gentlemen,
agonizing under the loss of pre-eminence, have sometimes ventured
their sarcasms on our political metamorphosis. They have been thought
fitter objects of pity, than of punishment. We are, at present, in the
complete and quiet exercise of well-organized government, save only
that our courts of justice do not open till the fall. I think nothing
can bring the security of our continent and its cause into danger, if
we can support the credit of our paper. To do that, I apprehend, one
of two steps must be taken. Either to procure free trade by alliance
with some naval power able to protect it; or, if we find there is no
prospect of that, to shut our ports totally, to all the world, and turn
our colonies into manufactories. The former would be most eligible,
because most conformable to the habits and wishes of our people. Were
the British Court to return to their senses in time to seize the
little advantage which still remains within their reach, from this
quarter, I judge, that, on acknowledging our absolute independence
and sovereignty, a commercial treaty beneficial to them, and perhaps
even a league of mutual offence and defence, might, not seeing the
expense or consequences of such a measure, be approved by our people,
if nothing, in the mean time, done on your part, should prevent it. But
they will continue to grasp at their desperate sovereignty, till every
benefit short of that is forever out of their reach. I wish my domestic
situation had rendered it possible for me to join you in the very
honorable charge confided to you. Residence in a polite Court, society
of literati of the first order, a just cause and an approving God, will
add length to a life for which all men pray, and none more than
Your most obedient and humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
ALBERMARLE, VIRGINIA, Aug. 21, 1777.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of May 26th came safely to hand. I wish it were
in my power to suggest any remedy for the evil you complain of; though,
did any occur, I should propose it to you with great diffidence, after
knowing you had thought on the subject yourself. There is indeed a fact
which may not have come to your knowledge, out of which, perhaps, some
little good may be drawn. The borrowing money in Europe, or obtaining
credit there for necessaries, has already probably been essayed, and it
is supposed with some degree of success. But I expect your applications
have as yet been made only to France, Holland, or such other States as
are of principal note. There is, however, a small power well disposed
to our cause, and, as I am informed, possessed of abilities to assist
us in this way. I speak of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The little States
of Italy, you know, have had long peace, and show no disposition to
interrupt that peace shortly. The Grand Duke, being somewhat avaricious
in his nature, has availed himself of the opportunity of collecting
and hoarding what money he has been able to gather. I am informed
from good authority (an officer who was concerned in the business
of his treasury) that about three years ago he had ten millions of
crowns lying dead in his coffers. Of this, it is thought possible as
much might be borrowed as would amount to a million of pounds lawful
money. At any rate, the attempt might be worth making. Perhaps an
application from Dr. Franklin, who has some acquaintance in that
court, might be sufficient; or as it might be prudent to sound well
before the application, in order to prevent the discredit of a rebuff,
perhaps Congress would think it worth while to send a special agent
there to negotiate the matter. I think we have a gentleman here, who
would do it with dexterity and fidelity. He is a native of that Duchy,
well connected there, conversant in courts, of great understanding
and equal zeal in our cause. He came over not long since to introduce
the cultivation of vines, olives, &c., among us. Should you think the
matter worth a further thought, either of the Cols. Lee's, to whom he
is known, can acquaint you more fully of his character. If the money
can be obtained in specie, it may be applied to reduce the quantity
of circulating paper, and be so managed as to help the credit of that
which will remain in circulation. If credit alone can be obtained for
the manufactures of the country, it will still help us to clothe our
armies, or to increase at market the necessaries our people want.
What upon earth can Howe mean by the manœuvre he is now practicing?
There seems to me no object in this country which can be either of
utility or reputation to his cause. I hope it will prove of a piece
with all the other follies they have committed. The forming a junction
with the northern army up the Hudson river, or taking possession of
Philadelphia, might have been a feather in his cap, and given them a
little reputation in Europe--the former as being the design with which
they came, the latter as being a place of the first reputation abroad,
and the residence of Congress. Here he may destroy the little hamlet of
Williamsburg, steal a few slaves, and lose half his army among the fens
and marshes of our lower country, or by the heat of the climate.
I am, dear sir, yours, &c.
TO ----.[82]
WILLIAMSBURG, VIRGINIA, June 8th, 1778.
SIR,--Your letter of September 15th, 1777, from Paris, comes safe
to hand. We have not, however, had the pleasure of seeing Mr. De
Crenis, the bearer of it, in this country, as he joined the army in
Pennsylvania as soon as he arrived.
I should have taken particular pleasure in serving him on your
recommendation. From the kind anxiety expressed in your letter,
as well as from other sources of information, we discover that our
enemies have filled Europe with Thrasonic accounts of victories they
had never won and conquests they were fated never to make. While these
accounts alarmed our friends in Europe, they afforded us diversions.
We have long been out of all fear for the event of the war. I enclose
you a list of the killed, wounded, and captives of the enemy from
the commencement of hostilities at Lexington, in April, 1775, until
November, 1777, since which time there has been no event of any
consequence. This is the best history of the war which can be brought
within the compass of a letter. I believe the account to be near the
truth, though it is difficult to get at the numbers lost by an enemy
with absolute precision. Many of the articles have been communicated
to us from England as taken from the official returns made by their
General. I wish it were in my power to send you as just an account
of our loss. But this cannot be done without an application to the
war office, which, being in another county, is at this time out of
my reach. I think that upon the whole it has been about one-half the
number lost by them; in some instances more, but in others less. This
difference is ascribed to our superiority in taking aim when we fire;
every soldier in our army having been intimate with his gun from his
infancy. If there could have been a doubt before as to the event of the
war, it is now totally removed by the interposition of France, and the
generous alliance she has entered into with us. Though much of my time
is employed in the councils of America, I have yet a little leisure to
indulge my fondness for philosophical studies.
I could wish to correspond with you on subjects of that kind. It might
not be unacceptable to you to be informed, for instance, of the true
power of our climate, discoverable from the thermometer, from the force
and direction of the winds, the quantity of rain, the plants which grow
without shelter in winter, &c. On the other hand, we should be much
pleased with cotemporary observations on the same particulars in your
country, which will give us a comparative view of the two climates.
Farenheit's thermometer is the only one in use with us. I make my daily
observations as early as possible in the morning, and again about four
o'clock in the afternoon, generally showing the maxima of cold and heat
in the course of 24 hours. I wish I could gratify your Botanical taste,
but I am acquainted with nothing more than the first principles of that
science; yet myself and my friends may furnish you with any Botanical
subjects which this country affords, and are not to be had with you,
and I shall take pleasure in procuring them when pointed out by you.
The greatest difficulty will be the means of conveyance during the
continuance of the war.
If there is a gratification, which I envy any people in this world,
it is to your country its music. This is the favorite passion of
my soul, and fortune has cast my lot in a country where it is in
a state of deplorable barbarism. From the line of life in which we
conjecture you to be, I have for some time lost the hope of seeing
you here. Should the event prove so, I shall ask your assistance in
procuring a substitute, who may be a proficient in singing, &c., on the
Harpsichord. I should be contented to receive such an one two or three
years hence; when it is hoped he may come more safely and find here a
greater plenty of those useful things which commerce alone can furnish.
The bounds of an American fortune will not admit the indulgence of
a domestic band of musicians, yet I have thought that a passion for
music might be reconciled with that economy which we are obliged to
observe. I retain among my domestic servants a gardener, a weaver, a
cabinet-maker, and a stone-cutter, to which I would add a _vigneron_.
In a country where, like yours, music is cultivated and practiced by
every class of men, I suppose there might be found persons of these
trades who could perform on the French horn, clarinet, or hautboy,
and bassoon, so that one might have a band of two French horns,
two clarinets, two hautboys, and a bassoon, without enlarging their
domestic expenses. A certainty of employment for a half dozen years,
and at the end of that time, to find them, if they chose, a conveyance
to their own country, might induce them to come here on reasonable
wages. Without meaning to give you trouble, perhaps it might be
practicable for you, in your ordinary intercourse with your people, to
find out such men disposed to come to America. Sobriety and good nature
would be desirable parts of their characters. If you think such a plan
practicable, and will be so kind as to inform me what will be necessary
to be done on my part, I will take care that it shall be done. The
necessary expenses, when informed of them, I can remit before they are
wanting, to any port in France, with which country alone we have safe
correspondence. I am, Sir, with much esteem, your humble servant
TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE.
MONTICELLO IN ALBEMARLE, VA., July 19, 1778.
DEAR SIR,--I sincerely congratulate you on the recovery of
Philadelphia, and wish it may be found uninjured by the enemy. How far
the interests of literature may have suffered by the injury, or removal
of the Orrery, (as it is miscalled,) the public libraries, your papers
and implements, are doubts which still excite anxiety. We were much
disappointed in Virginia generally, on the day of the great eclipse,
which proved to be cloudy.
In Williamsburg, where it was total, I understood only the beginning
was seen. At this place, which is lat. 38 8', and longitude west from
Williamsburg, about 1 45', as is conjectured, 11 digits only were
supposed to be covered. It was not seen at all until the moon had
advanced nearly one-third over the sun's disc. Afterwards it was seen
at intervals through the whole. The egress particularly was visible.
It proved, however, of little use to me, for want of a time piece that
could be depended on, which circumstance, together with the subsequent
restoration of Philadelphia to you, has induced me to trouble you
with this letter, to remind you of your kind promise of making me an
accurate clock, which, being intended for astronomical purposes only,
I would have divested of all apparatus for striking, or for any other
purpose, which, by increasing its complication, might disturb its
accuracy. A companion to it for keeping seconds, and which might be
moved easily, would greatly add to its value. The Theodolite, for which
I also spoke to you, I can now dispense with, having since purchased a
most excellent one.
TO JOHN PAGE.
WILLIAMSBURG, January 22, 1779.
DEAR PAGE,--I received your letter by Mr. Jamieson. It had given me
much pain, that the zeal of our respective friends should ever have
placed you and me in the situation of competitors. I was comforted,
however, with the reflection, that it was their competition, not
ours, and that the difference of the numbers which decided between us,
was too insignificant to give you a pain, or me a pleasure, had our
dispositions towards each other been such as to admit those sensations.
I know you too well to need an apology for anything you do, and hope
you will forever be assured of this; and as to the constructions of
the world, they would only have added one to the many sins for which
they are to go to the devil. As this is the first, I hope it will be
the last, instance of ceremony between us. A desire to see my family,
which is in Charles City, carries me thither to-morrow, and I shall not
return till Monday. Be pleased to present my compliments to Mrs. Page,
and add this to the assurances I have ever given you, that I am, dear
Page, your affectionate friend.
TO GEORGE WYTHE.
FOREST, March 1, 1779.
DEAR SIR,--Since I left you, I have reflected on the bill regulating
the practising of attornies, and of our omitting to continue the
practitioners at the County and General Courts separate. I think the
bar of the General Court a proper and excellent nursery for future
judges, if it be so regulated that science may be encouraged, and
may live there. But this can never be if an inundation of insects is
permitted to come from the county courts, and consume the harvest.
These people, traversing the counties, seeing the clients frequently at
their own courts, or, perhaps, at their own houses, must of necessity
pick up all the business. The convenience of frequently seeing their
counsel, without going from home, cannot be withstood by the country
people. Men of science, then, if there were to be any, would only be
employed as auxiliary counsel in difficult cases. But can they live by
that? Certainly not. The present members of that kind, therefore, must
turn marauders in the county courts, and, in future, none will have
leisure to acquire science. I should therefore be for excluding the
county court attornies; or rather, for taking the general court lawyers
from the incessant drudgery of the county courts and confining them
to their studies, that they may qualify themselves as well to support
their clients, as to become worthy successors to the bench. I hope to
see the time when the election of judges of the Supreme Courts shall be
restrained to the bars of the General Court and High Court of Chancery:
for when I speak of the former above, I mean to include the latter. I
should, even in our present bill, have no objection to inserting such
a restriction to take place seven or fourteen years hence. Adieu.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY PATRICK HENRY.
ALBEMARLE, March 27, 1779.
SIR,--A report prevailing here, that in consequence of some powers from
Congress, the Governor and Council have it in contemplation to remove
the Convention troops,[83] either wholly or in part, from their present
situation, I take the liberty of troubling you with some observations
on that subject. The reputation and interest of our country, in
general, may be affected by such a measure: it would, therefore, hardly
be deemed an indecent liberty in the most private citizen, to offer
his thoughts to the consideration of the Executive. The locality of my
situation, particularly in the neighborhood of the present barracks,
and the public relation in which I stand to the people among whom they
are situated, together with a confidence which a personal knowledge
of the members of the Executive gives me, that they will be glad of
information from any quarter, on a subject interesting to the public,
induce me to hope that they will acquit me of impropriety in the
present representation.
By an article in the Convention of Saratoga, it is stipulated, on the
part of the United States, that the officers shall not be separated
from their men. I suppose the term officers, includes _general_ as
well as _regimental_ officers. As there are general officers who
command all the troops, no part of them can be separated from these
officers without a violation of the article: they cannot, of course,
be separated from one another, unless the same general officer could
be in different places at the same time. It is true, the article adds
the words, "as far as circumstances will admit." This was a necessary
qualification; because, in no place in America, I suppose, could there
have been found quarters for both officers and men together; those
for the officers to be according to their rank. So far, then, as the
circumstances of the place where they should be quartered, should
render a separation necessary, in order to procure quarters for the
officers, according to their rank, the article admits that separation.
And these are the circumstances which must have been under the
contemplation of the parties; both of whom, and all the world beside
(who are ultimate judges in the case), would still understand that they
were to be as near in the environs of the camp, as convenient quarters
could be procured; and not that the qualification of the article
destroyed the article itself, and laid it wholly at our discretion.
Congress, indeed, have admitted of this separation; but are they so
far lords of right and wrong as that our consciences may be quiet with
their dispensation? Or is the case amended by saying they leave it
optional in the Governor and Council to separate the troops or not? At
the same time that it exculpates not them, it is drawing the Governor
and Council into a participation in the breach of faith. If indeed it
is only proposed, that a separation of the troops shall be referred to
the consent of their officers; that is a very different matter. Having
carefully avoided conversation with them on public subjects, I cannot
say, of my own knowledge, how they would relish such a proposition.
I have heard from others, that they will choose to undergo anything
together, rather than to be separated, and that they will remonstrate
against it in the strongest terms. The Executive, therefore, if
voluntary agents in this measure, must be drawn into a paper war with
them, the more disagreeable, as it seems that faith and reason will be
on the other side. As an American, I cannot help feeling a thorough
mortification, that our Congress should have permitted an infraction
of our public honor; as a citizen of Virginia, I cannot help hoping and
confiding, that our Supreme Executive, whose acts will be considered as
the acts of the Commonwealth, estimate that honor too highly to make
its infraction their own act. I may be permitted to hope, then, that
if any removal takes place, it will be a general one; and, as it is
said to be left to the Governor and Council to determine on this, I am
satisfied that, suppressing every other consideration, and weighing the
matter dispassionately, they will determine upon this sole question,
Is it for the benefit of those for whom they act, that the Convention
troops should be removed from among them? Under the head of interest,
these circumstances, viz., the expense of building barracks, said to
have been £25,000, and of removing the troops backwards and forwards,
amounting to, I know not how much, are not to be pretermitted, merely
because they are Continental expenses; for we are a part of the
Continent; we must pay a shilling of every dollar wasted. But the sums
of money which, by these troops, or on their account, are brought into,
and expended in this State, are a great and local advantage. This can
require no proof. If, at the conclusion of the war, for instance, our
share of the Continental debt should be twenty millions of dollars, or
say that we are called on to furnish an annual quota of two millions
four hundred thousand dollars, to Congress, to be raised by tax, it
is obvious that we should raise these given sums with greater or less
ease, in proportion to the greater or less quantity of money found
in circulation among us. I expect that our circulating money is, by
the presence of these troops, at the rate of $30,000 a week, at the
least. I have heard, indeed, that an objection arises to their being
kept within this State, from the information of the commissary that
they cannot be subsisted here. In attending to the information of that
officer, it should be borne in mind that the county of King William
and its vicinities are one thing, the territory of Virginia another.
If the troops could be fed upon long letters, I believe the gentleman
at the head of that department in this country, would be the best
commissary upon earth. But till I see him determined to act, not to
write; to sacrifice his domestic ease to the duties of his appointment,
and apply to the resources of this country, wheresoever they are to
be had, I must entertain a different opinion of him. I am mistaken
if, for the animal subsistence of the troops hitherto, we are not
principally indebted to the genius and exertions of Hawkins, during
the very short time he lived after his appointment to that department,
by your board. His eye immediately pervaded the whole State, it was
reduced at once to a regular machine, to a system, and the whole put
into movement and animation by the fiat of a comprehensive mind. If
the Commonwealth of Virginia cannot furnish these troops with bread,
I would ask of the commissariat, which of the thirteen is now become
the grain colony? If we are in danger of famine from the addition of
four thousand mouths, what is become of that surplus of bread, the
exportation of which used to feed the West Indies and Eastern States,
and fill the colony with hard money? When I urge the sufficiency of
this State, however, to subsist these troops, I beg to be understood,
as having in contemplation the quantity of provisions necessary for
their real use, and not as calculating what is to be lost by the
wanton waste, mismanagement, and carelessness of those employed about
it. If magazines of beef and pork are suffered to rot by slovenly
butchering, or for want of timely provision and sale; if quantities of
flour are exposed, by the commissaries entrusted with the keeping it,
to pillage and destruction; and if, when laid up in the Continental
stores, it is still to be embezzled and sold, the land of Egypt itself
would be insufficient for their supply, and their removal would be
necessary, not to a more plentiful country, but to more able and honest
commissaries. Perhaps the magnitude of this question, and its relation
to the whole State, may render it worth while to await the opinion of
the National Council, which is now to meet within a few weeks. There is
no danger of distress in the meantime, as the commissaries affirm they
have a great sufficiency of provisions for some time to come. Should
the measure of removing them into another State be adopted, and carried
into execution, before the meeting of Assembly, no disapprobation of
theirs will bring them back, because they will then be in the power of
others, who will hardly give them up.
Want of information as to what may be the precise measure proposed by
the Governor and Council, obliges me to shift my ground, and take up
the subject in every possible form. Perhaps, they have not thought to
remove the troops out of this State altogether, but to some other part
of it. Here, the objections arising from the expenses of removal, and
of building new barracks, recur. As to animal food, it may be driven
to one part of the country as easily as to another: that circumstance,
therefore, may be thrown out of the question. As to bread, I suppose
they will require about forty or forty-five thousand bushels of grain
a year. The place to which it is to be brought to them, is about the
centre of the State. Besides, that the country round about is fertile,
all the grain made in the counties adjacent to any kind of navigation,
may be brought by water to within twelve miles of the spot. For these
twelve miles, wagons must be employed; I suppose half a dozen will
be a plenty. Perhaps, this part of the expense might have been saved,
had the barracks been built on the water; but it is not sufficient to
justify their being abandoned now they are built. Wagonage, indeed,
seems to the commissariat an article not worth economising. The most
wanton and studied circuity of transportation has been practised: to
mention only one act, they have bought quantities of flour for these
troops in Cumberland, have ordered it to be wagoned down to Manchester,
and wagoned thence up to the barracks. This fact happened to fall
within my own knowledge. I doubt not there are many more such, in
order either to produce their total removal, or to run up the expenses
of the present situation, and satisfy Congress that the nearer they
are brought to the commissary's own bed, the cheaper they will be
subsisted. The grain made in the western counties may be brought partly
in wagons, as conveniently to this as to any other place; perhaps more
so, on account of its vicinity to one of the best passes through the
Blue Ridge; and partly by water, as it is near to James river, to the
navigation of which, ten counties are adjacent above the falls. When I
said that the grain might be brought hither from all the counties of
the State adjacent to navigation, I did not mean to say it would be
proper to bring it from all. On the contrary, I think the commissary
should be instructed, after the next harvest, not to send one bushel
of grain to the barracks from below the falls of the rivers, or from
the northern counties. The counties on tide water are accessible to
the calls for our own army. Their supplies ought, therefore, to be
husbanded for them. The counties in the northwestern parts of the
State are not only within reach for our own grand army, but peculiarly
necessary for the support of Macintosh's army; or for the support of
any other northwestern expedition, which the uncertain conduct of the
Indians should render necessary; insomuch, that if the supplies of that
quarter should be misapplied to any other purpose, it would destroy, in
embryo, every exertion, either for particular or general safety there.
The counties above tide water, in the middle and southern and western
parts of the country, are not accessible to calls for either of those
purposes, but at such an expense of transportation as the article would
not bear. Here, then, is a great field, whose supplies of bread cannot
be carried to our army, or rather, which will raise no supplies of
bread, because there is nobody to eat them. Was it not, then, wise in
Congress to remove to that field four thousand idle mouths, who must
otherwise have interfered with the pasture of our own troops? And, if
they are removed to any other part of the country, will it not defeat
this wise purpose? The mills on the waters of James river, above the
falls, open to canoe navigation, are very many. Some of them are of
great note, as manufacturers. The barracks are surrounded by mills.
There are five or six round about Charlottesville. Any two or three
of the whole might, in the course of the winter, manufacture flour
sufficient for the year. To say the worst, then, of this situation, it
is but twelve miles wrong. The safe custody of these troops is another
circumstance worthy consideration. Equally removed from the access of
an eastern or western enemy; central to the whole State, so that should
they attempt an irruption in any direction, they must pass through a
great extent of hostile country; in a neighborhood thickly inhabited by
a robust and hardy people, zealous in the American cause, acquainted
with the use of arms, and the defiles and passes by which they must
issue: it would seem, that in this point of view, no place could have
been better chosen.
Their health is also of importance. I would not endeavor to show that
their lives are valuable to us, because it would suppose a possibility,
that humanity was kicked out of doors in America, and interest only
attended to. The barracks occupy the top and brow of a very high hill,
(you have been untruly told they were in a bottom.) They are free from
fog, have four springs which seem to be plentiful, one within twenty
yards of the piquet, two within fifty yards, and another within two
hundred and fifty, and they propose to sink wells within the piquet. Of
four thousand people, it should be expected, according to the ordinary
calculations, that one should die every day. Yet, in the space of near
three months, there have been but four deaths among them; two infants
under three weeks old, and two others by apoplexy. The officers tell
me, the troops were never before so healthy since they were embodied.
But is an enemy so execrable, that, though in captivity, his wishes
and comforts are to be disregarded and even crossed? I think not. It
is for the benefit of mankind to mitigate the horrors of war as much
as possible. The practice, therefore, of modern nations, of treating
captive enemies with politeness and generosity, is not only delightful
in contemplation, but really interesting to all the world, friends,
foes and neutrals. Let us apply this: the officers, after considerable
hardships, have all procured quarters, comfortable and satisfactory
to them. In order to do this, they were obliged, in many instances,
to hire houses for a year certain, and at such exorbitant rents, as
were sufficient to tempt independent owners to go out of them, and
shift as they could. These houses, in most cases, were much out of
repair. They have repaired them at a considerable expense. One of the
general officers has taken a place for two years, advanced the rent
for the whole time, and been obliged, moreover, to erect additional
buildings for the accommodation of part of his family, for which there
was not room in the house rented. Independent of the brick work, for
the carpentry of these additional buildings, I know he is to pay
fifteen hundred dollars. The same gentleman, to my knowledge, has
paid to one person three thousand six hundred and seventy dollars for
different articles to fix himself commodiously. They have generally
laid in their stocks of grain and other provisions, for it is well
known that officers do not live on their rations. They have purchased
cows, sheep, &c., set in to farming, prepared their gardens, and have
a prospect of comfort and quiet before them. To turn to the soldiers:
the environs of the barracks are delightful, the ground cleared, laid
off in hundreds of gardens, each enclosed in its separate paling; these
well prepared, and exhibiting a fine appearance. General Riedezel alone
laid out upwards of two hundred pounds in garden seeds for the German
troops only. Judge what an extent of ground these seeds would cover.
There is little doubt that their own gardens will furnish them a great
abundance of vegetables through the year. Their poultry, pigeons and
other preparations of that kind, present to the mind the idea of a
company of farmers, rather than a camp of soldiers. In addition to the
barracks built for them by the public, and now very comfortable, they
have built great numbers for themselves, in such messes as fancied each
other; and the whole corps, both officers and men, seem now happy and
satisfied with their situation. Having thus found the art of rendering
captivity itself comfortable, and carried it into execution, at their
own great expense and labor, their spirits sustained by the prospect
of gratifications rising before their eyes, does not every sentiment
of humanity revolt against the proposition of stripping them of all
this, and removing them into new situations, where, from the advanced
season of the year, no preparations can be made for carrying themselves
comfortably through the heats of summer; and when it is known that
the necessary advances for the conveniences already provided, have
exhausted their funds and left them unable to make the like exertions
anew. Again, review this matter, as it may regard appearances. A body
of troops, after staying a twelvemonth at Boston, are ordered to take a
march of seven hundred miles to Virginia, where, it is said, they may
be plentifully subsisted. As soon as they are there, they are ordered
on some other march, because, in Virginia, it is said, they cannot be
subsisted. Indifferent nations will charge this either to ignorance,
or to whim and caprice; the parties interested, to cruelty. They now
view the proposition in that light, and it is said, there is a general
and firm persuasion among them, that they were marched from Boston with
no other purpose than to harass and destroy them with eternal marches.
Perseverance in object, though not by the most direct way, is often
more laudable than perpetual changes, as often as the object shifts
light. A character of steadiness in our councils, is worth more than
the subsistence of four thousand people.
There could not have been a more unlucky concurrence of circumstances
than when these troops first came. The barracks were unfinished for
want of laborers, the spell of weather the worst ever known within
the memory of man, no stores of bread laid in, the roads, by the
weather and number of wagons, soon rendered impassable: not only the
troops themselves were greatly disappointed, but the people in the
neighborhood were alarmed at the consequences which a total failure
of provisions might produce. In this worst state of things, their
situation was seen by many and disseminated through the country, so
as to occasion a general dissatisfaction, which even seized the minds
of reasonable men, who, if not affected by the contagion, must have
foreseen that the prospect must brighten, and that great advantages to
the people must necessarily arise. It has, accordingly, so happened.
The planters, being more generally sellers than buyers, have felt the
benefit of their presence in the most vital part about them, their
purses, and are now sensible of its source. I have too good an opinion
of their love of order to believe that a removal of these troops would
produce any irregular proofs of their disapprobation, but I am well
assured it would be extremely odious to them.
To conclude. The separation of these troops would be a breach of public
faith, therefore I suppose it is impossible; if they are removed to
another State, it is the fault of the commissaries; if they are removed
to any other part of the State, it is the fault of the commissaries;
and in both cases, the public interest and public security suffer, the
comfortable and plentiful subsistence of our own army is lessened,
the health of the troops neglected, their wishes crossed, and their
comforts torn from them, the character of whim and caprice, or, what
is worse, of cruelty, fixed on us as a nation, and, to crown the whole,
our own people disgusted with such a proceeding.
I have thus taken the liberty of representing to you the facts and the
reasons, which seem to militate against the separation or removal of
these troops. I am sensible, however, that the same subject may appear
to different persons, in very different lights. What I have urged as
reasons, may, to sounder minds, be apparent fallacies. I hope they will
appear, at least, so plausible, as to excuse the interposition of
Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, June 23, 1779.
SIR,--I have the pleasure to enclose you the particulars of Colonel
Clarke's success against St. Vincennes, as stated in his letter but
lately received; the messenger, with his first letter, having been
killed. I fear it will be impossible for Colonel Clarke to be so
strengthened, as to enable him to do what he desires. Indeed, the
express who brought this letter, gives us reason to fear St. Vincennes
is in danger from a large body of Indians collected to attack it, and
said, when he came from Kaskaskias, to be within thirty leagues of the
place. I also enclose you a letter from Colonel Shelby, stating the
effect of his success against the seceding Cherokees, and Chuccamogga.
The damage done them, was killing half a dozen, burning eleven towns,
twenty thousand bushels of corn, collected probably to forward the
expeditions which were to have been planned at the council which was
to meet Governor Hamilton at the mouth of the Tennessee, and taking as
many goods as sold for twenty-five thousand pounds. I hope these two
blows coming together, and the depriving them of their head, will, in
some measure, effect the quiet of our frontiers this summer. We have
intelligence, also, that Colonel Bowman, from Kentucky, is in the midst
of the Shawnee country, with three hundred men, and hope to hear a good
account of him. The enclosed order, being in its nature important, and
generally interesting, I think it proper to transmit it to you, with
the reasons supporting it.[84] It will add much to our satisfaction, to
know it meets your approbation.
I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of private respect and
public gratitude,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
P. S.--The distance of our northern and western counties, from the
scene of southern service, and the necessity of strengthening our
western quarter, have induced the Council to direct the new levies
from the counties of Yohogania, Ohio, Monongalia, Frederick, Hampshire,
Berkeley, Rockingham, and Greenbrier, amounting to somewhat less than
three hundred men, to enter into the ninth regiment at Pittsburg. The
aid they may give there, will be so immediate and important, and what
they could do to the southward, would be so late, as, I hope, will
apologise for their interference.
T. J.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, July 17, 1799.
SIR,--I some time ago, enclosed to you a printed copy of an order
of Council, by which Governor Hamilton was to be confined in irons,
in close jail, which has occasioned a letter from General Phillips,
of which the enclosed is a copy. The General seems to think that a
prisoner on capitulation, cannot be put in close confinement, though
his capitulation should not have provided against it. My idea was, that
all persons taken in war, were to be deemed prisoners of war. That
those who surrender on capitulation (or convention) are prisoners of
war also, subject to the same treatment with those who surrender at
discretion, except only so far as the terms of their capitulation or
convention shall have guarded them. In the capitulation of Governor
Hamilton (a copy of which I enclose), no stipulation is made as to the
treatment of himself, or those taken with him. The Governor, indeed,
when he signs, adds a flourish of reasons inducing him to capitulate,
one of which is the generosity of his enemy. Generosity, on a large
and comprehensive scale, seems to dictate the making a signal example
of this gentleman; but waving that, these are the only private motives
inducing him to surrender, and do not enter into the contract of
Colonel Clarke. I have the highest idea of those contracts which take
place between nation and nation, at war, and would be the last on earth
to do anything in violation of them. I can find nothing in those books
usually recurred to as testimonials of the law and usages of nature and
nations, which convicts the opinions I have above expressed of error.
Yet there may be such an usage as General Phillips seems to suppose,
though not taken notice of by these writers. I am obliged to trouble
your Excellency on this occasion, by asking of you information on this
point. There is no other person, whose decision will so authoritatively
decide this doubt in the public mind, and none with which I am
disposed so implicitly to comply. If you shall be of opinion, that the
bare existence of a capitulation, in the case of Governor Hamilton,
privileges him from confinement, though there be no article to that
effect in the capitulation, justice shall most assuredly be done him.
The importance of this point, in a public view, and my own anxiety
under a charge of violation of national faith by the Executive of this
Commonwealth, will, I hope, apologise for my adding this to the many
troubles with which I know you to be burdened. I have the honor to be,
with the most profound respect,
Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
P. S. I have just received a letter from Colonel Bland, containing
information of numerous desertions from the Convention troops, not
less than four hundred in the last fortnight. He thinks he has reason
to believe it is with the connivance of some of their officers. Some
of these have been retaken, all of them going northwardly. They had
provided themselves with forged passports, and with certificates of
having taken the oath of fidelity to the State; some of them forged,
others really given by weak magistrates. I give this information to
your Excellency, as, perhaps, it may be in your power to have such of
them intercepted as shall be passing through Pennsylvania and Jersey.
Your letter enclosing the opinion of the board of war in the case of
Allison and Lee, has come safe to hand, after a long passage. It shall
be answered by next post.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, October 1, 1779.
SIR,--On receipt of your letter of August 6th, during my absence,
the Council had the irons taken off the prisoners of war. When your
advice was asked, we meant it should decide with us; and upon my
return to Williamsburg, the matter was taken up and the enclosed advice
given.[85] A parole was formed, of which the enclosed is a copy, and
tendered to the prisoners. They objected to that part of it, which
restrained them from _saying_ anything to the prejudice of the United
States, and insisted on "freedom of speech." They were, in consequence,
remanded to their confinement in the jail, which must be considered
as a voluntary one, until they can determine with themselves to be
inoffensive in word as well as deed. A flag sails hence to-morrow to
New York, to negotiate the exchange of some prisoners. By her, I have
written to General Phillips on this subject, and enclosed to him copies
of the within; intending it as an answer to a letter I received from
him on the subject of Governor Hamilton. I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, Oct. 2, 1779.
SIR,--Just as the letter accompanying this was going off, Colonel
Mathews arrived on parole from New York, by the way of head-quarters,
bringing your Excellency's letter, on his subject, with that of the
British commissary of prisoners. The subject is of great importance,
and I must, therefore, reserve myself to answer after further
consideration. Were I to speak from present impressions, I should
say it was happy for Governor Hamilton, that a final determination
of his fate was formed before this new information. As the enemy have
released Captain Willing from his irons, the Executive of this State
will be induced, perhaps, not to alter their former opinion. But it
is impossible they can be serious in attempting to bully us in this
manner. We have too many of their subjects in our power, and, too much
iron to clothe them with, and I will add, too much resolution to avail
ourselves of both, to fear their pretended retaliation. However, I
will do myself the honor of forwarding to your Excellency the ultimate
result of Council on this subject.
In consequence of the information in the letter from the British
commissary of prisoners, that no officers of the Virginia line should
be exchanged till Governor Hamilton's affair should be settled, we
have stopped our flag, which was just hoisting anchor with a load
of privates for New York. I must, therefore, ask the favor of your
Excellency to forward the enclosed by flag, when an opportunity offers,
as I suppose General Phillips will be in New York before it reaches
you. I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest esteem,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
IN COUNCIL, Oct. 8, 1779.
SIR,--In mine of the second of the present month, written in the
instant of Colonel Mathews' delivery of your letter, I informed
you what had been done on the subject of Governor Hamilton and his
companions, previous to that moment. I now enclose you an advice
of Council,[86] in consequence of the letter you were pleased to
enclose me, from the British commissary of prisoners, with one from
Lord Rawdon; also a copy of my letter to Colonel Mathews, enclosing,
also, the papers therein named. The advice of Council to allow the
enlargement of prisoners, on their giving a proper parole, has not been
recalled, nor will be, I suppose, unless something on the part of the
enemy should render it necessary. I rather expect, however, that they
will see it their interest to discontinue this kind of conduct. I am
afraid I shall hereafter, perhaps, be obliged to give your Excellency
some trouble in aiding me to obtain information of the future usage of
our prisoners. I shall give immediate orders for having in readiness
every engine which the enemy have contrived for the destruction of
our unhappy citizens, captured by them. The presentiment of these
operations is shocking beyond expression. I pray heaven to avert them;
but nothing in this world will do it, but a proper conduct in the
enemy. In every event, I shall resign myself to the hard necessity
under which I shall act.
I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MATHEWS.
IN COUNCIL, October, 1779.
SIR,--The proceedings respecting Governor Hamilton and his companions,
previous to your arrival here, you are acquainted with. For your more
precise information, I enclose you the advice of Council, of June the
16th, of that of August the 28th, another of September the 19th, on the
parole tendered them the 1st instant, and Governor Hamilton's letter
of the same day, stating his objections, in which he persevered: from
that time his confinement has become a voluntary one. You delivered us
your letters the next day, when the post being just setting out, much
business prevented the Council from taking them into consideration.
They have this day attended to them, and found their resolution
expressed in the enclosed advice, bearing date this day. It gives
us great pain that any of our countrymen should be cut off from the
society of their friends and tenderest connections, while it seems as
if it was in our power to administer relief. But we trust to their
good sense for discerning, and their spirit for bearing up against
the fallacy of this appearance. Governor Hamilton and his companions
were imprisoned and ironed, 1st. In retaliation for cruel treatment of
our captive citizens by the enemy in general. 2d. For the barbarous
species of warfare which himself and his savage allies carried on
in our western frontier. 3d. For particular acts of barbarity, of
which he himself was personally guilty, to some of our citizens in
his power. Any one of these charges was sufficient to justify the
measures we took. Of the truth of the first, yourselves are witnesses.
Your situation, indeed, seems to have been better since you were sent
to New York; but reflect on what you suffered before that, and knew
others of your countrymen to suffer, and what you know is now suffered
by that more unhappy part of them who are still confined on board the
prison ships of the enemy. Proofs of the second charge, we have under
Hamilton's own hand; and of the third, as sacred assurances as human
testimony is capable of giving. Humane conduct on our part was found
to produce no effect; the contrary, therefore, was to be tried. If it
produces a proper lenity to our citizens in captivity, it will have
the effect we meant; if it does not, we shall return a severity as
terrible as universal. If the causes of our rigor against Hamilton were
founded in truth, that rigor was just, and would not give right to the
enemy to commence any new hostilities on their part; and all such new
severities are to be considered, not as retaliation, but as original
and unprovoked. If those causes were not founded in truth, they should
have denied them. If, declining the tribunal of truth and reason, they
choose to pervert this into a contest of cruelty and destruction, we
will contend with them in that line, and measure out misery to those
in our power, in that multiplied proportion which the advantage of
superior numbers enables us to do. We shall think it our particular
duty, after the information we gather from the papers which have been
laid before us, to pay very constant attention to your situation and
that of your fellow prisoners. We hope that the prudence of the enemy
will be your protection from injury; and we are assured that your
regard for the honor of your country, would not permit you to wish
we should suffer ourselves to be bullied into an acquiescence, under
every insult and cruelty they may choose to practice, and a fear to
retaliate, lest you should be made to experience additional sufferings.
Their officers and soldiers, in our hands are pledges for your safety:
we are determined to use them as such. Iron will be retaliated by iron,
but a great multiplication on distinguished objects: prison ships by
prison ships, and like for like in general. I do not mean by this to
cover any officer who has acted, or shall act improperly. They say
Captain Willing was guilty of great cruelties at the Natches; if so,
they do right in punishing him. I would use any powers I have, for the
punishment of any officer of our own, who should be guilty of excesses
unjustifiable under the usages of civilized nations. However, I do not
find myself obliged to believe the charge against Captain Willing to
be true, on the affirmation of the British commissary, because, in the
next breath, he affirms no cruelties have as yet been inflicted on him.
Captain Willing has been in irons.
I beg you to be assured, there is nothing, consistent with the honor
of your country, which we shall not, at all times, be ready to do for
the relief of yourself and companions in captivity. We know that ardent
spirit and hatred for tyranny, which brought you into your present
situation, will enable you to bear up against it with the firmness
which has distinguished you as a soldier, and to look forward with
pleasure to the day, when events shall take place, against which,
the wounded spirits of your enemies will find no comfort, even from
reflections on the most refined of the cruelties with which they have
glutted themselves.
I am, with great respect, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, November 28th, 1779.
SIR,--Your Excellency's letter on the discriminations which have been
heretofore made, between the troops raised within this State, and
considered as part of our quota, and those not so considered, was
delivered me four days ago. I immediately laid it before the Assembly,
who thereupon came to the resolution I now do myself the honor of
enclosing you. The resolution of Congress, of March 15th, 1779, which
you were so kind as to enclose, was never known in this State till
a few weeks ago, when we received printed copies of the Journals of
Congress. It would be a great satisfaction to us, to receive an exact
return of all the men we have in Continental service, who come within
the description of the resolution, together with our State troops
in Continental service. Colonel Cabell was so kind as to send me a
return of the Continental regiments commanded by Lord Sterling, of
the first and second Virginia State regiments, and of Colonel Gist's
regiment. Besides these are the following; viz., Colonel Harrison's
regiment of artillery, Colonel Bayler's horse, Colonel Bland's horse,
General Scott's new levies, part of which are gone to Carolina, and
part are here, Colonel Gibson's regiment stationed on the Ohio, Heath
and O'Hara's independent companies at the same stations, Colonel
Taylor's regiment of guards to the Convention troops: of these, we
have a return. There may, possibly, be others not occurring to me.
A return of all these would enable us to see what proportion of the
Continental army is contributed by us. We have, at present, very
pressing calls to send additional numbers of men to the southward. No
inclination is wanting in either the Legislature or Executive, to aid
them or strengthen you; but we find it very difficult to procure men.
I herewith transmit to your Excellency some recruiting commissions,
to be put into such hands as you may think proper, for re-enlisting
such of our soldiery as are not already engaged for the war. The Act
of Assembly, authorizing these instructions, requires that the men
enlisted should be reviewed and received by an officer to be appointed
for that purpose; a caution less necessary in the case of men now
actually in service, and, therefore, doubtless, able bodied, than in
the raising new recruits. The direction, however, goes to all cases,
and, therefore, we must trouble your Excellency with the appointment of
one or more officers of review. Mr. Moss, our agent, receives orders,
which accompany this, to pay the bounty money and recruiting money,
and to deliver the clothing. We have, however, certain reason to fear
he has not any great sum of money on hand; and it is absolutely out of
our power, at this time, to supply him, or to say, with certainty, when
we shall be able to do it. He is instructed to note his acceptances
under the draughts, and to assure payment as soon as we shall have it
in our power to furnish him, as the only substitute for money. Your
Excellency's directions to the officer of review, will probably procure
us the satisfaction of being informed, from time to time, how many men
shall be re-enlisted.
By Colonel Mathews, I informed your Excellency fully of the situation
of Governor Hamilton and his companions. Lamothe and Dejean have given
their paroles, and are at Hanover Court-House: Hamilton, Hay, and
others, are still obstinate; therefore, still in close confinement,
though their irons have never been on, since your second letter on the
subject. I wrote full information of this matter to General Phillips
also, from whom I had received letters on the subject. I cannot, in
reason, believe that the enemy, on receiving this information, either
from yourself or General Phillips, will venture to impose any new
cruelties on our officers in captivity with them. Yet their conduct,
hitherto, has been most successfully prognosticated by reversing
the conclusions of right reason. It is, therefore, my duty, as well
as it was my promise to the Virginia captives, to take measures for
discovering any change which may be made in their situation. For this
purpose, I must apply for your Excellency's interposition. I doubt not
but you have an established mode of knowing, at all times, through your
commissary of prisoners, the precise state of those in the power of the
enemy. I must, therefore, pray you to put into motions, any such means
you have, for obtaining knowledge of the situation of the Virginia
officers in captivity. If you should think proper, as I could wish, to
take upon yourself to retaliate any new sufferings which may be imposed
on them, it will be more likely to have due weight, and to restore
the unhappy on both sides, to that benevolent treatment for which all
should wish.
I have the honor to be, &c., &c.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, December 10, 1779.
SIR,--I take the liberty of putting under cover to your Excellency,
some letters to Generals Phillips and Reidezel, uninformed whether they
are gone into New York or not, and knowing that you can best forward
them in either case.
I also trouble you with a letter from the master of the flag in this
State, to the British commissary of prisoners in New York, trusting it
will thus be more certainly conveyed than if sent to Mr. Adams. It is
my wish that the British commissary should return his answer through
your Excellency, or your commissary of prisoners, and that they should
not propose, under this pretext, to send another flag, as the mission
of the present flag is not unattended with circumstances of suspicion;
and a certain information of the situation of ourselves and our allies
here, might influence the measures of the enemy.
Perhaps your commissary of prisoners can effect the former method of
answer.
I enclose to you part of an Act of Assembly ascertaining the quantity
of land which shall be allowed to the officers and soldiers at the
close of the war, and providing means of keeping that country vacant
which has been allotted for them.
I am advised to ask your Excellency's attention to the case of Colonel
Bland, late commander of the barracks in Albemarle. When that gentleman
was appointed to that command, he attended the Executive here, and
informed them, he must either decline it, or be supported in such a
way as would keep up that respect which was essential to his command;
without, at the same time, ruining his private fortune.
The Executive were sensible he would be exposed to great and
unavoidable expense: they observed, his command would be in a
department separate from any other, and that he actually relieved a
Major General from the same service. They did not think themselves
authorized to say what should be done in this case, but undertook to
represent the matter to Congress, and, in the meantime, gave it as
their opinion that he ought to be allowed a decent table. On this he
undertook the office, and in the course of it incurred expenses which
seemed to have been unavoidable, unless he would have lived in such
a way as is hardly reconcilable to the spirit of an officer, or the
reputation of those in whose service he is. Governor Henry wrote on the
subject to Congress; Colonel Bland did the same; but we learn they have
concluded the allowance to be unprecedented, and inadmissible in the
case of an officer of his rank. The commissaries, on this, have called
on Colonel Bland for reimbursement. A sale of his estate was about to
take place, when we undertook to recommend to them to suspend their
demand, till we could ask the favor of you to advocate this matter so
far with Congress, as you may think it right; otherwise the ruin of a
very worthy officer must inevitably follow.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem,
Your Excellency's most obedient servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
WILLIAMSBURG, February 10, 1780.
SIR,--It is possible you may have heard, that in the course of last
summer an expedition was meditated, by our Colonel Clarke, against
Detroit: that he had proceeded so far as to rendezvous a considerable
body of Indians, I believe four or five thousand, at St. Vincennes;
but, being disappointed in the number of whites he expected, and not
choosing to rely principally on the Indians, he was obliged to decline
it. We have a tolerable prospect of reinforcing him this spring, to the
number which he thinks sufficient for the enterprise. We have informed
him of this, and left him to decide between this object, and that of
giving vigorous chastisement to those tribes of Indians, whose eternal
hostilities have proved them incapable of living on friendly terms
with us. It is our opinion, his inclination will lead him to determine
on the former. The reason of my laying before your Excellency this
matter, is, that it has been intimated to me that Colonel Broadhead
is meditating a similar expedition. I wished, therefore, to make you
acquainted with what we had in contemplation. The enterprising and
energetic genius of Clarke is not altogether unknown to you. You also
know (what I am a stranger to) the abilities of Broadhead, and the
particular force with which you will be able to arm him for such an
expedition. We wish the most hopeful means should be used for removing
so uneasy a thorn from our side. As yourself, alone, are acquainted
with all the circumstances necessary for well-informed decision, I am
to ask the favor of your Excellency, if you should think Broadhead's
undertaking it most likely to produce success, that you will be so
kind as to intimate to us to divert Clarke to the other object, which
is also important to this State. It will, of course, have weight with
you, in forming your determination, that our prospect of strengthening
Clarke's hands, sufficiently, is not absolutely certain. It may be
necessary, perhaps, to inform you, that these two officers cannot
act together, which excludes the hopes of ensuring success by a joint
expedition.
I have the honor to be, with the most sincere esteem, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL DE RIEDESEL.[87]
RICHMOND, May 3, 1780.
SIR,--Your several favors of December 4th, February 10th, and March
30th, are come duly to hand. I sincerely condole with Madame de
Riedesel on the birth of a _daughter_, but receive great pleasure from
the information of her recovery, as every circumstance of felicity to
her, yourself or family, is interesting to us. The little attentions
you are pleased to magnify so much, never deserved a mention or
thought. My mortification was that the peculiar situation in which
we were, put it out of our power to render your stay here more
comfortable. I am sorry to learn that the negotiations for the exchange
of prisoners have proved abortive, as well from a desire to see the
necessary distresses of war alleviated in every possible instance, as
that I am sensible how far yourself and family are interested in it.
Against this, however, is to be weighed the possibility that we may
again have a pleasure we should otherwise, perhaps, never have had;
that of seeing you again. Be this as it may, opposed as we happen
to be in our sentiments of duty and honor, and anxious for contrary
events, I shall, nevertheless, sincerely rejoice in every circumstance
of happiness or safety, which may attend you personally; and when a
termination of the present contest shall put it in my power to declare
to you more unreservedly, how sincere are the sentiments of esteem and
respect (wherein Mrs. Jefferson joins me) which I entertain for Madame
de Riedesel and yourself, and with which I am, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, June 11, 1780.
SIR,--Major Galvan, as recommended by your Excellency, was dispatched
to his station without delay, and has been furnished with everything he
desired, as far as we were able. The line of expresses formed between
us, is such as will communicate intelligence from one to the other
in twenty-three hours. I have forwarded to him information of our
disasters in the South, as they have come to me.
Our intelligence from the southward is most lamentably defective.
Though Charleston has been in the hands of the enemy a month, we
hear nothing of their movements which can be relied on. Rumors
are, that they are penetrating northward. To remedy this defect, I
shall immediately establish a line of expresses from hence to the
neighborhood of their army, and send thither a sensible, judicious
person, to give us information of their movements. This intelligence
will, I hope, be conveyed to us at the rate of one hundred and
twenty miles in the twenty-four hours. They set out to their
stations to-morrow. I wish it were possible, that a like speedy line
of communication could be formed from hence to your Excellency's
head-quarters. Perfect and speedy information of what is passing in the
South, might put it in your power, perhaps, to frame your measures by
theirs. There is really nothing to oppose the progress of the enemy,
northward, but the cautious principles of the military art. North
Carolina is without arms. We do not abound. Those we have, are freely
imparted to them, but such is the state of their resources, that they
have not been able to move a single musket from this State to theirs.
All the wagons we can collect, have been furnished to the Marquis de
Kalb, and are assembled for the march of twenty-five hundred men, under
General Stevens, of Culpeper, who will move on the 10th instant. I have
written to Congress to hasten supplies of arms and military stores for
the Southern States, and particularly to aid us with cartridge-paper
and boxes, the want of which articles, small as they are, renders
our stores useless. The want of money cramps every effort. This will
be supplied by the most unpalatable of all substitutes, force. Your
Excellency will readily conceive, that, after the loss of one army,
our eyes are turned towards the other, and that we comfort ourselves,
if any aids can be furnished by you, without defeating the operations
more beneficial to the general union, they will be furnished. At the
same time, I am happy to find that the wishes of the people go no
further, as far as I have an opportunity of learning their sentiments.
Could arms be furnished, I think this State and North Carolina would
embody from ten to fifteen thousand militia, immediately, and more if
necessary.
I hope, ere long, to be able to give you a more certain statement of
the enemy's as well as our situation, which I shall not fail to do.
I enclose you a letter from Major Galvan, being the second I have
forwarded to you.
With sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, I have the
honor to be your Excellency's
Most obedient humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, July 2, 1780.
SIR,--I have received from the Committee of Congress, at head-quarters,
three letters calling for aids of men and provisions. I beg leave
to refer you to my letter to them, of this date, on those subjects.
I thought it necessary, however, to suggest to you the preparing an
arrangement of officers for the men; for, though they are to supply our
battalions, yet, as our whole line officers, almost, are in captivity,
I suppose some temporary provision must be made. We cheerfully transfer
to you every power which the Executive might exercise on this occasion.
As it is possible you may cast your eye on the unemployed officers now
within the State, I write to General Muhlenburg, to send you a return
of them. I think the men will be rendezvoused within the present month.
The bill, indeed, for raising them is not actually passed, but it is in
its last stage, and no opposition to any essential parts of it. I will
take care to notify you of its passage.
I have, with great pain, perceived your situation; and, the more
so, as, being situated between two fires, a division of sentiment
has arisen, both in Congress and here, as to which the resources of
this country should be sent. The removal of General Clinton to the
northward, must, of course, have great influence on the determination
of this question; and I have no doubt but considerable aids may be
drawn hence, for your army, unless a larger one should be embodied
in the South, than the force of the enemy there seems to call for. I
have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect and esteem, your
Excellency's
Most obedient humble servant.[88]
TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS.
RICHMOND, August 4, 1780.
SIR,--Your several favors of July the 16th, 21st, and 22d, are now
before me. Our smiths are engaged in making five hundred axes and some
tomahawks for General Gates. About one hundred of these will go by the
wagons now taking in their loads. As these are for the army in general,
no doubt but you will participate of them. A chest of medicine was made
up for you in Williamsburg, and by a strange kind of forgetfulness,
the vessel ordered to bring that, left it and brought the rest of the
shop. It is sent for again, and I am not without hopes will be here
in time to go by the present wagons. They will carry some ammunition
and the axes, and will make up their load with spirits. Tents, I fear,
cannot be got in this country; we have, however, sent out powers to all
the trading towns here, to take it wherever they can find it. I write
to General Gates, to try whether the duck in North Carolina cannot
be procured by the Executive of that State on Continental account;
for, surely, the whole army, as well our militia as the rest, is
Continental. The arms you have to spare may be delivered to General
Gates's order, taking and furnishing us with proper vouchers. We shall
endeavor to send our drafts armed. I cannot conceive how the arms
before sent could have got into so very bad order; they certainly went
from hence in good condition. You wish to know how far the property of
this State, in your hands, is meant to be subject to the orders of the
Commander-in-chief. Arms and military stores, we mean to be perfectly
subject to him. The provisions going from this country will be for
the whole army. If we can get any tents, they must be appropriated to
the use of our own troops. Medicine, sick stores, spirits and such
things, we expect shall be on the same footing as with the northern
army. There, you know, each State furnishes its own troops with these
articles, and, of course, has an exclusive right to what is furnished.
The money put into your hands, was meant as a particular resource for
any extra wants of our own troops, yet, in case of great distress, you
would probably not see the others suffer without communicating part of
it for their use. We debit Congress with this whole sum. There can be
nothing but what is right in your paying Major Mazaret's troops out of
it. I wish the plan you have adopted for securing a return of the arms
from the militia, may answer. I apprehend any man who has a good gun on
his shoulder, would agree to keep it, and have the worth of it deducted
out of his pay, more especially, when the receipt of the pay is at some
distance. What would you think of notifying to them, further, that a
proper certificate that they are discharged, and have _returned their
arms_, will be required before any pay is issued to them. A roll, kept
and forwarded, of those so discharged, and who have delivered up their
arms, would supply accidental losses of their certificates. We are
endeavoring to get bayonet belts made. The State quarter-master affirms
the cartouch boxes sent from this place (nine hundred and fifty-nine
in number), were all in good condition. I therefore suppose the three
hundred you received in such very bad order, must have gone from
the Continental quarter-master at Petersburg, or, perhaps, have been
pillaged, on the road, of their flaps, to mend shoes, &c. I must still
press the return of as many wagons as possible. All you will send,
shall be loaded with spirits, or something else for the army. By their
next return, we shall have a good deal of bacon collected. The enclosed
is a copy of what was reported to me, as heretofore sent by the wagons.
I am, Sir, with the greatest esteem,
Your most obedient humble servant.
TO ----.[89]
RICHMOND, August 4, 1780.
SIR,--Your several favors of July 19, 21, and 22, are now before me.
I have enquired into the state of the cartouch boxes which were sent
from our magazine. The Quartermaster assures me they were in very
good order. I must, therefore, conclude, that the 300 complained of
by General Stevens, were some sent from Petersburg by the Continental
Quartermaster, or that they were pillaged of the leather on the way,
to mend shoes, &c. We had hopes of getting 2,000 from the Board of
War, but we got only about 600, and they are said to be unfit for use.
We are engaged in making bayonet belts, which shall be forwarded, but
it is extremely difficult to procure leather. The consumption of beef
by your army will, I hope, remove the want of this article another
year. I have ordered the 500 axes you desired, with some tomahawks,
to be made. They turn out about 20 a day. About 100 will go on by the
wagons General Stevens sent us, which are now loading at this place.
These wagons will carry some ammunition and spirit. A vessel with about
3,000 stand of arms, coming down the bay for the use of your army, was
driven by privateers into Wicomico. We are endeavoring to get them
forwarded either by land or water. The want of wagons will greatly
retard them. What is to be done for tents, I know not. I am assured
that very little duck can be got in this country. Whatever there is,
however, will be produced under a commission gone out for that purpose.
The duck you speak of as being in North Carolina, cannot be procured
by that State, on Continental account, for the use of the army. I
communicated your orders to Colonel Finnie, and to Colonel Buford, and
have directed proper applications for the repairs of the bridges, &c.,
you mention. Arms are ready for Buford's, Davies's, and Gibson's men.
Gibson's men are clothed, and wait only to be paid, which will be done
within the course of a week. Clothing has been issued some time for
the others, which is making up under the superintendence of Colonel
Davies. They are utterly destitute of blankets, and I fear we shall
be unable to get any. Brent's infantry are but 30, and cannot be sent
on without bringing on disagreeable disputes about rank between his
officers and Gibson's. To silence these, the march of his men has been
countermanded. Colonel Finnie informs me, that Major Lee's infantry
has been sent back by special orders. We have ordered 243 horses to be
purchased for Colonels White and Washington. The orders to Mr. Lewis
to purchase beef in Carolina were given by the Continental Commissary,
so long ago as last winter, when it was not foreseen there would be
such a call for it in that country. Having no other means of conveying
a letter to him, I take the liberty of putting one under cover to
you, with instructions to him to discontinue his purchases in North
Carolina, and to furnish you with so much of the beef he has, as you
may think necessary. It would be expedient for you to leave in his
hands whatever quantity is not absolutely necessary for your army; as,
depending on that, no other provision has been made for the post at
Charlottesville, and you know our country so well as to foresee that
a port, at which 5,000 rations a day are issued, cannot be fed by the
purchase of the day.
We have reason to believe the French fleet arrived at Newport the 10th
ult., but it is not certain. Admiral Graves, with six sail of the line,
is certainly arrived at New York.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, August 15, 1780.
SIR,--Your favor of August the 3d, is just now put into my hand. Those
formerly received have been duly answered, and my replies will, no
doubt, have reached you before this date. My last letter to you was by
Colonel Drayton.
I spoke fully with you on the difficulty of procuring wagons here,
when I had the pleasure of seeing you, and for that reason pressed
the sending back as many as possible. One brigade of twelve has since
returned, and is again on its way with medicine, military stores,
and spirit. Any others which come, and as fast as they come, shall
be returned to you with spirit and bacon. I have ever been informed,
that the very plentiful harvests of North Carolina, would render the
transportation of flour from this State as unnecessary as it would
be tedious, and that, in this point of view, the wagons should carry
hence only the articles before mentioned, which are equally wanting
with you. Finding that no great number of wagons is likely to return
to us, we will immediately order as many more to be bought and sent
on, as we possibly can. But, to prevent too great expectations, I must
again repeat, that I fear no great number can be got. I do assure you,
however, that neither attention nor expense shall be spared, to forward
to you every support for which we can obtain means of transportation.
You have, probably, received our order on Colonel Lewis, to deliver you
any of the beeves he may have purchased.
Tents, I fear, it is in vain to expect, because there is not in
this country stuff to make them. We have agents and commissioners in
constant pursuit of stuff, but hitherto researches have been fruitless.
Your order to Colonel Carrington shall be immediately communicated. A
hundred copies of the proclamation shall also be immediately printed
and forwarded to you. General Muhlenburg is come to this place, which
he will now make his head-quarters. I think he will be able to set
into motion, within a very few days, five hundred regulars, who are
now equipped for their march, except some blankets still wanting, but
I hope nearly procured and ready to be delivered.
I sincerely congratulate you on your successful advances on the
enemy, and wish to do everything to second your enterprises, which the
situation of this country, and the means and powers put into my hands,
enable me to do.
I am, Sir, with sincere respect and esteem,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, September 3, 1780.
SIR,--As I know the anxieties you must have felt, since the late
misfortune to the South, and our latter accounts have not been quite so
favorable as the first, I take the liberty of enclosing you a statement
of this unlucky affair, taken from letters from General Gates, General
Stevens, and Governor Nash, and, as to some circumstances, from an
officer who was in the action.[90] Another army is collecting; this
amounted, on the 23d ultimo, to between four and five thousand men,
consisting of about five hundred Maryland regulars, a few of Hamilton's
artillery, and Portersfield corps, Armand's legion, such of the
Virginia militia as had been reclaimed, and about three thousand North
Carolina militia, newly embodied. We are told they will increase these
to eight thousand. Our new recruits will rendezvous in this State
between the 10th and 25th instant. We are calling out two thousand
militia, who, I think, however, will not be got to Hillsborough till
the 25th of October. About three hundred and fifty regulars marched
from Chesterfield a week ago. Fifty march to-morrow, and there will be
one hundred or one hundred and fifty more from that post, when they
can be cleared of the hospital. This is as good a view as I can give
you of the force we are endeavoring to collect; but they are unarmed.
Almost the whole small arms seems to have been lost in the late rout.
There are here, on their way southward, three thousand stand of arms,
sent by Congress, and we have still a few in our magazine. I have
written pressingly, as the subject well deserves, to Congress, to
send immediate supplies, and to think of forming a magazine here, that
in case of another disaster, we may not be left without all means of
opposition.
I enclosed to your Excellency, some time ago, a resolution of the
Assembly, instructing us to send a quantity of tobacco to New York
for the relief of our officers there, and asking the favor of you to
obtain permission. Having received no answer, I fear my letter or your
answer has miscarried. I therefore take the liberty of repeating my
application to you.
I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO EDWARD STEVENS.
RICHMOND, September 3, 1780.
DEAR SIR,--I sincerely condole with you on our late misfortune,[91]
which sits the heavier on my mind as being produced by my own
countrymen. Instead of considering what is past, however, we are to
look forward and prepare for the future. I write General Gates and
Governor Nash as to supplies and reinforcements. Another body of
2,000 militia are ordered to you to rendezvous at Hillsborough, on
the 25th of October. They come from the middle and north counties,
beyond and adjoining the Blue Ridge. I am told, also, that a spirit
of raising volunteers is springing up. The truth of this, however, is
not certainly known, nor can its success be depended on. Governor Nash
writes me that 400 wagons were lost. An officer here, however, thinks
they are not. This, indeed, would be a heavy loss, as well as that of
the small arms. We shall exert every nerve to assist you in every way
in our power, being, as we are, without any money in the Treasury, or
any prospect of more till the Assembly meets in October.
I am with great esteem your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO THE HON. MAJOR GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, September 11, 1780.
DEAR SIR,--Your bill for £54,712 in favor of Mallette, has been duly
honored, that for £95,288 we shall also discharge; another bill (which
being delivered back to be presented at the end of the ten days, I
cannot recollect either the name of the holder or the sum) has been
accepted. We are now without one shilling in the treasury, or a
possibility of having it recruited till the meeting of the Assembly,
which takes place on the 15th of the next month. In this condition
Mr. Duncan Ochiltree found us when he delivered your letter of the 5th
instant, and draught for £100,000 in favor of Col. Polk. The only thing
in our power, after stating to him our situation, was to assure him
that it should be paid as soon as we should be enabled to do it by the
Assembly, which I flatter myself will be as soon as they meet. Of this
I am to notify him, that he may know when to call for payment. I shall
be very glad if you can accommodate, to the same circumstances, any
other draughts you may find it necessary to make on me.
We have sent a Mr. Paton, Commissary for the State, to collect beeves
in our southern counties, and forward them to your army. He has orders
to keep up a proper correspondence with your Commissary.
I have the honor to be with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS.
RICHMOND, September 12, 1780.
SIR,--Your letters of August 27th and 30th are now before me. The
subsequent desertions of your militia have taken away the necessity of
answering the question, How they shall be armed? On the contrary, as
there must now be a surplus of arms, I am in hopes you will endeavor
to reserve them, as we have not here a sufficient number by fifteen
hundred or two thousand for the men who will march hence, if they
march in numbers equal to our expectations. I have sent expresses
into all the counties from which those militia went, requiring the
county lieutenants to exert themselves in taking them; and such is the
detestation with which they have been received, that I have heard from
many counties they were going back of themselves. You will, of course,
hold courts martial on them, and make them soldiers for eight months.
If you will be so good as to inform me, from time to time, how many you
have, we may, perhaps, get the supernumerary officers in the State to
take command of them. By the same opportunities, I desired notice to
be given to the friends of the few remaining with you, that they had
lost their clothes and blankets, and recommended that they should avail
themselves of any good opportunity to send them supplies.
We approve of your accommodating the hospital with medicines, and
the Maryland troops with spirits. They really deserve the whole, and
I wish we had means of transportation for much greater quantities,
which we have on hand and cannot convey. This article we could furnish
plentifully to you and them. What is to be done for wagons, I do not
know. We have not now one shilling in the treasury to purchase them.
We have ordered an active quarter-master to go to the westward, and
endeavor to purchase on credit, or impress a hundred wagons and teams.
But I really see no prospect of sending you additional supplies, till
the same wagons return from you, which we sent on with the last. I
informed you, in my last letter, we had ordered two thousand militia
more, to rendezvous at Hillsborough on the 25th of October. You will
judge yourself, whether, in the meantime, you can be more useful by
remaining where you are, with the few militia left and coming in, or by
returning home, where, besides again accommodating yourself after your
losses, you may also aid us in getting those men into motion, and in
pointing out such things as are within our power, and may be useful to
the service. And you will act accordingly. I am, with great friendship
and esteem, dear Sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant.
TO GENERAL EDWARD STEVENS.
RICHMOND, Sept. 15th, 1780.
SIR,--I beg leave to trouble you with a private letter, on a little
matter of my own, having no acquaintance at camp, with whom I can take
that liberty. Among the wagons impressed, for the use of your militia,
were two of mine. One of these, I know is safe, having been on its
way from hence to Hillsborough, at the time of the late engagement.
The other, I have reason to believe, was on the field. A wagon master,
who says he was near it, informs me the brigade quarter-master cut out
one of my best horses, and made his escape on him, and that he saw my
wagoner loosening his own horse to come off, but the enemy's horse were
then coming up, and he knows nothing further. He was a negro man, named
Phill, lame in one arm and leg. If you will do me the favor to enquire
what has become of him, what horses are saved, and to send them to me,
I shall be much obliged to you. The horses were not public property,
as they were only impressed and not sold. Perhaps your certificate of
what is lost, may be necessary for me. The wagon master told me, that
the public money was in my wagon, a circumstance which, perhaps, may
aid your enquiries. After apologising for the trouble, I beg leave to
assure you that I am, with great sincerity,
Your friend and servant.
TO MAJOR GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, September 23, 1780.
SIR,--I have empowered Colonel Carrington to have twelve boats, scows
or batteaux, built at Taylor's Ferry, and to draw on me for the cost. I
recommended the constructing them so as to answer the transportation of
provisions along that river, as a change of position of the two armies,
may render them unnecessary at Taylor's ferry; and I am thoroughly
persuaded, that, unless we can find out some channel of transportation
by water, no supplies of bread, of any consequence, can be sent you
from this State for a long time to come. The want of wagons is a bar
insuperable, at least, in any reasonable time. I have given orders
to have Fry and Jefferson's map, and Henry's map of Virginia, sought
for and purchased. As soon as they can be got, I will forward them. I
have also written to General Washington on the subject of wintering
the French fleet in the Chesapeake. Our new levies rendezvous in
large numbers. As General Washington had constituted them into eight
battalions, and allotted none to Colonel Harrison, we think to deliver
him about four hundred drafts of another kind, who are to serve
eighteen months also. Unless Congress furnish small arms, we cannot
arm more than half the men who will go from this State. The prize you
mention of tents and blankets is very fortunate. It is absolutely out
of our power to get these articles, to any amount, in this country,
nor have we clothing for our new levies. They must, therefore, go
to you clothed as militia, till we can procure and send on supplies.
They will be as warm in their present clothing at Hillsborough, as at
Chesterfield Court House.
We have an agent, collecting all the beeves which can be got from the
counties round about Portsmouth, to send off to you. They have there
also plentiful crops of corn growing. We have instructed him to try
whether means of conveying it down into the Sounds, and up some of the
rivers of North Carolina, or by land to Meherrin river, and thence down
Chowan, and up Roanoke, cannot be rendered practicable.
I am, with every sentiment of esteem and respect, your most obedient
and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. I enclose a certificate, acknowledging satisfaction for the money
furnished by Colonel Kosciusko.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, September 23, 1780.
SIR,--I yesterday forwarded to you a letter from Colonel Wood,
informing you of his situation. That post has, for some time past,
been pretty regularly supplied, and I hope will continue to be for some
time to come. A person, whose punctuality can be relied on, offers to
contract for victualling it. If we can agree on terms, and the Assembly
will strengthen our hands sufficiently, we think to adopt that method,
as the only one to be relied on with certainty. I have heard it hinted
that Colonel Wood thinks of quitting that post. I should be exceedingly
sorry, indeed, were he to do it. He has given to those under his charge
the most perfect satisfaction, and, at the same time, used all the
cautions which the nature of his charge has required. It is principally
owing to his prudence and good temper, that the late difficulties have
been passed over, almost without a murmur. Any influence which your
Excellency shall think proper to use, for retaining him in his present
situation, will promote the public good, and have a great tendency to
keep up a desirable harmony with the officers of that corps. Our new
recruits are rendezvousing very generally. Colonel Harrison was uneasy
at having none of them assigned to his corps of artillery, who have
very much distinguished themselves in the late unfortunate action,
and are reduced almost to nothing. We happened to have about four
hundred drafts, raised in the last year, and never called out and sent
on duty by their county lieutenants, whom we have collected and are
collecting. We think to deliver these to Colonel Harrison: they are
to serve eighteen months from the time of rendezvous. The numbers of
regulars and militia ordered from this State into the southern service,
are about seven thousand. I trust we may count that fifty-five hundred
will actually proceed; but we have arms for three thousand only. If,
therefore, we do not speedily receive a supply from Congress, we must
countermand a proper number of these troops. Besides this supply,
there should certainly be a magazine laid in here, to provide against a
general loss as well as daily waste. When we deliver out those now in
our magazine, we shall have sent seven thousand stand of our own into
the southern service, in the course of this summer. We are still more
destitute of clothing, tents and wagons for our troops. The southern
army suffers for provisions, which we could plentifully supply, were
it possible to find means of transportation. Despairing of this, we
directed very considerable quantities, collected on the navigable
waters, to be sent northwardly by the quarter-master. This he is now
doing; slowly, however. Unapprised what may be proposed by our allies,
to be done with their fleet in the course of the ensuing winter, I
would beg leave to intimate to you, that if it should appear to them
eligible that it should winter in the Chesapeake, they can be well
supplied with provisions, taking their necessary measures in due time.
The waters communicating with that bay furnish easy, and (in that case)
safe transportation, and their money will call forth what is denied to
ours.
I am, with all possible esteem and respect, your Excellency's most
obedient and humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, September 26, 1780.
SIR,--The enclosed copy of a letter from Lord Cornwallis[92] to Colonel
Balfour, was sent me by Governor Rutledge: lest you should not have
seen it, I do myself the pleasure of transmitting it, with a letter
from General Harrington to General Gates giving information of some
late movements of the enemy.
I was honored yesterday with your favor of the 5th instant, on the
subject of prisoners, and particularly Lieutenant Governor Hamilton.
You are not unapprised of the influence of this officer with the
Indians, his activity and embittered zeal against us. You also,
perhaps, know how precarious is our tenure of the Illinois country, and
how critical is the situation of the new counties on the Ohio. These
circumstances determined us to detain Governor Hamilton and Major Hay
within our power, when we delivered up the other prisoners. On a late
representation from the people of Kentucky, by a person sent here from
that country, and expressions of what they had reason to apprehend
from these two prisoners, in the event of their liberation, we assured
them they would not be parted with, though we were giving up our other
prisoners. Lieutenant Colonel Dabusson, aid to Baron de Kalb, lately
came here on his parole, with an offer from Lord Rawdon, to exchange
him for Hamilton. Colonel Towles is now here with a like proposition
for himself, from General Phillips, very strongly urged by the General.
These, and other overtures, do not lessen our opinion of the importance
of retaining him; and they have been, and will be, uniformly rejected.
Should the settlement, indeed, of a cartel become impracticable,
without the consent of the States to submit their separate prisoners
to its obligation, we will give up these two prisoners, as we would
anything, rather than be an obstacle to a general good. But no
other circumstance would, I believe, extract them from us. These two
gentlemen, with a Lieutenant Colonel Elligood, are the only separate
prisoners we have retained, and the last, only on his own request, and
not because we set any store by him. There is, indeed, a Lieutenant
Governor Rocheblawe of Kaskaskie, who has broken his parole, and gone
to New York, whom we must shortly trouble your Excellency to demand for
us, as soon as we can forward to you the proper documents. Since the
forty prisoners sent to Winchester, as mentioned in my letter of the
9th ultimo, about one hundred and fifty more have been sent thither,
some of them taken by us at sea, others sent on by General Gates.
The exposed and weak state of our western settlements, and the danger
to which they are subject from the northern Indians, acting under the
influence of the British post at Detroit, render it necessary for us
to keep from five to eight hundred men on duty, for their defence.
This is a great and perpetual expense. Could that post be reduced and
retained, it would cover all the States to the southeast of it. We have
long meditated the attempt under the direction of Colonel Clarke, but
the expense would be so great, that whenever we have wished to take
it up, the circumstance has obliged us to decline it. Two different
estimates make it amount to two millions of pounds, present money. We
could furnish the men, provisions, and every necessary, except powder,
had we the money, or could the demand from us be so far supplied from
other quarters, as to leave it in our power to apply such a sum to
that purpose; and, when once done, it would save annual expenditures
to a great amount. When I speak of furnishing the men, I mean they
should be militia, such being the popularity of Colonel Clarke, and
the confidence of the western people in him, that he could raise the
requisite number at any time. We, therefore, beg leave to refer this
matter to yourself, to determine whether such an enterprise would not
be for the general good, and if you think it would, to authorize it
at the general expense. This is become the more reasonable, if, as I
understand, the ratification of the Confederation has been rested on
our cession of a part of our western claim; a cession which (speaking
my private opinion) I verily believe will be agreed to, if the quantity
demanded is not unreasonably great. Should this proposition be approved
of, it should be immediately made known to us, as the season is now
coming on, at which some of the preparations must be made. The time of
execution, I think, should be at the time of the breaking up of the ice
in the Wabash, and before the lakes open. The interval, I am told, is
considerable.
I have the honor to be, &c., your most obedient and humble servant.
TO MAJOR-GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, October 4, 1780.
SIR,--My letter of September 23d, answered your favors received before
that date, and the present serves to acknowledge the receipt of those
of September 24th and 27th. I retain in mind, and recur, almost daily,
to your requisitions of August; we have, as yet, no prospect of more
than one hundred tents. Flour is ordered to be manufactured, as soon as
the season will render it safe; out of which, I trust, we can furnish
not only your requisition of August, but that of Congress of September
11th. The corn you desire, we could furnish when the new crops come
in, fully, if water transportation can be found; if not, we shall be
able only to send you what lies convenient to the southern boundary,
in which neighborhood the crops have been much abridged by a flood
in Roanoke. We have no rice. Rum and other spirits we can furnish
to a greater amount than you require, as soon as our wagons are in
readiness, and shall be glad to commute into that article some others
which we have not, particularly sugar, coffee and salt. The vinegar is
provided. Colonel Finnie promised to furnish to Colonel Muter, a list
of the spades, hoes, &c., which could be furnished from the Continental
stores. This list has never yet come to hand. It is believed, the
Continental stores here will fall little short of your requisition,
except in the article of axes, which our shops are proceeding on. Your
information of September 24th, as to the quality of the axes, has been
notified to the workmen, and will, I hope, have a proper effect on
those made hereafter. Application has been made to the courts, to have
the bridges put in a proper state, which they have promised to do.
We are endeavoring again to collect wagons. About twenty are nearly
finished at this place. We employed, about three weeks ago, agents to
purchase, in the western counties, a hundred wagons and teams. Till
these can be got, it will be impossible to furnish anything from this
place. I am exceedingly pleased to hear of your regulation for stopping
our wagons at Roanoke. This will put it in our power to repair and
replace them, to calculate their returns, provide loads, and will be
a great encouragement to increase their number, if possible, as their
departure hence will no longer produce the idea of a final adieu to
them.
Colonel Senf arrived here the evening before the last. He was employed
yesterday and to-day, in copying some actual and accurate surveys,
which we had had made of the country round about Portsmouth, as far
as Cape Henry to the eastward, Nansemond river to the westward, the
Dismal Swamp to the southward, and northwardly, the line of country
from Portsmouth by Hampton and York, to Williamsburg, and including
the vicinities of these three last posts. This will leave him nothing
to do, but to take drawings of particular places, and the soundings
of such waters as he thinks material. He will proceed on this business
to-morrow, with a letter to General Nelson, and powers to call for the
attendance of a proper vessel.
I suppose, that your drafts in favor of the quarter-master, if attended
with sixty days' grace, may be complied with to a certain amount. We
will certainly use our best endeavors to answer them. I have only to
desire that they may be made payable to the quarter-master alone, and
not to the bearer. This is to prevent the mortification of seeing
an unapprised individual taken in by an assignment of them, as if
they were _ready money_. Your letter to Colonel Finnie will go to
Williamsburg immediately. Those to Congress, with a copy of the papers
enclosed to me, went yesterday by express. I will take order as to the
bacon you mention. I fear there is little of it, and that not capable
of being long kept. You are surely not uninformed, that Congress
required the greater part of this article to be sent northward,
which has been done. I hope, by this time, you receive supplies of
beeves from our commissary, Mr. Eaton, who was sent, three weeks or a
month ago to exhaust of that article the counties below, and in the
neighborhood of Portsmouth; and from thence, was to proceed to the
other counties, in order, as they stood exposed to an enemy.
The arrival of the French West India fleet (which, though not
authentically communicated, seems supported by so many concurring
accounts from individuals, as to leave scarcely room for doubt), will,
I hope, prevent the enemy from carrying into effect the embarkation
they had certainly intended from New York, though they are strengthened
by the arrival of Admiral Rodney at that place, with twelve sail of the
line and four frigates, as announced by General Washington to Congress,
on the 19th ultimo. The accounts of the additional French fleet are
varied, from sixteen to nineteen ships of the line, besides frigates.
The number of the latter has never been mentioned. The extracts of
letters, which you will see in our paper of this day, are from General
Washington, President Huntington and our Delegates in Congress to
me. That from Bladensburg is from a particular acquaintance of mine,
whose credit cannot be doubted. The distress we are experiencing from
want of leather to make shoes, is great. I am sure you have thought of
preventing it in future, by the appointment of a commissary of hides,
or some other good regulation for saving and tanning the hides, which
the consumption of your army will afford.
I have the honor to be, with all possible esteem and respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, October 15, 1780.
SIR,--I am rendered not a little anxious by the paragraph of yours
of the 7th instant, wherein you say, "It is near a month since I
received any letter from your Excellency; indeed, the receipt of most
that I have written to you remain unacknowledged." You ought, within
that time, to have received my letter of September the 3d, written
immediately on my return to this place, after a fortnight's absence;
that of September the 11th, acknowledging the receipt of yours which
covered drafts for money; that of September the 23d, on the subject of
batteaux at Taylor's ferry, wagons, maps of Virginia, wintering the
French fleet in the Chesapeake, our new levies, and provisions from
our lower counties; and that of October the 4th, in answer to yours
of September the 24th, and 27th. I begin to apprehend treachery in
some part of our chain of expresses, and beg the favor of you, in your
next, to mention whether any, and which of these letters have come to
hand. This acknowledges the receipt of yours of September the 28th, and
October the 3d, 5th, and 7th. The first of these was delivered four or
five days ago by Captain Drew. He will be permitted to return as you
desire, as we would fulfil your wishes in every point in our power,
as well as indulge the ardor of a good officer. Our militia from the
western counties, are now on their march to join you. They are fond
of the kind of service in which Colonel Morgan is generally engaged,
and are made very happy by being informed you intend to put them under
him. Such as pass by this place, take muskets in their hands. Those
from the southern counties beyond the Blue Ridge, were advised to
carry their rifles. For those who carry neither rifles nor muskets, as
well as for our eighteen months' men, we shall send on arms as soon as
wagons can be procured. In the meantime, I had hoped that there were
arms for those who should first arrive at Hillsborough, as by General
Stevens's return, dated at his departure thence, there were somewhere
between five and eight hundred muskets (I speak from memory, not having
present access to the return) belonging to this State, either in the
hands of the few militia who were there, or stored. Captain Fauntleroy,
of the cavalry, gives me hopes he shall immediately forward a very
considerable supply of accoutrements, for White's and Washington's
cavalry. He told me yesterday, he had received one hundred and thirteen
horses for that service, from us. Besides those, he had rejected
sixty odd, after we had purchased them, at £30 apiece. Nelson's two
troops were returned to me, deficient only twelve horses, since which,
ten have been sent to him by Lieutenant Armstead. I am not a little
disappointed, therefore, in the number of cavalry fit for duty, as
mentioned in the letter you enclosed me. Your request (as stated in
your letter of the 7th) that we will send no men into the field, or
even to your camp, that are not well furnished with shoes, blankets,
and every necessary for immediate service, would amount to a stoppage
of every man; as we have it not in our power to furnish them with real
necessaries completely. I hope they will be all shod. What proportion
will have blankets, I cannot say: we purchase every one which can be
found out; and now I begin to have a prospect of furnishing about half
of them with tents, as soon as they can be made and forwarded. As to
provisions, our agent, Eaton, of whom I before wrote, informs me in a
letter of the 5th instant, he shall immediately get supplies of beef
into motion, and shall send some corn by a circuitous navigation. But
till we receive our wagons from the western country, I cannot hope to
aid you in bread. I expect daily to see wagons coming in to us. The
militia were ordered to rendezvous at Hillsborough, expecting they
would thence be ordered by you into service. I send you herewith, a
copy of Henry's map of Virginia. It is a mere _cento_ of blunders. It
may serve to give you a general idea of the courses of rivers, and
positions of counties. We are endeavoring to get you a copy of Fry
and Jefferson's; but they are now very scarce. I also enclose you some
newspapers, in which you will find a detail of Arnold's apostasy and
villany.
I am, with all sentiments of sincere respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. Just as I was closing my letter, yours of the 9th instant was
put into my hands. I enclose, by this express, a power to Mr. Lambe,
quarter-master, to impress for a month, ten wagons from each of the
counties of Brunswick, Mecklenburg, Lunenburg, Charlotte, and Halifax,
and direct him to take your orders, whether they shall go first to you,
or come here. If the latter, we can load them with arms and spirits.
Before their month is out, I hope the hundred wagons from the westward
will have come in. We will otherwise provide a relief for these. I am
perfectly astonished at your not having yet received my letters before
mentioned. I send you a copy of that of the 4th of October, as being
most material. I learn from one of General Muhlenburg's family, that
five wagons have set out from hence, with three hundred stand of arms,
&c. However, the General writes to you himself.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, October 22, 1780.
SIR,--I have this morning received certain information of the arrival
of a hostile fleet in our bay, of about sixty sail. The debarkation of
some light horse, in the neighborhood of Portsmouth, seems to indicate
that as the first scene of action. We are endeavoring to collect as
large a body to oppose them as we can arm; this will be lamentably
inadequate, if the enemy be in any force. It is mortifying to suppose
that a people, able and zealous to contend with their enemy, should
be reduced to fold their arms for want of the means of defence. Yet
no resources, that we know of, insure us against this event. It has
become necessary to divert to this new object, a considerable part
of the aids we had destined for General Gates. We are still, however,
sensible of the necessity of supporting him, and have left that part
of the country nearest him uncalled on, at present, that they may
reinforce him as soon as arms can be received. We have called to the
command of our forces Generals Weeden and Muhlenburg, of the line, and
Nelson and Stevens of the militia. You will be pleased to make to these
such additions as you may think proper. As to the aids of men, I ask
for none, knowing that if the late detachment of the enemy shall have
left it safe for you to spare aids of that kind, you will not await my
application. Of the troops we shall raise, there is not a single man
who ever saw the face of an enemy. Whether the Convention troops will
be removed or not, is yet undetermined. This must depend on the force
of the enemy, and the aspect of their movements.
I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient humble servant.
TO MAJOR GENERAL GATES.
IN COUNCIL, Oct. 22d, 1780.
SIR,--The letters which accompany this will inform you of the arrival
of a large fleet of the enemy within our capes, and that they have
begun their debarkation.[93] We are taking measures to collect a body
to oppose them, for which purpose it seems necessary to retain such
regulars, volunteers and militia as have not yet gone on to you. We
have left the counties of Lunenburg, Mecklenburg, Halifax, and all
above them on the south side of James river, uncalled on, that they
may be in readiness to reinforce you as soon as arms can be procured.
I am in hopes the eighteen months' men and western militia, who will
have joined you with the volunteers from Washington and Montgomery,
as proposed by Col. Preston, and the eighteen months' militia, will
be a useful reinforcement to you, and shall continue to divide our
attention, both as to men and provisions, between the army in your
front and that which is posting itself within our own country.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. Col. Carrington is arrived since writing the above, and says you
want thirty horses to move your artillery. They shall be immediately
sent to you.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, October 25, 1780.
SIR,--I take the liberty of enclosing to you letters from Governor
Hamilton, for New York. On some representations received by Colonel
Towles, that an indulgence to Governor Hamilton and his companions to
go to New York, on parole, would produce the happiest effect on the
situation of our officers in Long Island, we have given him, Major Hay,
and some of the same party at Winchester, leave to go there on parole.
The two former go by water, the latter by land.
By this express I hand on, from General Gates to Congress, intelligence
of the capture of Augusta, in Georgia, with considerable quantities
of goods; and information, which carries a fair appearance, of the
taking of Georgetown, in South Carolina, by a party of ours, and that
an army of six thousand French and Spaniards had landed at Sunbury.
This is the more credible, as Cornwallis retreated from Charlotte on
the 12th instant, with great marks of precipitation. Since my last to
you, informing you of an enemy's fleet, they have landed eight hundred
men in the neighborhood of Portsmouth, and some more on the bay side
of Princess Anne. One thousand infantry landed at New-ports-news, on
the morning of the 23d, and immediately took possession of Hampton. The
horse were proceeding up the road. Such a corps as Major Lee's would
be of infinite service to us. Next to a naval force, horse seems to be
most capable of protecting a country so intersected by waters.
I am, with the most sincere esteem, your Excellency's most obedient and
most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, October 26, 1780.
SIR,--The Executive of this State think it expedient, under our
present circumstances, that the prisoners of war under the Convention
of Saratoga, be removed from their present situation. It will be
impossible, as long as they remain with us, to prevent the hostile
army from being reinforced by numerous desertions from this corps; and
this expectation may be one among the probable causes of this movement
of the enemy. Should, moreover, a rescue of them be attempted, the
extensive disaffection which has of late been discovered, and the
almost total want of arms in the hands of our good people, render
the success of such an enterprise by no means desperate. The fear of
this, and the dangerous convulsions to which such an attempt would
expose us, divert the attention of a very considerable part of our
militia from an opposition to an invading enemy. An order has been,
therefore, this day issued to Colonel Wood, to take immediate measures
for their removal; and every aid has been, and will be given him, for
transporting, guarding, and subsisting them on the road, which our
powers can accomplish. Notice hereof is sent to his Excellency Governor
Lee, on whose part, I doubt not, necessary preparations will be made.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, October 28, 1780.
SIR,--Your letters of the 14th, 20th and 21st have come to hand, and
your despatches to Congress have been regularly forwarded. I shall
attend to the caveat against Mr. Ochiltree's bill. Your letter to
Colonel Senf remains still in my hands, as it did not come till the
enemy had taken possession of the ground, on which I knew him to have
been, and I have since no certain information where a letter might
surely find him. My proposition as to your bills in favor of the
quarter-master, referred to yours of September 27th. I have notified to
the Continental quarter-master, your advance of nine hundred dollars
to Cooper. As yet, we have received no wagons. I wish Mr. Lambe may
have supplied you. Should those from the western quarter not come in,
we will authorize him or some other, to procure a relief, in time,
for those first impressed. We are upon the eve of a new arrangement as
to our commissary's and quarter-master's departments, as the want of
money, introducing its substitute force, requires the establishment of
a different kind of system.
Since my first information to you of the arrival of an enemy, they have
landed about eight hundred men near Portsmouth, some on the bay side of
Princess Anne, one thousand at Hampton, and still retained considerable
part on board their ships. Those at Hampton, after committing horrid
depredations, have again retired to their ships, which, on the evening
of the 26th, were strung along the road from New-ports-news, to the
mouth of Nansemond, which seems to indicate an intention of coming
up James river. Our information is, that they have from four to five
thousand men, commanded by General Leslie, and that they have come
under convoy of one forty-gun ship, and some frigates (how many has
never been said), commanded by Commodore Rodney. Would it not be worth
while to send out a swift boat from some of the inlets of Carolina,
to notify the French Admiral that his enemies are in a net, if he has
leisure to close the mouth of it? Generals Muhlenburg and Nelson are
assembling a force to be ready for them, and General Weeden has come
to this place, where he is at present employed in some arrangements.
We have ordered the removal of the Saratoga prisoners, that we may have
our hands clear for these new guests.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, November 3, 1780.
SIR,--Since I had the honor of writing to your Excellency, on the 25th
ultimo, the enemy have withdrawn their forces from the North of James
River, and have taken post at Portsmouth, which, we learn, they are
fortifying. Their highest post is Suffolk, where there is a very narrow
and defensible pass between Nansemond river and the Dismal Swamp,
which covers the country below, from being entered by us. More accurate
information of their force, than we at first had, gives us reason to
suppose them to be from twenty-five hundred to three thousand strong,
of which between sixty and seventy are cavalry. They are commanded by
General Leslie, and were convoyed by the Romulus, of forty guns, the
Blonde, of thirty-two guns, the Delight sloop, of sixteen, a twenty-gun
ship of John Goodwick's, and two row gallies, commanded by Commodore
Grayton. We are not assured, as yet, that they have landed their whole
force. Indeed, they give out themselves, that after drawing the force
of this State to Suffolk, they mean to go to Baltimore. Their movements
had induced me to think they came with an expectation of meeting with
Lord Cornwallis in this country, that his precipitate retreat has left
them without a concerted object, and that they were waiting further
orders. Information of this morning says, that being informed of
Lord Cornwallis's retreat, and a public paper having been procured by
them, wherein were printed the several despatches which brought this
intelligence from General Gates, they unladed a vessel and sent her off
to Charleston immediately. The fate of this army of theirs hangs on a
very slender naval force, indeed.
The want of barracks at fort Frederick, as represented by Colonel
Wood, the difficulty of getting wagons sufficient to move the whole
Convention troops, and the state of uneasiness in which the regiment
of guards is, have induced me to think it would be better to move
these troops in two divisions; and as the whole danger of desertion
to the enemy, and correspondence with the disaffected in our southern
counties, is from the British only, (for from the Germans we have no
apprehensions on either head,) we have advised Colonel Wood to move
on the British in the first division, and to leave the Germans in
their present situation, to form a second division, when barracks may
be erected at fort Frederick. By these means, the British may march
immediately under the guard of Colonel Crochet's battalion, while
Colonel Taylor's regiment of guards remains with the Germans. I cannot
suppose this will be deemed such a separation as is provided against
by the Convention, nor that their officers will wish to have the whole
troops crowded into barracks, probably not sufficient for half of them.
Should they, however, insist on their being kept together, I suppose it
would be the opinion that the second division should follow the first
as soon as possible, and that their being exposed, in that case, to
a want of covering, would be justly imputable to themselves only. The
delay of the second division, will lessen the distress for provisions,
which may, perhaps, take place on their first going to the new post,
before matters are properly arranged.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, November 10, 1780.
SIR,--I inclose your Excellency a copy of an intercepted letter from
Major General Leslie, to Lord Cornwallis.[94] It was taken from a
person endeavoring to pass through the country from Portsmouth towards
Carolina. When apprehended, and a proposal made to search him, he
readily consented to be searched, but, at the same time, was observed
to put his hand into his pocket and carry something towards his mouth,
as if it were a quid of tobacco; it was examined, and found to be a
letter, of which the inclosed is a copy, written on silk paper, rolled
up in gold-beater's skin, and nicely tied at each end, so as not to be
larger than a goose-quill. As this is the first authentic disclosure
of their purpose in coming here, and may serve to found, with somewhat
more of certainty, conjectures respecting their future movements, while
their disappointment in not meeting with Lord Cornwallis may occasion
new plans at New York, I thought it worthy of communication to your
Excellency.
Some deserters were taken yesterday, said to be of the British
Convention troops, who have found means to get to the enemy at
Portsmouth, and were seventy or eighty miles on their way back to the
barracks, when they were taken. They were passing under the guise of
deserters from Portsmouth.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO ----[95].
RICHMOND, November 10, 1780.
SIR,--Your favor of the 3d instant, enclosing Colonel Preston's letter,
came to hand on the 8th. The proposals mentioned in the Colonel's
letter, for sending volunteers to you, were accepted, and put, as was
necessary, into such precise form as that all parties might know what
they had a right to expect. In doing this, two circumstances happened
to interfere with what had been expected. We required that they should
be subject to your orders, and those of such other officer as you
should place them under: this was to enable you to make use of them
in constituting the corps you had proposed under General Morgan; 2,
that there should be two companies of rifles only to each battalion:
this was the advice of General Morgan in a conversation with me. We
have since dispensed with the last of these conditions, and allowed
every man to carry his rifle, as we found that absolutely necessary
to induce them to go. Colonel Skiller, of Boletourt, writes me he has
150 engaged, and we shall endeavor to prevail upon Colonel Campbell to
raise another corps, in which, if he undertakes it, I trust he will
succeed. I am much at a loss what should be done as to the prisoners
taken at King's Mountain. I do not think Montgomery Courthouse good
place, because it is very disaffected. It is too near their own
country, and would admit their co-operation in any enterprize on our
lead mines, which are about eight miles from thence. I have taken
measures for continuing their march under a guard northwardly, and
in the meantime for receiving instructions from Congress where to
terminate their journey. The British Convention troops will proceed
immediately to Fort Frederick in Maryland. The Germans will remain
in Albemarle till accommodations can be provided for them in the same
place. From them we have no apprehensions of desertion to the enemy.
Some British were taken yesterday, who are said to have been with
the enemy, and were returning to the barracks. Two or three days ago,
a British emissary from Portsmouth was taken endeavoring to proceed
towards Carolina. On a proposal to search him, they observed him to
put his hand in his pocket and put something to his mouth like a quid
of tobacco. On examination it was found to be a letter, of which the
enclosed is a copy, written on silk paper, rolled up in gold beater's
skin, and nicely tied at each end, the whole not larger than a
goose-quill. By this you will find our conjectures verified, that they
expected to meet with Lord Cornwallis in the neighborhood at least of
this county, and are disappointed and without an object. Can you not
take measures for finding out the other messenger to Lord Cornwallis,
who went by land? The force we shall now immediately have together,
authorizes me to assure you, you need not apprehend their penetrating
any distance southwardly. I only lament that this measure should have
intercepted our reinforcements to you. We have left all the counties
south of James River, and nearer to Hillsborough than Portsmouth,
uncalled on, that they may be ready to go to the aid of our Southern
friends whenever arms can be procured.
I am, with the greatest esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant.
TO EDWARD STEVENS.
RICHMOND, November 10, 1780.
SIR,--Your two letters of October 24th and October -- have been
duly received. I have been informed that the beeves which have been
collected in Princess Anne and Norfolk, to be sent southwardly, were
the first things which fell into the hands of the enemy. We received
notice of this invasion a few hours after you left this place, and
despatched a letter to recall you, which we expected would have found
you in Petersburg. However, you had gone on, and as there should be a
general officer with the men from this State in the Southern service,
and we have here three general officers, we have not repeated our call
for your assistance. The force called on to oppose the enemy, is as
yet in a most chaotic state, consisting of fragments of three months'
militia, eight months' men, eighteen months' men, volunteers, and new
militia.
Were it possible to arm men, we would send on substantial
reinforcements to you, notwithstanding the presence of the enemy with
us; but the prospect of arms with us is very bad indeed. I have never
received a line from Mr. Lambe as to his success in pressing wagons.
None have yet come in from the westward. The Executive were so far from
allowing the eight months' men to enlist into the Volunteer Corps,
as you say, they pretend they were expressly excluded from it in the
several propositions we made for raising volunteers. Nothing of moment
has happened here since the arrival of the enemy. General Muhlenburg is
at Stoaner's Mills, at the head of Pagan Creek, with our main force.
General Nelson is on the north side of James River with another body.
General Weeden is gone to join the one or the other. A British emissary
was taken two or three days ago with a letter from General Leslie to
Lord Cornwallis, informing him he was at Portsmouth, but could not
learn where his Lordship was; that he had sent one letter to him to
Charlestown by water, another by land, and waited his orders. Cannot
measures be taken to apprehend the messenger who went by land?
I am, with the greatest esteem, Sir, your most humble servant.
TO GENERAL GATES.[96]
RICHMOND, November 19, 1780.
SIR,--The vessel which had been sent by General Leslie to Charlestown,
as we supposed, returned about the 12th instant. The enemy began
to embark soon after from Portsmouth, and in the night of the 15th,
completed the embarkation of their whole force. On the morning of the
16th, some of our people entered Portsmouth. They had left their works
unfinished and undestroyed. Great numbers of negroes, who had gone
over to them, were left, either for the want of ship-room or through
choice. They had not moved from Elizabeth river at 11 o'clock a. m. of
the 16th. They gave out that they intended to go up James River; but
the precipitate abandoning of works on receipt of some communication or
other from Charlestown, was not likely to be for the purpose of coming
up James River. I received this intelligence by express from General
Muhlenburg yesterday morning. As the enemy's situation was such as
to give reason to expect every moment a movement in some direction, I
delayed sending off notice to you, in hopes that that movement would
point out their destination. But no such information being yet come
to hand, I think it proper no longer to delay communicating to you so
much.
Since writing so far, your favor of the 8th instant comes to hand,
accompanied by one from General Stevens at Hillsborough of the 10th--a
strange derangement, indeed, our riders have got into, to be nine days
coming from Hillsborough. I shall be very happy if the departure of
the enemy, which I hourly expect to be confirmed, shall leave us at
liberty to send you a substantial reinforcement. The men, being now
in the field, may be marched directly southwardly. What may be its
precise amount, I cannot say, till I get from General Muhlenburg a
return of the eighteen months' men, the eight months' men, and militia,
who had been stopped here on their way to the southward, and from
General Lawson a return of the volunteers he has engaged to go to the
southward.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, November 26, 1780.
SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's letter of the 8th
instant. Having found it impracticable to move, suddenly, the whole
Convention troops, British and German, and it being represented that
there could not, immediately, be covering provided for them all at
Fort Frederick, we concluded to march off the British first, from whom
was the principal danger of desertion, and to permit the Germans, who
show little disposition to join the enemy, to remain in their present
quarters till something further be done. The British, accordingly,
marched the 20th instant. They cross the Blue Ridge at Rock Fish Gap,
and proceed along that valley. I am to apprise your Excellency, that
the officers of every rank, both British and German, but particularly
the former, have purchased within this State some of the finest
horses in it. You will be pleased to determine, whether it be proper
that they carry them within their lines. I believe the Convention of
Saratoga entitles them to keep the horses they then had. But I presume
none of the line, below the rank of field officers, had a horse.
Considering the British will be now at Fort Frederick, and the Germans
in Albemarle, Alexandria seems to be the most central point to which
there is navigation. Would it not, therefore, be better that the flag
vessel, solicited by General Phillips, should go to that place? It
is about equally distant from the two posts. The roads to Albemarle
are good. I know not how those are which lead to Fort Frederick. Your
letter referring me to General Green, for the mode of constructing
light portable boats, unfortunately did not come to hand till he had
left us. We had before determined to have something done in that way,
and as they are still unexecuted, we should be greatly obliged by any
draughts or hints, which could be given by any person within the reach
of your Excellency.
I received advice, that on the 22d instant, the enemy's fleet got all
under way, and were standing towards the capes: as it still remained
undecided whether they would leave the bay or turn up it, I waited the
next stage of information, that you might so far be enabled to judge
of their destination. This I hourly expected, but it did not come till
this evening, when I am informed they all got out to sea in the night
of the 22d. What course they steered afterwards, is not known. I must
do their General and Commander the justice to say, that in every case
to which their attention and influence could reach, as far as I have
been well informed, their conduct was such as does them the greatest
honor. In the few instances of wanton and unnecessary devastation, they
punished the aggressors.
I have the honor to be,
Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant.
TO EDWARD STEVENS.
RICHMOND, November 26, 1780.
SIR,--The enemy, which lately invaded us, left our capes in the night
of the 22d instant. What course they steered afterwards, is not known.
Another fleet of transports, under the command of Admiral Rodney, fell
down to the Hook on the 11th instant. As this, as well as the fleet,
which lately left us, is destined for Charleston, we shall march from
their present encampment all the forces who are so equipped as that
they can proceed to distant service. With them, will go on between
three and four hundred tents belonging to this State. Three hundred
more are on the road from Philadelphia, and as many to follow. As
Baron Steuben remains here to organize our forces, I shall be obliged,
by special returns of the eighteen months' men, eight months' men,
and three months' Militia, which have or shall come unto you as
frequently as convenient. The Assembly being now met, will shortly,
I hope, furnish us with money, so that we may be once more able to
send supplies to the southward. We have collected here, at length, by
impress principles, about thirty wagons, which have been delivered to
the Continental Quarter-Master, to be sent on with stores to Taylor's
Ferry.
I am, with great esteem, sir,
Your most obedient humble servant.
TO LT. JOHN LOUIS DE UNGER.[97]
RICHMOND, November 30th, 1780.
SIR,--The letter which covers this, being of a public nature, I
wished to acknowledge separately the many things personally obliging
to me, expressed in your two letters. The very small amusement which
it has been in my power to furnish, in order to lighten some of your
heavy hours, by no means merited the acknowledgment you make. Their
impression must be ascribed to your extreme sensibility rather than to
their own weight. My wishes for your happiness give me participation
in your joy at being exchanged, sensibly, however, alloyed by a
presentiment of the loss I shall sustain, when I shall again be
permitted to withdraw to that scene of quiet retirement, abstracted
from which I know no happiness in this world. Your line of life must
have given you attachments to objects of a very different nature.
When the course of events shall have removed you to distant scenes
of action, where laurels, not tarnished with the blood of my country,
may be gathered, I shall urge sincere prayers for your obtaining every
honor and preferment which may gladden the heart of a soldier. On the
other hand, should your fondness for philosophy resume its merited
ascendancy, is it impossible to hope that this unexplored country may
tempt your residence by holding out materials wherewith to build a
fame, founded on the happiness and not the calamities of human nature?
Be this as it may, whether philosopher or soldier, I wish you many
felicities, and assure you that I am, with great personal esteem, Sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, December 15, 1780.
SIR,--I had the honor of writing to your Excellency on the subject of
an expedition contemplated by this State, against the British post at
Detroit, and of receiving your answer of October the 10th. Since the
date of my letter, the face of things has so far changed, as to leave
it no longer optional in us to attempt or decline the expedition, but
compels us to decide in the affirmative, and to begin our preparations
immediately. The army the enemy at present have in the south, the
reinforcements still expected there, and their determination to direct
their future exertions to that quarter, are not unknown to you. The
regular force, proposed on our part to counteract those exertions, is
such, either from the real or supposed inability of this State, as by
no means to allow a hope that it may be effectual. It is, therefore,
to be expected that the scene of war will either be within our country,
or very nearly advanced to it; and that our principal dependence is to
be on militia, for which reason it becomes incumbent to keep as great
a proportion of our people as possible free to act in that quarter.
In the meantime, a combination is forming in the westward, which, if
not diverted, will call thither a principal and most valuable part of
our militia. From intelligence received, we have reason to expect that
a confederacy of British and Indians, to the amount of two thousand
men, is formed for the purpose of spreading destruction and dismay
through the whole extent of our frontier in the ensuing spring. Should
this take place, we shall certainly lose in the South all aids of
militia beyond the Blue Ridge, besides the inhabitants who must fall a
sacrifice in the course of the savage irruptions.
There seems to be but one method of preventing this, which is, to
give the western enemy employment in their own country. The regular
force Colonel Clarke already has, with a proper draft from the militia
beyond the Alleghany, and that of three or four of our most northern
counties, will be adequate to the reduction of Fort Detroit, in the
opinion of Colonel Clarke; and he assigns the most probable reasons
for that opinion. We have, therefore, determined to undertake it, and
commit it to his direction. Whether the expense of the enterprise
shall be defrayed by the Continent or State, we will leave to be
decided hereafter by Congress, in whose justice we can confide, as
to the determination. In the meantime, we only ask the loan of such
necessaries as, being already at Fort Pitt, will save time and an
immense expense of transportation. These articles shall either be
identically or specifically returned; should we prove successful, it is
not improbable they may be where Congress would choose to keep them. I
am, therefore, to solicit your Excellency's order to the commandant of
Fort Pitt, for the articles contained in the annexed list, which shall
not be called for until everything is in readiness; after which, there
can be no danger of their being wanted for the post at which they are:
indeed, there are few of the articles essential for the defence of the
post.
I hope your Excellency will think yourself justified in lending us
this aid, without awaiting the effect of an application elsewhere, as
such a delay would render the undertaking abortive, by postponing it
to the breaking up of the ice in the lake. Independent of the favorable
effects, which a successful enterprise against Detroit must produce to
the United States, in general, by keeping in quiet the frontier of the
northern ones, and leaving our western militia at liberty to aid those
of the South, we think the like friendly office performed by us to the
States, whenever desired, and almost to the absolute exhausture of our
own magazines, give well-founded hopes that we may be accommodated
on this occasion. The supplies of military stores, which have been
furnished by us to Fort Pitt itself, to the northern army, and, most of
all, to the southern, are not altogether unknown to you. I am the more
urgent for an immediate order, because Colonel Clarke awaits here your
Excellency's answer by the express, though his presence in the western
country, to make preparations for the expedition, is so very necessary
if you enable him to undertake it. To the above, I must add a request
to you to send for us to Pittsburg, persons proper to work the mortars,
&c., as Colonel Clarke has none such, nor is there one in this State.
They shall be in the pay of this State, from the time they leave you.
Any money necessary for their journey, shall be repaid at Pittsburg,
without fail, by the first of March.
At the desire of the General Assembly, I take the liberty of
transmitting to you the enclosed resolution; and have the honor to
be, with the most perfect esteem and regard, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, January 10, 1781.
SIR,--It may seem odd, considering the important events which have
taken place in this State within the course of ten days, that I
should not have transmitted an account of them to your Excellency; but
such has been their extraordinary rapidity, and such the unremitted
attention they have required from all concerned in government, that I
do not recollect the portion of time which I could have taken to commit
them to paper.
On the 31st of December, a letter, from a private gentleman to General
Nelson, came to my hands, notifying, that in the morning of the
preceding day, twenty-seven sail of vessels had entered the capes; and
from the tenor of the letter, we had reason to expect, within a few
hours, further intelligence; whether they were friends or foes, their
force, and other circumstances. We immediately despatched General
Nelson to the lower country, with powers to call on the militia in
that quarter, or act otherwise as exigencies should require; but waited
further intelligence, before we would call for militia from the middle
or upper country. No further intelligence came until the 2d instant,
when the former was confirmed; it was ascertained they had advanced
up James River in Wanasqueak bay. All arrangements were immediately
taken, for calling in a sufficient body of militia for opposition.
In the night of the 3d, we received advice that they were at anchor
opposite Jamestown; we then supposed Williamsburg to be their object.
The wind, however, which had hitherto been unfavorable, shifted fair,
and the tide being also in their favor, they ascended the river to
Kennons' that evening, and, with the next tide, came up to Westover,
having, on their way, taken possession of some works we had at Hood's,
by which two or three of their vessels received some damage, but which
were of necessity abandoned by the small garrison of fifty men placed
there, on the enemy's landing to invest the works. Intelligence of
their having quitted the station at Jamestown, from which we supposed
they meant to land for Williamsburg, and of their having got in the
evening to Kennons', reached us the next morning at five o'clock, and
was the first indication of their meaning to penetrate towards this
place or Petersburg. As the orders for drawing militia here had been
given but two days, no opposition was in readiness. Every effort was
therefore necessary, to withdraw the arms and other military stores,
records, &c., from this place. Every effort was, accordingly, exerted
to convey them to the foundry five miles, and to a laboratory six
miles, above this place, till about sunset of that day, when we learned
the enemy had come to an anchor at Westover that morning. We then knew
that this, and not Petersburg was their object, and began to carry
across the river everything remaining here, and to remove what had
been transported to the foundry and laboratory to Westham, the nearest
crossing, seven miles above this place, which operation was continued
till they had approached very near. They marched from Westover at
two o'clock in the afternoon of the 4th, and entered Richmond at one
o'clock in the afternoon of the 5th. A regiment of infantry and about
thirty horse continued on, without halting, to the foundry. They burnt
that, the boring mill, the magazine and two other houses, and proceeded
to Westham; but nothing being in their power there, they retired to
Richmond. The next morning, they burned some buildings of public and
private property, with what stores remained in them, destroyed a great
quantity of private stores, and about twelve o'clock, retired towards
Westover, where they encamped within the neck the next day.
The loss sustained is not yet accurately known. As far as I have
been able to discover, it consisted, at this place, of about three
hundred muskets, some soldiers' clothing to a small amount, some
quarter-master's stores, of which one hundred and twenty sides of
leather was the principal article, part of the artificers' tools, and
three wagons. Besides which, five brass four pounders which we had
sunk in the river, were discovered to them, raised and carried off. At
the foundry we lost the greater part of the papers belonging to the
Auditor's office, and of the books and papers of the Council office.
About five or six tons of powder, as we conjecture, was thrown into the
canal, of which there will be a considerable saving by re-manufacturing
it. The roof of the foundry was burned, but the stacks of chimneys and
furnaces not at all injured. The boring mill was consumed. Within less
than forty-eight hours from the time of their landing, and nineteen
from our knowing their destination, they had penetrated thirty-three
miles, done the whole injury, and retired. Their numbers, from the best
intelligence I have had, are about fifteen hundred infantry; and, as
to their cavalry, accounts vary from fifty to one hundred and twenty;
the whole commanded by the parricide Arnold. Our militia, dispersed
over a large tract of country, can be called in but slowly. On the
day the enemy advanced to this place, two hundred only were embodied.
They were of this town and its neighborhood, and were too few to
do anything. At this time they are assembled in pretty considerable
numbers on the south side of James River, but are not yet brought to a
point. On the north side are two or three small bodies, amounting in
the whole, to about nine hundred men. The enemy were at four o'clock
yesterday evening still remaining in their encampment at Westover and
Berkeley neck. In the meanwhile, Baron Steuben, a zealous friend, has
descended from the dignity of his proper command to direct our smallest
movements. His vigilance has, in a great measure, supplied the want
of force in preventing the enemy from crossing the river, which might
have been very fatal. He has been assiduously employed in preparing
equipments for the militia as they should assemble, pointing them to
a proper object, and other offices of a good commander. Should they
loiter a little longer, and he be able to have a sufficient force, I
still flatter myself they will not escape with total impunity. To what
place they will point their next exertions we cannot even conjecture.
The whole country on the tide waters and some distance from them is
equally open to similar insult. I have the honor to be, with every
sentiment of respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, January 15, 1781.
SIR,--As the dangers which threaten our western frontiers the ensuing
spring, render it necessary that we should send thither Colonel
Crocket's battalion, at present on guard at Fredericktown, but raised
for the western service, I thought it necessary to give your Excellency
previous information thereof, that other forces may be provided in
time to succeed to their duties. Captain Reid's troop of horse, if
necessary, may be continued a while longer on guard.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, January 15, 1781.
SIR,--I received some time ago from Major Forsyth, and afterwards from
you, a requisition to furnish one half of the supplies of provision for
the Convention troops, removed into Maryland. I should sooner have done
myself the honor of writing to you on this subject, but that I hoped to
have laid it before you more fully than could be done in writing, by a
gentleman who was to pass on other public business to Philadelphia. The
late events in this State having retarded his setting out, I think it
my duty no longer to postpone explanation on this head.
You cannot be unapprised of the powerful armies of our enemy, at
this time in this and the southern States, and that their future
plan is to push their successes in the same quarter, by still
larger reinforcements. The forces to be opposed to these must be
proportionably great, and these forces must be fed. By whom are they
to be fed? Georgia and South Carolina are annihilated, at least as to
us. By the requisition to us to send provisions into Maryland, it is to
be supposed that none are to come to the southern army from any State
north of this; for it would seem inconsistent, that while we should be
sending North, Maryland and other States beyond that, should be sending
their provisions South. Upon North Carolina, then, already exhausted
by the ravages of two armies, and on this State, are to depend for
subsistence those bodies of men who are to oppose the greater part of
the enemy's force in the United States, the subsistence of the German,
and of half the British Conventioners. To take a view of this matter
on the Continental requisitions of November the 4th, 1780, for specific
quotas of provisions, it is observable that North Carolina and Virginia
are to furnish 10,475,740 pounds of animal food, and 13,529 barrels of
flour, while the States north of these will yield 25,293,810 pounds of
animal food, and 106,471 barrels of flour.
If the greater part of the British armies be employed in the South,
it is to be supposed that the greater part of the American force will
be sent there to oppose them. But should this be the case, while the
distribution of the provisions is so very unequal, would it be proper
to render it still more so, by withdrawing a part of our contributions
to the support of posts northward of us? It would certainly be a
great convenience to us, to deliver a portion of our specifics at
Fredericktown, rather than in Carolina; but I leave it to you to judge,
whether this would be consistent with the general good or safety.
Instead of sending aids of any kind to the northward, it seems but too
certain that unless very timely and substantial assistance be received
from thence, our enemies are yet far short of the ultimate term of
their successes. I beg leave, therefore, to refer to you whether the
specifics of Maryland, as far as shall be necessary, had not better be
applied to the support of the posts within it, for which its quota is
much more than sufficient, or, were it otherwise whether those of the
States north of Maryland had not better be called on, than to detract
anything from the resources of the southern opposition, already much
too small for the encounter to which it is left. I am far from wishing
to count or measure out contributions by the requisitions of Congress.
Were they ever so much beyond these, I should readily strain them in
aid of any one of our sister States. But while they are so far short
of those calls to which they must be pointed in the first instance, it
would be great misapplication to divert them to any other purpose; and
I am persuaded you will think me perfectly within the line of duty,
when I ask a revisal of this requisition.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, January 17, 1781.
SIR,--I do myself the honor of transmitting to your Excellency a
resolution of the General Assembly of this Commonwealth, entered into
in consequence of the resolution of Congress of September the 6th,
1780, on the subject of the Confederation. I shall be rendered very
happy if the other States of the Union, equally impressed with the
necessity of that important convention, shall be willing to sacrifice
equally to its completion. This single event, could it take place
shortly, would overweigh every success which the enemy have hitherto
obtained, and render desperate the hopes to which those successes have
given birth.
I have the honor to be, with the most real esteem and respect, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, January 18, 1781.
GENTLEMEN,--I enclose you a Resolution of Assembly, directing your
conduct as to the navigation of the Mississippi.
The loss of powder lately sustained by us (about five tons), together
with the quantities sent on to the southward, have reduced our stock
very low indeed. We lent to Congress, in the course of the last
year (previous to our issues for the southern army), about ten tons
of powder. I shall be obliged to you, to procure an order from the
board of war, for any quantity from five to ten tons, to be sent
us immediately from Philadelphia or Baltimore, and to enquire into
and hasten, from time to time, the execution of it. The stock of
cartridge-paper is nearly exhausted. I do not know whether Captain
Irish, or what other officer, should apply for this. It is essential
that a good stock should be forwarded, and without a moment's delay.
If there be a rock on which we are to split, it is the want of muskets,
bayonets and cartouch-boxes.
The occurrences, since my last to the President, are not of any
magnitude. Three little rencounters have happened with the enemy. In
the first, General Smallwood led on a party of two or three hundred
militia, and obliged some armed vessels of the enemy to retire from
a prize they had taken at Broadway's, and renewing his attack the
next day with a four-pounder or two (for on the first day he had only
muskets), he obliged some of their vessels to fall down from City Point
to their main fleet at Westover. The enemy's loss is not known; ours
was four men wounded. One of the evenings, during their encampment at
Westover and Berkeley, their light horse surprised a party of about
one hundred or one hundred and fifty militia at Charles City Court
House, killed and wounded four, and took, as has been generally said,
about seven or eight. On Baron Steuben's approach towards Hood's, they
embarked at Westover; the wind which, till then, had set directly up
the river from the time of their leaving Jamestown, shifted in the
moment to the opposite point. Baron Steuben had not reached Hood's,
by eight or ten miles, when they arrived there. They landed their
whole army in the night, Arnold attending in person. Captain Clarke
(of Kaskaskias) had been sent on with two hundred and forty men by
Baron Steuben, and having properly disposed of them in ambuscade,
gave them a deliberate fire, which killed seventeen on the spot, and
wounded thirteen. They returned it in confusion by which we had three
or four wounded, and our party being so small and without bayonets,
were obliged to retire, on the enemy's charging with bayonets. They
fell down to Cobham, whence they carried all the tobacco there (about
sixty hogsheads); and the last intelligence was, that on the 16th,
they were standing for New-ports-news. Baron Steuben is of opinion,
they are proceeding to fix a post in some of the lower counties.
Later information has given no reason to believe their force more
considerable than we at first supposed. I think, since the arrival of
the three transports which had been separated in a storm, they may be
considered as about two thousand strong. Their naval force, according
to the best intelligence, is the Charon, of forty-four guns, Commodore
Symmonds, the Amphitrite, Iris, Thames, and Charlestown frigates, the
Forvey, of twenty guns, two sloops of war, a privateer ship and two
brigs. We have about thirty-seven hundred militia embodied, but at
present they are divided into three distant encampments: one under
General Weeden, at Fredericksburg, for the protection of the important
works there; another under General Nelson, at and near Williamsburg;
and a third under Baron Steuben, at Cabin Point. As soon as the enemy
fix themselves, these will be brought to a point.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect, gentlemen, your most
obedient servant.
TO ----[98].
RICHMOND, January 21, 1781.
SIR,--Acquainted as you are with the treasons of Arnold, I need say
nothing for your information, or to give you a proper sentiment of
them. You will readily suppose, that it is above all things desirable
to drag him from those under whose wing he is now sheltered. On his
march to and from this place, I am certain it might have been done with
facility by men of enterprise and firmness. I think it may still be
done, though perhaps not quite so easily. Having peculiar confidence
in the men from the western side of the mountains, I meant, as soon
as they should come down, to get the enterprise proposed to a chosen
number of them: such whose courage and whose fidelity would be above
all doubt. Your perfect knowledge of those men personally, and my
confidence in your discretion, induces me to ask you to pick from among
them proper characters, in such numbers as you think best, to reveal
to them our desire, and engage them to undertake to seize and bring
off this greatest of all traitors. Whether this may be best affected
by their going in as friends, and awaiting their opportunity, or
otherwise, is left to themselves. The smaller the number the better,
so that they be sufficient to manage him. Every necessary caution
must be used on their part, to prevent a discovery of their design
by the enemy, as, should they be taken, the laws of war will justify
against them the most rigorous sentence. I will undertake, if they are
successful in bringing him off alive, that they shall receive five
thousand guineas reward among them. And to men, formed for such an
enterprise, it must be a great incitement to know that their names will
be recorded with glory in history, with those of Vanwert, Paulding, and
Williams. The enclosed order from Baron Steuben will authorize you to
call for and dispose of any force you may think necessary, to place in
readiness for covering the enterprise and securing the retreat of the
party. Mr. Newton, the bearer of this, and to whom its contents are
communicated in confidence, will provide men of trust to go as guides.
These may be associated in the enterprise or not, as you please. But
let that point be previously settled, that no difficulties may arise
as to the parties entitled to participate of the reward. You know
how necessary profound secrecy is in this business, even if it be not
undertaken.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, February 8, 1781.
SIR,--I have just received intelligence, which, though from a private
hand, I believe is to be relied on, that a fleet of the enemy's ships
have entered Cape Fear river, that eight of them had got over the
bar, and many others were laying off; and that it was supposed to be a
reinforcement to Lord Cornwallis, under the command of General Prevost.
This account, which had come through another channel, is confirmed by a
letter from General Parsons at Halifax, to the gentleman who forwards
it to me. I thought it of sufficient importance to be communicated to
your Excellency by the stationed expresses. The fatal want of arms puts
it out of our power to bring a greater force into the field, than will
barely suffice to restrain the adventures of the pitiful body of men
they have at Portsmouth. Should any more be added to them, this country
will be perfectly open to them, by land as well as water.
I have the honor to be, with all possible respect, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, February 12, 1781.
SIR,--The enclosed extract of a letter from Governor Nash,[99] which
I received this day, being a confirmation of the intelligence I
transmitted in a former letter, I take the liberty of transmitting it
to your Excellency. I am informed, through a private channel on which
I have considerable reliance, that the enemy had landed five hundred
troops under the command of a Major Craig, who were joined by a number
of disaffected; that they had penetrated forty miles; that their aim
appeared to be the magazine at Kingston, from which place they were
about twenty miles distant.
Baron Steuben transmits to your Excellency a letter from General
Greene, by which you will learn the events which have taken place in
that quarter since the defeat of Colonel Tarleton, by General Morgan.
These events speak best for themselves, and no doubt will suggest what
is necessary to be done to prevent the successive losses of State after
State, to which the want of arms and of a regular soldiery, seem more
especially to expose those in the South.
I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, February 17, 1781.
SIR,--By a letter from General Greene, dated Guilford Court House,
February 10th, we are informed that Lord Cornwallis had burnt his own
wagons, in order to enable himself to move with greater facility, and
had pressed immediately on.[100] The prisoners taken at the Cowpens,
were happily saved by the accidental rise of a water-course, which gave
so much time as to withdraw them from the reach of the enemy. Lord
Cornwallis had advanced to the vicinities of the Moravian towns, and
was still moving on rapidly. His object was supposed to be to compel
General Greene to an action, which, under the difference of force they
had, would probably be ruinous to the latter. General Greene meant to
retire by the way of Boyd's ferry, on the Roanoke. As yet he had lost
little or no stores or baggage, but they were far from being safe. In
the instant of receiving this intelligence, we ordered a reinforcement
of militia to him, from the most convenient counties in which there
was a hope of finding any arms. Some great event must arise from the
present situation of things, which, for a long time, will determine the
condition of southern affairs.
Arnold lies close in his quarters. Two days ago, I received information
of the arrival of a sixty-four gun ship and two frigates in our bay,
being part of the fleet of our good ally at Rhode Island. Could they
get at the British fleet here, they are sufficient to destroy them; but
these being drawn up into Elizabeth River, into which the sixty-four
cannot enter, I apprehend they could do nothing more than block up
the river. This, indeed, would reduce the enemy, as we could cut off
their supplies by land; but the operation being tedious, would probably
be too dangerous for the auxiliary force. Not having yet had any
particular information of the designs of the French Commander, I cannot
pretend to say what measures this aid will lead to.
Our proposition to the Cherokee Chiefs, to visit Congress, for the
purpose of preventing or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too
late. Their distresses had too much ripened their alienation from us,
and the storm had gathered to a head, when Major Martin got back. It
was determined to carry the war into their country, rather than await
it in ours, and thus disagreeably circumstanced, the issue has been
successful.
The militia of this State and North Carolina penetrated into their
country, burned almost every town they had, amounting to about one
thousand houses in the whole, destroyed fifty thousand bushels of
grain, killed twenty-nine, and took seventeen prisoners. The latter are
mostly women and children.
I enclose your Excellency the particulars as reported to me. Congress
will be pleased to determine on Col. Campbell's proposition to build
the fort at the confluence of the Holston and Tennessee.
I have the honor to be, &c., your Excellency's most obedient humble
servant,
* * * * *
P. S. Since writing the above, I have received information which,
though not authentic, deserves attention: that Lord Cornwallis had
got to Boyd's ferry on the 14th. I am issuing orders, in consequence,
to other counties, to embody and march all the men they can arm. In
this fatal situation, without arms, there will be no safety for the
Convention troops but in their removal, which I shall accordingly
order. The prisoners of the Cowpens were at New London (Bedford Court
House) on the 14th.
TO GENERAL GATES.
RICHMOND, February 17, 1781.
DEAR GENERAL,--The situation of affairs here and in Carolina, is such
as must shortly turn up important events, one way or the other. By
letter from General Greene, dated Guilford Court House, February the
10th, I learn that Lord Cornwallis, rendered furious by the affair
at the Cowpens and the surprise of Georgetown, had burned his own
wagons, to enable himself to move with facility, had pressed on to the
vicinity of the Moravian towns, and was still advancing. The prisoners,
taken at the Cowpens, were saved by a hair's-breadth accident, and
Greene was retreating. His force, two thousand regulars, and no
militia; Cornwallis's, three thousand. General Davidson was killed in
a skirmish. Arnold lies still at Portsmouth with fifteen hundred men.
A French sixty-four gun ship, and two frigates of thirty-six each,
arrived in our bay three days ago. They would suffice to destroy the
British shipping here (a forty four frigate, and a twenty,) could they
get at them. But these are withdrawn up Elizabeth river, which the
sixty-four cannot enter. We have ordered about seven hundred riflemen
from Washington, Montgomery and Bedford, and five hundred common
militia from Pittsylvania and Henry, to reinforce General Greene; and
five hundred new levies will march from Chesterfield Court House, in a
few days. I have no doubt, however, that the southwestern counties will
have turned out in greater numbers before our orders reach them.
I have been knocking at the door of Congress for aids of all kinds,
but especially of arms, ever since the middle of summer. The speaker,
Harrison, is gone to be heard on that subject. Justice, indeed,
requires that we should be aided powerfully. Yet if they would repay
us the arms we have lent them, we should give the enemy trouble, though
abandoned to ourselves.
After repeated applications, I have obtained a warrant for your advance
money, £18,000, which I have put into the hands of Mr. McAlister, to
receive the money from the Treasurer, and carry it to you.
I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL CAMPBELL.
RICHMOND, February 17, 1781.
SIR,--I have received your several favors by Mr. Sathim, and am much
pleased at the happy issue of the expedition against the Cherokees.
I wish it to be used for the purpose of bringing about peace, which,
under our present circumstances, is as necessary for us, as it can
possibly be to them.
If you can effect this, a right should be reserved of building a fort
at the confluence of Holston and Tennessee; a matter which we must
refer to Congress, as it lies not within our boundary. The prisoners
you have taken had better be kept for the purpose of exchanging for any
of ours taken by them. Should any surplus be on hand at the conclusion
of peace, they should be given up. Nancy Ward seems rather to have
taken refuge with you. In this case, her inclination ought to be
followed as to what is done with her.
As by our laws, the pay of militia is made the same with that of the
Continental troops, and that, by a resolution of Congress, is to be in
the new money of March 18th, 1780, or in old money at forty for one,
I apprehend you will be paid at that rate. By a late arrangement, the
Commissary is directed to have a deputy in every county. I hope that
by their means the militia may henceforward be better supplied with
provisions when proceeding on an expedition. The fort at Powell's
Valley you will please to proceed on. We approve of the company you
have raised for patrolling against the Indians and garrisoning the
fort.
I am, with much respect, sir, your most obedient servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, February 26, 1781.
SIR,--I gave you information in my last letter, that General Greene had
crossed the Dan, at Boyd's ferry, and that Lord Cornwallis had arrived
at the opposite shore. Large reinforcements of militia having embodied
both in front and rear of the enemy, he is retreating with as much
rapidity as he advanced; his route is towards Hillsborough. General
Greene re-crossed the Dan on the 21st, in pursuit of him. I have the
pleasure to inform you, that the spirit of opposition was as universal
as could have been wished for. There was no restraint on the numbers
that embodied, but the want of arms.
The British at Portsmouth lie close in their lines. The French squadron
keep them in by water, and since their arrival, as they put it out of
the power of the enemy to cut off our retreat by sending up Nansemond
river, our force has been moved down close to their lines.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO M. DE MARBOIS.[101]
RICHMOND, March 4th, 1781.
SIR,--I have been honored with your letter of Feb. 5th. Mr. Jones did
put into my hands a paper containing sundry inquiries into the present
state of Virginia, which he informed me was from yourself, and some of
which I meant to do myself the honor of answering.
Hitherto it has been in my power to collect a few materials only, which
my present occupations disable me from completing. I mean, however,
shortly to be in a condition which will leave me quite at leisure to
take them up, when it shall be one of my first undertakings to give you
as full information as I shall be able to do on such of the subjects
as are within the sphere of my acquaintance. On some of them, however,
I trust Mr. Jones will engage abler hands. Those in particular which
relate to the commerce of the State, a subject with which I am wholly
unacquainted, and which is probably the most important in your plan.
* * * * *
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, March 8th, 1781.
SIR,--I had the pleasure of receiving a letter from General Greene,
dated High-rock Ford, February 29th (probably March the 1st), who
informs me, that on the night of the 24th Colonel McCall surprised a
subaltern's guard at Hart's Mill, killed eight, and wounded and took
nine prisoners, and that on the 25th General Pickens and Lieutenant
Colonel Lee routed a body of near three hundred Tories on the Haw
river, who were in arms to join the British army, killed upwards of one
hundred, and wounded most of the rest, which had a very happy effect on
the disaffected in that country.
By a letter from Major Magill, an officer of this State, whom I had
sent to General Greene's head-quarters for the purpose of giving us
regular intelligence, dated Guilford County, March 2d, I am informed
that Lord Cornwallis, on his retreat, erected the British standard at
Hillsborough, that a number of disaffected under the command of Colonel
Piles were resorting to it, when they were intercepted by General
Pickens and Lieutenant Colonel Lee, as mentioned by General Greene,
and that their commanding officer was among the slain: that Lord
Cornwallis, after destroying everything he could, moved down the Haw
river from Hillsborough: that General Greene was within six miles of
him: that our superiority in the goodness, though not in the number of
our cavalry, prevented the enemy from moving with rapidity or foraging.
Having been particular in desiring Major Magill to inform me what
corps of militia from this State joined General Greene, he accordingly
mentioned that seven hundred under General Stevens, and four hundred
from Botetourt, had actually joined him; that Colonel Campbell was to
join him that day with six hundred, and that Colonel Lynch with three
hundred from Bedford, was shortly expected: the last three numbers
being riflemen. Besides these mentioned by Major Magill, General
Lawson must, before this, have crossed Roanoke with a body of militia,
the number of which has not been stated to me. Report makes them a
thousand; but I suppose the number to be exaggerated. Four hundred of
our new levies left Chesterfield Court House on the 25th February, and
probably would cross the Roanoke about the 1st or 2d of March.
I was honored with your Excellency's letter of February the 21st,
within seven days after its date. We have, accordingly, been making
every preparation on our part which we are able to make. The militia
proposed to co-operate, will be upwards of four thousand from this
State, and one thousand or twelve hundred from Carolina, said to be
under General Gregory. The enemy are, at this time, in a great measure
blockaded by land, there being a force on the east side of Elizabeth
river. They suffer for provisions, as they are afraid to venture far,
lest the French squadron should be in the neighborhood, and come upon
them. Were it possible to block up the river, a little time would
suffice to reduce them by want and desertions, and would be more sure
in its event than an attempt by storm. I shall be very happy to have it
in my power to hand you a favorable account of these two armies in the
South.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, March 19, 1781.
SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a copy of a
letter from General Greene, with some other intelligence received, not
doubting your anxiety to know the movements in the South. I find we
have deceived ourselves not a little by counting on the whole numbers
of the militia which have been in motion, as if they had all remained
with General Greene, when, in fact, they seem only to have visited and
quitted him.
The Marquis Fayette arrived at New York on the 15th. His troops still
remained at the head of the bay, till the appearance of some force
which should render their passage down safe.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND March 21, 1781.
SIR,--The enclosed letter will inform you of the arrival of a British
fleet in the Chesapeake bay.
The extreme negligence of our stationed expresses is no doubt the
cause why, as yet, no authentic account has reached us of a general
action, which happened on the 15th instant, about a mile and a half
from Guilford Court House, between General Greene and Lord Cornwallis.
Captain Singleton, an intelligent officer of Harrison's artillery, who
was in the action, has this moment arrived here, and gives the general
information that both parties were prepared and desirous for action;
the enemy were supposed about twenty-five hundred strong, our army
about four thousand. That, after a very warm and general engagement,
of about an hour and a half, we retreated about a mile and a half from
the field, in good order, having, as he supposed, between two and three
hundred killed and wounded: the enemy between five and seven hundred
killed and wounded; that we lost four pieces of artillery: that the
militia, as well as regulars, behaved exceedingly well: that General
Greene, he believes, would have renewed the action the next day, had
it not proved rainy, and would renew it as soon as possible, as he
supposes: that the whole of his troops, both regulars and militia,
were in high spirits and wishing a second engagement: that the loss
has fallen pretty equally on the militia and regulars: that General
Stevens received a ball through the thigh. Major Anderson, of Maryland,
was killed, and Captain Barrett, of Washington's cavalry; Captain
Fauntleroy, of the same cavalry, was shot through the thigh, and left
on the field.
Captain Singleton, having left the camp the day after the battle, does
not speak from particular returns, none such having been then made. I
must inform your Excellency from him, till more regular applications
can reach you, that they are in _extreme want_ of lead, cartridge paper
and thread. I think it improper, however it might urge an instantaneous
supply, to repeat to you his statement of the extent of their stock of
these articles. In a former letter, I mentioned to you the failure of
the vein of our lead mines, which has left the army here in a state of
equal distress and danger.
I have the honor to be, with very high respect and esteem, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. Look-out boats have been ordered from the seaboard of the eastern
shore, to apprise the Commander of the French fleet, on its approach,
of the British being in the Chesapeake.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
In Council, RICHMOND, March 26, 1781.
SIR,--The appointment of commissioner to the war office of this
State, having lately become vacant, the Executive are desirous to
place Colonel William Davies, of the Virginian Continentals, in that
office. This gentleman, however, declines undertaking it, unless his
rank in the army, half pay for life and allowance for depreciation
of pay, can be reserved to him; observing with justice, that these
emoluments, distant as they are, are important to a person who has
spent the most valuable part of his youth in the service of his
country. As this indulgence rests in the power of Congress alone, I
am induced to request it of them on behalf of the State, to whom it
is very interesting that the office be properly filled, and I may
say, on behalf of the Continent also, to whom the same circumstance is
interesting, in proportion to its reliance upon this State for supplies
to the southern war. We should not have given Congress the trouble of
this application, had we found it easy to call any other to the office,
who was likely to answer our wishes in the exercise of it.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, March 28, 1781.
SIR,--I forward to your Excellency, under cover with this, copies of
letters received from Major General Greene and Baron Steuben, which
will give you the latest account of the situation of things with us and
in North Carolina.
I observe a late resolve of Congress, for furnishing a number of
arms to the southern States; and I lately wrote you on the subject of
ammunition and cartridge paper. How much of this State, the enemy thus
reinforced, may think proper to possess themselves of, must depend on
their own moderation and caution, till these supplies arrive. We had
hoped to receive by the French squadron under Monsieur Destouches,
eleven hundred stand of arms, which we had at Rhode Island, but were
disappointed. The necessity of hurrying forward the troops intended for
the southern operations, will be doubtless apparent from this letter.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, March 31, 1781.
SIR,--The letters and papers accompanying this will inform your
Excellency of the arrival of a British flag vessel with clothing,
refreshments, money, &c., for their prisoners, under the Convention
of Saratoga. The gentlemen conducting them, have, on supposition
that the prisoners, or a part of them, still remained in this State,
applied to me by letters, copies of which I transmit your Excellency,
for leave to allow water transportation as far as possible, and then,
for themselves to attend them to the post where they are to be issued.
These indulgences were usually granted them here, but the prisoners
being removed, it becomes necessary to transmit the application to
Congress for their direction. In the meantime, the flag will wait in
James river.
Our intelligence from General Greene's camp as late as the 24th, is,
that Lord Cornwallis's march of the day before had decided his route to
Cross creek.
The amount of the reinforcements to the enemy, arrived at Portsmouth,
is not yet known with certainty. Accounts differ from fifteen hundred
to much larger numbers. We are informed they have a considerable number
of horse. The affliction of the people for want of arms is great; that
of ammunition is not yet known to them. An apprehension is added, that
the enterprise on Portsmouth being laid aside, the troops under the
Marquis Fayette will not come on. An enemy three thousand strong, not a
regular in the State, nor arms to put in the hands of the militia, are,
indeed, discouraging circumstances.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
RICHMOND, April 7, 1781.
SIR,--Hearing that our arms from Rhode Island have arrived at
Philadelphia, I have begged the favor of our Delegates to send them on
in wagons immediately, and, for the conveyance of my letter, have taken
the liberty of setting the Continental line of expresses in motion,
which I hope our distress for arms will justify, though the errand be
not purely Continental.
I have nothing from General Greene later than the 27th of March; our
accounts from Portsmouth vary the reinforcements, which came under
General Phillips, from twenty-five hundred to three thousand. Arnold's
strength before, was, I think, reduced to eleven hundred. They have
made no movement as yet. Their preparation of boats is considerable;
whether they mean to go southwardly or up the river, no leading
circumstance has yet decided.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
In Council, April 18, 1781.
SIR,--I was honored, yesterday with your Excellency's favor enclosing
the resolutions of Congress of the 8th instant, for removing stores and
provisions from the counties of Accomack and Northampton. We have there
no military stores, except a few muskets in the hands of the militia.
There are some collections of forage and provisions belonging to the
Continent, and some to the State, and the country there, generally,
furnishes an abundance of forage. But such is the present condition of
Chesapeake Bay that we cannot even get an advice boat across it with
any certainty, much less adventure on transportation. Should, however,
any interval happen, in which these articles may be withdrawn, we shall
certainly avail ourselves of it, and bring thence whatever we can.
If I have been rightly informed, the horses there are by no means such,
as that the enemy could apply them to the purposes of cavalry. Some
large enough for the draught may, perhaps, be found, but of these not
many.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, April 23, 1781.
SIR,--On the 18th instant, the enemy came from Portsmouth up
James river, in considerable force, though their numbers are
not yet precisely known to us. They landed at Burwell's ferry,
below Williamsburg, and also a short distance above the mouth of
Chickahomony. This latter circumstance obliged Colonel Innis, who
commanded a body of militia, stationed on that side the river to cover
the country from depredation, to retire upwards, lest he should be
placed between their two bodies. One of these entered Williamsburg
on the 20th, and the other proceeded to a ship-yard we had on
Chickahomony. What injury they did there, I am not yet informed. I
take for granted, they have burned an unfinished twenty-gun ship we had
there. Such of the stores, belonging to the yard as were movable, had
been carried some miles higher up the river. Two small gallies also
retired up the river. Whether by this, either the stores or gallies
were saved, is yet unknown. I am just informed, from a private hand,
that they left Williamsburg early yesterday morning. If this sudden
departure was not in consequence of some circumstance of alarm unknown
to us, their expedition to Williamsburg has been unaccountable. There
were no public stores at that place, but those which were necessary
for the daily subsistence of the men there. Where they mean to descend
next, the event alone can determine. Besides harassing our militia with
this kind of war, the taking them from their farms at the interesting
season of planting their corn, will have an unfortunate effect on the
crop of the ensuing year.
I have heard nothing certain of General Greene since the 6th instant,
except that his head-quarters were on Little river on the 11th.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
RICHMOND, May 9, 1781.
SIR,--Since the last letter which I had the honor of addressing to your
Excellency, the military movements in this State, except a very late
one, have scarcely merited communication.
The enemy, after leaving Williamsburg, came directly up James river and
landed at City Point, being the point of land on the southern point
of the confluence of Appomattox and James rivers. They marched up to
Petersburg, where they were received by Baron Steuben, with a body of
militia somewhat under one thousand, who, though the enemy were two
thousand and three hundred strong, disputed the ground very handsomely
two hours, during which time the enemy gained only one mile, and
that by inches. Our troops were then ordered to retire over a bridge,
which they did in perfectly good order. Our loss was between sixty and
seventy, killed, wounded, and taken. The enemy's is unknown, but it
must be equal to ours; for their own honor they must confess this, as
they broke twice and run like sheep, till supported by fresh troops.
An inferiority in number obliged our force to withdraw about twelve
miles upwards, till more militia should be assembled. The enemy burned
all the tobacco in the warehouses at Petersburg and its neighborhood.
They afterwards proceeded to Osborne's, where they did the same, and
also destroyed the residue of the public armed vessels, and several
of private property, and then came to Manchester, which is on the hill
opposite this place.
By this time, Major General Marquis Fayette having been advised of
our danger, had, by forced marches, got here with his detachment of
Continental troops; and reinforcements of militia having also come in,
the enemy, finding we were able to meet them on equal footing, thought
proper to burn the warehouses and tobacco at Manchester, and retire
to Warwick, where they did the same. Ill armed and untried militia,
who never before saw the face of an enemy, have, at times, during the
course of this war, given occasions of exultation to our enemies, but
they afforded us, while at Warwick, a little satisfaction in the same
way. Six or eight hundred of their picked men of light infantry, with
General Arnold at their head, having crossed the river from Warwick,
fled from a patrole of sixteen horse, every man into his boat as he
could, some pushing North, some South, as their fears drove them. Their
whole force then proceeded to the Hundred, being the point of land
within the confluence of the two rivers, embarked, and fell down the
river. Their foremost vessels had got below Burwell's ferry on the 6th
instant, when, on the arrival of a boat from Portsmouth, and a signal
given, the whole crowded sail up the river again with a fair wind and
tide, and came to anchor at Brandon; there six days' provision was
dealt out to every man; they landed, and had orders to march an hour
before day the next morning. We have not yet heard which way they went,
or whether they have gone, but having, about the same time, received
authentic information that Lord Cornwallis had, on the 1st instant,
advanced from Wilmington half way to Halifax, we have no doubt,
putting all circumstances together, that these two armies are forming
a junction.
We are strengthening our hands with militia, as far as arms, either
public or private, can be collected, but cannot arm a force which
may face the combined armies of the enemy. It will, therefore, be of
very great importance that General Wayne's forces be pressed on with
the utmost despatch. Arms and a naval force, however, are what must
ultimately save us. This movement of our enemies we consider as most
perilous in its consequences.
Our latest advices from General Greene were of the 26th ult., when
he was lying before Camden, the works and garrison of which were much
stronger than he had expected to find them.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's most
obedient humble servant.
TO THE VIRGINIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.
IN COUNCIL, May 10, 1781.
GENTLEMEN,--A small affair has taken place between the British
commanding officer in this State, General Phillips, and the Executive,
of which, as he may endeavor to get rid of it through the medium of
Congress, I think it necessary previously to apprise you.
General Scott obtained permission from the Commandant at Charleston,
for vessels with necessary supplies to go from hence to them, but
instead of sending the original, sent only a copy of the permission
taken by his brigade major. I applied to General Phillips to supply
this omission by furnishing a passport for the vessel. Having just
before taken great offence at a threat of retaliation in the treatment
of prisoners, he enclosed his answer to my letter under this address,
"To Thomas Jefferson, Esq., American Governor of Virginia." I paused
on receiving the letter, and for some time would not open it; however,
when the miserable condition of our brethren in Charleston occurred
to me, I could not determine that they should be left without the
necessaries of life, while a punctilio should be discussing between
the British General and myself; and, knowing that I had an opportunity
of returning the compliment to Mr. Phillips in a case perfectly
corresponding, I opened the letter.
Very shortly after, I received, as I expected, the permission of the
board of war, for the British flag vessel then in Hampton Roads with
clothing and refreshments, to proceed to Alexandria. I enclosed and
addressed it, "To William Phillips, Esq., commanding the British forces
in the Commonwealth of Virginia." Personally knowing Phillips to be the
proudest man of the proudest nation on earth, I well know he will not
open this letter; but having occasion, at the same time, to write to
Captain Gerlach, the flag-master, I informed him that the Convention
troops in this State should perish for want of necessaries, before any
should be carried to them through this State, till General Phillips
either swallowed this pill of retaliation, or made an apology for his
rudeness. And in this, should the matter come ultimately to Congress,
we hope for their support.
He has the less right to insist on the expedition of his flag, because
his letter, instead of enclosing a passport to expedite ours, contained
only an evasion of the application, by saying he had referred it to Sir
Henry Clinton, and in the meantime, he has come up the river, and taken
the vessel with her loading, which we had chartered and prepared to
send to Charleston, and which wanted nothing but the passport to enable
her to depart.
I would further observe to you, that this gentleman's letters to
the Baron Steuben first, and afterwards to the Marquis Fayette, have
been in a style so intolerably insolent and haughty, that both these
gentlemen have been obliged to inform him, that if he thinks proper
to address them again in the same spirit, all intercourse shall be
discontinued.
I am, with great respect and esteem, Gentlemen,
Your most obedient servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
CHARLOTTESVILLE, May 28,1781.
SIR,--I make no doubt you will have heard, before this shall have
the honor of being presented to your Excellency, of the junction of
Lord Cornwallis with the force at Petersburg under Arnold, who had
succeeded to the command on the death of Major-general Phillips. I am
now advised that they have evacuated Petersburg, joined at Westover a
reinforcement of two thousand men just arrived from New York, crossed
James river, and on the 26th instant, were three miles advanced on
their way towards Richmond; at which place, Major-General the Marquis
Fayette lay with three thousand men, regulars and militia: these being
the whole number we could arm, until the arrival of the eleven hundred
arms from Rhode Island, which are, about this time, at the place where
our public stores are deposited. The whole force of the enemy within
this State, from the best intelligence I have been able to get, is,
I think, about seven thousand men, infantry and cavalry, including,
also, the small garrison left at Portsmouth. A number of privateers,
which are constantly ravaging the shores of our rivers, prevent us
from receiving any aid from the counties lying on navigable waters; and
powerful operations meditated against our western frontier, by a joint
force of British and Indian savages, have, as your Excellency before
knew, obliged us to embody between two and three thousand men in that
quarter. Your Excellency will judge from this state of things, and from
what you know of our country, what it may probably suffer during the
present campaign. Should the enemy be able to produce no opportunity
of annihilating the Marquis's army, a small proportion of their force
may yet restrain his movements effectually while the greater part are
employed, in detachment, to waste an unarmed country, and lead the
minds of the people to acquiesce under those events which they see no
human power prepared to ward off. We are too far removed from the other
scenes of war to say, whether the main force of the enemy be within
this State. But I suppose they cannot anywhere spare so great an army
for the operations of the field. Were it possible for this circumstance
to justify in your Excellency a determination to lend us your personal
aid, it is evident, from the universal voice, that the presence of
their beloved countryman, whose talents have so long been successfully
employed in establishing the freedom of kindred States, to whose person
they have still flattered themselves they retained some right, and have
ever looked up, as their dernier resort in distress, would restore
full confidence of salvation to our citizens, and would render them
equal to whatever is not impossible. I cannot undertake to foresee and
obviate the difficulties which lie in the way of such a resolution.
The whole subject is before you, of which I see only detached parts;
and your judgment will be formed on a view of the whole. Should the
danger of this State and its consequence to the Union, be such, as to
render it best for the whole that you should repair to its assistance,
the difficulty would then be, how to keep men out of the field. I have
undertaken to hint this matter to your Excellency, not only on my own
sense of its importance to us, but at the solicitations of many members
of weight in our legislature, which has not yet assembled to speak
their own desires.
A few days will bring to me that relief which the constitution has
prepared for those oppressed with the labors of my office, and a long
declared resolution of relinquishing it to abler hands, has prepared
my way for retirement to a private station: still, as an individual,
I should feel the comfortable effects of your presence, and have
(what I thought could not have been) an additional motive for that
gratitude, esteem, and respect, with which I have the honor to be, your
Excellency's most obedient humble servant.
TO THE MARQUIS LA FAYETTE.
MONTICELLO, August 4, 1781.
SIR,--I am much obliged by the trouble you took in forwarding to me
the letter of his Excellency, the President of Congress. It found me
in Bedford, an hundred miles southward of this, where I was confined
till within these few days, by an unfortunate fall from my horse. This
has occasioned the delay of the answer which I now take the liberty of
enclosing to you, as the confidential channel of conveyance, pointed
out by the President.
I thank you also for your kind sentiments and friendly offer on
the occasion, which, that I cannot avail myself of, has given me
more mortification than almost any occurrence of my life. I lose an
opportunity, the only one I ever had, and perhaps ever shall have,
of combining public service with private gratification. Of seeing
countries whose improvements in science, in arts, and in civilization,
it has been my fortune to admire at a distance, but never to see, and
at the same time of lending some aid to a cause, which has been handed
on from its first organization to its present stage, by every effort
of which my poor faculties were capable. These, however, have not
been such as to give satisfaction to some of my countrymen, and it has
become necessary for me to remain in the State till a later period in
the present year, than is consistent with an acceptance of what has
been offered me.[102] Declining higher objects, therefore, my only one
must be to show that suggestion and fact are different things, and that
public misfortune may be produced as well by public poverty and private
disobedience to the laws, as by the misconduct of public servants.[103]
The independence of private life under the protection of republican
laws will, I hope, yield me the happiness from which no slave is so
remote as the minister of a commonwealth. From motives of private
esteem as well as public gratitude, I shall pray it to be your lot in
every line of life, as no one can with more truth subscribe himself
with the highest regard and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, ESQ.
MONTICELLO, September 16, 1781.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your letter of the 7th instant. That,
mentioned to have been sent by the preceding post, has not come to
hand, nor two others, which Mrs. Randolph informs me you wrote before
you left Virginia, nor indeed any others, should you have been so kind
as to have written any others. When I received the first letter from
the President of Congress, enclosing their resolution, and mentioning
the necessity of an expeditious departure, my determination to attend
at the next session of the Assembly offered a ready and insuperable
obstacle to my accepting of that appointment, and left me under no
necessity of deliberating with myself whether, that objection being
removed, any other considerations might prevent my undertaking it. I
find there are many, and must, therefore, decline it altogether. Were
it possible for me to determine again to enter into public business,
there is no appointment whatever which would have been so agreeable
to me. But I have taken my final leave of everything of that nature.
I have retired to my farm, my family and books, from which I think
nothing will evermore separate me. A desire to leave public office,
with a reputation not more blotted than it has deserved, will oblige me
to emerge at the next session of our Assembly, and perhaps to accept of
a seat in it. But as I go with a single object, I shall withdraw when
that shall be accomplished. I should have thought that North Carolina,
rescued from the hands of Britain, Georgia and almost the whole of
South Carolina recovered, would have been sufficiently humiliating to
induce them to treat with us. If this will not do, I hope the stroke
is now hanging over them which will satisfy them that their views of
Southern conquests are likely to be as visionary as those of Northern.
I think it impossible Lord Cornwallis should escape. Mrs. Randolph will
be able to give you all the news on this subject, as soon as you shall
be able to release her from others. I am, with much esteem, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
MONTICELLO, October 28th, 1781.
SIR,--I hope it will not be unacceptable to your Excellency to receive
the congratulations of a private individual on your return to your
native country, and, above all things, on the important success which
has attended it.[104] Great as this has been, however, it can scarcely
add to the affection with which we have looked up to you. And if,
in the minds of any, the motives of gratitude to our good allies
were not sufficiently apparent, the part they have borne in this
action must amply evince them. Notwithstanding the state of perpetual
decrepitude to which I am unfortunately reduced, I should certainly
have done myself the honor of paying my respects to you personally;
but I apprehend these visits, which are meant by us as marks of our
attachment to you, must interfere with the regulations of a camp, and
be particularly inconvenient to one whose time is too precious to be
wasted in ceremony.
I beg you to believe me among the sincerest of those who subscribe
themselves, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL GATES
RICHMOND, December 14th, 1781.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your friendly letters of August 2d and
November 15th, and some of the gentlemen to whom you wished them to
be communicated not being here, I have taken the liberty of handing
them to some others, so as to answer the spirit of your wish. It seems
likely to end, as I ever expected it would, in a final acknowledgment
that good dispositions and arrangements will not do without a certain
degree of bravery and discipline in those who are to carry them into
execution. This, the men whom you commanded, or the greater part of
them at least, unfortunately wanted on that particular occasion.
I have not a doubt but that, on a fair enquiry, the returning justice
of your countrymen will remind them of Saratoga, and induce them to
recognize your merits. My future plan of life scarcely admits a hope
of my having the pleasure of seeing you at your seat; yet I assuredly
shall do it should it ever lie within my power, and am assured that
Mrs. Jefferson will join me in sincere thanks for your kind sentiments
and invitation, and in expressions of equal esteem for Mrs. Gates and
yourself, and in a certain hope that, should any circumstance lead you
within our reach, you will make us happy by your company at Monticello.
We have no news to communicate. That the Assembly does little, does not
come under that description.
I am, with very sincere esteem, dear sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, March 24th, 1782.
DEAR SIR,--I have received from you two several favors, on the subject
of the designs against the territorial rights of Virginia.[105] I
never before could comprehend on what principle our rights to the
western country could be denied, which would not, at the same time,
subvert the right of all the States to the whole of their territory.
What objections may be founded on the charter of New York, I cannot
say, having never seen that charter, nor been able to get a copy of
it in this country. I had thought to have seized the first leisure
on my return from the last Assembly, to have considered and stated
our rights, and to have communicated to our delegates, or perhaps to
the public, so much as I could trace, and expected to have derived
some assistance from ancient MSS., which I have been able to collect.
These, with my other papers and books, however, had been removed to
Augusta to be out of danger from the enemy, and have not yet been
brought back. The ground on which I now find the question to be
bottomed is so unknown to me that it is out of my power to say anything
on the subject. Should it be practicable for me to procure a copy
of the charter of New York, I shall probably think on it, and would
cheerfully communicate to you whatever could occur to me worth your
notice. But this will probably be much too late to be of any service
before Congress, who doubtless will decide, ere long, on the subject.
I sincerely wish their decision may tend to the preservation of peace.
If I am not totally deceived in the determination of this country,
the decision of Congress, if unfavorable, will not close the question.
I suppose some people on the western waters, who are ambitious to be
Governors, &c., will urge a separation by authority of Congress. But
the bulk of the people westward are already thrown into great ferment
by the report of what is proposed, to which I think they will not
submit. This separation is unacceptable to us in form only, and not
in substance. On the contrary, I may safely say it is desired by the
eastern part of our country whenever their western brethren shall think
themselves able to stand alone. In the meantime, on the petition of
the western counties, a plan is digesting for rendering their access to
government more easy. I trouble you with the enclosed to Mons. Marbois.
I had the pleasure of hearing that your father and family were all
well yesterday, by your brother, who is about to study the law in my
neighborhood. I shall always be glad to hear from you, and, if it be
possible for me, retired from public business, to find anything worth
your notice, I shall communicate it with great pleasure.
I am with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
JAMES MONROE TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
RICHMOND, 11th of May, 1782.
DEAR SIR,--As I so lately wrote you by Mr. Short, and have since
daily expected to see you here, I did not propose writing to you till
after I should have that pleasure; but as I begin to fear you will not
abate that firmness and decision which you have frequently shown in
the service of your country, even upon this occasion, and as I have
had an opportunity since I last wrote of being better informed of the
sentiments of those whom I know you put the greatest value on, I think
it my duty to make you acquainted therewith. It is publicly said here,
that the people of your country informed you that they had frequently
elected you in times of less difficulty and danger than the present to
please you; but that now they had called you forth into public office
to serve themselves. This is a language which has been often used in
my presence; and you will readily conceive that, as it furnishes those
who argue on the fundamental maxims of a Republican government with
ample field for declamation, the conclusion has always been, that
you should not decline the service of your country. The present is
generally conceived to be an important era, which, of course, makes
your attendance particularly necessary. And as I have taken the liberty
to give you the public opinion and desire upon this occasion, and as
I am warmly interested in whatever concerns the public interest or
has relation to you, it will be necessary to add, it is earnestly the
desire of, dear Sir,
Your sincere friend and obedient servant.
TO COLONEL JAMES MONROE.
MONTICELLO, May 20th, 1782.
DEAR SIR,--I have been gratified with your two favors of the 6th and
11th inst. It gives me pleasure that your county has been wise enough
to enlist your talent into their service. I am much obliged by the
kind wishes you express of seeing me also in Richmond, and am always
mortified when anything is expected from me which I cannot fulfill, and
more especially if it relate to the public service. Before I ventured
to declare to my countrymen my determination to retire from public
employment, I examined well my heart to know whether it were thoroughly
cured of every principle of political ambition, whether no lurking
particle remained which might leave me uneasy, when reduced within
the limits of mere private life. I became satisfied that every fibre
of that passion was thoroughly eradicated. I examined also, in other
views, my right to withdraw. I considered that I had been thirteen
years engaged in public service--that, during that time, I had so
totally abandoned all attention to my private affairs as to permit them
to run into great disorder and ruin--that I had now a family advanced
to years which require my attention and instruction--that, to these,
was added the hopeful offspring of a deceased friend, whose memory
must be forever dear to me, and who have no other reliance for being
rendered useful to themselves or their country--that by a constant
sacrifice of time, labor, parental and friendly duties, I had, so far
from gaining the affection of my countrymen, which was the only reward
I ever asked or could have felt, even lost the small estimation I had
before possessed.
That, however I might have comforted myself under the disapprobation
of the well-meaning but uninformed people, yet, that of their
representatives was a shock on which I had not calculated. That this,
indeed, had been followed by an exculpatory declaration. But, in the
meantime, I had been suspected in the eyes of the world, without the
least hint then or afterwards being made public, which might restrain
them from supposing that I stood arraigned for treason of the heart,
and not merely weakness of the mind; and I felt that these injuries,
for such they have been since acknowledged, had inflicted a wound on my
spirit which will only be cured by the all-healing grave. If reason and
inclination unite in justifying my retirement, the laws of my country
are equally in favor of it. Whether the State may command the political
services of all its members to an indefinite extent, or, if these be
among the rights never wholly ceded to the public power, is a question
which I do not find expressly decided in England. Obiter dictums on
the subject I have indeed met with, but the complexion of the times
in which these have dropped would generally answer them. Besides that,
this species of authority is not acknowledged in our possession.
In this country, however, since the present government has been
established, the point has been settled by uniform, pointed and
multiplied precedents. Offices of every kind, and given by every power,
have been daily and hourly declined and resigned from the Declaration
of Independence to this moment. The General Assembly has accepted
these without discrimination of office, and without ever questioning
them in point of right. If the difference between the office of a
delegate and any other could ever have been supposed, yet in the case
of Mr. Thompson Mason, who declined the office of delegate, and was
permitted so to do by the House, that supposition has been proved
to be groundless. But, indeed, no such distinction of offices can be
admitted. Reason, and the opinions of the lawyers, putting all on a
footing as to this question, and so giving to the delegate the aid
of all the precedents of the refusal of other offices. The law then
does not warrant the assumption of such a power by the State over its
members. For if it does, where is that law? nor yet does reason. For
though I will admit that this does subject every individual, if called
on, to an equal tour of political duty, yet it can never go so far as
to submit to it his whole existence. If we are made in some degree
for others, yet, in a greater, are we made for ourselves. It were
contrary to feeling, and indeed ridiculous to suppose that a man had
less rights in himself than one of his neighbors, or indeed all of them
put together. This would be slavery, and not that liberty which the
bill of rights has made inviolable, and for the preservation of which
our government has been charged. Nothing could so completely divest us
of that liberty as the establishment of the opinion, that the State
has a perpetual right to the services of all its members. This, to
men of certain ways of thinking, would be to annihilate the blessings
of existence, and to contradict the Giver of life, who gave it for
happiness and not for wretchedness. And certainly, to such it were
better that they had never been born. However, with these, I may think
public service and private misery inseparably linked together, I have
not the vanity to count myself among those whom the State would think
worth oppressing with perpetual service. I have received a sufficient
memento to the contrary. I am persuaded that, having hitherto dedicated
to them the whole of the active and useful part of my life, I shall be
permitted to pass the rest in mental quiet. I hope, too, that I did
not mistake modes any more than the matter of right when I preferred
a simple act of renunciation, to the taking sanctuary under those
disqualifications (provided by the law for other purposes indeed but)
affording asylum also for rest to the wearied. I dare say you did not
expect by the few words you dropped on the right of renunciation to
expose yourself to the fatigue of so long a letter, but I wished you
to see that, if I had done wrong, I had been betrayed by a semblance
of right at least. I take the liberty of enclosing to you a letter
for General Chattellux, for which you will readily find means of
conveyance. But I mean to give you more trouble with the one to Pelham,
who lives in the neighborhood of Manchester, and to ask the favor of
you to send it by your servant--express--which I am in hopes may be
done without absenting him from your person, but during those hours in
which you will be engaged in the house. I am anxious that it should be
received immediately. * * * * * * It will give me great pleasure to see
you here whenever you can favor us with your company. You will find me
still busy, but in lighter occupations. But in these and all others you
will find me to retain a due sense of your friendship, and to be, with
sincere esteem, dear Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
CHESTERFIELD, November 26, 1782.
SIR,--I received yesterday the letter with which you have been pleased
to honor me, enclosing the resolution of Congress of the 12th instant,
renewing my appointment as one of their ministers plenipotentiary for
negotiating a peace--and beg leave, through you, to return my sincere
thanks to that august body, for the confidence they are pleased to
repose in me, and to tender the same to yourself for the obliging
manner in which you have notified it.[106] I will employ in this
arduous charge, with diligence and integrity, the best of my poor
talents, which I am conscious are far short of what it requires. This,
I hope, will ensure to me from Congress a kind construction of all my
transactions. And it gives me no small pleasure, that my communications
will pass through the hands of a gentleman with whom I have acted in
the earlier stages of this contest, and whose candor and discernment
I had the good fortune then to approve and esteem. Your letter finds
me at a distance from home, attending my family under inoculation.
This will add to the delay which the arrangements of my particular
affairs would necessarily occasion. I shall lose no moment, however,
in preparing for my departure, and shall hope to pay my respects to
Congress and yourself at sometime between the 20th and the last of
December.
I have the honor to be, with very great esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHATTELLUX.
AMPHILL, November 26, 1782.
DEAR SIR,--I received your friendly letters of ---- and June 30th, but
the latter not till the 17th of October. It found me a little emerging
from the stupor of mind which had rendered me as dead to the world
as was she whose loss occasioned it.[107] Your letter recalled to my
memory that there were persons still living of much value to me. If
you should have thought me remiss in not testifying to you sooner, how
deeply I had been impressed with your worth in the little time I had
the happiness of being with you, you will, I am sure, ascribe it to its
true cause, the state of dreadful suspense in which I have been kept
all the summer, and the catastrophe which closed it.
Before that event, my scheme of life had been determined. I had folded
myself in the arms of retirement, and rested all prospects of future
happiness on domestic and literary objects. A single event wiped
away all my plans, and left me a blank which I had not the spirits
to fill up. In this state of mind an appointment from Congress found
me, requiring me to cross the Atlantic. And that temptation might be
added to duty, I was informed, at the same time, from his Excellency
the Chevalier de Luzerne, that a vessel of force would be sailing
about the middle of December in which you would be passing to France.
I accepted the appointment, and my only object now is, to so hasten
over those obstacles which would retard my departure, as to be ready to
join you in your voyage--fondly measuring your affection by my own, and
presuming your consent. It is not certain that I can, by any exertion,
be in Philadelphia by the middle of December--the contrary is most
probable. But hoping it will not be much later, and counting on those
procrastinations which usually attend the departure of vessels of size,
I have hopes of being with you in time. This will give me full leisure
to learn the result of your observations on the natural bridge, to
communicate to you my answers to the enquiries of Monsieur de Marbois,
to receive edification from you on these and other subjects of science;
considering chess, too, as a matter of science. Should I be able to get
out in tolerable time, and any extraordinary delays attend the sailing
of the vessel, I shall certainly do myself the honor of waiting on his
Excellency the Count de Rochambeau, at his head-quarters, and assuring
him in person of my high respect and esteem for him--an object of which
I have never lost sight. To yourself, I am unable to express the warmth
of those sentiments of friendship and attachment with which I have the
honour to be, dear Sir,
Your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO MR. STEPTOE.
November 26, 1782.
DEAR SIR,--I received in August your favor, wherein you give me hopes
of being able to procure for me some of the big bones. I should be
unfaithful to my own feeling, were I not to express to you how much
I am obliged by your attention to the requests I made you on that
subject. A specimen of each of the several species of bones now to
be found, is to me the most desirable objects in natural history.
And there is no expense of package or of safe transportation which
I will not gladly reimburse, to procure them safely. Elk horns of
very extraordinary size, or anything else uncommon, would be very
acceptable. You will hear of my going to Europe, but my trip there
will be short. I mention this, lest you should hesitate forwarding
any curiosities to me. New London in Bedford, Staunton in Augusta,
or Frederick County, are places from whence I can surely get them.
Any observations of your own on the subject of the big bones or
their history, or on anything else in the western country, will come
acceptably to me, because I know you see the works of nature in the
great and not merely in detail. Descriptions of animals, vegetables,
minerals, or other curious things; notes as to the Indians' information
of the country between the Mississippi and waters of the South Sea,
&c., &c., will strike your mind as worthy being communicated. I wish
you had more time to pay attention to them. I perceive by your letter,
you are not unapprized that your services to your country have not
made due impression on every mind. That you have enemies, you must
not doubt, when you reflect that you have made yourself eminent. If
you meant to escape malice, you should have confined yourself within
the sleepy line of regular duty. When you transgressed this, and
enterprised deeds which will hand down your name with honor to future
times, you made yourself a mark for envy and malice to shoot at. Of
these there is enough, you know, both in and out of office. I was not
a little surprised, however, to find one person hostile to you, as far
as he has personal courage to show hostility to any man. Who he is, you
will probably have heard, or may know him by this description--as being
all tongue without either head or heart. In the variety of his crooked
schemes, however, his interest may probably veer about, so as to put it
in your power to be useful to him. In which case, he certainly will be
your friend again, if you want him. That you may long continue a fit
object for his enmity, and for that of every person of his complexion
in the State, which I know can only be by your continuing to do good to
your country and to acquire honor to yourself, is the earnest prayer of
one who subscribes himself, with great truth and sincerity, dear Sir,
Your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
AMPHILL, IN CHESTERFIELD, November 26th, 1782.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor by Colonel Basset is not yet come to hand. The
intimation through the attorney, I received the day before Colonel
Bland's arrival, by whom I am honored with yours of the 14th inst.
It finds me at this place attending my family under inoculation. This
will of course retard those arrangements of my domestic affairs, which
will of themselves take time and cannot be made but at home. I shall
lose no time, however, in preparing for my departure. And from the
calculation I am at present enabled to make, I suppose I cannot be in
Philadelphia before the 20th of December, and that possibly it may be
the last of that month. Some days I must certainly pass there, as I
could not propose to jump into the midst of a negotiation without a
single article of previous information. From these data, you will be
enabled to judge of the chance of availing myself of his Excellency,
the Chevalier de Luzerne's, kind offers, to whom I beg you to present
my thanks for his friendly attention, and let him know I shall use
my best endeavors to be in time for the departure of his frigate.
No circumstances of a private nature could induce me to hasten over
the several obstacles to my departure more unremitting than the hope
of having the Chevalier de Chattellux as a companion in my voyage.
A previous acquaintance with his worth and abilities, had impressed
me with an affection for him which, under the then prospect of never
seeing him again, was perhaps imprudent.
I am with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your very affectionate friend,
and humble servant.
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
PHILADELPHIA, January 22d, 1783.
SIR,--Having lately received a call from Congress to pass the Atlantic
in the character of their minister for negotiating peace, I cannot
leave the continent without separating myself for a moment from the
general gratitude of my country, to offer my individual tribute to your
Excellency for all you have suffered and all you have effected for us.
Were I to indulge myself in those warm effusions which this subject
forever prompts, they would wear an appearance of adulation very
foreign to my nature; for such is become the prostitution of language
that sincerity has no longer distinct terms in which to express her
own truths. Should you give me occasion, during the short mission on
which I go, to render you any service beyond the water, I shall, for
a proof of my gratitude, appeal from language to the zeal with which
I shall embrace it. The negotiations to which I am joined may perhaps
be protracted beyond our present expectations, in which case, though I
know you must receive much better intelligence from the gentlemen whose
residence there has brought them into a more intimate acquaintance with
the characters and views of the European courts, yet I shall certainly
presume to add my mite, should it only serve to convince you of the
warmth of those sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the
honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE CHEVALIER DE LA LUZERNE, MINISTER OF FRANCE.
BALTIMORE, February 7th, 1783.
SIR,--The Chevalier de Ville Brun was so kind as to communicate to me
yesterday your Excellency's letter to him of January, together with the
intelligence therein referred to. I feel myself bound to return you my
thanks, for your orders to the Guadeloupe frigate to receive me, if I
should think a passage should be hazarded under present circumstances.
According to this information (which is the most worthy of credit of
any we have received here), it would seem that our capture would be
unavoidable were we to go out now. This, therefore, is a risk to which
I cannot think of exposing his Majesty's vessel and subjects; however
I might be disposed to encounter personal hazards, from my anxiety
to execute, with all the promptitude in my power, a service which has
been assigned to me. I shall therefore wait with patience the arrival
of the moment when the Chevalier de Ville Brun shall be of opinion
that the one or the other of the vessels may venture out without any
greater risk than he shall think proportioned to her proper object,
independently of mine. It has been suggested to me this evening, that
perhaps their safe departure might be greatly forwarded by their
falling down to York, or Hampton, there to be ready at a moment's
warning, to avail themselves of those favorable circumstances which the
present season sometimes offers.
But of this, yourself will be the proper judge. I cannot close my
letter without expressing to you my obligations to the Chevalier
de Ville Brun for the particular attention he has shown to my
accommodation on board his ship. The apartments he has had constructed
for me are ample and commodious, and his politeness and deportment as
an officer are an agreeable presage of everything that shall depend on
him. I have delivered to him the two large packets you were pleased
to put into my hands, and he will dispose of them according to your
orders.
I have the honor to be, with the highest sentiments of esteem, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
BALTIMORE, February 7, 1783.
SIR,--I arrived here on the 30th of the last month, and had a short
interview the same evening with the Chevalier de Ville Brun, commander
of the Ramilies. There appeared at that time little apprehension but
that we might sail in a few days, but we were not very particular in
our conference, as we expected to see each other again. The severity of
the cold, however, which commenced that night, obliged the Chevalier
de Ville Brun to fall twelve miles below this place, and excluded
all correspondence with him till yesterday, when I found means to
get through the ice on board his ship. He then communicated to me,
by direction of his Excellency, the minister of France, intelligence
as to the number and force of the cruisers now actually watching the
capes of the Chesapeake. I must acknowledge that the appearances are
such as to render a capture certain were we to hazard it. The minister
was pleased at the same time to submit the Guadeloupe to my wishes, if
I chose to adventure. I take the liberty of troubling you with a copy
of my letter to him on that subject. I should certainly be disposed
to run very considerable risks myself to effect my passage; but should
think it an unfortunate introduction to an ally, who has already done
so much for us, were I to add to his losses and disbursements that of
a valuable ship and crew. I wish that the present delay offered some
period less distant than the lassitude of an avaricious enemy to watch
for prey. Perhaps you may be able to put me on some more expeditious
mode of passage than the one under which I am acquiescing at present. I
shall be much pleased to adopt any such which may come recommended from
you, without regard to personal risk or trouble. In the meantime, any
intelligence which you can collect and will be pleased to give me as to
the state of our coast, will be of utility in determining whether and
when we shall depart hence.
I have the honor to be with very great esteem and respect, Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. Your letter of the 31st ultimo came safely to hand with the
packet to Mr. Adams accompanying it.
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO THE HONORABLE THOMAS JEFFERSON.
NEWBURGH, 10th February, 1783.
DEAR SIR,--I have been honored with your favor of 22d of January from
Philadelphia. I feel myself much flattered by your kind remembrance
of me in the hour of your departure from this continent, for the
favorable sentiments you are pleased to entertain of my services for
this our common country. To merit the approbation of good and virtuous
men is the height of my ambition, and will be a full compensation
for all my toils and sufferings in the long and painful contest in
which we have been engaged. It gave me great pleasure to hear that the
call upon you from Congress to pass the Atlantic in the character of
one of their ministers for negotiating peace had been repeated; but
I hope you will have found the business already done. The speech of
his Britannic Majesty is strongly indicative of the olive branch; and
yet, as he observes, unforseen events may place it out of reach. At
present, the prospect of peace absorbs, or seems to do so, every other
consideration among us; and would, it is to be feared, leave us in a
very unprepared state to continue the war, if the negotiations at Paris
should terminate otherwise than in a general pacification. But I will
hope that it is the dearth of other news that fills the mouths of every
person with peace, while their minds are employed in contemplating on
the means of prosecuting the war, if necessity should drive us to it.
You will please to accept my grateful thanks for your obliging offer
of services during your stay in France. To hear from you frequently
will be an honor and very great satisfaction to, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
PHILADELPHIA, 14th February, 1783.
SIR,--I have delayed in answering your favor of the 7th instant until
I could obtain the sense of Congress on the matter it contains.
I conceive it hardly possible, while the British cruisers retain
their present station, for you to elude their vigilance in either
of the ships offered to your choice. This, concurring with the late
advices from England, has induced Congress to pass the enclosed
resolution.[108] We have reason to conjecture that peace is already
concluded; whether it is or not, a few days will determine. I transmit
the speech of his Britannic Majesty, which, with what you already know
of the state of our negotiations, will enable you to form your opinion
on the same ground that we do. I have the honor to be, Sir, with great
respect and esteem, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO R. R. LIVINGSTON.
BALTIMORE, February 14, 1783.
SIR,--I apprised you in my former letter of the causes which had
so long delayed my departure. These still continue. I have this
moment received a printed copy of his British Majesty's speech to
his Parliament, by which we learn that the preliminaries between
Great Britain and America, among which is one for the acknowledgment
of our independence, have been provisionally agreed to on his part.
That the negotiations with the other powers at war were considerably
advanced, and that he hoped, in a very short time, they would end
in terms of pacification. As considerable progress has been made in
the negotiations for peace since the appointment with which Congress
were pleased to honor me, it may have become doubtful whether any
communications I could make or any assistance I could yield to the very
able gentlemen in whose hands the business already is, would compensate
the expense of prosecuting my voyage to Europe. I therefore beg leave
through you, Sir, to assure Congress that I desire this question to be
as open to them now as it was on the day of my appointment, and that I
have not a wish either to go or to stay. They will be pleased to weigh
the economy of the one measure against the chance which the other may
offer of my arriving in such time as that any communications which have
been confided to me may produce effect on definitive articles. I shall
continue here for the prosecution of my voyage, under the orders before
received, or for its discontinuance, should that be more eligible to
Congress, and be signified at any moment before my departure. I have
the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 18, 1783.
SIR,--I was yesterday honored with your favor of the 14th, which
I shall lay before Congress this morning. As you have by this time
received their resolution which I had the honor to send you by the last
post, and again enclosed, you will be relieved in some measure from
your embarrassments, though not entirely of your suspense with respect
to their final determination. But that cannot be long doubtful, since
the negotiations have certainly arrived at such a crisis as either to
terminate soon in a peace or a total rupture. In the latter case, you
will necessarily be obliged to proceed on your voyage, as Congress
seems anxious to avail themselves of your abilities and information
in the negotiations, unless they are fully assured that a speedy peace
will preclude them from that advantage.
I enclose a paper which contains all that we have yet received on that
interesting subject. It may, perhaps, be difficult to account for our
ministers having signed before those of France. But if this letter is
genuine, it serves, when compared with their instructions, to prove
that the terms of peace are acceptable to us and not disagreeable to
France. I have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect and esteem,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HON. R. R. LIVINGSTON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 13, 1783.
SIR,--Supposing the despatches received by the Washington, may have
enabled Congress to decide on the expediency of continuing, or of
countermanding my mission to Europe, I take the liberty of expressing
to you the satisfaction it will give me to receive their ultimate
will, so soon as other business will permit them to revert to this
subject.[109] I have the honor, &c.
TO JOHN JAY.
_Philadelphia_, April 11, 1783.
DEAR SIR,--In a letter which I did myself the honor of writing to you
by the Chevalier de Chattellux, I informed you of my being at this
place, with the intention of joining you in Paris. But the uncommon
vigilance of the enemy's cruisers, immediately after the departure of
the French fleet, deterred every vessel from attempting to go out. The
arrival of the preliminaries soon after showed the impropriety of my
proceeding, and I am just now setting out on my return to Virginia. I
cannot, however, take my departure, without paying to yourself and your
worthy colleague my homage for the good work you have completed for
us, and congratulating you on the singular happiness of having borne
so distinguished a part both in the earliest and latest transactions
of this revolution. The terms obtained for us are indeed great, and
are so deemed by your country--a few ill-designing debtors excepted.
I am in hopes you will continue at some one of the European courts
most agreeable to yourself, that we may still have the benefit of your
talents. I took the liberty in my letter of suggesting a wish that you
would be so kind as to engage lodgings for me. Should you have given
yourself this trouble, I beg leave to return you my thanks, and to ask
the favor of you to communicate the amount of their hire to Mr. Robert
Morris, of this city, who will immediately remit it to you, as I lodge
money in his hands for this purpose. Accept my warmest wishes for your
happiness, and be assured of the sincerity with which I have the honor
to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. I beg to be affectionately remembered to Dr. F. and Mr. A., if
they be still with you.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON.
ANNAPOLIS, April 16, 1784.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of April 8th, by Colonel Harrison. The
subject of it is interesting, and, so far as you have stood connected
with it, has been matter of anxiety to me; because, whatever may be
the ultimate fate of the institution of the Cincinnati, in its course,
it draws to it some degree of disapprobation. I have wished to see
you standing on ground separated from it, and that the character which
will be handed to future ages at the head of our Revolution, may, in
no instance, be compromitted in subordinate altercations. The subject
has been at the point of my pen in every letter I have written to
you, but has been still restrained by the reflection that you had
among your friends more able counsellors, and, in yourself, one abler
than them all. Your letter has now rendered a duty what was before a
desire, and I cannot better merit your confidence than by a full and
free communication of facts and sentiments, as far as they have come
within my observation. When the army was about to be disbanded, and
the officers to take final leave, perhaps never again to meet, it
was natural for men who had accompanied each other through so many
scenes of hardship, of difficulty, and danger, who, in a variety of
instances, must have been rendered mutually dear by those aids and
good offices, to which their situations had given occasion; it was
natural, I say, for these to seize with fondness any proposition
which promised to bring them together again, at certain and regular
periods. And this, I take for granted, was the origin and object of
this institution; and I have no suspicion that they foresaw, much less
intended, those mischiefs which exist, perhaps in the forebodings of
politicians only. I doubt, however, whether, in its execution, it would
be found to answer the wishes of those who framed it, and to foster
those friendships it was intended to preserve. The members would be
brought together at their annual assemblies, no longer to encounter a
common enemy, but to encounter one another in debate and sentiment.
For something, I suppose, is to be done at these meetings, and,
however unimportant, it will suffice to produce difference of opinion,
contradiction and irritation. The way to make friends quarrel is to put
them in disputation under the public eye. An experience of near twenty
years has taught me, that few friendships stand this test, and that
public assemblies, where every one is free to act and speak, are the
most powerful looseners of the bands of private friendship. I think,
therefore, that this institution would fail in its principal object,
the perpetuation of the personal friendships contracted through the
war.
The objections of those who are opposed to the institution shall
be briefly sketched. You will readily fill them up. They urge that
it is against the Confederation--against the letter of some of our
constitutions--against the spirit of all of them;--that the foundation
on which all these are built, is the natural equality of man, the
denial of every pre-eminence but that annexed to legal office, and,
particularly, the denial of a pre-eminence by birth; that, however,
in their present dispositions, citizens might decline accepting
honorary instalments into the order, a time may come, when a change
of dispositions would render these flattering, when a well-directed
distribution of them might draw into the order all the men of talents,
of office and wealth, and in this case, would probably procure an
ingraftment into the government; that in this, they will be supported
by their foreign members, and the wishes and influence of foreign
courts; that experience has shown that the hereditary branches of
modern governments are the patrons of privilege and prerogative,
and not of the natural rights of the people, whose oppressors they
generally are; that, besides these evils, which are remote, others may
take place more immediately; that a distinction is kept up between
the civil and military, which it is for the happiness of both to
obliterate; that when the members assemble they will be proposing
to do something, and what that something may be, will depend on
actual circumstances; that being an organized body, under habits of
subordination, the first obstruction to enterprize will be already
surmounted; that the moderation and virtue of a single character
have probably prevented this Revolution from being closed, as most
others have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to
establish; that he is not immortal, and his successor, or some of his
successors, may be led by false calculation into a less certain road to
glory.
What are the sentiments of Congress on this subject, and what line they
will pursue, can only be stated conjecturally. Congress, as a body, if
left to themselves, will, in my opinion, say nothing on the subject.
They may, however, be forced into a declaration by instructions from
some of the States, or by other incidents. Their sentiments, if forced
from them, will be unfriendly to the institution. If permitted to
pursue their own path, they will check it by side-blows whenever it
comes in their way, and in competitions for office, on equal or nearly
equal ground, will give silent preferences to those who are not of
the fraternity. My reasons for thinking this are, 1. The grounds on
which they lately declined the foreign order proposed to be conferred
on some of our citizens. 2. The fourth of the fundamental articles
of constitution for the new States. I enclose you the report; it has
been considered by Congress, recommitted and reformed by a committee,
according to sentiments expressed on other parts of it, but the
principle referred to, having not been controverted at all, stands in
this as in the original report; it is not yet confirmed by Congress.
3. Private conversations on this subject with the members. Since the
receipt of your letter, I have taken occasion to extend these; not,
indeed, to the military members, because, being of the order delicacy
forbade it, but to the others pretty generally; and among these, I
have as yet found but one who is not opposed to the institution, and
that with an anguish of mind, though covered under a guarded silence,
which I have not seen produced by any circumstance before. I arrived
at Philadelphia before the separation of the last Congress, and saw
there and at Princeton some of its members, not now in delegation.
Burke's piece happened to come out at that time, which occasioned
this institution to be the subject of conversation. I found the same
impressions made on them which their successors have received. I
hear from other quarters that it is disagreeable, generally, to such
citizens as have attended to it, and, therefore, will probably be so to
all, when any circumstance shall present it to the notice of all.
This, Sir, is as faithful an account of sentiments and facts as I am
able to give you. You know the extent of the circle within which my
observations are at present circumscribed, and can estimate how far, as
forming a part of the general opinion, it may merit notice, or ought to
influence your particular conduct.
It remains now to pay obedience to that part of your letter, which
requests sentiments on the most eligible measures to be pursued by the
society, at their next meeting. I must be far from pretending to be a
judge of what would, in fact, be the most eligible measures for the
society. I can only give you the opinions of those with whom I have
conversed, and who, as I have before observed, are unfriendly to it.
They lead to these conclusions: 1. If the society proceed according to
its institution, it will be better to make no applications to Congress
on that subject, or any other, in their associated character. 2. If
they should propose to modify it, so as to render it unobjectionable,
I think this would not be effected without such a modification as
would amount almost to annihilation; for such would it be to part with
its inheritability, its organization, and its assemblies. 3. If they
shall be disposed to discontinue the whole, it would remain with them
to determine whether they would choose it to be done by their own
act only, or by a reference of the matter to Congress, which would
infallibly produce a recommendation of total discontinuance.
You will be sensible, Sir, that these communications are without
reserve. I supposed such to be your wish, and mean them but as
materials, with such others as you may collect, for your better
judgment to work on. I consider the whole matter as between ourselves
alone, having determined to take no active part in this or anything
else, which may lead to altercation, or disturb that quiet and
tranquillity of mind, to which I consign the remaining portion of my
life. I have been thrown back by events, on a stage where I had never
more thought to appear.[110] It is but for a time, however, and as a
day laborer, free to withdraw, or be withdrawn at will. While I remain,
I shall pursue in silence the path of right, but in every situation,
public or private, I shall be gratified by all occasions of rendering
you service, and of convincing you there is no one to whom your
reputation and happiness are dearer than to, Sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
FOOTNOTES:
[78] From this designation of the ancient metropolis, it
would seem even then to have been no favorite with him.
[79] The lady here alluded to is manifestly the Miss Rebecca
Burwell mentioned in his first letter; but what suggested the
quaint designations of her is not so obvious. In the first of
them, Belinda, translated into dog Latin, which was there, as
elsewhere, among the _facetiæ_ of young collegians, became
_campana in die_, that is _bell in day_. In the second, the
name is reversed, and becomes _adnileb_, which, for further
security, is written in Greek characters, and the lady spoken
of in the masculine gender.
[80] Probably Mr. William Fontaine, of Hanover county.
[81] By this term, he no doubt designated Mr. Dabney Carr,
his brother-in-law.
[82] [This letter has no address.]
[83] [The troops under Burgoyne, captured at Saratoga.]
[84] TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
KASKASKIAS, ILLINOIS, April 29, 1779.
DEAR SIR,--A few days ago, I received certain intelligence
of William Morris, my express to you, being killed near
the falls of Ohio; news truly disagreeable to me, as I fear
many of my letters will fall into the hands of the enemy, at
Detroit, although some of them, as I learn, were found in the
woods torn in pieces. I do not doubt but before the receipt
of his, you will have heard of my late success against
Governor Hamilton, at post St. Vincennes. That gentleman,
with a body of men, possessed himself of that post on the
15th of December last, repaired the fortifications for a
repository, and in the spring, meant to attack this place,
which he made no doubt of carrying; where he was to be joined
by two hundred Indians from Michilimackinac, and five hundred
Cherokees, Chickasaws, and other nations. With this body, he
was to penetrate up the Ohio to Fort Pitt, sweeping Kentucky
on his way, having light brass cannon for the purpose, joined
on his march by all the Indians that could be got to him.
He made no doubt, that he could force all West Augusta. This
expedition was ordered by the commander-in-chief of Canada.
Destruction seemed to hover over us from every quarter;
detached parties of the enemy were in the neighborhood every
day, but afraid to attack. I ordered Major Bowman to evacuate
the fort at the Cohas, and join me immediately, which he
did. Having not received a scrape of a pen from you, for near
twelve months, I could see but little probability of keeping
possession of the country, as my number of men was too small
to stand a siege, and my situation too remote to call for
assistance. I made all the preparations I possibly could
for the attack, and was necessitated to set fire to some of
the houses in town, to clear them out of the way. But in the
height of the hurry, a Spanish merchant, who had been at St.
Vincennes, arrived, and gave the following intelligence: that
Mr. Hamilton had weakened himself, by sending his Indians
against the frontiers, and to block up the Ohio; that he had
not more than eighty men in garrison, three pieces of cannon,
and some swivels mounted; and that he intended to attack
this place, as soon as the winter opened, and made no doubt
of clearing the western waters by the fall. My situation
and circumstances induced me to fall on the resolution of
attacking him, before he could collect his Indians again. I
was sensible the resolution was as desperate as my situation,
but I saw no other probability of securing the country. I
immediately despatched a small galley, which I had fitted up,
mounting two four pounders and four swivels, with a company
of men and necessary stores on board, with orders to force
her way, if possible, and station herself a few miles below
the enemy, suffer nothing to pass her, and wait for further
orders. In the meantime, I marched across the country with
one hundred and thirty men, being all I could raise, after
leaving this place garrisoned by the militia. The inhabitants
of the country behaved exceedingly well, numbers of young men
turned out on the expedition, and every other one embodied
to guard the different towns. I marched the 7th of February.
Although so small a body, it took me sixteen days on the
route. The inclemency of the season, high waters, &c., seemed
to threaten the loss of the expedition. When within three
leagues of the enemy, in a direct line, it took us five days
to cross the drowned lands of the Wabash river, having to
wade often, upwards of two leagues, to our breast in water.
Had not the weather been warm, we must have perished. But
on the evening of the 23d, we got on dry land, in sight of
the enemy; and at seven o'clock, made the attack, before
they knew anything of us. The town immediately surrendered
with joy, and assisted in the siege. There was a continual
fire on both sides, for eighteen hours. I had no expectation
of gaining the fort until the arrival of my artillery. The
moon setting about one o'clock, I had an entrenchment thrown
up within rifle shot of their strongest battery, and poured
such showers of well-directed balls into their ports, that
we silenced two pieces of cannon in fifteen minutes, without
getting a man hurt.
Governor Hamilton and myself had, on the following day,
several conferences, but did not agree until the evening,
when he agreed to surrender the garrison (seventy-nine in
number) prisoners of war, with considerable stores. I got
only one man wounded; not being able to lose many, I made
them secure themselves well. Seven were badly wounded in the
fort, through the ports. In the height of this action, an
Indian party that had been to war, and taken two prisoners,
came in, not knowing of us. Hearing of them, I despatched a
party to give them battle in the commons, and got nine of
them, with the two prisoners, who proved to be Frenchmen.
Hearing of a convoy of goods from Detroit, I sent a party
of sixty men, in armed boats well mounted with swivels, to
meet them, before they could receive any intelligence. They
met the convoy forty leagues up the river, and made a prize
of the whole, taking forty prisoners and about ten thousand
pounds worth of goods and provisions; also, the mail from
Canada to Governor Hamilton, containing, however, no news
of importance. But what crowned the general joy, was the
arrival of William Morris, my express to you, with your
letters, which gave general satisfaction. The soldiery,
being made sensible of the gratitude of their country for
their services, were so much elated, that they would have
attempted the reduction of Detroit, had I ordered them.
Having more prisoners than I knew what to do with, I was
obliged to discharge a greater part of them, on parole. Mr.
Hamilton, his principal officers and a few soldiers, I have
sent to Kentucky, under a convoy of Captain Williams, in
order to be conducted to you. After despatching Morris with
letters to you, treating with the neighboring Indians, &c., I
returned to this place, leaving a sufficient garrison at St.
Vincennes.
During my absence, Captain Robert George, who now commands
the company formerly commanded by Captain Willing, had
returned from New Orleans, which greatly added to our
strength. It gave great satisfaction to the inhabitants,
when acquainted with the protection which was given them,
the alliance with France, &c. I am impatient for the arrival
of Colonel Montgomery, but have heard nothing of him lately.
By your instructions to me, I find you put no confidence in
General M'Intosh's taking Detroit, as you encourage me to
attempt it, if possible. It had been twice in my power. Had I
been able to raise only five hundred men when I first arrived
in the country, or when I was at St. Vincennes, could I have
secured my prisoners, and only have had three hundred good
men, I should have attempted it, and since learn there could
have been no doubt of success, as by some gentlemen lately
from that post, we are informed that the town and country
kept three days in feasting and diversions, on hearing of
my success against Mr. Hamilton, and were so certain of my
embracing the fair opportunity of possessing myself of that
post, that the merchants and others provided many necessaries
for us on our arrival; the garrison, consisting of only
eighty men, not daring to stop their diversions. They are now
completing a new fort, and I fear too strong for any force I
shall ever be able to raise in this country. We are proud to
hear Congress intends putting their forces on the frontiers,
under your direction. A small army from Pittsburg, conducted
with spirit, may easily take Detroit, and put an end to the
Indian war. Those Indians who are active against us, are
the six nations, part of the Shawnese, the Meamonies, and
about half the Chesaweys, Ottawas, Jowaas, and Pottawatimas
nations, bordering on the lakes. Those nations who have
treated with me, have behaved since very well; to wit, the
Peankishaws, Kiccapoos, Oreaottenans of the Wabash river,
the Kaskias, Perrians, Mechigamies, Foxes, Socks, Opays,
Illinois and Poues, nations of the Mississippi and Illinois
rivers. Part of the Chessaweys have also treated, and are
peaceable. I continually keep agents among them, to watch
their motions and keep them peaceably inclined. Many of the
Cherokees, Chickasaws, and their confederates, are, I fear,
ill disposed. It would be well if Colonel Montgomery should
give them a dressing, as he comes down the Tennessee. There
can be no peace expected from many nations, while the English
are at Detroit. I strongly suspect they will turn their arms
against the Illinois, as they will be encouraged. I shall
always be on my guard, watching every opportunity to take the
advantage of the enemy, and, if I am ever able to muster six
or seven hundred men, I shall give them a shorter distance to
come and fight me, than at this place.
There is one circumstance very distressing, that of our
moneys being discredited, to all intents and purposes, by
the great number of traders who come here in my absence, each
outbidding the other, giving prices unknown in this country
by five hundred per cent., by which the people conceived it
to be of no value, and both French and Spaniards refused to
take a farthing of it. Provision is three times the price it
was two months past, and to be got by no other means than
my own bonds, goods, or force. Several merchants are now
advancing considerable sums of their own property, rather
than the service should suffer, by which I am sensible they
must lose greatly, unless some method is taken to raise the
credit of our coin, or a fund be sent to Orleans, for the
payment of the expenses of this place, which would at once
reduce the price of every species of provision; money being
of little service to them, unless it would pass at the ports
they trade at. I mentioned to you, my drawing some bills
on Mr. Pollock in New Orleans, as I had no money with me.
He would accept the bills, but had not money to pay them
off, though the sums were trifling; so that we have little
credit to expect from that quarter. I shall take every
step I possibly can, for laying up a sufficient quantity of
provisions, and hope you will immediately send me an express
with your instructions. Public expenses in this country,
have hitherto been very low, and may still continue so,
if a correspondence is fixed at New Orleans for payment of
expenses in this country, or gold and silver sent. I am glad
to hear of Colonel Todd's appointment. I think government
has taken the only step they could have done, to make
this country flourish, and be of service to them. No other
regulation would have suited the people. The last account I
had of Colonel Rogers, was his being in New Orleans, with six
of his men. The rest he left at the Spanish Ozack, above the
Natches. I shall immediately send him some provisions, as I
learn he is in great want. I doubt, he will not be able to
get his goods up the river except in Spanish bottoms. One
regiment would be able to clear the Mississippi, and do great
damage to the British interests in Florida, and, by properly
conducting themselves, might perhaps gain the affection
of the people, so as to raise a sufficient force to give a
shock to Pensacola. Our alliance with France has entirely
devoted this people to our interest. I have sent several
copies of the articles to Detroit, and do not doubt but they
will produce the desired effect. Your instructions I shall
pay implicit regard to, and hope to conduct myself in such a
manner as to do honor to my country.
I am, with the greatest respect, your humble servant,
G. R. CLARKE.
P. S. I understand there is a considerable quantity of cannon
ball at Pittsburg. We are much in want of four and six pound
ball. I hope you will immediately order some down.
IN COUNCIL, June 18, 1779.
The board proceeded to the consideration of the letters
of Colonel Clarke, and other papers relating to Henry
Hamilton, Esq., who has acted for some years past as
Lieutenant Governor of the settlement at and about Detroit,
and commandant of the British garrison there, under Sir
Guy Carleton, as Governor-in-chief; Philip Dejean justice
of the peace for Detroit, and William Lamothe, captain
of volunteers, prisoners of war, taken in the county of
Illinois.
They find, that Governor Hamilton has executed the task of
inciting the Indians to perpetrate their accustomed cruelties
on the citizens of the United States, without distinction of
age, sex, or condition, with an eagerness and avidity which
evince, that the general nature of his charge harmonized with
his particular disposition. They should have been satisfied,
from the other testimony adduced, that these enormities
were committed by savages acting under his commission; but
the number of proclamations which, at different times, were
left in houses, the inhabitants of which were killed or
carried away by the Indians, one of which proclamations is in
possession of the board, under the hand and seal of Governor
Hamilton, puts this fact beyond a doubt. At the time of his
captivity, it appears, he had sent considerable bodies of
Indians against the frontier settlements of these States, and
had actually appointed a great council of Indians, to meet
him at Tennessee, to concert the operations of this present
campaign. They find that his treatment of our citizens and
soldiers, taken and carried within the limits of his command,
has been cruel and inhuman; that in the case of John Dodge, a
citizen of these States, which has been particularly stated
to this board, he loaded him with irons, threw him into a
dungeon, without bedding, without straw, without fire, in
the dead of winter and severe climate of Detroit; that, in
that state, he wasted him with incessant expectations of
death: that when the rigors of his situation had brought him
so low, that death seemed likely to withdraw him from their
power, he was taken out and somewhat attended to, until a
little mended, and before he had recovered ability to walk,
was again returned to his dungeon, in which a hole was cut,
seven inches square only, for the admission of air, and
the same load of irons again put on him: that appearing, a
second time, in imminent danger of being lost to them, he
was again taken from his dungeon, in which he had lain from
January till June, with the intermission of a few weeks
only, before mentioned. That Governor Hamilton gave standing
rewards for scalps, but offered none for prisoners, which
induced the Indians, after making their captives carry their
baggage into the neighborhood of the fort, there to put them
to death, and carry in their scalps to the Governor, who
welcomed their return and success by a discharge of cannon.
That when a prisoner, brought alive, and destined to death
by the Indians, the fire already kindled, and himself bound
to the stake, was dexterously withdrawn, and secreted from
them by the humanity of a fellow prisoner, a large reward was
offered for the discovery of the victim, which having tempted
a servant to betray his concealment, the present prisoner
Dejean, being sent with a party of soldiers, surrounded the
house, took and threw into jail the unhappy victim and his
deliverer, where the former soon expired under the perpetual
assurances of Dejean, that he was to be again restored into
the hands of the savages; and the latter, when enlarged, was
bitterly reprimanded by Governor Hamilton.
It appears to them, that the prisoner Dejean was on all
occasions the willing and cordial instrument of Governor
Hamilton, acting both as judge and keeper of the jails, and
instigating and urging him, by malicious insinuations and
untruths, to increase, rather than relax his severities,
heightening the cruelty of his orders by his manner of
executing them; offering at one time a reward to one man to
be hangman for another, threatening his life on refusal,
and taking from his prisoners the little property their
opportunities enabled them to acquire.
It appears that the prisoner Lamothe was a captain of the
volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites, who went,
from time to time, under general orders to spare neither
men, women, nor children. From this detail of circumstances,
which arose in a few cases only, coming accidentally to the
knowledge of the board, they think themselves authorized by
fair deduction, to presume what would be the horrid history
of the sufferings of the many who have expired under their
miseries, (which, therefore, will remain forever untold,)
or, who have escaped from them, and are yet too remote and
too much dispersed, to bring together their well-founded
accusations against the prisoners.
They have seen that the conduct of the British officers,
civil and military, has in the whole course of this war been
savage, and unprecedented among civilized nations; that our
officers taken by them, have been confined in crowded jails,
loathsome dungeons and prison ships, loaded with irons,
supplied often with no food, generally with too little for
the sustenance of nature, and that little sometimes unsound
and unwholesome, whereby such numbers have perished, that
captivity and death have with them been almost synonymous;
that they have been transported beyond seas, where their
fate is out of the reach of our inquiry, have been compelled
to take arms against their country, and by a refinement in
cruelty, to become murderers of their own brethren.
Their prisoners with us have, on the other hand, been treated
with humanity and moderation; they have been fed, on all
occasions, with wholesome and plentiful food, suffered to go
at large within extensive tracts of country, treated with
liberal hospitality, permitted to live in the families of
our citizens, to labor for themselves, to acquire and enjoy
profits, and finally to participate of the principal benefits
of society, privileged from all burdens.
Reviewing this contrast, which cannot be denied by our
enemies themselves, in a single point, and which has now been
kept up during four years of unremitting war, a term long
enough to produce well-founded despair that our moderation
may ever lead them to the practice of humanity; called on by
that justice we owe to those who are fighting the battles
of our country, to deal out, at length, miseries to their
enemies, measure for measure, and to distress the feelings
of mankind by exhibiting to them spectacles of severe
retaliation, where we had long and vainly endeavored to
introduce an emulation in kindness; happily possessed, by
the fortune of war, of some of those very individuals who,
having distinguished themselves personally in this line of
cruel conduct, are fit subjects to begin on, with the work of
retaliation; this board has resolved to advise the Governor,
that the said Henry Hamilton, Philip Dejean and William
Lamothe, prisoners of war, be put in irons, confined in the
dungeons of the public jail, debarred the use of pen, ink and
paper, and excluded all converse, except with their keeper.
And the Governor orders accordingly.
ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.
[85] IN COUNCIL, September 29th, 1779.
The board having been, at no time, unmindful of the
circumstances attending the confinement of Lieutenant
Governor Hamilton, Captain Lamothe and Philip Dejean, which
the personal cruelties of those men, as well as the general
conduct of the enemy, had constrained them to advise:
wishing, and willing to expect, that their sufferings may
lead them to the practice of humanity, should any future
turn of fortune, in their favor, submit to their discretion
the fate of their fellow-creatures; that it may prove an
admonition to others, meditating like cruelties, not to rely
for impunity in any circumstances of distance or present
security; and that it may induce the enemy to reflect, what
must be the painful consequences, should a continuation of
the same conduct on their part, impel us again to severities,
while such multiplied subjects of retaliation are within our
power: sensible that no impression can be made on the event
of the war, by wreaking vengeance on miserable captives; that
the great cause which has animated the two nations against
each other, is not to be decided by unmanly cruelties on
wretches, who have bowed their necks to the power of the
victor, but by the exercise of honorable valor in the field:
earnestly hoping that the enemy, viewing the subject in the
same light, will be content to abide the event of that mode
of decision, and spare us the pain of a second departure
from kindness to our captives: confident that commiseration
to our prisoners is the only possible motive to which can
be candidly ascribed, in the present actual circumstances of
the war, the advice we are now about to give; the board does
advise the Governor to send Lieutenant Governor Hamilton,
Captain Lamothe and Philip Dejean, to Hanover courthouse,
there to remain at large, within certain reasonable limits,
taking the parole in the usual manner. The Governor orders
accordingly.
ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.
Ordered, that Major John Hay be sent, also, under parole, to
the same place.
ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.
[86] IN COUNCIL, October 8th, 1779.
The Governor is advised to take proper and effectual measures
for knowing, from time to time, the situation and treatment
of our prisoners by the enemy, and to extend to theirs,
with us, a like treatment, in every circumstance; and,
also, to order to a proper station, the prison ship fitted
up on recommendation from Congress, for the reception and
confinement of such prisoners of war as shall be sent to it.
ARCH: BLAIR, C. C.
[87] [General de Riedesel, who commanded the Hessian troops,
was among the prisoners removed to Albemarle, in 1779, after
the surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga. Mr. Jefferson did
everything in his power to render the situation of these
prisoners comfortable, and the educated and refined officers
were often his guests. Among the number was General de
Riedesel, who seems to have entertained a grateful sense of
the kindness extended to him. The example of Mr. Jefferson
was followed by most of the wealthy gentlemen of the
surrounding country; the officers, both English and German,
have borne testimony to the polite and hospitable attentions
which they received in Virginia.]--ED.
[88] [The following memorandum is inserted in the MS. at the
close of this letter.
FEMALE CONTRIBUTIONS, IN AID OF THE WAR, PROBABLY IN 1780.
Mrs. Sarah Cary, of Scotchtown, a watch-chain, cost £7 sterling.
Mrs. ---- Ambler, five gold rings.
Mrs. Rebecca Ambler, three gold rings.
Mrs. ---- Nicholas, a diamond drop.
Mrs. Griffin, of Dover, ten half joes.
Mrs. Gilmer, five guineas.
Mrs. Anne Ramsay (for Fairfax), one half joe, three guineas,
three pistereens, one bit.
Do. for do. paper money, bundle No. 1, twenty thousand dollars,
No. 2, twenty-seven thousand dollars, No. 3, fifteen thousand
dollars, No. 4, thirteen thousand five hundred and eighteen
dollars and one-third.
Mrs. Lewis (for Albermarle), £1559 8s. paper money.
Mrs. Weldon, £39 18s. new, instead of £1600, old paper money.
Mrs. Blackburn (for Prince William), seven thousand five hundred
and six dollars, paper money.
Mrs. Randolph, the younger, of Chatsworth, eight hundred dollars.
Mrs. Fitzhugh and others, £558.
[89] [This letter has no direction, but was probably
addressed to General Gates, then commanding the Southern
army. It was written by Mr. Jefferson in his character of
Governor of Virginia, to which office he was elected on the
1st of June, 1779.--ED.]
[90] [The circumstances of the defeat of General Gates's
army, near Camden, in August, 1780, being of historical
notoriety, this statement is omitted.]
[91] [Battle of Camden, August 16th, 1780.]
[92] TO LIEUTENANT COLONEL NISBET BALFOUR, COMMANDER AT
NINETY-SIX.
I have the happiness to inform you, that on Wednesday the
16th instant, I totally defeated General Gates's army. One
thousand were killed and wounded, about eight hundred taken
prisoners. We are in possession of eight pieces of brass
cannon, all they had in the field, all their ammunition
wagons, a great number of arms, and one hundred and thirty
baggage wagons; in short, there never was a more complete
victory. I have written to Lieutenant Colonel Turnbull,
whom I sent to join Major Johnson on Little river, to push
on after General Sumpter to the Waxhaws, whose detachment
is the only collected force of rebels in all this country.
Colonel Tarleton is in pursuit of Sumpter. Our loss is about
three hundred killed and wound, chiefly of the thirty-third
regiment and volunteers, of Ireland. I have given orders that
all the inhabitants of this province, who have subscribed
and taken part in this revolt, should be punished with the
greatest rigor; also, that those who will not turn out, may
be imprisoned, and their whole property taken from them,
and destroyed. I have also ordered that satisfaction should
be made for their estates, to those who have been injured
and oppressed by them. I have ordered, in the most positive
manner, that every militia man who has borne arms with us and
afterwards joined the enemy, shall be immediately hanged. I
desire you will take the most rigorous measures to punish the
rebels in the district in which you command, and that you
will obey, in the strictest manner, the directions I have
given in this letter, relative to the inhabitants of this
country.
CORNWALLIS.
August, 1780.
[93] [About the 22d of Oct. 1780, a British fleet made its
appearance in the Chesapeake, having on board some three
thousand troops, under the command of General Leslie.
Different detachments were landed near Portsmouth, Hampton,
and on the bay-side of Princess Anne. The whole force was
subsequently collected at Portsmouth; but Leslie, probably
disappointed in his expectation of forming a juncture with
Cornwallis, suddenly re-embarked for South Carolina. On the
29th of the following December, Arnold made his appearance,
with twenty-seven sail of vessels, within the Virginian
capes, and commenced his invasion. On 26th of March, 1781, he
was superseded in his command by General Phillips, who joined
him at Portsmouth with some two thousand troops.--ED.]
[94] TO LORD CORNWALLIS.
PORTSMOUTH, Virginia, November 4th, 1780.
MY LORD,--I have been here near a week, establishing a post.
I wrote to you to Charleston, and by another messenger, by
land. I cannot hear, for a certainty, where you are: I wait
your orders. The bearer is to be handsomely rewarded, if he
brings me any note or mark from your Lordship.
A. L.
[95] [Probably addressed to General Gates.]
[96] [After the battle of Camden--August 16th, 1780--Congress
removed General Gates from the command of the Southern army,
and placed General Green at its head. In December, 1780, he
assumed the command.]
[97] [One of the Convention prisoners, in Albemarle.]
[98] [This letter has no address, but it was probably to
General Muhlenburg.]
[99] [Governor of North Carolina.]
[100] [General Greene, after taking command of the Southern
army, divided his force, and sent one division of it, under
General Morgan, to the western part of South Carolina.
Cornwallis, who was now nearly prepared to invade North
Carolina, unwilling to leave Morgan in his rear, sent
Tarleton in pursuit of him. The two detachments met on the
17th of January, 1781, when the battle of Cowpens was fought,
and Tarleton defeated. Cornwallis, after the defeat of
Tarleton, abandoned the invasion of North Carolina for the
present, and started in pursuit of Morgan. Greene, suspecting
his intention, hastened to join Morgan, and, after a
fatiguing march, effected a junction at Guilford Court House.
During this march he was closely pursued by Cornwallis,
who, as stated in the above letter, "burnt his own wagons in
order to enable himself to move with greater facility." After
this junction at Guilford Court House, Greene crossed the
Dan, into Virginia--again narrowly escaping the pursuit of
Cornwallis, who now retired to Hillsborough, where, erecting
the royal standard, he issued his proclamation, inviting the
loyalists to join him, and sent Tarleton with a detachment to
support a body of them collected between the Havre and Deep
Rivers. Greene, having despatched Generals Pickens and Lee to
watch the movements of Tarleton, and having been reinforced
in Virginia, now returned into North Carolina, and fought
the battle of Guilford Court House on the 8th of March,
1781.--ED.]
[101] [M. de Marbois was attached to the French Legation in
Philadelphia.--ED.]
[102] [On the 15th of June, 1781, Mr. Jefferson was
appointed, with Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, and Mr.
Laurens, Minister Plenipotentiary for negotiating peace, then
expected to be effected through the mediation of the Empress
of Russia--ED.]
[103] [In 1781, the depredations of the enemy, and the
public and private losses which they occasioned, produced the
ordinary effect of complaint against those who had charge of
the public defence, and especially against Mr. Jefferson (the
Governor of Virginia). A popular clamor was excited against
him, and, under the impulses of the moment, Mr. George
Nicholas, a member from Albermarle, moved his impeachment.
The charges were, 1. That he had not, as soon as advised
by General Washington of the meditated invasion, put the
country in a state of preparation and defence; 2. That
during the invasion, he did not use the means of resistance
which were at his command; 3. That he too much consulted
his personal safety, when Arnold first entered Richmond,
by which others were dispirited and discouraged; 4. That
he ignominiously fled from Monticello to the neighboring
mountain on Tarleton's approach to Charlottesville; and 5.
That he abandoned the office of Governor as soon as it became
one of difficulty and danger.
Mr. Jefferson has been long since acquitted of these charges
by the almost unanimous voice of his countrymen.--ED.]
[104] [The battle of Yorktown.]
[105] [The title of Virginia to the Northwestern territory
was controverted, as early as 1779, by some of the other
States, upon the ground that all lands, the title of
which had originally been in the crown and had never been
alienated, were the common property of the Confederation,
by right of conquest--the revolution having transferred the
title from the British sovereign to the Confederation. This
view was resisted by Virginia in an able remonstrance to
Congress in October, 1779. The question, however, never came
to an issue; for Virginia, moved by a patriotic impulse, and
ready to sacrifice her individual interest to the general
good, made a voluntary cession of the whole territory to the
Confederation.]
[106] [Mr. Jefferson's reasons for now accepting this
appointment, which he had previously declined, are thus
explained by himself:--"I had, about two months before,
lost the cherished companion of my life [his wife], in whose
affection, unabated on both sides, I had lived the last ten
years in unchequered happiness." On the 19th of December,
1782, he left Monticello for Philadelphia, where he intended
to embark for Europe; but the French Minister Luzerne,
offering him a passage in the French frigate Romulus, then
lying below Baltimore, he accepted the offer. The sailing
of this frigate being delayed by ice, and a British fleet
on the coast, information, in the meantime, reached America
that a provisional treaty of peace had been signed by the
American Commissioners, to become absolute on the conclusion
of peace between France and England. On the arrival of this
information, Mr. Jefferson was released from his mission, and
returned to his home in Virginia on the 15th May, 1783.--ED.]
[107] [The death of Mrs. Jefferson.]
[108] BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED:
February 14, 1783.
The committee consisting of Mr. Jones, Mr. Rutledge, and
Mr. Wilson, to whom was referred a letter of the 7th from
the Honorable Thomas Jefferson, reported thereon, whereupon
on motion of Mr. Gorham, seconded by Mr. Wolcott, ordered:
That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs inform Mr. Jefferson,
that it is the pleasure of Congress, considering the advices
lately received in America and the probable situation of
affairs in Europe, that he do not proceed on his intended
voyage until he shall receive their further instructions.
CHARLES THOMPSON, (copied)
_Secretary_.
[109] [The following resolution was passed by Congress
relative to Mr. Jefferson's mission to Europe.--ED.]
BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED:
April 1st, 1783.
_Resolved_, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs inform the Hon.
Thomas Jefferson, in answer to his letter of the 13th of March,
that Congress consider the object of his appointment so far
advanced as to render it unnecessary for him to pursue his voyage,
and that Congress are well satisfied with the readiness he has
shown in undertaking a service which from the present situation
of affairs they apprehend can be dispensed with.
Extracts from the minutes,
CHARLES THOMPSON, (copied)
_Secretary_.
[110] [Mr. Jefferson being released from his mission to
Europe on account of the news of peace, and having returned
to Virginia, was again appointed by the Legislature a
delegate to Congress on the 6th of June, 1783. On the 3d
of the following November he arrived at Trenton, where
Congress was then sitting, and took his seat on the 4th, on
which day that body adjourned to meet at Annapolis on the
26th. Mr. Jefferson remained in the discharge of his duties
as a delegate until the 7th of May, 1784, when Congress,
having determined to add a third minister plenipotentiary
to Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, conferred the appointment
on him. On the 6th of August, 1784, he reached Paris. The
purpose for which he had been associated with Mr. Adams
and Dr. Franklin was to negotiate commercial treaties with
the European nations. In June, 1785, Mr. Adams removed
to London as our minister at that court, and Dr. Franklin
obtained permission to return to America, thus leaving Mr.
Jefferson our only representative at Paris in the character
of minister plenipotentiary. Here he remained until the 26th
of September, 1789, something more than five years, when he
took leave of Paris, and landed at Norfolk in the latter part
of November.--ED.]
PART II.
LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE, 1784-1790.
TO COLONEL URIAH FORREST.
PARIS, CUL-DE-SAC TETEBOUT, October 20th, 1784.
SIR,--I received yesterday your favor of the 8th instant, and this
morning went to Auteuil and Passy, to consult with Mr. Adams and Dr.
Franklin on the subject of it. We conferred together, and think it is
a case in which we could not interpose (were there as yet cause for
interposition), without express instructions from Congress. It is,
however, our private opinion, which we give as individuals only, that
Mr. McLanahan, while in England, is subject to the laws of England;
that, therefore, he must employ counsel, and be guided in his defence
by their advice. The law of nations, and the treaty of peace, as
making a part of the law of the land, will undoubtedly be under the
consideration of the judges who pronounce on Mr. McLanahan's case;
and we are willing to hope, that in their knowledge and integrity,
he will find certain resources against injustice, and a reparation of
all injury to which he may have been groundlessly exposed. A final and
palpable failure on their part, which we have no reason to apprehend,
might make the case proper for the consideration of Congress.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of great respect and esteem,
for Mr. McLanahan, as well as yourself, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, May 11th, 1785.
SIR,--I was honored, on the 2d instant, with the receipt of your
favor of March the 15th, enclosing the resolution of Congress of the
10th of the same month, appointing me their Minister Plenipotentiary
at this court, and also of your second letter of March 22d, covering
the commission and letter of credence for that appointment. I beg
permission through you, Sir, to testify to Congress my gratitude for
this new mark of their favor, and my assurance of endeavoring to merit
it by a faithful attention to the discharge of the duties annexed to
it. Fervent zeal is all which I can be sure of carrying into their
service, and, where I fail through a want of those powers which
nature and circumstances deny me, I shall rely on their indulgence,
and much also on that candor with which your goodness will present my
proceedings to their eye. The kind terms in which you are pleased to
notify this honor to me, require my sincere thanks. I beg you to accept
them, and to be assured of the perfect esteem, with which I have the
honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant,
TO GENERAL CHASTELLUX.
PARIS, June 7th, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I have been honored with the receipt of your letter of the
2d instant, and am to thank you, as I do sincerely, for the partiality
with which you receive the copy of the Notes on my country. As I can
answer for the facts, therein reported, on my own observation, and
have admitted none on the report of others, which were not supported
by evidence sufficient to command my own assent, I am not afraid that
you should make any extracts you please for the Journal de Physique,
which come within their plan of publication. The strictures on slavery
and on the constitution of Virginia, are not of that kind, and they are
the parts which I do not wish to have made public, at least till I know
whether their publication would do most harm or good. It is possible,
that in my own country, these strictures might produce an irritation,
which would indispose the people towards the two great objects I have
in view; that is, the emancipation of their slaves, and the settlement
of their constitution on a firmer and more permanent basis. If I learn
from thence, that they will not produce that effect, I have printed and
reserved just copies enough to be able to give one to every young man
at the College. It is to them I look, to the rising generation, and not
to the one now in power, for these great reformations. The other copy,
delivered at your hotel, was for Monsieur de Buffon. I meant to ask the
favor of you to have it sent to him, as I was ignorant how to do it. I
have one also for Monsieur Daubenton, but being utterly unknown to him,
I cannot take the liberty of presenting it, till I can do it through
some common acquaintance.
I will beg leave to say here a few words on the general question of
the degeneracy of animals in America. 1. As to the degeneracy of the
man of Europe transplanted to America, it is no part of Monsieur de
Buffon's system. He goes, indeed, within one step of it, but he stops
there. The Abbé Raynal alone has taken that step. Your knowledge of
America enables you to judge this question, to say, whether the lower
class of people in America are less informed and less susceptible
of information, than the lower class in Europe; and whether those in
America, who have received such an education as that country can give,
are less improved by it than Europeans of the same degree of education.
2. As to the aboriginal man of America, I know of no respectable
evidence on which the opinion of his inferiority of genius has been
founded, but that of Don Ulloa. As to Robertson, he never was in
America, he relates nothing on his own knowledge, he is a compiler only
of the relations of others, and a mere translator of the opinions of
Monsieur de Buffon. I should as soon, therefore, add the translators
of Robertson to the witnesses of this fact, as himself. Paw, the
beginner of this charge, was a compiler from the works of others;
and of the most unlucky description; for he seems to have read the
writings of travellers, only to collect and republish their lies. It is
really remarkable, that in three volumes 12mo, of small print, it is
scarcely possible to find one truth, and yet, that the author should
be able to produce authority for every fact he states, as he says he
can. Don Ulloa's testimony is the most respectable. He wrote of what
he saw, but he saw the Indian of South America only, and that after
he had passed through ten generations of slavery. It is very unfair,
from this sample, to judge of the natural genius of this race of men;
and, after supposing that Don Ulloa had not sufficiently calculated
the allowance which should be made for this circumstance, we do him
no injury in considering the picture he draws of the present Indians
of South America, as no picture of what their ancestors were three
hundred years ago. It is in North America we are to seek their original
character. And I am safe in affirming, that the proofs of genius given
by the Indians of North America place them on a level with whites in
the same uncultivated state. The North of Europe furnishes subjects
enough for comparison with them, and for a proof of their equality.
I have seen some thousands myself, and conversed much with them, and
have found in them a masculine, sound understanding. I have had much
information from men who had lived among them, and whose veracity
and good sense were so far known to me, as to establish a reliance on
their information. They have all agreed in bearing witness in favor of
the genius of this people. As to their bodily strength, their manners
rendering it disgraceful to labor, those muscles employed in labor will
be weaker with them, than with the European laborer; but those which
are exerted in the chase, and those faculties which are employed in the
tracing an enemy or a wild beast, in contriving ambuscades for him, and
in carrying them through their execution, are much stronger than with
us, because they are more exercised. I believe the Indian, then, to
be, in body and mind, equal to the white man. I have supposed the black
man, in his present state, might not be so; but it would be hazardous
to affirm, that, equally cultivated for a few generations, he would not
become so. 3. As to the inferiority of the other animals of America,
without more facts, I can add nothing to what I have said in my Notes.
As to the theory of Monsieur de Buffon, that heat is friendly, and
moisture adverse to the production of large animals, I am lately
furnished with a fact by Dr. Franklin, which proves the air of London
and of Paris to be more humid than that of Philadelphia, and so creates
a suspicion that the opinion of the superior humidity of America may,
perhaps, have been too hastily adopted. And, supposing that fact
admitted, I think the physical reasonings urged to show, that in a
moist country animals must be small, and that in a hot one they must
be large, are not built on the basis of experiment. These questions,
however, cannot be decided, ultimately, at this day. More facts must
be collected, and more time flow off, before the world will be ripe for
decision. In the meantime, doubt is wisdom.
I have been fully sensible of the anxieties of your situation, and that
your attentions were wholly consecrated, where alone they were wholly
due, to the succor of friendship and worth. However much I prize your
society, I wait with patience the moment when I can have it without
taking what is due to another. In the meantime, I am solaced with the
hope of possessing your friendship, and that it is not ungrateful to
you to receive assurances of that with which I have the honor to be,
dear Sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.
PARIS, June 16, 1785.
SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency some
propositions which have been made from London to the Farmers General,
to furnish them with the tobaccos of Maryland and Virginia. For this
paper, I am indebted to the zeal of the M. de La Fayette. I take
the liberty of troubling you with it on a supposition that it may
be possible to have this article furnished from those States to this
country immediately without its passing through the entrepôt of London,
and the returns for it being made, of course, in London merchandise.
Twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco a year delivered here in exchange
for the produce and manufacture of this country, many of which are as
good and cheaper than in England, would establish a rivalship for our
commerce which would have happy effects upon both countries. Whether
this end will be best effected by giving out these propositions to
our merchants and exciting them to become candidates with the Farmers
General for this contract, or by any other means, your Excellency
can best judge. I shall mention this matter also to the Governor of
Virginia. The other paper which accompanies the one before mentioned,
is too miserable to need notice. I will take measures for apprising
them of its errors.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and
esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. JAY.
PARIS, June 17, 1785.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 11th of the last month
by young Mr. Adams, who sailed in the packet of that month. That of the
present is likely to be retarded to the first of July, if not longer.
On the 14th of May I communicated to the Count de Vergennes my
appointment as minister plenipotentiary to this Court, and on the 17th
delivered my letter of credence to the King at a private audience, and
went through the other ceremonies usual on such occasion.
We have reason to expect that Europe will enjoy peace another year.
The negotiations between the Emperor and United Netherlands have been
spun out to an unexpected length, but there seems little doubt but they
will end in peace. Whether the exchange projected between the Emperor
and Elector of Bavaria, or the pretensions of the former in his line of
demarcation with the Ottoman Porte will produce war, is yet uncertain.
If either of them does, this country will probably take part in it to
prevent a dangerous accession of power to the House of Austria. The
zeal with which they have appeared to negotiate a peace between Holland
and the Empire seems to prove that they do not apprehend being engaged
in war against the Emperor for any other power; because, if they had
such an apprehension, they would not wish to deprive themselves of
the assistance of the Dutch: and their opinion on this subject is
better evidence than the details we get from the newspapers, and must
weigh against the affected delays of the Porte, as to the line of
demarcation, the change in their ministry, their preparation for war,
and other symptoms of like aspect. This question is not altogether
uninteresting to us. Should this country be involved in a Continental
war, while differences are existing between us and Great Britain, the
latter might carry less moderation into the negotiations for settling
them.
I send you herewith the gazettes of Leyden and that of France for the
last two months, the latter because it is the best in this country, the
former as being the best in Europe. The Courier de l'Europe you will
get genuine from London. As reprinted here it is of less worth. Should
your knowledge of the newspapers of this country lead you to wish
for any other, I shall take the greatest pleasure in adding it to the
regular transmissions of two others which I shall make you in future.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, your most
obedient, and most humble servant,
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, June 17, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I received three days ago your favor of April the 12th.
You therein speak of a former letter to me, but it has not come to
hand, nor any other of later date than the 14th of December. My last
to you was of the 11th of May by Mr. Adams, who went in the packet
of that month. These conveyances are now becoming deranged. We have
had expectations of their coming to Havre, which would infinitely
facilitate the communication between Paris and Congress; but their
deliberations on the subject seem to be taking another turn. They
complain of the expense, and that their commerce with us is too small
to justify it. They therefore talk of sending a packet every six weeks
only. The present one, therefore, which should have sailed about this
time, will not sail till the 1st of July. However, the whole matter is
as yet undecided. I have hopes that when Mr. St. John arrives from New
York, he will get them replaced on their monthly system. By-the-bye,
what is the meaning of a very angry resolution of Congress on his
subject? I have it not by me, and therefore cannot cite it by date,
but you will remember it, and oblige me by explaining its foundation.
This will be handed you by Mr. Otto, who comes to America as Chargé
des Affaires, in the room of Mr. Marbois, promoted to the Intendancy
of Hispaniola, which office is next to that of Governor. He becomes the
head of the civil, as the Governor is, of the military department.
I am much pleased with Otto's appointment; he is good-humored,
affectionate to America, will see things in a friendly light when
they admit of it, in a rational one always, and will not pique himself
on writing every trifling circumstance of irritation to his court. I
wish you to be acquainted with him, as a friendly intercourse between
individuals who do business together produces a mutual spirit of
accommodation useful to both parties. It is very much our interest to
keep up the affection of this country for us, which is considerable.
A court has no affections; but those of the people whom they govern
influence their decisions, even in the most arbitrary governments.
The negotiations between the Emperor and Dutch are spun out to an
amazing length. At present there is no apprehension, but that they
will terminate in peace. This court seems to press it with ardor, and
the Dutch are averse, considering the terms cruel and unjust, as they
evidently are. The present delays, therefore, are imputed to their
coldness and to their forms. In the meantime, the Turk is delaying
the demarcation of limits between him and the Emperor, is making the
most vigorous preparations for war, and has composed his ministry of
warlike characters, deemed personally hostile to the Emperor. Thus
time seems to be spinning out, both by the Dutch and Turks, and time
is wanting for France. Every year's delay is a great thing for her. It
is not impossible, therefore, but that she may secretly encourage the
delays of the Dutch, and hasten the preparations of the Porte, while
she is recovering vigor herself, also, in order to be able to present
such a combination to the Emperor as may dictate to him to be quiet.
But the designs of these courts are unsearchable. It is our interest to
pray that this country may have no continental war till our peace with
England is perfectly settled. The merchants of this country continue
as loud and furious as ever against the _Arret_ of August, 1784,
permitting our commerce with their islands to a certain degree. Many
of them have actually abandoned their trade. The ministry are disposed
to be firm; but there is a point at which they will give way, that is,
if the clamors should become such as to endanger their places. It is
evident that nothing can be done by us at this time, if we may hope
it hereafter. I like your removal to New York, and hope Congress will
continue there, and never execute the idea of building their Federal
town. Before it could be finished, a change of members in Congress, or
the admission of new States, would remove them somewhere else. It is
evident that when a sufficient number of the western States come in,
they will remove it to Georgetown. In the meantime, it is our interest
that it should remain where it is, and give no new pretensions to any
other place. I am also much pleased with the proposition to the States
to invest Congress with the regulation of their trade, reserving its
revenue to the States. I think it a happy idea, removing the only
objection which could have been justly made to the proposition. The
time, too, is the present, before the admission of the western States.
I am very differently affected towards the new plan of opening our
land office, by dividing the lands among the States, and selling
them at vendue. It separates still more the interests of the States,
which ought to be made joint in every possible instance, in order
to cultivate the idea of our being one nation, and to multiply the
instances in which the people shall look up to Congress as their head.
And when the States get their portions, they will either fool them
away, or make a job of it to serve individuals. Proofs of both these
practices have been furnished, and by either of them that invaluable
fund is lost, which ought to pay our public debt. To sell them at
vendue, is to give them to the bidders of the day, be they many or few.
It is ripping up the hen which lays golden eggs. If sold in lots at a
fixed price, as first proposed, the best lots will be sold first; as
these become occupied, it gives a value to the interjacent ones, and
raises them, though of inferior quality, to the price of the first. I
send you by Mr. Otto a copy of my book. Be so good as to apologize to
Mr. Thompson for my not sending him one by this conveyance. I could
not burthen Mr. Otto with more on so long a road as that from here to
L'Orient. I will send him one by a Mr. Williams, who will go ere long.
I have taken measures to prevent its publication. My reason is, that
I fear the terms in which I speak of slavery, and of our constitution,
may produce an irritation which will revolt the minds of our countrymen
against reformation in these two articles, and thus do more harm than
good. I have asked of Mr. Madison to sound this matter as far as he
can, and, if he thinks it will not produce that effect, I have then
copies enough printed to give one to each of the young men at the
College, and to my friends in the country.
I am sorry to see a possibility of * * * being put into the Treasury.
He has no talents for the office, and what he has, will be employed
in rummaging old accounts to involve you in eternal war with * * *
and he will, in a short time, introduce such dissensions into the
commission, as to break it up. If he goes on the other appointment to
Kaskaskia, he will produce a revolt of that settlement from the United
States. I thank you for your attention to my outfit. For the articles
of household furniture, clothes, and a carriage, I have already paid
twenty-eight thousand livres, and have still more to pay. For the
greatest part of this, I have been obliged to anticipate my salary,
from which, however, I shall never be able to repay it. I find, that
by a rigid economy, bordering however on meanness, I can save perhaps
five hundred livres a month, at least in the summer. The residue goes
for expenses so much of course and of necessity, that I cannot avoid
them without abandoning all respect to my public character. Yet I
will pray you to touch this string, which I know to be a tender one
with Congress, with the utmost delicacy. I had rather be ruined in my
fortune than in their esteem. If they allow me half a year's salary
as an outfit, I can get through my debts in time. If they raise the
salary to what it was, or even pay our house rent and taxes, I can
live with more decency. I trust that Mr. Adams's house at the Hague,
and Dr. Franklin's at Passy, the rent of which has been always allowed
him, will give just expectations of the same allowance to me. Mr.
Jay, however, did not charge it, but he lived economically and laid up
money.
I will take the liberty of hazarding to you some thoughts on the
policy of entering into treaties with the European nations, and the
nature of them. I am not wedded to these ideas, and, therefore, shall
relinquish them cheerfully when Congress shall adopt others, and
zealously endeavor to carry theirs into effect. First, as to the policy
of making treaties. Congress, by the Confederation, have no original
and inherent power over the commerce of the States. But, by the 9th
article, we are authorized to enter into treaties of commerce. The
moment these treaties are concluded, the jurisdiction of Congress over
the commerce of the States springs into existence, and that of the
particular States is superseded so far as the articles of the treaty
may have taken up the subject. There are two restrictions only, on
the exercise of the power of treaty by Congress. 1st. That they shall
not, by such treaty, restrain the legislatures of the States from
imposing such duties on foreigners, as their own people are subject
to; nor 2dly, from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any
particular species of goods. Leaving these two points free, Congress
may, by treaty, establish any system of commerce they please; but, as
I before observed, it is by treaty alone they can do it. Though they
may exercise their other powers by resolution or ordinance, those over
commerce can only be exercised by forming a treaty, and this probably
by an accidental wording of our Confederation. If, therefore, it is
better for the States that Congress should regulate their commerce,
it is proper that they should form treaties with all nations with
whom they may possibly trade. You see that my primary object in the
formation of treaties is to take the commerce of the States out of
the hands of the States, and to place it under the superintendence
of Congress, so far as the imperfect provisions of our constitutions
will admit, and until the States shall, by new compact, make them more
perfect. I would say, then, to every nation on earth, _by treaty_,
your people shall trade freely with us, and ours with you, paying no
more than the most favored nation, in order to put an end to the right
of individual States, acting by fits and starts, to interrupt our
commerce, or to embroil us with any nation. As to the terms of these
treaties, the question becomes more difficult. I will mention three
different plans. 1. That no duty shall be laid by either party on the
productions of the other. 2. That each may be permitted to equalize
their duties to those laid by the other. 3. That each shall pay in the
ports of the other, such duties only as the most favored nations pay.
1. Were the nations of Europe as free and unembarrassed of established
systems as we are, I do verily believe they would concur with us in
the first plan. But it is impossible. These establishments are fixed
upon them; they are interwoven with the body of their laws and the
organization of their government, and they make a great part of their
revenue; they cannot then, get rid of them.
2. The plan of equal imposts presents difficulties insurmountable. For
how are the equal imposts to be effected? Is it by laying, in the ports
of A, an equal per cent. on the goods of B, with that which B has laid
in his ports on the goods of A? But how are we to find what is that
per cent.? For this is not the usual form of imposts. They generally
pay by the ton, by the measure, by the weight, and not by the value.
Besides, if A sends a million's worth of goods to B, and takes back
but the half of that, and each pays the same per cent., it is evident
that A pays the double of what he recovers in the same way from B: this
would be our case with Spain. Shall we endeavor to effect equality,
then, by saying A may levy so much on the sum of B's importations into
his ports, as B does on the sum of A's importations into the ports
of B? But how find out that sum? Will either party lay open their
custom-house books candidly to evince this sum? Does either keep their
books so exactly as to be able to do it? This proposition was started
in Congress when our instructions were formed, as you may remember,
and the impossibility of executing it occasioned it to be disapproved.
Besides, who should have a right of deciding, when the imposts were
equal? A would say to B, my imposts do not raise so much as yours: I
raise them therefore. B would then say, you have made them greater than
mine, I will raise mine; and thus a kind of auction would be carried
on between them, and a mutual irritation, which would end in anything,
sooner than equality and right.
3. I confess then to you, that I see no alternative left but that which
Congress adopted, of each party placing the other on the footing of
the most favored nation. If the nations of Europe, from their actual
establishments, are not at liberty to say to America, that she shall
trade in their ports duty free, they may say she may trade there paying
no higher duties than the most favored nation; and this is valuable
in many of these countries, where a very great difference is made
between different nations. There is no difficulty in the execution
of this contract, because there is not a merchant who does not know,
or may not know, the duty paid by every nation on every article.
This stipulation leaves each party at liberty to regulate their own
commerce by general rules, while it secures the other from partial and
oppressive discriminations. The difficulty which arises in our case is,
with the nations having American territory. Access to the West Indies
is indispensably necessary to us. Yet how to gain it, when it is the
established system of these nations to exclude all foreigners from
their colonies. The only chance seems to be this: our commerce to the
mother country is valuable to them. We must endeavor, then, to make
this the price of an admission into their West Indies, and to those who
refuse the admission, we must refuse our commerce, or load theirs by
odious discriminations in our ports. We have this circumstance in our
favor too, that what one grants us in their islands, the others will
not find it worth their while to refuse. The misfortune is, that with
this country we gave this price for their aid in the war, and we have
now nothing more to offer. She, being withdrawn from the competition,
leaves Great Britain much more at liberty to hold out against us. This
is the difficult part of the business of treaty, and I own it does not
hold out the most flattering prospects.
I wish you would consider this subject, and write me your thoughts on
it. Mr. Gerry wrote me on the same subject. Will you give me leave to
impose on you the trouble of communicating this to him? It is long, and
will save me much labor in copying. I hope he will be so indulgent as
to consider it as an answer to that part of his letter, and will give
me his further thoughts on it.
Shall I send you so much of the Encyclopedia as is already published,
or reserve it here till you come? It is about forty volumes, which
probably is about half the work. Give yourself no uneasiness about
the money; perhaps I may find it convenient to ask you to pay trifles
occasionally for me in America. I sincerely wish you may find it
convenient to come here; the pleasure of the trip will be less than
you expect, but the utility greater. It will make you adore your own
country, its soil, its climate, its equality, liberty, laws, people,
and manners. My God! how little do my countrymen know what precious
blessings they are in possession of, and which no other people on
earth enjoy. I confess I had no idea of it myself. While we shall see
multiplied instances of Europeans going to live in America, I will
venture to say, no man now living will ever see an instance of an
American removing to settle in Europe, and continuing there. Come,
then, and see the proofs of this, and on your return add your testimony
to that of every thinking American, in order to satisfy our countrymen
how much it is their interest to preserve, uninfected by contagion,
those peculiarities in their governments and manners, to which they
are indebted for those blessings. Adieu, my dear friend; present
me affectionately to your colleagues. If any of them think me worth
writing to, they may be assured that in the epistolary account I will
keep the debit side against them. Once more, adieu.
Yours affectionately.
* * * * *
P. S. June 19. Since writing the above, we have received the following
account: Monsieur Pilatre de Roziere, who had been waiting for some
months at Boulogne for a fair wind to cross the channel, at length took
his ascent with a companion. The wind changed after awhile, and brought
him back on the French coast. Being at a height of about six thousand
feet, some accident happened to his balloon of inflammable air; it
burst, they fell from that height, and were crushed to atoms. There
was a Montgolfier combined with the balloon of inflammable air. It is
suspected the heat of the Montgolfier rarefied too much the inflammable
air of the other, and occasioned it to burst. The Montgolfier came down
in good order.
TO JOSEPH JONES.
PARIS, June 19, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I take the liberty of enclosing to you a state of the case
of one Polson, and begging your inquiries and information whether
the lands therein mentioned have been escheated and sold, and, if
they have, what would be the proper method of application to obtain a
compensation for them.
The negotiations between Holland and the Emperor are slow, but will
probably end in peace. It is believed the Emperor will not at present
push the Bavarian exchange. The Porte delays the demarcation of limits
with him, and is making vigorous preparations for war. But neither
will this latter be permitted to produce a war, if France can prevent
it, because, wherever the Emperor is seeking to enlarge his dominions,
France will present to him the point of a bayonet. But she wishes
extremely for repose, and has need of it. She is the wealthiest but
worst governed country on earth; and her finances utterly unprepared
for war. We have need to pray for her repose, and that she may not be
engaged in a continental war while our matters with Great Britain are
so unsettled and so little like being settled.
An accident has happened here which will probably damp the ardor with
which aërial navigation has been pursued. Monsieur Pilatre de Roziere
had been attending many months at Boulogne a fair wind to cross the
channel in a balloon which was compounded of one of inflammable air,
and another called a Montgolfier with rarefied air only. He at length
thought the wind fair and with a companion ascended. After proceeding
a proper direction about two leagues, the wind changed and brought
them again over the French coast. Being at the height of about six
thousand feet, some accident, unknown, burst the balloon of inflammable
air, and the Montgolfier being unequal alone to sustain their weight,
they precipitated from that height to the earth, and were crushed to
atoms. Though navigation by water is attended with frequent accidents,
and in its infancy must have been attended with more, yet these are
now so familiar that we think little of them, while that which has
signalized the two first martyrs to the aëronautical art will probably
deter very many from the experiments they would have been disposed
to make. Will you give me leave to hope the pleasure of hearing from
you sometimes. The details from my own country of the proceedings of
the legislative, executive and judiciary bodies, and even those which
respect individuals only, are the most pleasing treat we can receive
at this distance, and the most useful also. I will promise in return
whatever may be interesting to you here.
I am, with very perfect esteem, Sir,
Your friend and servant.
TO CHARLES THOMPSON.
PARIS, June 21, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of March the 6th, has come duly to hand. You
therein acknowledge the receipt of mine of November the 11th; at that
time you could not have received my last, of February the 8th. At
present there is so little new in politics, literature, or the arts,
that I write rather to prove to you my desire of nourishing your
correspondence, than of being able to give you anything interesting
at this time. The political world is almost lulled to sleep by the
lethargic state of the Dutch negotiation, which will probably end in
peace. Nor does this court profess to apprehend that the Emperor will
involve this hemisphere in war by his schemes on Bavaria and Turkey.
The arts, instead of advancing, have lately received a check, which
will probably render stationary for awhile, that branch of them which
had promised to elevate us to the skies. Pilatre de Roziere, who had
first ventured into that region, has fallen a sacrifice to it. In an
attempt to pass from Boulogne over to England, a change in the wind
having brought him back on the coast of France, some accident happened
to his balloon of inflammable air, which occasioned it to burst, and
that of rarefied air combined with it being then unequal to the weight,
they fell to the earth from a height, which the first reports made six
thousand feet, but later ones have reduced to sixteen hundred. Pilatre
de Roziere was dead when a peasant, distant one hundred yards only,
ran to him; but Romain, his companion, lived about ten minutes, though
speechless, and without his senses. In literature there is nothing
new. For I do not consider as having added anything to that field my
own Notes, of which I have had a few copies printed. I will send you
a copy by the first safe conveyance. Having troubled Mr. Otto with
one for Colonel Monroe, I could not charge him with one for you. Pray
ask the favor of Colonel Monroe, in page 5, line 17, to strike out
the words, "above the mouth of the Appamattox," which makes nonsense
of the passage; and I forgot to correct it before I had enclosed and
sent off the copy to him. I am desirous of preventing the reprinting
this, should any book merchant think it worth it, till I hear from my
friends, whether the terms in which I have spoken of slavery and the
constitution of our State, will not, by producing an irritation, retard
that reformation which I wish, instead of promoting it. Dr. Franklin
proposes to sail for America about the first or second week of July.
He does not yet know, however, by what conveyance he can go. Unable to
travel by land, he must descend the Seine in a boat to Havre. He has
sent to England to get some vessel bound for Philadelphia, to touch at
Havre for him. But he receives information that this cannot be done.
He has been on the look out ever since he received his permission
to return; but, as yet, no possible means of getting a passage have
offered, and I fear it is very uncertain when any will offer.
I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir,
Your friend and servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, June 23, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 2d instant, since which I have
received yours of the 3d and 7th. I informed you in mine of the
substance of our letter to Baron Thulemeyer: last night came to hand
his acknowledgment of the receipt of it. He accedes to the method
proposed for signing, and has forwarded our dispatch to the King. I
enclose you a copy of our letter to Mr. Jay, to go by the packet of
this month. It contains a state of our proceedings since the preceding
letter, which you had signed with us. This statement contains nothing
but what you had concurred with us in; and, as Dr. Franklin expects
to go early in July to America, it is probable that the future letters
must be written by you and myself. I shall, therefore, take care that
you be furnished with copies of everything which comes to hand on the
joint business.
What has become of this Mr. Lambe? I am uneasy at the delay of
that business, since we know the ultimate decision of Congress. Dr.
Franklin, having a copy of the Corps Diplomatique, has promised to
prepare a draught of a treaty to be offered to the Barbary States: as
soon as he has done so, we will send it to you for your corrections.
We think it will be best to have it in readiness against the arrival
of Mr. Lambe, on the supposition that he may be addressed to the joint
ministers for instructions.
I asked the favor of you in my last, to choose two of the best London
papers for me; one of each party. The Duke of Dorset has given me
leave to have them put under his address, and sent to the office from
which his despatches come. I think he called it Cleveland office, or
Cleveland lane, or by some such name; however, I suppose it can be
easily known there. Will Mr. Stockdale undertake to have these papers
sent regularly, or is this out of the line of his business? Pray order
me, also, any really good pamphlets that come out from time to time,
which he will charge to me.
I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO M. DU PORTAIL.
PARIS, June 27, 1786.
SIR,--I had the honor of informing you some time ago that I had written
to the Board of Treasury on the subject of the arrearages of interest
due to the foreign officers, and urging the necessity of paying them.
I now enclose the extract of a letter which I have just received from
them, and by which you will perceive that their funds were not in a
condition for making that payment in the moment of receiving my letter,
but that they would be attentive to make it in the first moment it
should be in their power. There is still a second letter of mine on the
way to them, on the same subject, which will again press for exertions
in this business, which, however, I am satisfied they will not fail
to do their utmost in. It will give me real pleasure to inform you
of effectual provision for this purpose in the first moment possible,
being with sentiments of esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, July 5, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you by Mr. Adams, May the 11th, and by Mr. Otto,
June the 17th. The latter acknowledged the receipt of yours of April
the 12th, which is the only one come to hand of later date than
December the 14th. Little has occurred since my last. Peace seems to
show herself under a more decided form. The Emperor is now on a journey
to Italy, and the two Dutch Plenipotentiaries have set out for Vienna;
there to make an apology for their State having dared to fire a gun
in defence of her invaded rights: this is insisted on as a preliminary
condition. The Emperor seems to prefer the glory of terror to that of
justice; and, to satisfy this tinsel passion, plants a dagger in the
heart of every Dutchman which no time will extract. I enquired lately
of a gentleman who lived long at Constantinople, in a public character,
and enjoyed the confidence of that government, insomuch as to become
well acquainted with its spirit and its powers, what he thought might
be the issue of the present affair between the Emperor and the Porte.
He thinks the latter will not push matters to a war; and, if they do,
they must fail under it. They have lost their warlike spirit, and their
troops cannot be induced to adopt the European arms. We have no news
yet of Mr. Lambe; of course, our Barbary proceedings are still at a
stand.[111]
Yours Affectionately.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, July 7, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--This will accompany a joint letter enclosing the draft of
a treaty, and my private letter of June 23d, which has waited so long
for a private conveyance. We daily expect from the Baron Thulemeyer
the French column for our treaty with his sovereign. In the meanwhile,
two copies are preparing with the English column, which Dr. Franklin
wishes to sign before his departure, which will be within four or
five days. The French, when received, will be inserted in the blank
columns of each copy. As the measure of signing at several times and
places is new, we think it necessary to omit no other circumstance
of ceremony which can be observed. That of sending it by a person of
confidence, and invested with a character relative to the object,
who shall attest our signatures here, yours in London, and Baron
Thulemeyer's at the Hague, and who shall make the actual exchanges, we
think will contribute to supply the departure from the usual form, in
other instances. For this reason, we have agreed to send Mr. Short on
this business, to make him a secretary _pro hac vice_, and to join Mr.
Dumas for the operations of exchange, &c. As Dr. Franklin will have
left us before Mr. Short's mission will commence, and I have never been
concerned in the ceremonials of a treaty, I will thank you for your
immediate information as to the papers he should be furnished with from
hence. He will repair first to you in London, thence to the Hague, and
then return to Paris.
What has become of Mr. Lambe? Supposing he was to call on the
commissioners for instructions, and thinking it best these should be in
readiness, Dr. Franklin undertook to consult well the Barbary treaties
with other nations, and to prepare a sketch which we should have sent
for your correction. He tells me he has consulted those treaties, and
made references to the articles proper for us, which, however, he will
not have time to put into form, but will leave them with me to reduce.
As soon as I see them, you shall hear from me. A late conversation with
an English gentleman here makes me believe, what I did not believe
before, that his nation thinks seriously that Congress have no power
to form a treaty of commerce. As the explanations of this matter,
which you and I may separately give, may be handed to their minister,
it would be well that they should agree. For this reason, as well as
for the hope of your showing me wherein I am wrong, and confirming
me where I am right, I will give you my creed on the subject. It is
contained in these four principles. By the Confederation, Congress
have no power given them, in the first instance, over the commerce
of the States. But they have a power given them of entering into
treaties of commerce, and these treaties may cover the whole field of
commerce, with two restrictions only. 1. That the States may impose
equal duties on foreigners as natives: and 2. That they may prohibit
the exportation or importation of any species of goods whatsoever. When
they shall have entered into such treaty, the superintendence of it
results to them; all the operations of commerce, which are protected by
its stipulations, come under their jurisdiction, and the power of the
States to thwart them by their separate acts, ceases. If Great Britain
asks, then, why she should enter into any treaty with us? why not carry
on her commerce without treaty? I answer; because, till a treaty is
made, no consul of hers can be received (his functions being called
into existence by a convention only, and the States having abandoned
the right of separate agreements and treaties); no protection to her
commerce can be given by Congress; no cover to it from those checks
and discouragements with which the States will oppress it, acting
separately, and by fits and starts. That they will act so till a treaty
is made Great Britain has had several proofs; and I am convinced those
proofs will become general. It is, then, to put her commerce with us
on systematical ground, and under safe cover, that it behoves Great
Britain to enter into treaty. As I own to you that my wish to enter
into treaties with the other powers of Europe arises more from a desire
of bringing all our commerce under the jurisdiction of Congress, than
from any other views. Because, according to my idea, the commerce
of the United States with those countries, not under treaty with us,
is under the jurisdiction of each State separately; but that of the
countries, which have treated with us, is under the jurisdiction of
Congress, with the two fundamental restraints only, which I have before
noted.
I shall be happy to receive your corrections of these ideas, as I have
found, in the course of our joint services, that I think right when I
think with you.
I am, with sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
* * * * *
P. S. Monsieur Houdon has agreed to go to America to take the figure
of General Washington. In case of his death, between his departure from
Paris, and his return to it, we may lose twenty thousand livres. I ask
the favor of you to enquire what it will cost to ensure that sum, on
his life, in London, and to give me as early an answer as possible,
that I may order the insurance if I think the terms easy enough. He is,
I believe, between thirty and thirty-five years of age, healthy enough,
and will be absent about six months.
TO M. DE CASTRIES.
PARIS, July 10th, 1785.
SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter on the prize money
for which Mr. Jones applies. The papers intended to have been therein
enclosed, not having been actually enclosed, I am unable to say
anything on their subject. But I find that Congress, on the first day
of November, 1783, recommended Captain Jones to their Minister here,
as agent, to solicit, under his direction, payment to the officers and
crews for the prizes taken in Europe under his command; requiring him
previously to give to their superintendent of finance good security for
paying to him whatever he should receive, to be by him distributed to
those entitled. In consequence of this, Captain Jones gave the security
required, as is certified by the superintendent of finance on the 6th
of November, 1783, and received from Doctor Franklin on the 17th of
December, 1783, due authority, as agent, to solicit the said payments.
From these documents, I consider Captain Jones as agent for the
citizens of the United States, interested in the prizes taken in Europe
under his command, and that he is properly authorized to receive the
money due to them, having given good security to transmit it to the
treasury office of the United States, whence it will be distributed,
under the care of Congress, to the officers and crews originally
entitled, or to their representatives.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant,
TO MESSRS. FRENCH AND NEPHEW.
PARIS, July 13th, 1785.
GENTLEMEN,--I had the honor of receiving your letter of June the
21st, enclosing one from Mr. Alexander of June the 17th, and a copy
of his application to Monsieur de Calonnes. I am very sensible that
no trade can be on a more desperate footing than that of tobacco, in
this country; and that our merchants must abandon the French markets,
if they are not permitted to sell the productions they bring, on
such terms as will enable them to purchase reasonable returns in the
manufactures of France. I know but one remedy to the evil; that of
allowing a free vent; and I should be very happy in being instrumental
to the obtaining this. But, while the purchase of tobacco is
monopolized by a company, and they pay for that monopoly a heavy price
to the government, they doubtless are at liberty to fix such places and
terms of purchase, as may enable them to make good their engagements
with government. I see no more reason for obliging them to give a
greater price for tobacco than they think they can afford, than to
do the same between two individuals treating for a horse, a house, or
anything else. Could this be effected by applications to the minister,
it would only be a palliative which would retard the ultimate cure, so
much to be wished for and aimed at by every friend to this country, as
well as to America.
I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant,
TO DR. STYLES.
PARIS, July 17, 1785.
SIR,--I have long deferred doing myself the honor of writing to
you, wishing for an opportunity to accompany my letter with a copy
of the Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique; a book published here
lately in four small volumes, and which gives an account of all the
improvements in the arts which have been made for some years past. I
flatter myself you will find in it many things agreeable and useful.
I accompany it with the volumes of the "Connoisance des Tems" for
the years 1781, 1784, 1785, 1786, 1787. But why, you will ask, do I
send you old almanacs, which are proverbially useless? Because, in
these publications have appeared, from time to time, some of the most
precious things in astronomy. I have searched out those particular
volumes which might be valuable to you on this account. That of
1781, contains de la Caille's catalogue of fixed stars reduced to
the commencement of that year, and a table of the aberrations and
nutations of the principal stars. 1784 contains the same catalogue
with the nebuleuses of Messier. 1785 contains the famous catalogue
of Hamsteed, with the positions of the stars reduced to the beginning
of the year 1784, and which supersedes the use of that immense book.
1786 gives you Euler's lunar tables corrected; and 1787, the tables
for the planet Herschel. The two last needed not an apology, as not
being within the description of old almanacs. It is fixed on grounds
which scarcely admit a doubt that the planet Herschel was seen by Mayer
in the year 1756, and was considered by him as one of the zodiacal
stars, and, as such, arranged in his catalogue, being the 964th which
he describes. This 964th of Mayer has been since missing, and the
calculations for the planet Herschel show that it should have been,
at the time of Mayer's observation, where he places his 964th star.
The volume of 1787 gives you Mayer's catalogue of the zodiacal stars.
The researches of the natural philosophers of Europe seem mostly in
the field of chemistry, and here, principally, on the subjects of air
and fire. The analysis of these two subjects, presents to us very new
ideas. When speaking of the "Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique," I
should have observed, that since its publication, a man in this city
has invented a method of moving a vessel on the water, by a machine
worked within the vessel. I went to see it. He did not know himself
the principle of his own invention. It is a screw with a very broad
thin worm, or rather it is a thin plate with its edge applied spirally
round an axis. This being turned, operates on the air, as a screw does,
and may be literally said to screw the vessel along; the thinness of
the medium, and its want of resistance, occasion a loss of much of the
force. The screw, I think, would be more effectual if placed below
the surface of the water. I very much suspect that a countryman of
ours, Mr. Bushnel of Connecticut, is entitled to the merit of a prior
discovery of this use of the screw. I remember to have heard of his
submarine navigation during the war, and, from what Colonel Humphreys
now tells me, I conjecture that the screw was the power he used. He
joined to this a machine for exploding under water at a given moment.
If it were not too great a liberty for a stranger to take, I would
ask from him a narration of his actual experiments, with or without
a communication of his principle, as he should choose. If he thought
proper to communicate it, I would engage never to disclose it, unless
I could find an opportunity of doing it for his benefit. I thank you
for your information as to the great bones found on the Hudson river.
I suspect that they must have been of the same animal with those found
on the Ohio; and, if so, they could not have belonged to any human
figure, because they are accompanied with tusks of the size, form and
substance, of those of the elephant. I have seen a part of the ivory,
which was very good. The animal itself must have been much larger
than an elephant. Mrs. Adams gives me an account of a flower found in
Connecticut, which vegetates when suspended in the air. She brought one
to Europe. What can be this flower? It would be a curious present to
this continent.
The accommodation likely to take place between the Dutch and the
Emperor, leaves us without that unfortunate resource for news, which
wars give us. The Emperor has certainly had in view the Bavarian
exchange of which you have heard; but so formidable an opposition
presented itself, that he has thought proper to disavow it. The Turks
show a disposition to go to war with him, but, if this country can
prevail on them to remain in peace, they will do so. It has been
thought that the two Imperial courts have a plan of expelling the Turks
from Europe. It is really a pity so charming a country should remain in
the hands of a people, whose religion forbids the admission of science
and the arts among them. We should wish success to the object of the
two empires, if they meant to leave the country in possession of the
Greek inhabitants. We might then expect, once more, to see the language
of Homer and Demosthenes a living language. For I am persuaded the
modern Greek would easily get back to its classical models. But this is
not intended. They only propose to put the Greeks under other masters:
to substitute one set of barbarians for another.
Colonel Humphreys, having satisfied you that all attempts would be
fruitless here to obtain money or other advantages for your college,
I need add nothing on that head. It is a method of supporting colleges
of which they have no idea, though they practice it for the support of
their lazy monkish institutions.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your
most obedient and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, July 28, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favors of July the 16th and 18th, came to hand the same
day on which I had received Baron Thulemeyer's enclosing the ultimate
draught for the treaty. As this draught, which was in French, was to
be copied into the two instruments which Dr. Franklin had signed, it
is finished this day only. Mr. Short sets out immediately. I have put
into his hands a letter of instructions how to conduct himself, which I
have signed, leaving a space above for your signature. The two treaties
I have signed at the left hand, Dr. Franklin having informed me that
the signatures are read backwards. Besides the instructions to Mr.
Short, I signed also a letter to Mr. Dumas, associating him with Mr.
Short. These two letters I made out as nearly conformably as I could
to your ideas expressed in your letter of the 18th. If anything more
be necessary, be so good as to make a separate instruction for them
signed by yourself, to which I will accede. I have not directed Mr.
Dumas's letter. I have heretofore directed to him as "Agent for the
United States at the Hague," that being the description under which
the journals of Congress speak of him. In his last letter to me, is
a paragraph from which I conclude that the address I have used is not
agreeable, and perhaps may be wrong. Will you be so good as to address
the letter to him, and to inform me how to address him hereafter?
Mr. Short carries also the other papers necessary. His equipment for
his journey requiring expenses which cannot come into the account of
ordinary expenses, such as clothes, &c., what allowance should be made
him? I have supposed somewhere between a guinea a day, and one thousand
dollars a year, which I believe is the salary of a private secretary.
This I mean as over and above his travelling expenses. Be so good as to
say, and I will give him an order on his return. The danger of robbery,
has induced me to furnish him with only money enough to carry him to
London. You will be so good as to procure him enough to carry him to
the Hague, and back to Paris.
The confederation of the King of Prussia with some members of the
Germanic body, for the preservation of their constitution, is, I
think, beyond a doubt. The Emperor has certainly complained of it in
formal communications at several courts. By what can be collected
from diplomatic conversation here, I also conclude it tolerably
certain, that the Elector of Hanover has been invited to accede to
the confederation, and has done, or is doing so. You will have better
circumstances, however, on the spot, to form a just judgment. Our
matters with the first of these powers being now in conclusion, I wish
it was so with the Elector of Hanover. I conclude, from the general
expressions in your letter, that little may be expected. Mr. Short
furnishing so safe a conveyance that the trouble of the cypher may be
dispensed with, I will thank you for such details of what has passed,
as may not be too troublesome to you.
The difficulties of getting books into Paris delayed for some time my
receipt of the Corps Diplomatique left by Dr. Franklin. Since that,
we have been engaged with expediting Mr. Short. A huge packet also,
brought by Mr. Mazzei, has added to the causes which have as yet
prevented me from examining Dr. Franklin's notes on the Barbary treaty.
It shall be one of my first occupations. Still the possibility is too
obvious that we may run counter to the instructions of Congress, of
which Mr. Lambe is said to be the bearer. There is a great impatience
in America for these treaties. I am much distressed between this
impatience and the known will of Congress, on the one hand, and the
uncertainty of the details committed to this tardy servant.
The Duke of Dorset sets out for London to-morrow. He says he shall
be absent two months. There is some whisper that he will not return,
and that Lord Carmarthen wishes to come here. I am sorry to lose so
honest a man as the Duke. I take the liberty to ask an answer about the
insurance of Houdon's life.
Congress is not likely to adjourn this summer. They have passed an
ordinance for selling their lands. I have not received it.
What would you think of the enclosed draught to be proposed to the
courts of London and Versailles? I would add Madrid and Lisbon, but
that they are still more desperate than the others. I know it goes
beyond our powers, and beyond the powers of Congress too; but it is so
evidently for the good of all the States, that I should not be afraid
to risk myself on it, if you are of the same opinion. Consider it, if
you please, and give me your thoughts on it by Mr. Short; but I do not
communicate it to him, nor any other mortal living but yourself.
Be pleased to present me in the most friendly terms to the ladies, and
believe me to be, with great esteem,
Dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THE BARON DE THULEMEYER.
PARIS, July 28, 1785.
SIR,--I was honored with the receipt of your letter on the 24th
instant, together with the French draught of the treaty proposed.
As it ultimately meets his Majesty's approbation, Dr. Franklin, our
colleague, having assisted us through the progress of this business,
we were desirous he also should join in the execution. Duplicate
instruments were therefore prepared, each divided into two columns, in
one of which we entered the English form as it has been settled between
us, leaving the other blank to receive the French, which we expected
from you. In this state the Doctor, before his departure, put his
signature and seal to the two instruments. We have since put into the
blank column the French form received from you verbatim. As we thought
that such instruments should not be trusted out of confidential hands,
and the bearer thereof, William Short, Esq., heretofore a member of the
Council of State in Virginia, happened to be in Paris, and willing to
give us his assistance herein, they are delivered into his hands with
other necessary papers, according to an arrangement previously made
between Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself. He will proceed to London
to obtain Mr. Adams's signature, and thence to the Hague, where we
have, according to your desire, associated Mr. Dumas with him to concur
with you in the final execution. It is with singular pleasure I see
this connection formed by my country with a sovereign whose character
gives a lustre to all the transactions of which he makes part. Give me
leave to recommend Mr. Short to your notice. His talents and merits are
such as to have placed him, young as he is, in the Supreme Executive
Council of Virginia, an office which he relinquished to visit Europe.
The letter to Baron Steuben shall be taken care of.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST _Amsterdam_.
PARIS, July 30, 1785.
GENTLEMEN,--I received yesterday your favor of the 25th. Supposing
that the funds which are the object of your enquiry, are those which
constitute what we call our domestic debt, it is my opinion that they
are absolutely secure: I have no doubt at all but that they will be
paid, with their interest at six per cent. But I cannot say that they
are as secure and solid as the funds which constitute our _foreign_
debt; because no man in America ever entertained a doubt that our
foreign debts is to be paid fully; but some people in America have
seriously contended, that the certificates, and other evidences of
our domestic debt, ought to be redeemed only at what they have cost
the holder; for I must observe to you, that these certificates of
domestic debt, having as yet no provision for the payment of principal
or interest, and the original holders being mostly needy, have been
sold at a very great discount. When I left America (July, 1784,) they
sold, in different States, at from 15s. to 2s. 6d. in the pound; and
any amount of them might then have been purchased. Hence some thought
that full justice would be done, if the public paid the purchasers of
them what they actually paid for them, and interest on that. But this
is very far from being a general opinion; a very great majority being
firmly decided that they shall be paid fully. Were I the holder of any
of them, I should not have the least fear of their full payment. There
is also a difference between different species of certificates; some of
them being receivable in taxes, others having the benefit of particular
assurances, &c. Again, some of these certificates are for paper money
debts. A deception here must be guarded against. Congress ordered all
such to be re-settled by the depreciation tables, and a new certificate
to be given in exchange for them, expressing their value in real money.
But all have not yet been re-settled. In short, this is a science in
which few in America are expert, and no person in a foreign country can
be so. Foreigners should therefore be sure that they are well advised,
before they meddle with them, or they may suffer. If you will reflect
with what degree of success persons actually in America could speculate
in the European funds, which rise and fall daily, you may judge how
far those in Europe may do it in the American funds, which are more
variable from a variety of causes.
I am not at all acquainted with Mr. Daniel Parker, further than having
once seen him in Philadelphia. He is of Massachusetts, I believe, and
I am of Virginia. His circumstances are utterly unknown to me. I think
there are few men in America, if there is a single one, who could
command a hundred thousand pounds' sterling worth of these notes, at
their real value. At their nominal amount, this might be done perhaps
with twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, if the market price of them
be as low as when I left America.
I am, with very great respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, July 31, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I was honored yesterday with yours of the 24th instant.
When the first article of our instructions of May 7th, 1784, was under
debate in Congress, it was proposed that neither party should make
the other pay, in their ports, greater duties, than they paid in the
ports of the other. One objection to this was, its impracticability;
another, that it would put it out of our power to lay such duties
on alien importation as might encourage importation by natives. Some
members, much attached to English policy, thought such a distinction
should actually be established. Some thought the power to do it should
be reserved, in case any peculiar circumstances should call for it,
though under the present, or, perhaps, any probable circumstances,
they did not think it would be good policy ever to exercise it. The
footing _gentis amicissimæ_ was therefore adopted, as you see in the
instruction. As far as my enquiries enable me to judge, France and
Holland make no distinction of duties between aliens and natives. I
also rather believe that the other States of Europe make none, England
excepted, to whom this policy, as that of her navigation act, seems
peculiar. The question then is, should we disarm ourselves of the power
to make this distinction against all nations, in order to purchase
an exception from the alien duties in England only; for if we put her
importations on the footing of native, all other nations with whom we
treat will have a right to claim the same. I think we should, because
against other nations, who make no distinction in their ports between
us and their own subjects, we ought not to make a distinction in
ours. And if the English will agree, in like manner, to make none, we
should, with equal reason, abandon the right as against them. I think
all the world would gain, by setting commerce at perfect liberty. I
remember that when we were digesting the general form of our treaty,
this proposition to put foreigners and natives on the same footing
was considered; and we were all three, Dr. Franklin as well as you
and myself, in favor of it. We finally, however, did not admit it,
partly from the objection you mention, but more still on account of
our instructions. But though the English proclamation had appeared in
America at the time of framing these instructions, I think its effect,
as to alien duties, had not yet been experienced, and therefore was
not attended to. If it had been noted in the debate, I am sure that
the annihilation of our whole trade would have been thought too great a
price to pay for the reservation of a barren power, which a majority of
the members did not propose ever to exercise, though they were willing
to retain it. Stipulating for equal rights to foreigners and natives,
we obtain more in foreign ports than our instructions required, and we
only part with, in our own ports, a power of which sound policy would
probably forever forbid the exercise. Add to this, that our treaty will
be for a very short term, and if any evil be experienced under it, a
reformation will soon be in our power. I am, therefore, for putting
this among our original propositions to the court of London.
If it should prove an insuperable obstacle with them, or if it should
stand in the way of a greater advantage, we can but abandon it in the
course of the negotiation.
In my copy of the cypher, on the alphabetical side, numbers are wanting
from "Denmark" to "disc" inclusive, and from "gone" to "governor"
inclusive. I suppose them to have been omitted in copying; will you be
so good as to send them to me from yours, by the first safe conveyance?
With compliments to the ladies, and to Colonel Smith,
I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.[112]
TO MR. WM. SHORT.[113]
July, 1785.
SIR,--A treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of
America and his majesty the King of Prussia having been arranged with
the Baron de Thulemeyer, his majesty's envoy extraordinary at the
Hague, specially empowered for this purpose, and it being inconsistent
with our other duties to repair to that place ourselves for the purpose
of executing and exchanging the instruments of treaty, we hereby
appoint you special secretary for that purpose.
You receive from Colonel Humphries, secretary of our legation, the
original of our full powers, and a copy of the same attested by him,
heretofore communicated to us by the Baron de Thulemeyer, and the two
instruments of treaty awarded between us, each in two columns, the
one in English and the other in French, equally originals. From us you
receive a letter to Charles Dumas, Esq., for the United States at the
Hague, associating him with you in the object of your mission.
You will proceed immediately to the Hague, and being arrived there,
will deliver the letter to Mr. Dumas, and proceed conjunctly with him
in the residue of your business, which is to be executed there.
The original of our full powers is to be exhibited to the
plenipotentiary of his majesty the King of Prussia, and the attested
copy is to be left with him, you taking back the original. You will in
like manner ask an exhibition of the original of his full powers, and
also a copy duly attested: you will compare the copy with the original,
and, being satisfied of its exactness, you will return the original
and keep the copy. That you may be under no doubt whether the full
powers exhibited to you be sufficient or not, you receive from Colonel
Humphries those which the Baron de Thulemeyer heretofore sent to us; if
those which shall be exhibited agree with these in form or substance,
they will be sufficient.
The full powers being approved on each side and exchanged, you will
obtain the signature and seal of the Prussian plenipotentiary to the
two instruments of treaty with which you are charged, and yourself and
Mr. Dumas will attest the same. One of these original instruments will
remain in the hands of the Prussian plenipotentiary, the other you will
retain.
You will ask that the ratification of his majesty the King of Prussia
be made known to us as soon as it shall have taken place, giving an
assurance on our part that that of Congress shall also be communicated
as soon as it shall have taken place; when both ratifications shall be
known, measures may be concerted for exchanging them. You will confer
with the said plenipotentiary on the expediency of keeping this treaty
uncommunicated to the public until the exchange of ratifications agree
accordingly.
You will then return to Paris, and redeliver to the secretary of our
legation, our original full powers, the copies of those of Prussia
before-mentioned, and the original instrument of the treaty which you
shall have retained.
TO M. DE CASTRIES.
PARIS, August 3, 1785.
SIR,--The enclosed copy of a letter from Captain John Paul Jones, on
the subject on which your Excellency did me the honor to write me, on
the ---- day of July, will inform you that there is still occasion
to be troublesome to you. A Mr. Puchilberg, a merchant of L'Orient,
who seems to have kept himself unknown till money was to be received,
now presents powers to receive it, signed by the American officers
and crews; and this produces a hesitation in the person to whom your
order was directed. Congress, however, having substituted Captain
Jones, as agent, to solicit and receive this money, he having given
them security to forward it, when received, to their treasury, to
be thence distributed to the claimants, and having at a considerable
expense of time, trouble, and money, attended it to a conclusion, are
circumstances of weight, against which Mr. Puchilberg seems to have
nothing to oppose, but a nomination by individuals of the crew, under
which he has declined to act, and permitted the business to be done
by another without contradiction from him. Against him, too, it is
urged that he fomented the sedition which took place among them; that
he obtained this nomination from them while their minds were under
ferment; and that he has given no security for the faithful payment of
the money to those entitled to it.
I will add to these, one more circumstance which appears to render it
impossible that he should execute this trust. It is now several years
since the right to this money arose. The persons in whom it originally
vested were probably from different States in America. Many of them
must be now dead; and their rights passed on to their representatives.
But who are their representatives? The laws of some States prefer one
degree of relations, those of others prefer another, there being no
uniformity among the States on this point. Mr. Puchilberg, therefore,
should know which of the parties are dead; in what order the laws of
their respective States call their relations to the succession; and,
in every case, which of those orders are actually in existence, and
entitled to the share of the deceased. With the Atlantic Ocean between
the principals and their substitute, your Excellency will perceive
what an inexhaustible source of difficulties, of chicanery, and delay,
this might furnish to a person who should find an interest in keeping
this money, as long as possible, in his own hands. Whereas, if it
be lodged in the treasury of Congress, they, by an easy reference to
the tribunals of the different States, can have every one's portion
immediately rendered to himself, if living; and if dead, to such of his
relations as the laws of his particular State prefer, and as shall be
found actually living. I the rather urge this course, as I foresee that
it will relieve your Excellency from numberless appeals, which these
people will continually be making from the decisions of Mr. Puchilberg;
appeals likely to perpetuate that trouble of which you have already
had too much, and to which I am sorry to be obliged to add, by asking
a peremptory order for the execution of what you were before pleased to
decide on this subject.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect,
your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, August 6, 1785
DEAR SIR,--I now enclose you a draught of a treaty for the Barbary
States, together with the notes Dr. Franklin left me. I have retained
a press copy of this draught, so that by referring to any article, line
and word, in it, you can propose amendments, and send them by the post,
without anybody's being able to make much of the main subject. I shall
be glad to receive any alterations you may think necessary, as soon
as convenient, that this matter may be in readiness. I enclose also a
letter containing intelligence from Algiers. I know not how far it is
to be relied on. My anxiety is extreme indeed, as to these treaties.
We know that Congress have decided ultimately to treat. We know how far
they will go. But unfortunately we know also, that a particular person
has been charged with instructions for us, these five months, who
neither comes nor writes to us. What are we to do? It is my opinion,
that if Mr. Lambe does not come in either of the packets (English or
French) now expected, we ought to proceed. I therefore propose to you
this term, as the end of our expectations of him, and that if he does
not come, we send some other person. Dr. Bancroft or Captain Jones
occurs to me as the fittest. If we consider the present object only,
I think the former would be the most proper; but if we look forward to
the very probable event of war with those pirates, an important object
would be obtained by Captain Jones' becoming acquainted with their
ports, force, tactics, &c. Let me know your opinion on this. I have
never mentioned it to either, but I suppose either might be induced
to go. Present me affectionately to the ladies and Colonel Smith, and
be assured of the sincerity with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO DR. PRICE.
PARIS, August 7, 1785.
SIR,--Your favor of July the 2d came duly to hand. The concern you
therein express as to the effect of your pamphlet in America, induces
me to trouble you with some observations on that subject.
From my acquaintance with that country, I think I am able to judge,
with some degree of certainty, of the manner in which it will have been
received. Southward of the Chesapeake, it will find but few readers
concurring with it in sentiment, on the subject of slavery. From
the mouth to the head of the Chesapeake, the bulk of the people will
approve it in theory, and it will find a respectable minority ready
to adopt it in practice; a minority, which for weight and worth of
character, preponderates against the greater number, who have not the
courage to divest their families of a property, which, however, keeps
their conscience unquiet. Northward of the Chesapeake, you may find,
here and there, an opponent to your doctrine, as you may find, here and
there, a robber and murderer; but in no greater number. In that part
of America, there being but few slaves, they can easily disencumber
themselves of them; and emancipation is put into such a train, that in
a few years there will be no slaves northward of Maryland. In Maryland,
I do not find such a disposition to begin the redress of this enormity,
as in Virginia. This is the next State to which we may turn our eyes
for the interesting spectacle of justice, in conflict with avarice
and oppression; a conflict wherein the sacred side is gaining daily
recruits, from the influx into office of young men grown, and growing
up. These have sucked in the principles of liberty, as it were, with
their mother's milk; and it is to them I look with anxiety to turn the
fate of this question. Be not therefore discouraged. What you have
written will do a great deal of good; and could you still trouble
yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the
laboring side. The College of William and Mary, in Williamsburg, since
the re-modelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together
all the young men of Virginia, under preparation for public life. They
are there under the direction (most of them) of a Mr. Wythe, one of
the most virtuous of characters, and whose sentiments on the subject
of slavery are unequivocal. I am satisfied, if you could resolve to
address an exhortation to those young men, with all that eloquence
of which you are master, that its influence on the future decision
of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive. Thus you
see, that, so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you
have done, I wish you to do more, and wish it, on an assurance of its
effect. The information I have received from America, of the reception
of your pamphlet in the different States, agrees with the expectations
I had formed.
Our country is getting into a ferment against yours, or rather has
caught it from yours. God knows how this will end; but assuredly in
one extreme or the other. There can be no medium between those who have
loved so much. I think the decision is in your power as yet, but will
not be so long.
I pray you to be assured of the sincerity of the esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, August 10, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 4th instant came to hand yesterday. I
now enclose you the two _Arrets_ against the importation of foreign
manufactures into this kingdom. The cause of the balance against this
country, in favor of England, as well as its amount, is not agreed on.
No doubt the rage for English manufactures must be a principal cause.
The speculators in exchange say also that those of the circumjacent
countries who have a balance in their favor against France, remit that
balance to England from France. If so, it is possible that the English
may count this balance twice; that is, in summing their exports to one
of these States, and their imports from it, they count the difference
once in their favor, then a second time when they sum the remittances
of cash they receive from France. There has been no _Arret_ relative to
our commerce since that of August, 1784. And all the late advices from
the French West Indies are, that they have now in their ports always
three times as many vessels as there ever were before, and that the
increase is principally from our States. I have now no further fears
of that _Arret's_ standing its ground. When it shall become firm, I
do not think its extension desperate. But whether the placing it on
the firm basis of treaty be practicable, is a very different question.
As far as it is possible to judge from appearances, I conjecture
that Crawford will do nothing. I infer this from some things in his
conversation, and from an expression of the Count de Vergennes in a
conversation with me yesterday. I pressed upon him the importance of
opening their ports freely to us in the moment of the oppressions of
the English regulations against us, and perhaps of the suspension of
their commerce. He admitted it, but said we had free ingress with our
productions. I enumerated them to him, and showed him on what footing
they were, and how they might be improved. We are to have further
conversations on the subject. I am afraid the voyage to Fontainebleau
will interrupt them. From the inquiries I have made, I find I cannot
get a very small and indifferent house there for the season, (that
is, for a month,) for less than one hundred or one hundred and fifty
guineas. This is nearly the whole salary for the time, and would leave
nothing to eat. I therefore cannot accompany the court thither, but
I will endeavor to go there occasionally from Paris. They tell me it
is the most favorable scene for business with the Count de Vergennes,
because he is then more abstracted from the domestic applications.
Count d'Aranda is not yet returned from the waters of Vichy. As soon
as he returns, I will apply to him in the case of Mr. Watson. I will
pray you to insure Houdon's life from the 27th of last month till his
return to Paris. As he was to stay in America a month or two, he will
probably be about six months absent; but the three per cent. for the
voyage being once paid, I suppose they will insure his life by the
month, whether his absence be longer or shorter. The sum to be insured
is fifteen thousand livres tournois. If it be not necessary to pay
the money immediately, there is a prospect of exchange becoming more
favorable. But whenever it is necessary, be so good as to procure it by
selling a draft on Mr. Grand, which I will take care shall be honored.
With compliments to the ladies,
I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 14, 1785.
SIR,--I was honored, on the 22d ultimo, with the receipt of your letter
of June the 15th; and delivered the letter therein enclosed, from the
President of Congress to the King. I took an opportunity of asking the
Count de Vergennes, whether the Chevalier Luzerne proposed to return
to America? He answered me that he did; and that he was here, for a
time only, to arrange his private affairs. Of course, this stopped my
proceeding further, in compliance with the hint in your letter. I knew
that the Chevalier Luzerne still retained the character of minister
to Congress, which occasioned my premising the question I did. But,
notwithstanding the answer, which indeed was the only one the Count
de Vergennes could give me, I believe it is not expected that the
Chevalier will return to America: that he is waiting an appointment
here, to some of their embassies, or some other promotion, and in the
meantime, as a favor, is permitted to retain his former character.
Knowing the esteem borne him in America, I did not suppose it would
be wished that I should add anything which might occasion an injury
to him; and the rather, as I presumed that at this time, there did not
exist the same reason for wishing the arrival of a minister in America,
which, perhaps, existed there at the date of your letter. Count Adhemar
is just arrived from London, on account of a paralytic disease with
which he has been struck. It does not seem improbable that his place
will be supplied, and perhaps by the Chevalier de la Luzerne.
A French vessel has lately refused the salute to a British armed
vessel in the channel. The chargé des affaires of Great Britain, at
this court, (their ambassador having gone to London a few days ago,)
made this the subject of a conference with the Count de Vergennes, on
Tuesday last. He told me that the Count explained the transaction as
the act of the individual master of the French vessel, not founded in
any public orders. His earnestness, and his endeavors to find terms
sufficiently soft to express the Count's explanation, had no tendency
to lessen any doubts I might have entertained on this subject. I think
it possible the refusal may have been by order: nor can I believe that
Great Britain is in a condition to resent it, if it was so. In this
case, we shall see it repeated by France; and her example will then
be soon followed by other nations. The news-writers bring together
this circumstance, with the departure of the French ambassador from
London, and the English ambassador from Paris, the manœuvring of a
French fleet just off the channel, the collecting some English vessels
of war in the channel, the failure of a commercial treaty between the
two countries, and a severe _Arret_ here against English manufactures,
as foreboding war. It is possible that the fleet of manœuvre, the
refusal of the salute, and the English fleet of observation, may have
a connection with one another. But I am persuaded the other facts are
totally independent of these, and of one another, and are accidentally
brought together in point of time. Neither nation is in a condition
to go to war: Great Britain, indeed, the least so of the two. The
latter power, or rather, its monarch, as Elector of Hanover, has lately
confederated with the King of Prussia and others of the Germanic
body, evidently in opposition to the Emperor's designs on Bavaria.
An alliance, too, between the Empress of Russia and the republic
of Venice, seems to have had him in view, as he had meditated some
exchange of territory with that republic. This desertion of the powers
heretofore thought friendly to him, seems to leave no issue for his
ambition, but on the side of Turkey. His demarkation with that country
is still unsettled. His difference with the Dutch is certainly agreed.
The articles are not yet made public; perhaps not quite adjusted. Upon
the whole, we may count on another year's peace in Europe, and that our
friends will not, within that time, be brought into any embarrassments,
which might encourage Great Britain to be difficult in settling the
points still unsettled between us.
You have, doubtless, seen in the papers, that this court was sending
two vessels into the south sea, under the conduct of a Captain
Peyrouse. They give out, that the object is merely for the improvement
of our knowledge of the geography of that part of the globe. And
certain it is, that they carry men of eminence in different branches
of science. Their loading, however, as detailed in conversations, and
some other circumstances, appeared to me to indicate some other design:
perhaps that of colonizing on the western coast of America; or, it may
be, only to establish one or more factories there, for the fur trade.
Perhaps we may be little interested in either of these objects. But we
are interested in another, that is, to know whether they are perfectly
weaned from the desire of possessing continental colonies in America.
Events might arise, which would render it very desirable for Congress
to be satisfied they have no such wish. If they would desire a colony
on the western side of America, I should not be quite satisfied that
they would refuse one which should offer itself on the eastern side.
Captain Paul Jones being at L'Orient, within a day's journey of Brest,
where Captain Peyrouse's vessels lay, I desired him, if he could
not satisfy himself at L'Orient of the nature of this equipment, to
go to Brest for that purpose: conducting himself so as to excite no
suspicion that we attended at all to this expedition. His discretion
can be relied on, and his expenses for so short a journey, will be a
trifling price for satisfaction on this point. I hope, therefore, that
my undertaking that the expenses of his journey shall be reimbursed him
will not be disapproved.
A gentleman, lately arrived from New York, tells me he thinks it will
be satisfactory to Congress to be informed of the effect produced
here by the insult of Longchamps on Monsieur de Marbois. Soon after
my arrival in France last summer, it was the matter of a conversation
between the Count de Vergennes and myself. I explained to him the
effect of the judgment against Longchamps. He did not say that it
was satisfactory, but neither did he say a word from which I could
collect that it was not so. The conversation was not official, because
foreign to the character in which I then was. He has never mentioned
a word on the subject to me since, and it was not for me to introduce
it at any time. I have never once heard it mentioned in conversation,
by any person of this country, and have no reason to suppose that
there remains any uneasiness on the subject. I have indeed been told,
that they had sent orders to make a formal demand of Longchamps from
Congress, and had immediately countermanded these orders. You know
whether this be true. If it be, I should suspect the first orders to
have been surprised from them by some exaggeration, and that the latter
was a correction of their error, in the moment of further reflection.
Upon the whole, there certainly appears to me no reason to urge the
State, in which the fact happened, to any violation of their laws,
nor to set a precedent which might hereafter be used in cases more
interesting to us than the late one.
In a late conversation with the Count de Vergennes, he asked me if the
condition of our finances was improving. He did not make an application
of the question to the arrearages of their interest, though perhaps
he meant that I should apply it. I told him the impost still found
obstacles, and explained to him the effects which I hoped from our land
office. Your letter of the 15th of April, did not come to hand till
the 27th ultimo. I enclose a letter from Mr. Dumas to the President of
Congress, and accompany the present with the Leyden Gazette and Gazette
of France, from the date last sent you to the present time.
I have the honor to be, with high esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 14, 1785.
SIR,--The letter of June 18th, signed by Dr. Franklin and myself, is
the last addressed to you from hence on the objects of the general
commission. As circumstances rendered it necessary that the signature
of the Prussian treaty, whenever it should be in readiness, should be
made separately, the intervention of a person of confidence between
the Prussian Plenipotentiary and us became also requisite. His office
would be to receive the duplicates of the treaty here, signed by Dr.
Franklin and myself, to carry them to London to Mr. Adams, and to the
Hague to Baron Thulemeyer for their signatures. Moreover, to take hence
the original of our full powers to show to Baron Thulemeyer, and the
copy of his which he has before communicated to us, to ask from him
a sight of the original, to compare the copy with it, and certify the
latter to be true. Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, and myself, therefore, had
concluded to engage Mr. Short (a gentleman of Virginia who lives with
me at present) to transact this business, and to invest him with the
character of Secretary _pro hac vice_, in order that his signature
of the truth of the copy of Baron Thulemeyer's full powers might
authenticate that copy. On the receipt of the letter No. 1, therefore,
from that minister, Mr. Short set out hence with the necessary papers.
By a letter lately received from him, I expect he left London for
the Hague about the 10th instant, and that the treaty is ultimately
executed by this time. In respect to the desire expressed by Baron
Thulemeyer in his letter, we associated Mr. Dumas with Mr. Short to
assist in the exchange of signatures and other ceremonies of execution.
We agreed to bear Mr. Short's expenses, and have thought that a guinea
a day (Sundays excluded) would be a proper compensation for his trouble
and the necessary equipments for his journey, which could not enter
into the account of travelling expenses. I hope by the first safe
conveyance to be able to forward to you the original of the treaty. No
2 is my answer to Baron Thulemeyer's letter, No. 3 our instructions to
Mr. Short, and No. 4 letter to Mr. Dumas.
Mr. Lambe's delay gives me infinite uneasiness. You will see by the
inclosed papers, Nos. 5, 6, and 7, sent me by Mr. Carmichael, that
the Emperor of Morocco, at the instance of the Spanish Court, has
delivered up the crew of the Betsey. No. 8, also received from Mr.
Carmichael, is a list of the articles given the Emperor of Morocco
the last year by the States General. It is believed that the Spanish
negociator at Algiers has concluded a peace with that State, and has
agreed to give them a million of dollars, besides a very considerable
quantity of things in kind. The treaty meets with difficulties in the
ratification,--perhaps the exorbitance of the price may occasion them.
Rumors are spread abroad that they are pointing their preparations at
us. The enclosed paper, No. 9, is the only colorable evidence of this
which has come to my knowledge. I have proposed to Mr. Adams that if
Mr. Lambe does not come either in the French or English packet, then
(August 6) next expected, to send some person immediately to negotiate
these treaties, on the presumption that Mr. Lambe's purpose has been
changed. We shall still be at a loss for the instructions of which he
is said to have been the bearer. I expect Mr. Adams's answer on this
subject.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and
esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, August 15, 1785.
SIR,--In the conversation which I had the honor of having with your
Excellency, a few days ago, on the importance of placing, _at this
time_, the commerce between France and America on the best footing
possible, among other objects of this commerce, that of tobacco was
mentioned, as susceptible of greater encouragement and advantage to
the two nations. Always distrusting what I say in a language I speak
so imperfectly, I will beg your permission to state, in English, the
substance of what I had then the honor to observe, adding some more
particular details for your consideration.
I find the consumption of tobacco in France estimated at from fifteen
to thirty millions of pounds. The most probable estimate, however,
places it at twenty-four millions.
This costing eight sous the pound, delivered in a
port of France, amounts to 9,600,000 livres.
Allow six sous a pound, as the average cost of the
different manufactures 7,200,000
The revenue which the King derives from this, is
something less than 30,000,000
----------
Which would make the cost of the whole 46,800,000
But it is sold to the consumers at an average of
three livres the pound 72,000,000
----------
There remain, then, for the expenses of collection 25,200,000 livres.
This is within a sixth as much as the King receives, and so gives
nearly one half for collecting the other. It would be presumption
in me, a stranger, to suppose my numbers perfectly accurate. I have
taken them from the best and most disinterested authorities I could
find. Your Excellency will know how far they are wrong; and should you
find them considerably wrong, yet I am persuaded you will find, after
strictly correcting them, that the collection of this branch of the
revenue still absorbs too much.
My apology for making these remarks will, I hope, be found in my wishes
to improve the commerce between the two nations, and the interest
which my own country will derive from this improvement. The monopoly
of the purchase of tobacco in France discourages both the French and
American merchant from bringing it here, and from taking in exchange
the manufactures and productions of France. It is contrary to the
spirit of trade, and to the dispositions of merchants, to carry a
commodity to any market where but one person is allowed to buy it, and
where, of course, that person fixes its price, which the seller must
receive, or re-export his commodity, at the loss of his voyage thither.
Experience accordingly shows, that they carry it to other markets,
and that they take in exchange the merchandise of the place where they
deliver it. I am misinformed, if France has not been furnished from a
neighboring nation with considerable quantities of tobacco since the
peace, and been obliged to pay there in coin, what might have been paid
here in manufactures, had the French and American merchants brought
the tobacco originally here. I suppose, too, that the purchases made
by the Farmers General, in America, are paid for chiefly in coin,
which coin is also remitted directly hence to England, and makes an
important part of the balance supposed to be in favor of that nation
against this. Should the Farmers General, by themselves, or by the
company to whom they may commit the procuring these tobaccos from
America, require, for the satisfaction of government on this head, the
exportation of a proportion of merchandise in exchange for them, it
would be an unpromising expedient. It would only commit the exports,
as well as imports, between France and America, to a monopoly, which,
being secure against rivals in the sale of the merchandise of France,
would not be likely to sell at such moderate prices as might encourage
its consumption there, and enable it to bear a competition with similar
articles from other countries. I am persuaded this exportation of
coin may be prevented, and that of commodities effected, by leaving
both operations to the French and American merchants, instead of the
Farmers General. They will import a sufficient quantity of tobacco, if
they are allowed a perfect freedom in the sale; and they will receive
in payment, wines, oils, brandies, and manufactures, instead of coin;
forcing each other, by their competition, to bring tobaccos of the
best quality; to give to the French manufacturer the full worth of
his merchandise, and to sell to the American consumer at the lowest
price they can afford; thus encouraging him to use, in preference, the
merchandise of this country.
It is not necessary that this exchange should be favored by any loss of
revenue to the King. I do not mean to urge anything which shall injure
either his Majesty or his people. On the contrary, the measure I have
the honor of proposing, will increase his revenue, while it places both
the seller and buyer on a better footing. It is not for me to say, what
system of collection may be best adapted to the organization of this
government; nor whether any useful hints may be taken from the practice
of that country, which has heretofore been the principal entrepôt
for this commodity. Their system is simple and little expensive. The
importer, there, pays the whole duty to the King; and as this would
be inconvenient for him to do before he has sold his tobacco, he is
permitted, on arrival, to deposit it in the King's warehouse, under the
locks of the King's officer. As soon as he has sold it, he goes with
the purchaser to the warehouse, the money is there divided between the
King and him, to each his proportion, and the purchaser takes out the
tobacco. The payment of the King's duty is thus ensured in ready money.
What is the expense of its collection, I cannot say; but it certainly
need not exceed six livres a hogshead of one thousand pounds. That
government levies a higher duty on tobacco than is levied here. Yet
so tempting and so valuable is the perfect liberty of sale, that the
merchant carries it there, and finds his account in doing so.
If, by a simplification of the collection of the King's duty on
tobacco, the cost of that collection can be reduced even to five per
cent., or a million and a half, instead of twenty-five millions; the
price to the consumer will be reduced from three to two livres the
pound. For thus I calculate:
The cost, manufacture, and revenue, on twenty-four
million pounds of tobacco being (as before stated) 46,800,000
livres.
Five per cent. on thirty millions of livres, expenses
of collection 1,500,000
Give what the consumers would pay, being about two ----------
livres a pound 48,300,000
But they pay at present three livres a pound 72,000,000
----------
The difference is 23,700,000
The price, being thus reduced one-third, would be brought within
the reach of a new and numerous circle of the people, who cannot,
at present, afford themselves this luxury. The consumption, then,
would probably increase, and perhaps, in the same if not a greater
proportion, with the reduction of the price; that is to say, from
twenty-four to thirty-six millions of pounds; and the King, continuing
to receive twenty-five sous on the pound, as at present, would receive
forty-five instead of thirty millions of livres, while his subjects
would pay but two livres for an object which has heretofore cost them
three. Or if, in event, the consumption were not to be increased, he
would levy only forty-eight millions on his people, where seventy-two
millions are now levied, and would leave twenty-four millions in their
pockets, either to remain there, or to be levied in some other form,
should the state of revenue require it. It will enable his subjects,
also, to dispose of between nine and ten millions worth of their
produce and manufactures, instead of sending nearly that sum annually,
in coin, to enrich a neighboring nation.
I have heard two objections made to the suppression of this monopoly.
1. That it might increase the importation of tobacco in contraband.
2. That it would lessen the abilities of the Farmers General to make
occasional loans of money to the public treasury. These objections will
surely be better answered by those who are better acquainted than I
am with the details and circumstances of the country. With respect to
the first, however, I may observe, that contraband does not increase
on lessening the temptations to it. It is now encouraged by those who
engage in it being able to sell for sixty sous what cost but fourteen,
leaving a gain of forty-six sous. When the price shall be reduced from
sixty to forty sous, the gain will be but twenty-six, that is to say,
a little more than one-half of what it is at present. It does not seem
a natural consequence then, that contraband should be increased by
reducing its gain nearly one-half. As to the second objection, if we
suppose (for elucidation and without presuming to fix) the proportion
of the farm on tobacco, at one-eighth of the whole mass farmed, the
abilities of the Farmers General to lend, will be reduced one-eighth,
that is, they can hereafter lend only seven millions, where heretofore
they have lent eight. It is to be considered then, whether this eighth
(or other proportion, whatever it be) is worth the annual sacrifice of
twenty-four millions, or if a much smaller sacrifice to other moneyed
men, will not produce the same loans of money in the ordinary way.
While the advantages of an increase of revenue to the crown, a
diminution of impost on the people, and a payment in merchandise,
instead of money, are conjectured as likely to result to France from
a suppression of the monopoly on tobacco, we have also reason to
hope some advantages on our part; and this hope alone could justify
my entering into the present details. I do not expect this advantage
will be by any augmentation of price. The other markets of Europe have
too much influence on this article to admit any sensible augmentation
of price to take place. But the advantage I principally expect is an
increase of consumption. This will give us a vent for so much more,
and, of consequence, find employment for so many more cultivators of
the earth; and in whatever proportion it increases this production
for us, in the same proportion will it procure additional vent for the
merchandise of France, and employment for the hands which produce it.
I expect, too, that by bringing our merchants here, they would procure
a number of commodities in exchange, better in kind, and cheaper in
price. It is with sincerity I add, that warm feelings are indulged in
my breast by the further hope, that it would bind the two nations still
closer in friendship, by binding them in interest. In truth, no two
countries are better calculated for the exchanges of commerce. France
wants rice, tobacco, potash, furs, and ship-timber. We want wines,
brandies, oils, and manufactures. There is an affection, too, between
the two people, which disposes them to favor one another. If they do
not come together, then, to make the exchanges in their own ports, it
shows there is some substantial obstructions in the way. We have had
the benefit of too many proofs of his Majesty's friendly disposition
towards the United States, and know too well his affectionate
care of his own subjects, to doubt his willingness to remove these
obstructions, if they can be unequivocally pointed out. It is for his
wisdom to decide, whether the monopoly, which is the subject of this
letter, be deservedly classed with the principal of these. It is a
great comfort to me, too, that, in presenting this to the mind of his
Majesty, your Excellency will correct my ideas where an insufficient
knowledge of facts may have led me into error; and that, while the
interests of the King and of his people are the first objects of your
attention, an additional one will be presented by those dispositions
toward us, which have heretofore so often befriended our nation.
I avail myself of this occasion to repeat the assurance of that high
respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.
PARIS, August 17, 1785.
SIR,--Mine of the 13th informed you that I had written to the M. de
Castries on the subject of Puchilberg's interference. Yesterday I
received his answer dated the 12th. In that he says that he is informed
by the Ordonneteur that he has not been able to get an authentic roll
of the crew of the Alliance, and that, in the probable case of there
having been some French subjects among them, it will be just that
you should give security to repay their portions. I wrote to him this
morning, that as you have obliged yourself to transmit the money to
the treasury of the United States, it does not seem just to require you
to be answerable for money which will be no longer within your power;
that the repayment of such portions will be incumbent on Congress;
that I will immediately solicit their orders to have all such claims
paid by their banker here; and that, should any be presented before
I receive their orders, I will undertake to direct the banker of the
United States to pay them, that there may be no delay. I trust that
this will remove the difficulty, and that it is the last which will be
offered. The ultimate answer shall be communicated the moment I receive
it. Having pledged myself for the claims which may be offered before
I receive the orders of Congress, it is necessary to arm myself with
the proper checks. Can you give me a roll of the crew, pointing out
the French subjects? If not, can you recollect personally the French
subjects, and name them to me, and the sums they are entitled to? If
there were none such, yet the roll will be material, because I have no
doubt that Puchilberg will excite claims upon me, either true or false.
I am, with much respect, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, August 18, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of June the 22d, with a postscript of
July the 14th. Yours of June the 27th came to hand the 23d of July,
and that of July the 28th came to hand the 10th instant. The papers
enclosed in the last shall be communicated to Mr. Adams. I see with
extreme satisfaction and gratitude the friendly interposition of the
court of Spain with the Emperor of Morocco on the subject of the brig
Betsey, and I am persuaded it will produce the happiest effects in
America. Those, who are intrusted with the public affairs there, are
sufficiently sensible how essential it is for our interest to cultivate
peace with Spain, and they will be pleased to see a corresponding
disposition in that court. The late good office of emancipating a
number of our countrymen from slavery is peculiarly calculated to
produce a sensation among our people, and to dispose them to relish and
adopt the pacific and friendly views of their leaders towards Spain.
We hear nothing yet of Mr. Lambe. I have therefore lately proposed
to Mr. Adams, that if he does not come in the French or English
packet of this month, we will wait no longer. If he accedes to the
proposition, you will be sure of hearing of, and, perhaps, of seeing
some agent proceeding on that business. The immense sum, said to have
been proposed on the part of Spain to Algiers, leaves us little hope
of satisfying their avarice. It may happen, then, that the interests
of Spain and America may call for a concert of proceedings against
that State. The dispositions of the Emperor of Morocco give us better
hopes there. May not the affairs of the Musquito coast, and our western
ports, produce another instance of a common interest? Indeed, I meet
this correspondence of interest in so many quarters, that I look with
anxiety to the issue of Mr. Gardoqui's mission, hoping it will be a
removal of the only difficulty at present subsisting between the two
nations, or which is likely to arise.
Congress are not likely to adjourn this summer. They have purchased the
Indian right of soil to about fifty millions of acres of land between
the Ohio and lakes, and expected to make another purchase of an equal
quantity. They have, in consequence, passed an ordinance for disposing
of their lands, and I think a very judicious one. They propose to sell
them at auction for not less than a dollar an acre, receiving their own
certificates of debt as money. I am of opinion, all the certificates
of our domestic debt will immediately be exchanged for land. Our
foreign debt, in that case, will soon be discharged. New York and Rhode
Island still refuse the impost. A general disposition is taking place
to commit the whole management of our commerce to Congress. This has
been much promoted by the interested policy of England, which, it was
apparent, could not be counter-worked by the States separately. In
the meantime, the other great towns are acceding to the proceedings
of Boston for annihilating, in a great measure, their commercial
connections with Great Britain. I will send the cypher by a gentleman,
who goes from here to Madrid about a month hence. It shall be a copy of
the one I gave Mr. Adams. The letter of Don Gomez has been delivered
at the hotel of the Portuguese ambassador, who is, however, in the
country.
I am, with much respect, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant.
TO MRS. TRIST.
PARIS, August 18,1785.
DEAR MADAM,--
* * * * *
I am much pleased with the people of this country. The roughness of the
human mind are so thoroughly rubbed off with them, that it seems as
if one might glide through a whole life among them without a jostle.
Perhaps, too, their manners may be the best calculated for happiness
to a people in their situation, but I am convinced they fall far short
of effecting a happiness so temperate, so uniform, and so lasting as is
generally enjoyed with us. The domestic bonds here are absolutely done
away, and where can their compensation be found? Perhaps they may catch
some moments of transport above the level of the ordinary tranquil joy
we experience, but they are separated by long intervals, during which
all the passions are at sea without rudder or compass. Yet, fallacious
as the pursuits of happiness are, they seem on the whole to furnish
the most effectual abstraction from a contemplation of the hardness
of their government. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive how so good
a people, with so good a King, so well-disposed rulers in general, so
genial a climate, so fertile a soil, should be rendered so ineffectual
for producing human happiness by one single curse,--that of a bad form
of government. But it is a fact, in spite of the mildness of their
governors, the people are ground to powder by the vices of the form of
government. Of twenty millions of people supposed to be in France, I
am of opinion there are nineteen millions more wretched, more accursed
in every circumstance of human existence than the most conspicuously
wretched individual of the whole United States. I beg your pardon
for getting into politics. I will add only one sentiment more of that
character, that is, nourish peace with their persons, but war against
their manners. Every step we take towards the adoption of their manners
is a step to perfect misery. I pray you to write to me often. Do not
you turn politician too; but write me all the small news--the news
about persons and about states; tell me who dies, that I may meet these
disagreeable events in detail, and not all at once when I return; who
marry, who hang themselves because they cannot marry, &c. Present me in
the most friendly terms to Mrs. House and Browse, and be assured of the
sincerity with which I am, dear Madam,
Your affectionate friend and servant.
TO PETER CARR.
PARIS, August 19, 1785.
DEAR PETER,--I received, by Mr. Mazzei, your letter of April the 20th.
I am much mortified to hear that you have lost so much time; and that,
when you arrived in Williamsburg, you were not at all advanced from
what you were when you left Monticello. Time now begins to be precious
to you. Every day you lose will retard a day your entrance on that
public stage whereon you may begin to be useful to yourself. However,
the way to repair the loss is to improve the future time. I trust,
that with your dispositions, even the acquisition of science is a
pleasing employment. I can assure you, that the possession of it is,
what (next to an honest heart) will above all things render you dear
to your friends, and give you fame and promotion in your own country.
When your mind shall be well improved with science, nothing will be
necessary to place you in the highest points of view, but to pursue
the interests of your country, the interests of your friends, and your
own interests also, with the purest integrity, the most chaste honor.
The defect of these virtues can never be made up by all the other
acquirements of body and mind. Make these, then, your first object.
Give up money, give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and
all it contains, rather than do an immoral act. And never suppose, that
in any possible situation, or under any circumstances, it is best for
you to do a dishonorable thing, however slightly so it may appear to
you. Whenever you are to do a thing, though it can never be known but
to yourself, ask yourself how you would act were all the world looking
at you, and act accordingly. Encourage all your virtuous dispositions,
and exercise them whenever an opportunity arises; being assured that
they will gain strength by exercise, as a limb of the body does, and
that exercise will make them habitual. From the practice of the purest
virtue, you may be assured you will derive the most sublime comforts
in every moment of life, and in the moment of death. If ever you find
yourself environed with difficulties and perplexing circumstances, out
of which you are at a loss how to extricate yourself, do what is right,
and be assured that that will extricate you the best out of the worst
situations. Though you cannot see, when you take one step, what will
be the next, yet follow truth, justice, and plain dealing, and never
fear their leading you out of the labyrinth, in the easiest manner
possible. The knot which you thought a Gordian one, will untie itself
before you. Nothing is so mistaken as the supposition, that a person
is to extricate himself from a difficulty, by intrigue, by chicanery,
by dissimulation, by trimming, by an untruth, by an injustice. This
increases the difficulties ten-fold; and those, who pursue these
methods, get themselves so involved at length, that they can turn no
way but their infamy becomes more exposed. It is of great importance
to set a resolution, not to be shaken, never to tell an untruth. There
is no vice so mean, so pitiful, so contemptible; and he who permits
himself to tell a lie once, finds it much easier to do it a second
and third time, till at length it becomes habitual; he tells lies
without attending to it, and truths without the world's believing him.
This falsehood of the tongue leads to that of the heart, and in time
depraves all its good dispositions.
An honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing head is the second.
It is time for you now to begin to be choice in your reading; to begin
to pursue a regular course in it; and not to suffer yourself to be
turned to the right or left by reading anything out of that course.
I have long ago digested a plan for you, suited to the circumstances
in which you will be placed. This I will detail to you, from time to
time, as you advance. For the present, I advise you to begin a course
of ancient history, reading everything in the original and not in
translations. First read Goldsmith's history of Greece. This will give
you a digested view of that field. Then take up ancient history in the
detail, reading the following books, in the following order: Herodotus,
Thucydides, Xenophontis Anabasis, Arrian, Quintus Curtius, Diodorus
Siculus, Justin. This shall form the first stage of your historical
reading, and is all I need mention to you now. The next will be of
Roman history.[114] From that, we will come down to modern history. In
Greek and Latin poetry, you have read or will read at school, Virgil,
Terence, Horace, Anacreon, Theocritus, Homer, Euripides, Sophocles.
Read also Milton's Paradise Lost, Shakspeare, Ossian, Pope's and
Swift's works, in order to form your style in your own language. In
morality, read Epictetus, Xenophontis Memorabilia, Plato's Socratic
dialogues, Cicero's philosophies, Antoninus, and Seneca. In order to
assure a certain progress in this reading, consider what hours you
have free from the school and the exercises of the school. Give about
two of them, every day, to exercise; for health must not be sacrificed
to learning. A strong body makes the mind strong. As to the species
of exercise, I advise the gun. While this gives a moderate exercise
to the body, it gives boldness, enterprise, and independence to the
mind. Games played with the ball, and others of that nature, are too
violent for the body, and stamp no character on the mind. Let your
gun, therefore, be the constant companion of your walks. Never think
of taking a book with you. The object of walking is to relax the mind.
You should therefore not permit yourself even to think while you walk;
but divert yourself by the objects surrounding you. Walking is the best
possible exercise. Habituate yourself to walk very far. The Europeans
value themselves on having subdued the horse to the uses of man; but
I doubt whether we have not lost more than we have gained, by the use
of this animal. No one has occasioned so much the degeneracy of the
human body. An Indian goes on foot nearly as far in a day, for a long
journey, as an enfeebled white does on his horse; and he will tire
the best horses. There is no habit you will value so much as that of
walking far without fatigue. I would advise you to take your exercise
in the afternoon: not because it is the best time for exercise, for
certainly it is not; but because it is the best time to spare from
your studies; and habit will soon reconcile it to health, and render
it nearly as useful as if you gave to that the more precious hours of
the day. A little walk of half an hour, in the morning, when you first
rise, is advisable also. It shakes off sleep, and produces other good
effects in the animal economy. Rise at a fixed and an early hour, and
go to bed at a fixed and early hour also. Sitting up late at night is
injurious to the health, and not useful to the mind. Having ascribed
proper hours to exercise, divide what remain (I mean of your vacant
hours) into three portions. Give the principal to History, the other
two, which should be shorter, to Philosophy and Poetry. Write to me
once every month or two, and let me know the progress you make. Tell
me in what manner you employ every hour in the day. The plan I have
proposed for you is adapted to your present situation only. When that
is changed, I shall propose a corresponding change of plan. I have
ordered the following books to be sent to you from London, to the
care of Mr. Madison: Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon's Hellenics,
Anabasis and Memorabilia, Cicero's works, Baretti's Spanish and English
Dictionary, Martin's Philosophical Grammar, and Martin's Philosophia
Britannica. I will send you the following from hence: Bezout's
Mathematics, De la Lande's Astronomy, Muschenbrock's Physics, Quintus
Curtius, Justin, a Spanish Grammar, and some Spanish books. You will
observe that Martin, Bezout, De la Lande, and Muschenbrock, are not
in the preceding plan. They are not to be opened till you go to the
University. You are now, I expect, learning French. You must push this;
because the books which will be put into your hands when you advance
into Mathematics, Natural philosophy, Natural history, &c., will be
mostly French, these sciences being better treated by the French than
the English writers. Our future connection with Spain renders that
the most necessary of the modern languages, after the French. When you
become a public man, you may have occasion for it, and the circumstance
of your possessing that language, may give you a preference over other
candidates. I have nothing further to add for the present, but husband
well your time, cherish your instructors, strive to make everybody your
friend; and be assured that nothing will be so pleasing as your success
to, Dear Peter,
Yours affectionately.
TO JOHN PAGE.
PARIS, August 20, 1785.
DEAR PAGE,--I received your friendly letter of April the 28th, by Mr.
Mazzei, on the 22d of July. That of the month before, by Monsieur
le Croix, has not come to hand. This correspondence is grateful to
some of my warmest feelings, as the friendships of my youth are those
which adhere closest to me, and in which I most confide. My principal
happiness is now in the retrospect of life.
I thank you for your notes of your operations on the Pennsylvania
boundary. I am in hopes that from yourself, Madison, Rittenhouse or
Hutchings, I shall receive a chart of the line as actually run. It
will be a great present to me. I think Hutchings promised to send it
to me. I have been much pleased to hear you had it in contemplation,
to endeavor to establish Rittenhouse in our College. This would be an
immense acquisition, and would draw youth to it from every part of the
continent. You will do much more honor to our society, on reviving it,
by placing him at its head, than so useless a member as I should be. I
have been so long diverted from this my favorite line, and that, too,
without acquiring an attachment to my adopted one, that I am become
a mongrel, of no decided order, unowned by any, and incapable of
serving any. I should feel myself out of my true place too, to stand
before McLurg. But why withdraw yourself? You have more zeal, more
application, and more constant attention to the subjects proper to the
society, and can therefore, serve them best.
The affair of the Emperor and Dutch is settled, though not signed.
The particulars have not yet transpired. That of the Bavarian exchange
is dropped, and his views on Venice defeated. The alliance of Russia
with Venice, to prevent his designs in that quarter, and that of the
Hanoverian Elector with the King of Prussia and other members of the
Germanic body, to prevent his acquisition of Bavaria, leave him in
a solitary situation. In truth, he has lost much reputation by his
late manœuvres. He is a restless, ambitious character, aiming
at everything, persevering in nothing, taking up designs without
calculating the force which will be opposed to him, and dropping
them on the appearance of firm opposition. He has some just views,
and much activity. The only quarter in which the peace of Europe
seems at present capable of being disturbed, is on that of the
Porte. It is believed that the Emperor and Empress have schemes in
contemplation, for driving the Turks out of Europe. Were this with
a view to re-establish the native Greeks in the sovereignty of their
own country, I could wish them success, and to see driven from that
delightful country a set of barbarians, with whom an opposition to all
science is an article of religion. The modern Greek is not yet so far
departed from its ancient model, but that we might still hope to see
the language of Homer and Demosthenes flow with purity, from the lips
of a free and ingenious people. But these powers have in object to
divide the country between themselves. This is only to substitute one
set of barbarians for another, breaking, at the same time, the balance
among the European powers. You have been told, with truth, that the
Emperor of Morocco has shown a disposition to enter into treaty with
us; but not truly, that Congress has not attended to his advances, and
thereby disgusted him. It is long since they took measures to meet his
advances. But some unlucky incidents have delayed their effect. His
dispositions continue good. As a proof of this, he has lately released
freely, and clothed well, the crew of an American brig he took last
winter; the only vessel ever taken from us by any of the States of
Barbary. But what is the English of these good dispositions? Plainly
this; he is ready to receive us into the number of his tributaries.
What will be the amount of tribute, remains yet to be known, but it
probably will not be as small as you may have conjectured. It will
surely be more than a free people ought to pay to a power owning only
four or five frigates, under twenty-two guns: he has not a port into
which a larger vessel can enter. The Algerines possess fifteen or
twenty frigates, from that size up to fifty guns. Disinclination on
their part, has lately broken off a treaty between Spain and them,
whereon they were to have received a million of dollars, besides great
presents in naval stores. What sum they intend we shall pay, I cannot
say. Then follow Tunis and Tripoli. You will probably find the tribute
to all these powers make such a proportion of the federal taxes, as
that every man will feel them sensibly, when he pays those taxes.
The question is, whether their peace or war will be cheapest? But it
is a question which should be addressed to our honor, as well as our
avarice. Nor does it respect us as to these pirates only, but as to the
nations of Europe. If we wish our commerce to be free and uninsulted,
we must let these nations see, that we have an energy which at present
they disbelieve. The low opinion they entertain of our powers, cannot
fail to involve us soon, in a naval war.
I shall send you with this, if I can, and if not, then by the first
good conveyance, the Connoissance de tems for the years 1786 and 1787,
being all as yet published. You will find in these the tables for the
planet Herschel, as far as the observations hitherto made, admit them
to be calculated. You will see, also, that Herschel was only the first
astronomer who discovered it to be a planet, and not the first who saw
it. Mayer saw it in the year 1756, and placed it in the catalogue of
his zodiacal stars, supposing it to be such. A Prussian astronomer,
in the year 1781, observed that the 964th star of Mayer's catalogue
was missing; and the calculations now prove that at the time Mayer
saw his 964th star, the planet Herschel should have been precisely in
the place where he noted that star. I shall send you also a little
publication here, called the Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique. It
will communicate all the improvements and new discoveries in the arts
and sciences, made in Europe for some years past. I shall be happy to
hear from you often. Details, political and literary, and even of the
small history of our country, are the most pleasing communications
possible. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Page, and to your family,
in the members of which, though unknown to me, I feel an interest on
account of their parents. Believe me to be with warm esteem, dear Page,
your sincere friend and servant.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
PARIS, August 22, 1785.
SIR,--I was honored yesterday with your Excellency's letter of June
the 16th, enclosing the resolution of Assembly relative to the bust of
the M. de La Fayette. I shall render cheerfully any services I can in
aid of Mr. Barclay for carrying this resolution into effect. The M.
de La Fayette being to pass into Germany and Prussia, it was thought
proper to take the model of his bust in plaister before his departure.
Monsieur Houdon was engaged to do it, and did it accordingly. So far
Mr. Barclay had thought himself authorized to go in consequence of
orders formerly received. You will be so good as to instruct me as
to the moneys hereafter to be remitted to me, whether I am to apply
them solely to the statue of General Washington, or to that, and the
Marquis's bust in common, as shall be necessary. Supposing you wish to
know the application of the money's remitted from time to time, I state
hereon an account thereof so far as I am able at present. Before your
receipt of this letter I am in hopes mine of July 11th, by Monsieur
Houdon, will have come to your hands; in that I enclosed you a copy of
the contract with him.
I have the honor to be, with due respect, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant,
TH: JEFFERSON.
TO JOHN JAY.
(Private.) PARIS, August 23, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I shall sometimes ask your permission to write you letters,
not official, but private. The present is of this kind, and is
occasioned by the question proposed in yours of June the 14th; "whether
it would be useful to us, to carry all our own productions, or none?"
Were we perfectly free to decide this question, I should reason as
follows. We have now lands enough to employ an infinite number of
people in their cultivation. Cultivators of the earth are the most
valuable citizens. They are the most vigorous, the most independent,
the most virtuous, and they are tied to their country, and wedded
to its liberty and interests, by the most lasting bonds. As long,
therefore, as they can find employment in this line, I would not
convert them into mariners, artisans, or anything else. But our
citizens will find employment in this line, till their numbers, and
of course their productions, become too great for the demand, both
internal and foreign. This is not the case as yet, and probably will
not be for a considerable time. As soon as it is, the surplus of hands
must be turned to something else. I should then, perhaps, wish to turn
them to the sea in preference to manufactures; because, comparing the
characters of the two classes, I find the former the most valuable
citizens. I consider the class of artificers as the panders of vice,
and the instruments by which the liberties of a country are generally
overturned. However, we are not free to decide this question on
principles of theory only. Our people are decided in the opinion, that
it is necessary for us to take a share in the occupation of the ocean,
and their established habits induce them to require that the sea be
kept open to them, and that that line of policy be pursued, which will
render the use of that element to them as great as possible. I think
it a duty in those entrusted with the administration of their affairs,
to conform themselves to the decided choice of their constituents; and
that therefore, we should, in every instance, preserve an equality of
right to them in the transportation of commodities, in the right of
fishing, and in the other uses of the sea.
But what will be the consequence? Frequent wars without a doubt.
Their property will be violated on the sea, and in foreign ports,
their persons will be insulted, imprisoned, &c., for pretended debts,
contracts, crimes, contraband, &c., &c. These insults must be resented,
even if we had no feelings, yet to prevent their eternal repetition;
or, in other words, our commerce on the ocean and in other countries,
must be paid for by frequent war. The justest dispositions possible in
ourselves, will not secure us against it. It would be necessary that
all other nations were just also. Justice indeed, on our part, will
save us from those wars which would have been produced by a contrary
disposition. But how can we prevent those produced by the wrongs of
other nations? By putting ourselves in a condition to punish them.
Weakness provokes insult and injury, while a condition to punish, often
prevents them. This reasoning leads to the necessity of some naval
force; that being the only weapon by which we can reach an enemy. I
think it to our interest to punish the first insult; because an insult
unpunished is the parent of many others. We are not, at this moment,
in a condition to do it, but we should put ourselves into it, as soon
as possible. If a war with England should take place, it seems to me
that the first thing necessary would be a resolution to abandon the
carrying trade, because we cannot protect it. Foreign nations must,
in that case, be invited to bring us what we want, and to take our
productions in their own bottoms. This alone could prevent the loss
of those productions to us, and the acquisition of them to our enemy.
Our seamen might be employed in depredations on their trade. But how
dreadfully we shall suffer on our coasts, if we have no force on the
water, former experience has taught us. Indeed, I look forward with
horror to the very possible case of war with an European power, and
think there is no protection against them, but from the possession of
some force on the sea. Our vicinity to their West India possessions,
and to the fisheries, is a bridle which a small naval force, on our
part, would hold in the mouths of the most powerful of these countries.
I hope our land office will rid us of our debts, and that our first
attention then, will be, to the beginning a naval force of some sort.
This alone can countenance our people as carriers on the water, and I
suppose them to be determined to continue such.
I wrote you two public letters on the 14th instant, since which I have
received yours of July the 13th. I shall always be pleased to receive
from you, in a private way, such communications as you might not choose
to put into a public letter.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS. August 28, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 5th of July, by Mr. Franklin and on the
12th of the same month, by Monsieur Houdon. Since that date, yours of
June the 16th, by Mazzei, has been received. Everything looks like
peace here. The settlement between the Emperor and the Dutch is not
yet published, but it is believed to be agreed on. Nothing is done, as
yet, between him and the Porte. He is much wounded by the confederation
of several of the Germanic body, at the head of which is the King
of Prussia, and to which the King of England, as Elector of Hanover,
is believed to accede. The object is to preserve the constitution of
that empire. It shows that these princes entertain serious jealousies
of the ambition of the Emperor, and this will very much endanger
the election of his nephew as King of the Romans. A late _Arret_ of
this court against the admission of British manufactures produces
a great sensation in England. I wish it may produce a disposition
there to receive our commerce in all their dominions, on advantageous
terms. This is the only balm which can heal the wounds that it has
received. It is but too true, that that country furnished markets for
three-fourths of the exports of the eight northern-most States. A truth
not proper to be spoken of, but which should influence our proceedings
with them.
The July French packet having arrived without bringing any news of Mr.
Lambe, if the English one of the same month be also arrived, without
news of him, I expect Mr. Adams will concur with me in sending some
other person to treat with the Barbary States. Mr. Barclay is willing
to go, and I have proposed him to Mr. Adams, but have not yet received
his answer. The peace expected between Spain and Algiers, will probably
not take place. It is said, the former was to have given a million of
dollars. Would it not be prudent to send a minister to Portugal? Our
commerce with that country is very important; perhaps more so than
with any other country in Europe. It is possible, too, that they might
permit our whaling vessels to refresh in Brazil, or give some other
indulgences in America. The lethargic character of their ambassador
here gives a very unhopeful aspect to a treaty on this ground. I lately
spoke with him on the subject, and he has promised to interest himself
in obtaining an answer from his court.
I have waited to see what was the pleasure of Congress, as to the
secretaryship of my office here; that is, to see whether they proposed
to appoint a secretary of legation, or leave me to appoint a private
secretary. Colonel Humphreys' occupation in the despatches and records
of the matters which relate to the general commissions, does not afford
him leisure to aid me in my office, were I entitled to ask that aid. In
the meantime, the long papers, which often accompany the communications
between the ministers here, and myself, and the other business of the
office, absolutely require a scribe. I shall, therefore, on Mr. Short's
return from the Hague, appoint him my private secretary, till Congress
shall think proper to signify their pleasure. The salary allowed Mr.
Franklin in the same office, was one thousand dollars a year. I shall
presume that Mr. Short may draw the same allowance from the funds of
the United States here. As soon as I shall have made this appointment,
I shall give official notice of it to Mr. Jay, that Congress may, if
they disapprove it, say so.
I am much pleased with your land ordinance, and think it improved from
the first, in the most material circumstances. I had mistaken the
object of the division of the lands among the States. I am sanguine
in my expectations of lessening our debts by this fund, and have
expressed my expectations to the minister and others here. I see by the
public papers, you have adopted the dollar as your money unit. In the
arrangement of coins I proposed, I ought to have inserted a gold coin
of five dollars, which, being within two shillings of the value of a
guinea, would be very convenient.
The English papers are so incessantly repeating their lies about the
tumults, the anarchy, the bankruptcies and distresses of America,
that these ideas prevail very generally in Europe. At a large table
where I dined the other day, a gentleman from Switzerland expressed
his apprehensions for the fate of Dr. Franklin, as he said he had
been informed, that he would be received with stones by the people,
who were generally dissatisfied with the Revolution, and incensed
against all those who had assisted in bringing it about. I told him his
apprehensions were just, and that the people of America would probably
salute Dr. Franklin with the same stones they had thrown at the Marquis
Fayette. The reception of the Doctor is an object of very general
attention, and will weigh in Europe, as an evidence of the satisfaction
or dissatisfaction of America, with their Revolution. As you are to
be in Williamsburg early in November, this is the last letter I shall
write you till about that time.
I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 30, 1785.
SIR,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 14th instant, by a Mr.
Cannon of Connecticut, who was to sail in the packet. Since that date,
yours of July 13th has come to hand. The times for the sailing of the
packets being somewhat deranged, I avail myself of a conveyance for
the present, by the Mr. Fitzhughs of Virginia, who expect to land at
Philadelphia.
I enclose you a correspondence which has taken place between the
Marechal de Castries, minister of the Marine, and myself. It is on
the subject of the prize money due to the officers and crew of the
Alliance, for prizes taken in Europe, under the command of Captain
Jones. That officer has been here, under the direction of Congress,
near two years, soliciting the liquidation and payment of that money.
Infinite delays had retarded the liquidation till the month of June. It
was expected, when the liquidation was announced to be completed, that
the money was to be received. The M. de Castries doubted the authority
of Captain Jones to receive it, and wrote to me for information. I
wrote him the letter dated July the 10th, which seemed to clear away
that difficulty. Another arose. A Mr. Puchilberg presented powers to
receive the money. I wrote, then, the letter of August the 3d, and
received that of the M. de Castries, of August the 12th, acknowledging
he was satisfied as to this difficulty, but announcing another; to
wit, that possibly some French subjects might have been on board the
Alliance, and, therefore, that Captain Jones ought to give security
for the repayment of their portions. Captain Jones had before told
me there was not a Frenchman on board that vessel, but the Captain. I
inquired of Mr. Barclay. He told me he was satisfied there was not one.
Here then, was a mere possibility, a shadow of a right, opposed to a
certain, to a substantial one which existed in the mass of the crew,
and which was likely to be delayed; for it was not to be expected that
Captain Jones could, in a strange country, find the security required.
These difficulties I suppose to have been conjured up, one after
another, by Mr. Puchilberg, who wanted to get hold of the money. I saw
but one way to cut short these everlasting delays, which were ruining
the officer soliciting the payment of the money, and keeping our
seamen out of what they had hardly fought for, years ago. This was, to
undertake to ask an order from Congress, for the payment of any French
claimants by their banker in Paris; and, in the meantime, to undertake
to order such payment, should any such claimant prove his title, before
the pleasure of Congress should be made known to me. I consulted with
Mr. Barclay, who seemed satisfied I might venture this undertaking,
because no such claim could be presented. I therefore wrote the letter
of August the 17th, and received that of August the 26th, finally
closing this tedious business. Should what I have done not meet the
approbation of Congress, I would pray their immediate sense, because it
is not probable that the whole of this money will be paid so hastily,
but that their orders may arrive in time, to stop a sufficiency for
any French claimants who may possibly exist. The following paragraph
of a letter from Captain Jones, dated L'Orient, August the 25th, 1785,
further satisfies me that my undertaking amounted to nothing in fact.
He says, "it is impossible that any legal demands should be made on you
for French subjects, in consequence of your engagement to the Marechal.
The Alliance was manned in America, and I never heard of any persons
having served on board that frigate, who had been born in France,
except the captain, who, as I was informed, had, in America, abjured
the church of Rome, and been naturalized." Should Congress approve
what I have done, I will then ask their resolution for the payment, by
their banker here, of any such claims as may be properly authenticated,
and will moreover pray of you an authentic roll of the crew of the
Alliance, with the sums to be allowed to each person; on the subject
of which roll, Captain Jones, in the letter above mentioned, says, "I
carried a set of the rolls with me to America, and, before I embarked
in the French fleet at Boston, I put them into the hands of Mr.
Secretary Livingston, and they were sealed up among the papers of his
office when I left America." I think it possible that Mr. Puchilberg
may excite claims. Should any name be offered which shall not be
found on the roll, it will be a sufficient disproof of the pretension.
Should it be found on the roll, it will remain to prove the identity of
person, and to inquire if payment may not have been made in America.
I conjecture, from the journals of Congress of June 2d, that Landais,
who, I believe, was the captain, may be in America. As his portion of
the prize may be considerable, I hope it will be settled in America,
where only it can be known whether any advances have been made him.
The person at the head of the post office here says, he proposed
to Dr. Franklin a convention to facilitate the passage of letters
through their office and ours, and that he delivered a draught of
the convention proposed, that it might be sent to Congress. I think
it possible he may be mistaken in this, as, on my mentioning it to
Dr. Franklin, he did not recollect any such draught having been put
into his hands. An answer, however, is expected by them. I mention
it, that Congress may decide whether they will make any convention on
the subject, and on what principle. The one proposed here was, that,
for letters passing hence into America, the French postage should
be collected by our post officers, and paid every six months, and
for letters coming from America here, the American postage should be
collected by the post officers here, and paid to us in like manner.
A second plan, however, presents itself; that is, to suppose the sums
to be thus collected, on each side, will be equal, or so nearly equal,
that the balance will not pay for the trouble of keeping accounts, and
for the little bickerings that the settlement of accounts, and demands
of the balances, may occasion; and therefore, to make an exchange of
postage. This would better secure our harmony; but I do not know that
it would be agreed to here. If not, the other might then be agreed to.
I have waited hitherto, supposing that Congress might, possibly,
appoint a secretary to the legation here, or signify their pleasure
that I should appoint a private secretary, to aid me in my office.
The communication between the ministers and myself, requiring often
that many and long papers should be copied, and that, in a shorter
time than could be done by myself, were I otherwise unoccupied,
other correspondences and proceedings, of all which copies must be
retained, and still more the necessity of having some confidential
person, who, in case of any accident to myself, might be authorized
to take possession of the instructions, letters, and other papers of
the office, have rendered it absolutely necessary for me to appoint
a private secretary. Colonel Humphreys finds full occupation, and
often more than he can do, in writing and recording the despatches and
proceedings of the general commissions. I shall, therefore, appoint Mr.
Short, on his return from the Hague, with an express condition, that
the appointment shall cease whenever Congress shall think proper to
make any other arrangement. He will, of course, expect the allowance
heretofore made to the private secretaries of the ministers, which, I
believe, has been a thousand dollars a year.
An improvement is made here in the construction of muskets, which it
may be interesting to Congress to know, should they at any time propose
to procure any. It consists in the making every part of them so exactly
alike, that what belongs to any one, may be used for every other musket
in the magazine. The government here has examined and approved the
method, and is establishing a large manufactory for the purpose of
putting it into execution. As yet, the inventor has only completed the
lock of the musket, on this plan. He will proceed immediately to have
the barrel, stock, and other parts, executed in the same way. Supposing
it might be useful in the United States, I went to the workman. He
presented me the parts of fifty locks taken to pieces, and arranged in
compartments. I put several together myself, taking pieces at hazard
as they came to hand, and they fitted in the most perfect manner. The
advantages of this, when arms need repair, are evident. He effects it
by tools of his own contrivance, which, at the same time, abridge the
work, so that he thinks he shall be able to furnish the musket two
livres cheaper than the common price. But it will be two or three years
before he will be able to furnish any quantity. I mention it now, as
it may have an influence on the plan for furnishing our magazines with
this arm.
Everything in Europe remains as when I wrote you last. The peace
between Spain and Algiers has the appearance of being broken off. The
French packet having arrived without Mr. Lambe, or any news of him, I
await Mr. Adams's acceding to the proposition mentioned in my last. I
send you the gazettes of Leyden and France to this date, and have the
honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, September 1, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you by Monsieur de Doradour was dated May the
11th. Since that, I have received yours of January the 22d, with six
copies of the revisal, and that of April the 27th, by Mr. Mazzei.
All is quiet here. The Emperor and Dutch have certainly agreed, though
they have not published their agreement. Most of his schemes in Germany
must be postponed, if they are not prevented by the confederacy of many
of the Germanic body, at the head of which is the King of Prussia, and
to which the Elector of Hanover is supposed to have acceded. The object
of the league is to preserve the members of the empire in their present
state. I doubt whether the jealousy entertained of this prince, and
which is so fully evidenced by this league, may not defeat the election
of his nephew to be King of the Romans, and thus produce an instance
of breaking the lineal succession. Nothing is as yet done between him
and the Turks. If anything is produced in that quarter, it will not
be for this year. The court of Madrid has obtained the delivery of the
crew of the brig Betsey, taken by the Emperor of Morocco. The Emperor
had treated them kindly, new clothed them, and delivered them to the
Spanish minister, who sent them to Cadiz. This is the only American
vessel ever taken by the Barbary States. The Emperor continues to
give proofs of his desire to be in friendship with us, or, in other
words, of receiving us into the number of his tributaries. Nothing
further need be feared from him. I wish the Algerines may be as easily
dealt with. I fancy the peace expected between them and Spain is not
likely to take place. I am well informed that the late proceedings in
America, have produced a wonderful sensation in England in our favor.
I mean the disposition which seems to be becoming general, to invest
Congress with the regulation of our commerce, and, in the meantime,
the measures taken to defeat the avidity of the British government
grasping at our carrying business. I can add with truth, that it was
not till these symptoms appeared in America that I have been able to
discover the smallest token of respect towards the United States in any
part of Europe. There was an enthusiasm towards us all over Europe at
the moment of the peace. The torrent of lies published unremittingly
in every day's London paper first made an impression and produced a
coolness. The republication of these lies in most of the papers of
Europe, (done probably by authority of the governments to discourage
emigrations,) carried them home to the belief of every mind. They
supposed everything in America was anarchy, tumult, and civil war. The
reception of the Marquis Fayette gave a check to these ideas. The late
proceedings seem to be producing a decisive vibration in our favor.
I think it possible that England may ply before them. It is a nation
which nothing but views of interest can govern. If they produce us good
there, they will here also. The defeat of the Irish propositions is
also in our favor.
I have at length made up the purchase of books for you as far as it
can be done at present. The objects which I have not yet been able
to get I shall continue to seek for. Those purchased are packed this
morning in two trunks, and you have the catalogue and prices herein
enclosed. The future charges of transportation shall be carried into
the next bill. The amount of the present is 1154 livres 13 sous, which,
reckoning the French crown of six livres at six shillings and eight
pence Virginia money, is £64, 3_s._, which sum you will be so good as
to keep in your hands, to be used occasionally in the education of my
nephews when the regular resources disappoint you. To the same use I
would pray you to apply twenty-five guineas which I have lent the two
Mr. Fitzhughs of Marmion, and which I have desired them to repay into
your hands. You will of course deduct the price of the revisals, and
of any other articles you may have been so kind as to pay for me. Greek
and Roman authors are dearer here than I believe anywhere in the world.
Nobody here reads them, wherefore they are not reprinted. Don Ulloa,
in the original, is not to be found. The collection of tracts on the
economies of different nations we cannot find, nor Amelot's travels
into China. I shall send these two trunks of books to Havre, there to
wait a conveyance to America; for as to the fixing the packets there,
it is as uncertain as ever. The other articles you mention shall be
procured as far as they can be. Knowing that some of them would be
better got in London, I commissioned Mr. Short, who was going there,
to get them. He has not yet returned. They will be of such a nature as
that I can get some gentleman who may be going to America to take them
in his portmanteau. Le Maire being now able to stand on his legs, there
will be no necessity for your advancing him the money I desired, if it
is not already done. I am anxious to hear from you on the subject of
my Notes on Virginia. I have been obliged to give so many of them here
that I fear their getting published. I have received an application
from the Directors of the public buildings, to procure them a plan for
their capitol. I shall send them one taken from the best morsel of
ancient architecture now remaining. It has obtained the approbation
of fifteen or sixteen centuries, and is therefore preferable to any
design which might be newly contrived. It will give more room, be more
convenient, and cost less, than the plan they sent me. Pray encourage
them to wait for it, and to execute it. It will be superior in beauty
to anything in America, and not inferior to anything in the world. It
is very simple. Have you a copying press? If you have not, you should
get one. Mine (exclusive of paper, which costs a guinea a ream) has
cost me about fourteen guineas. I would give ten times that sum to have
had it from the date of the stamp act. I hope you will be so good as to
continue your communications, both of the great and small kind, which
are equally useful to me. Be assured of the sincerity with which I am,
dear Sir,
Your friend and servant.
TO MESSRS. DUMAS AND SHORT.
_Paris_, September 1, 1785.
_Gentlemen_,--I have been duly honored with the receipt of your
separate letters of August 23d, and should sooner have returned an
answer; but that as you had written also to Mr. Adams, I thought it
possible I might receive his sentiments on the subject in time for the
post. Not thinking it proper to lose the occasion of the post, I have
concluded to communicate to you my separate sentiments, which you will
of course pay attention to only so far as they may concur with what you
shall receive from Mr. Adams.
On a review of our letters to the Baron de Thulemeyer, I do not find
that we had proposed that the treaty should be in two columns, the
one English, and the other what he should think proper. We certainly
intended to have proposed it. We had agreed together that it should be
an article of system with us, and the omission of it in this instance
has been accidental. My own opinion, therefore, is, that to avoid
the appearance of urging new propositions when everything appeared
to be arranged, we should agree to consider the French column as the
original, if the Baron de Thulemeyer thinks himself bound to insist on
it; but, if the practice of his court will admit of the execution in
the two languages, each to be considered as equally original, it would
be very pleasing to me, as it will accommodate it to our views, relieve
us from the embarrassment of this precedent, which may be urged against
us on other occasions, and be more agreeable to our country, where
the French language is spoken by very few. This method will also be
attended with the advantage, that if any expression in any part of the
treaty is equivocal in the one language, its true sense will be known
by the corresponding passage in the other.
The errors of the copyist in the French column you will correct of
course.
I have the honor to be, with very high esteem, Gentlemen, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, September 4, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--On receipt of your favors of August the 18th and 23d, I
conferred with Mr. Barclay on the measures necessary to be taken,
to set our treaty with the piratical States into motion, through his
agency. Supposing that we should begin with the Emperor of Morocco,
a letter to the Emperor and instructions to Mr. Barclay, seemed
necessary. I have therefore sketched such outlines for these, as
appear to me to be proper. You will be so good as to detract, add to,
or alter them as you please, to return such as you approve under your
signature, to which I will add mine. A person understanding English,
French, and Italian, and at the same time meriting confidence, was
not to be met with here. Colonel Franks, understanding the two first
languages perfectly, and a little Spanish instead of Italian, occurred
to Mr. Barclay as the fittest person he could employ for a secretary.
We think his allowance (exclusive of his travelling expenses and
his board, which will be paid by Mr. Barclay in common with his own)
should be between one hundred, and one hundred and fifty guineas a
year. Fix it where you please, between these limits. What is said in
the instructions to Mr. Barclay as to his own allowance, was proposed
by himself. My idea as to the partition of the whole sum to which
we are limited (eighty thousand dollars), was, that one half of it
should be kept in reserve for the Algerines. They certainly possess
more than half of the whole power of the piratical States. I thought
then, that Morocco might claim the half of the remainder, that is to
say, one-fourth of the whole. For this reason, in the instructions,
I propose twenty thousand dollars as the limit of the expenses of
the Morocco treaty. Be so good as to think of it, and make it what
you please. I should be more disposed to enlarge than abridge it, on
account of their neighborhood to our Atlantic trade. I did not think
that these papers should be trusted through the post office, and,
therefore, as Colonel Franks is engaged in the business, he comes
with them. Passing by the diligence, the whole expense will not exceed
twelve or fourteen guineas. I suppose we are bound to avail ourselves
of the co-operation of France. I will join you, therefore, in any
letter you think proper to write to the Count de Vergennes. Would
you think it expedient to write to Mr. Carmichael, to interest the
interposition of the Spanish court? I will join you in anything of this
kind you will originate. In short, be so good as to supply whatever you
may think necessary. With respect to the money, Mr. Jay's information
to you was, that it was to be drawn from Holland. It will rest,
therefore, with you, to avail Mr. Barclay of that fund, either by your
draft, or by a letter of credit to the bankers in his favor, to the
necessary amount. I imagine the Dutch consul at Morocco may be rendered
an useful character, in the remittances of money to Mr. Barclay while
at Morocco.
You were apprised, by a letter from Mr. Short, of the delay which had
arisen in the execution of the treaty with Prussia. I wrote a separate
letter, of which I enclose you a copy, hoping it would meet one from
you, and set them again into motion.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
* * * * *
[The following are the sketches of the letter to the Emperor of
Morocco, and of the instructions to Mr. Barclay, referred to in the
preceding letter.]
HEADS FOR A LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OF MOROCCO.
That the United States of America, heretofore connected in government
with Great Britain, had found it necessary for their happiness to
separate from her, and to assume an independent station.
That, consisting of a number of separate States, they had confederated
together, and placed the sovereignty of the whole, in matters relating
to foreign nations, in a body consisting of delegates from every State,
and called the Congress of the United States.
That Great Britain had solemnly confirmed their separation, and
acknowledged their independence.
That after the conclusion of the peace, which terminated the war
in which they had been engaged for the establishment of their
independence, the first attentions of Congress were necessarily
engrossed by the re-establishment of order and regular government.
That they had, as soon as possible, turned their attention to foreign
nations, and, desirous of entering into amity and commerce with them,
had been pleased to appoint us with Dr. Benjamin Franklin, to execute
such treaties for this purpose, as should be agreed on by such nations,
with us, or any two of us.
That Dr. Franklin having found it necessary to return to America, the
execution of these several commissions had devolved on us.
That being placed as Ministers Plenipotentiary for the United States
at the courts of England and France; this circumstance, with the
commissions with which we are charged for entering into treaties with
various other nations, puts it out of our power to attend at the other
courts in person, and obliges us to negotiate by the intervention of
confidential persons.
That, respecting the friendly dispositions shown by his Majesty, the
Emperor of Morocco, towards the United States, and indulging the desire
of forming a connection with a sovereign so renowned for his power, his
wisdom, and his justice, we had embraced the first moment possible, of
assuring him of these, the sentiments of our country and of ourselves,
and of expressing to him our wishes to enter into a connection of
friendship and commerce with him.
That for this purpose, we had commissioned the bearer hereof, Thomas
Barclay, a person in the highest confidence of the Congress of the
United States, and as such, having been several years, and still being
their consul general with our great and good friend and ally, the King
of France, to arrange with his Majesty the Emperor those conditions
which it might be advantageous for both nations to adopt, for the
regulation of their commerce, and their mutual conduct towards each
other.
That we deliver to him a copy of the full powers with which we are
invested, to conclude a treaty with his Majesty, which copy he is
instructed to present to his Majesty.
That though by these, we are not authorized to delegate to him the
power of ultimately signing the treaty, yet such is our reliance on his
wisdom, his integrity, and his attention to the instructions with which
he is charged, that we assure his Majesty, the conditions which he
shall arrange and send to us, shall be returned with our signature, in
order to receive that of the person whom his Majesty shall commission
for the same purpose.
HEADS OF INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. BARCLAY.
Congress having been pleased to invest us with full powers for entering
into a treaty of amity and alliance with the Emperor of Morocco,
and it being impracticable for us to attend his court in person, and
equally impracticable, on account of our separate stations, to receive
a minister from him, we have concluded to effect our object by the
intervention of a confidential person. We concur in wishing to avail
the United States of your talents in the execution of this business,
and therefore furnish you with a letter to the Emperor of Morocco, to
give due credit to your transactions with him.
We advise you to proceed by the way of Madrid, where you will have
opportunities of deriving many lights from Mr. Carmichael, through whom
many communications with the court of Morocco have already passed.
From thence, you will proceed, by such route as you shall think best,
to the court of the Emperor.
You will present to him our letter, with the copy of our full powers,
with which you are furnished, at such time or times, and in such
manner, as you shall find best.
You will proceed to negotiate, with his minister, the terms of a treaty
of amity and commerce, as nearly conformed as possible to the draught
we give you. Where alterations, which, in your opinion, shall not be of
great importance, shall be urged by the other party, you are at liberty
to agree to them. Where they shall be of great importance, and such
as you think should be rejected, you will reject them; but where they
are of great importance, and you think they may be accepted, you will
ask time to take our advice, and will advise with us accordingly, by
letter or by courier, as you shall think best. When the articles shall
all be agreed, you will send them to us by some proper person, for our
signature.
The whole expense of this treaty, including as well the expenses of
all persons employed about it, as the presents to the Emperor and
his servants must not exceed twenty thousand dollars; and we urge you
to use your best endeavors to bring it as much below that sum as you
possibly can. As custom may have rendered some presents necessary in
the beginning or progress of this business, and before it is concluded,
or even in a way to be concluded, we authorize you to conform to the
custom, confiding in your discretion to hazard as little as possible,
before a certainty of the event. We trust to you also to procure the
best information, as to what persons, and in what form, these presents
should be made, and to make them accordingly.
The difference between the customs of that and other courts, the
difficulty of obtaining a knowledge of those customs, but on the spot,
and our great confidence in your discretion, induce us to leave to
that all other circumstances relative to the object of your mission.
It will be necessary for you to take a secretary, well skilled in
the French language, to aid you in your business, and to take charge
of your papers in case of any accident to yourself. We think you may
allow him ---- guineas a year, besides his expenses for travelling and
subsistence. We engage to furnish your own expenses, according to the
respectability of the character with which you are invested; but, as
to the allowance for your trouble, we wish to leave it to Congress. We
annex hereto sundry heads of inquiry which we wish you to make, and to
give us thereon the best information you shall be able to obtain. We
desire you to correspond with us by every opportunity which you think
should be trusted, giving us, from time to time, an account of your
proceedings and prospects.
HEADS OF INQUIRY FOR MR. BARCLAY, AS TO MOROCCO.
1. Commerce. What are the articles of their export and import? What
duties are levied by them on exports and imports? Do all nations pay
the same, or what nations are favored, and how far? Are they their
own carriers, or who carries for them? Do they trade themselves to
other countries, or are they merely passive?
2. Ports. What are their principal ports? What depth of water in them?
What works of defence protect these ports?
3. Naval force. How many armed vessels have they? Of what kind and
force? What is the constitution of their naval force? What resources
for increasing their navy? What number of seamen? Their cruising
grounds, and seasons of cruising?
4. Prisoners. What is their condition and treatment? At what price are
they ordinarily redeemed, and how?
Do they pay respect to the treaties they make?
Land forces. Their numbers, constitution and respectability?
Revenues. Their amount.
Coins. What coins pass there, and at what rates?
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
PARIS, September 5, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April the 15th, happened to be put into my
hands at the same time with a large parcel of letters from America,
which contained a variety of intelligence. It was then put where I
usually place my unanswered letters; and I, from time to time, put off
acknowledging the receipt of it, till I should be able to furnish you
American intelligence worth communicating. A favorable opportunity, by
a courier, of writing to you, occurring this morning, what has been
my astonishment and chagrin, on reading your letter again, to find
there was a case in it which required an immediate answer, but which,
by the variety of matters which happened to be presented to my mind,
at the same time, had utterly escaped my recollection. I pray you to
be assured, that nothing but this slip of memory would have prevented
my immediate answer, and no other circumstance would have prevented
its making such an impression on my mind, as that it could not have
escaped. I hope you will, therefore, obliterate the imputation of
want of respect, which, under actual appearances, must have arisen in
your mind, but which would refer to an untrue cause the occasion of
my silence. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the proceedings of
the New York Assembly, to say, with certainty, in what predicament the
lands of Mr. Upton may stand. But on conferring with Colonel Humphreys,
who, being from the neighboring State, was more in the way of knowing
what passed in New York, he thinks that the descriptions in their
confiscation laws were such as not to include a case of this nature.
The first thing to be done by Mr. Upton, is, to state his case to some
intelligent lawyer of the country, that he may know with certainty
whether they be confiscated or not; and if not confiscated, to know
what measures are necessary for completing and securing his grant. But
if confiscated, there is, then, no other tribunal of redress but their
General Assembly. If he is unacquainted there, I would advise him to
apply to Colonel Hamilton (who was aid to General Washington), and is
now very eminent at the bar, and much to be relied on. Your letter in
his favor to Mr. Jay will also procure him the benefit of his council.
With respect to America, I will rather give you a general view of
its situation, than merely relate recent events. The impost is still
unpassed by the two States of New York and Rhode Island; for the
manner in which the latter has passed it does not appear to me to
answer the principal object of establishing a fund, which, by being
subject to Congress alone, may give such credit to the certificates of
public debt, as will make them negotiable. This matter, then, is still
suspended.
Congress have lately purchased the Indian right to nearly the whole of
the land lying in the new State, bounded by lake Erie, Pennsylvania,
and the Ohio. The northwestern corner alone is reserved to the
Delawares and Wiandots. I expect a purchase is also concluded with
other tribes, for a considerable proportion of the State next to
this, on the north side of the Ohio. They have passed an ordinance
establishing a land office, considerably improved, I think, on the
plan of which I had the honor of giving you a copy. The lands are to
be offered for sale to the highest bidder. For this purpose, portions
of them are to be proposed in each State, that each may have the means
of purchase carried equally to their doors, and that the purchasers
may be a proper mixture of the citizens from all the different States.
But such lots as cannot be sold for a dollar an acre, are not to be
parted with. They will receive as money the certificates of public
debt. I flatter myself that this arrangement will very soon absorb
the whole of these certificates, and thus rid us of our domestic debt,
which is four-fifths of our whole debt. Our foreign debt will then be
a bagatelle.
I think it probable that Vermont will be made independent, as I am told
the State of New York is likely to agree to it. Maine will probably,
in time, be also permitted to separate from Massachusetts. As yet,
they only begin to think of it. Whenever the people of Kentucky shall
have agreed among themselves, my friends write me word, that Virginia
will consent to their separation. They will constitute the new State
on the south side of Ohio, joining Virginia. North Carolina, by an
act of their Assembly, ceded to Congress all their lands westward of
the Alleghany. The people inhabiting that territory, thereon declared
themselves independent, called their State by the name of Franklin, and
solicited Congress to be received into the Union. But before Congress
met, North Carolina (for what reasons I could never learn) resumed
their cession. The people, however, persist; Congress recommended to
the State to desist from their opposition, and I have no doubt they
will do it. It will, therefore, result from the act of Congress laying
off the western country into new States, that these States will come
into the Union in the manner therein provided, and without any disputes
as to their boundaries.
I am told that some hostile transaction by our people at the Natchez,
against the Spaniards, has taken place. If it be fact, Congress will
certainly not protect them, but leave them to be chastised by the
Spaniards, saving the right to the territory. A Spanish minister being
now with Congress, and both parties interested in keeping the peace, I
think, if such an event has happened, it will be easily arranged.
I told you, when here, of the propositions made by Congress to the
States, to be authorized to make certain regulations in their commerce;
and that, from the disposition to strengthen the hands of Congress,
which was then growing fast, I thought they would consent to it. Most
of them did so, and I suppose all of them would have done it, if they
have not actually done it, but that events proved a much more extensive
power would be requisite. Congress have, therefore, desired to be
invested with the whole regulation of their trade, and forever; and to
prevent all temptations to abuse the power, and all fears of it, they
propose that whatever moneys shall be levied on commerce, either for
the purpose of revenue, or by way of forfeitures or penalty, shall go
directly into the coffers of the State wherein it is levied, without
being touched by Congress. From the present temper of the States, and
the conviction which your country has carried home to their minds,
that there is no other method of defeating the greedy attempts of other
countries to trade with them on equal terms, I think they will add an
article for this purpose to their Confederation. But the present powers
of Congress over the commerce of the States, under the Confederation,
seem not at all understood by your ministry. They say that body has
no power to enter into a treaty of commerce; why then make one? This
is a mistake. By the sixth article of the Confederation, the States
renounce, individually, all power to make any treaty, of whatever
nature, with a foreign nation. By the ninth article, they give the
power of making treaties wholly to Congress, with two reservations
only. 1. That no treaty of commerce shall be made, which shall restrain
the legislature from making foreigners pay the same imposts with their
own people: nor 2d, from prohibiting the exportation or importation
of any species of merchandise, which they might think proper. Were
any treaty to be made which should violate either of these two
reservations, it would be so far void. In the treaties, therefore, made
with France, Holland, &c., this has been cautiously avoided. But are
these treaties of no advantage to these nations? Besides the advantages
expressly given by them, there results another, of great value. The
commerce of those nations with the United States, is thereby under the
protection of Congress, and no particular State, acting by fits and
starts, can harass the trade of France, Holland, &c., by such measures
as several of them have practiced against England, by loading her
merchandise with partial impost, refusing admittance to it altogether,
excluding her merchants, &c., &c. For you will observe, that though
by the second reservation before mentioned, they can prohibit the
importation of any _species_ of merchandise, as for instance, though
they may prohibit the importation of wines in general, yet they cannot
prohibit that of _French_ wines in particular. Another advantage is,
that the nations having treaties with Congress, can and do provide in
such treaties for the admission of their consuls, a kind of officer
very necessary for the regulation and protection of commerce. You
know that a consul is the creature of treaty. No nation without an
agreement, can place an officer in another country, with any powers or
jurisdiction whatever. But as the States have renounced the separate
power of making treaties with foreign nations, they cannot separately
receive a consul; and as Congress have, by the Confederation, no
immediate jurisdiction over commerce, as they have only a power of
bringing that jurisdiction into existence by entering into a treaty,
till such treaty be entered into, Congress themselves cannot receive
a consul. Till a treaty then, there exists no power in any part of our
government, federal or particular, to admit a consul among us; and if
it be true, as the papers say, that you have lately sent one over, he
cannot be admitted by any power in existence, to an exercise of any
function. Nothing less than a new article, to be agreed to by all the
States, would enable Congress, or the particular States, to receive
him. You must not be surprised then, if he be not received.
I think I have by this time tired you with American politics, and
will therefore only add assurances of the sincere regard and esteem,
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO BARON GEISMER.
PARIS, September 6, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your letter of March the 28th, which I received about a
month after its date, gave me a very real pleasure, as it assured
me of an existence which I valued, and of which I had been led to
doubt. You are now too distant from America, to be much interested in
what passes there. From the London gazettes, and the papers copying
them, you are led to suppose that all there is anarchy, discontent
and civil war. Nothing, however, is less true. There are not, on the
face of the earth, more tranquil governments than ours, nor a happier
and more contented people. Their commerce has not as yet found the
channels, which their new relations with the world will offer to best
advantage, and the old ones remain as yet unopened by new conventions.
This occasions a stagnation in the sale of their produce, the only
truth among all the circumstances published about them. Their hatred
against Great Britain, having lately received from that nation new
cause and new aliment, has taken a new spring. Among the individuals
of your acquaintance, nothing remarkable has happened. No revolution
in the happiness of any of them has taken place, except that of the
loss of their only child to Mr. and Mrs. Walker, who, however, left
them a grand-child for their solace, and that of your humble servant,
who remains with no other family than two daughters, the elder here
(who was of your acquaintance), the younger in Virginia, but expected
here the next summer. The character in which I am here at present,
confines me to this place, and will confine me as long as I continue in
Europe. How long this will be, I cannot tell. I am now of an age which
does not easily accommodate itself to new manners and new modes of
living; and I am savage enough to prefer the woods, the wilds, and the
independence of Monticello, to all the brilliant pleasures of this gay
Capital. I shall, therefore, rejoin myself to my native country, with
new attachments, and with exaggerated esteem for its advantages; for
though there is less wealth there, there is more freedom, more ease,
and less misery. I should like it better, however, if it could tempt
you once more to visit it: but that is not to be expected. Be this as
it may, and whether fortune means to allow or deny me the pleasure of
ever seeing you again, be assured that the worth which gave birth to my
attachment, and which still animates it, will continue to keep it up
while we both live, and that it is with sincerity I subscribe myself,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN LANGDON.
PARIS, September 11, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your Captain Yeaton being here, furnishes me an opportunity
of paying the tribute of my congratulations on your appointment to
the government of your State, which I do sincerely. He gives me the
grateful intelligence of your health, and that of Mrs. Langdon. Anxious
to promote your service, and believing he could do it by getting
himself naturalized here, and authorized to command your vessel, he
came from Havre to Paris. But on making the best inquiries I could, it
seemed that the time requisite to go through with this business, would
be much more than he could spare. He therefore declined it. I wish
it were in my power to give you a hope that our commerce, either with
this country, or its islands, was likely to be put on a better footing.
But if it be altered at all, it will probably be for the worse. The
regulations respecting their commerce are by no means sufficiently
stable to be relied on.
Europe is in quiet, and likely to remain so. The affairs of the Emperor
and Dutch are as good as settled, and no other cloud portends any
immediate storm. You have heard much of American vessels taken by the
Barbary pirates. The Emperor of Morocco took one last winter, (the
brig Betsey from Philadelphia;) he did not however reduce the crew to
slavery, nor confiscate the vessel or cargo. He has lately delivered
up the crew on the solicitation of the Spanish court. No other has
ever been taken by them. There are, indeed, rumors of one having
been lately taken by the Algerines. The fact is possible, as there is
nothing to hinder their taking them, but it is not as yet confirmed.
I have little doubt, that we shall be able to place our commerce on
a popular footing with the Barbary States, this summer, and thus not
only render our navigation to Portugal and Spain safe, but open the
Mediterranean as formerly. In spite of treaties, England is still our
enemy. Her hatred is deep rooted and cordial, and nothing is wanting
with her but the power, to wipe us and the land we live on out of
existence. Her interest, however, is her ruling passion; and the late
American measures have struck at that so vitally, and with an energy,
too, of which she had thought us quite incapable, that a possibility
seems to open of forming some arrangement with her. When they shall
see decidedly, that, without it, we shall suppress their commerce with
us, they will be agitated by their avarice, on the one hand, and their
hatred and their fear of us, on the other. The result of this conflict
of dirty passions is yet to be awaited. The body of the people of this
country love us cordially. But ministers and merchants love nobody. The
merchants here, are endeavoring to exclude us from their islands. The
ministers will be governed in it by political motives, and will do it,
or not do it, as these shall appear to dictate, without love or hatred
to anybody. It were to be wished that they were able to combine better,
the various circumstances which prove, beyond a doubt, that all the
advantages of their colonies result, in the end, to the mother country.
I pray you to present me in the most friendly terms to Mrs. Langdon,
and to be assured of the esteem with which I am, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE LA VALEE.
PARIS, September 11, 1785.
SIR,--I received duly your favor of August 14th. It is not in my power
to take on the account of Congress any part of the expenses of your
passage, having received no authority of that kind from them; nor
indeed is the encouragement of emigrations among the objects with which
they are charged. I fear that when you get to Portsmouth you will find
difficulties in the winter season to go by water to any more southern
States. Your objects being the manufacture of wool and cotton, you will
of course choose to fix yourself where you can get both or one of these
articles in plenty. The most and best wool is to be had in the middle
States; they begin to make a little cotton in Maryland; they make a
great deal in Virginia, and all the States south of that. The price
of clean cotton in Virginia is from 21 to 26 sols. a pound, that is to
say, from a fifth to a fourth of a dollar. General Washington being at
the head of the great works carrying on towards clearing the Potomac,
I have no doubt but that work will be completed. It will furnish great
opportunities of using machines of all kinds; perhaps you may find
employment there for your skill in that way. Alexandria on the Potomac
will undoubtedly become a very great place, but Norfolk would be the
best for cotton manufacture. As you are a stranger, I mention such
facts as I suppose may be useful to you. I wish you success, and am,
Sir, your very humble servant.
TO M. LE MARG. DE PONCENS.
PARIS, September 11, 1785.
SIR,--I received three days ago the letter you did me the honor
to write to me on the 2d of August. Congress have purchased a very
considerable extent of country from the Indians, and have passed an
ordinance laying down rules for disposing of it. These admit only two
considerations for granting lands; first, military service rendered
during the late war; and secondly, money to be paid at the time of
granting, for the purpose of discharging their national debt. They
direct these lands to be sold at auction to him who will give most
for them, but that, at any rate, they shall not be sold for less than
a dollar an acre. However, as they receive as money the certificates
of public debt, and these can be bought for the half or fourth of
their nominal value, the price of the lands is reduced in proportion.
As Congress exercise their government by general rules only, I do
not believe they will grant lands to any individual for any other
consideration than those mentioned in their ordinance. They have
ordered the lands to be surveyed, and this work is now actually going
on under the directions of their own geographer. They do not require
information of the quality of the soil, because they will sell the
lands faster than this could be obtained; and after they are sold,
it is the interest of the purchaser to examine for what the soil is
proper. As ours is a country of husbandmen, I make no doubt they will
receive the book of which you write to me with pleasure and advantage.
I have stated to you such facts as might enable you to decide for
yourself how far that country presents advantages which might answer
your views. It is proper for me to add that everything relative to
the sale and survey of these lands is out of the province of my duty.
Supposing you might be desirous of receiving again the letters of Dr.
Franklin, I enclose them, and have the honor to be, with the greatest
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, September 20, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--By Mr. Fitzhugh, you will receive my letter of the first
instant. He is still here, and gives me an opportunity of again
addressing you much sooner than I should have done, but for the
discovery of a great piece of inattention. In that letter I send you a
detail of the cost of your books, and desire you to keep the amount in
your hands, as if I had forgot that a part of it was in fact your own,
as being a balance of what I had remained in your debt. I really did
not attend to it in the moment of writing, and when it occurred to me,
I revised my memorandum book from the time of our being in Philadelphia
together, and stated our account from the beginning, lest I should
forget or mistake any part of it. I enclose you this statement. You
will always be so good as to let me know, from time to time, your
advances for me. Correct with freedom all my proceedings for you, as,
in what I do, I have no other desire than that of doing exactly what
will be most pleasing to you.
I received this summer a letter from Messrs. Buchanan and Hay,
as Directors of the public buildings, desiring I would have drawn
for them, plans of sundry buildings, and, in the first place, of
a capitol. They fixed, for their receiving this plan, a day which
was within about six weeks of that on which their letter came to my
hand. I engaged an architect of capital abilities in this business.
Much time was requisite, after the external form was agreed on, to
make the internal distribution convenient for the three branches of
government. This time was much lengthened by my avocations to other
objects, which I had no right to neglect. The plan, however, was
settled. The gentlemen had sent me one which they had thought of. The
one agreed on here, is more convenient, more beautiful, gives more
room, and will not cost more than two-thirds of what that would. We
took for our model what is called the Maison quarrée of Nismes, one of
the most beautiful, if not the most beautiful and precious morsel of
architecture left us by antiquity. It was built by Caius and Lucius
Cæsar, and repaired by Louis XIV., and has the suffrage of all the
judges of architecture who have seen it, as yielding to no one of
the beautiful monuments of Greece, Rome, Palmyra, and Balbec, which
late travellers have communicated to us. It is very simple, but it is
noble beyond expression, and would have done honor to our country, as
presenting to travellers a specimen of taste in our infancy, promising
much for our maturer age. I have been much mortified with information,
which I received two days ago from Virginia, that the first brick of
the capitol would be laid within a few days. But surely, the delay
of this piece of a summer would have been repaired by the savings in
the plan preparing here, were we to value its other superiorities as
nothing. But how is a taste in this beautiful art to be formed in our
countrymen unless we avail ourselves of every occasion when public
buildings are to be erected, of presenting to them models for their
study and imitation? Pray try if you can effect the stopping of this
work. I have written also to E. R. on the subject. The loss will be
only of the laying the bricks already laid, or a part of them. The
bricks themselves will do again for the interior walls, and one side
wall and one end wall may remain, as they will answer equally well for
our plan. This loss is not to be weighed against the saving of money
which will arise, against the comfort of laying out the public money
for something honorable, the satisfaction of seeing an object and proof
of national good taste, and the regret and mortification of erecting
a monument of our barbarism, which will be loaded with execrations as
long as it shall endure. The plans are in good forwardness, and I hope
will be ready within three or four weeks. They could not be stopped
now, but on paying their whole price, which will be considerable. If
the undertakers are afraid to undo what they have done, encourage them
to it by a recommendation from the Assembly. You see I am an enthusiast
on the subject of the arts. But it is an enthusiasm of which I am not
ashamed, as its object is to improve the taste of my countrymen, to
increase their reputation, to reconcile to them the respect of the
world, and procure them its praise.
I shall send off your books, in two trunks, to Havre, within two or
three days, to the care of Mr. Limozin, American agent there. I will
advise you, as soon as I know by what vessel he forwards them. Adieu.
Yours affectionately.
TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
PARIS, September 20, 1785,
DEAR SIR,--Being in your debt for ten volumes of Buffon, I have
endeavored to find something that would be agreeable to you to receive,
in return. I therefore send you, by way of Havre, a dictionary of
law, natural and municipal, in thirteen volumes 4to, called le Code
de l'humanité. It is published by Felice, but written by him and
several other authors of established reputation. Is is an excellent
work. I do not mean to say, that it answers fully to its title. That
would have required fifty times the volume. It wants many articles
which the title would induce us to seek in it. But the articles
which it contains are well written. It is better than the voluminous
Dictionnaire diplomatique, and better, also, than the same branch of
the Encyclopedie methodique. There has been nothing published here,
since I came, of extraordinary merit. The Encyclopedie methodique,
which is coming out, from time to time, must be excepted from this.
It is to be had at two guineas less than the subscription price. I
shall be happy to send you anything in this way which you may desire.
French books are to be bought here, for two-thirds of what they can in
England. English and Greek and Latin authors, cost from twenty-five to
fifty per cent. more here than in England.
I received, some time ago, a letter from Messrs. Hay and Buchanan, as
Directors of the public buildings, desiring I would have plans drawn
for our public buildings, and in the first place, for the capitol. I
did not receive their letter until within six weeks of the time they
had fixed on, for receiving the drawings. Nevertheless, I engaged an
excellent architect to comply with their desire. It has taken much
time to accommodate the external adopted, to the internal arrangement
necessary for the three branches of government. However, it is effected
on a plan, which, with a great deal of beauty and convenience within,
unites an external form on the most perfect model of antiquity now
existing. This is the Maison quarrée of Nismes, built by Caius and
Lucius Cæsar, and repaired by Louis XIV., which, in the opinion of
all who have seen it, yields in beauty to no piece of architecture on
earth. The gentlemen enclosed me a plan of which they had thought. The
one preparing here, will be more convenient, give more room, and cost
but two-thirds of that; and as a piece of architecture, doing honor to
our country, will leave nothing to be desired. The plans will be ready
soon. But, two days ago, I received a letter from Virginia, informing
me the first brick of the capitol would be laid in a few days. This
mortifies me extremely. The delay of this summer, would have been amply
repaid by the superiority and economy of the plan preparing here. Is
it impossible to stop the work where it is? You will gain money by
losing what is done, and general approbation, instead of occasioning
a regret, which will endure as long as your building does. How is
a taste for a chaste and good style of building to be formed in our
countrymen, unless we seize all occasions which the erection of public
buildings offers, of presenting to them models for their imitation? Do,
my dear Sir, exert your influence to stay the further progress of the
work, till you can receive these plans. You will only lose the price
of laying what bricks are already laid, and of taking part of them
asunder. They will do again for the inner walls. A plan for a prison
will be sent at the same time.
Mazzei is here, and in pressing distress for money. I have helped him
as far as I have been able, but particular circumstances put it out of
my power to do more. He is looking with anxiety to the arrival of every
vessel, in hopes of relief through your means. If he does not receive
it soon, it is difficult to foresee his fate.
The quiet which Europe enjoys at present leaves nothing to communicate
to you in the political way. The Emperor and Dutch still differ about
the quantum of money to be paid by the latter; they know not what.
Perhaps their internal convulsions will hasten them to a decision.
France is improving her navy, as if she were already in a naval war,
yet I see no immediate prospect of her having occasion for it. England
is not likely to offer war to any nation, unless perhaps to ours. This
would cost us our whole shipping, but in every other respect we might
flatter ourselves with success. But the most successful war seldom pays
for its losses. I shall be glad to hear from you when convenient, and
am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, September 24, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of the 18th, enclosing
your compliments on your presentation. The sentiments you therein
expressed were such as were entertained in America till the commercial
proclamation, and such as would again return were a rational conduct
to be adopted by Great Britain. I think, therefore, you by no means
compromised yourself or our country, nor expressed more than it would
be our interest to encourage, if they were disposed to meet us. I am
pleased, however, to see the answer of the King. It bears the marks
of suddenness and surprise, and as he seems not to have had time for
reflection, we may suppose he was obliged to find his answer in the
real sentiments of his heart, if that heart has any sentiment. I have
no doubt, however, that it contains the real creed of an Englishman,
and that the word which he has let escape, is the true word of the
enigma. "The moment I see such sentiments as yours prevail, and a
disposition to give this country the _preference_, I will, &c." All
this I steadily believe. But the condition is impossible. Our interest
calls for a perfect equality in our conduct towards these two nations;
but no preference anywhere. If, however, circumstances should ever
oblige us to show a preference, a respect for our character, if we had
no better motive, would decide to which it should be given.
My letters from members of Congress render it doubtful whether they
would not rather that full time should be given for the present
disposition of America to mature itself, and to produce a permanent
improvement in the federal constitution, rather than by removing the
incentive to prevent the improvement. It is certain that our commerce
is in agonies at present, and that these would be relieved by opening
the British ports in the West Indies. It remains to consider whether a
temporary continuance under these sufferings would be paid for by the
amendment it is likely to produce. However, I believe there is no fear
that Great Britain will puzzle us by leaving it in our choice to hasten
or delay a treaty.
Is insurance made on Houdon's life? I am uneasy about it, lest we
should hear of any accident. As yet there is no reason to doubt their
safe passage. If the insurance is not made, I will pray you to have it
done immediately.
As I have not received any London newspapers as yet, I am obliged to
ask you what is done as to them, lest the delay should proceed from
some obstacle to be removed.
There is a Mr. Thompson at Dover, who has proposed to me a method of
getting them post free, but I have declined resorting to it till I
should know in what train the matter is at present.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, September 24, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--My letter of September the 19th, written the morning after
Mr. Lambe's arrival here, will inform you of that circumstance. I
transmit you herewith copies of the papers he brought to us on the
subject of the Barbary treaties. You will see by them that Congress
have adopted the very plan which we were proposing to pursue. It will
now go on with less danger of objection from the other parties. The
receipt of these new papers, therefore, has rendered necessary no
change, in matter of substance, in the despatches we had prepared. But
they render some formal changes necessary. For instance, in our letter
of credence for Mr. Barclay to the Emperor of Morocco, it becomes
improper to enter into those explanations which seemed proper when that
letter was drawn, because Congress, in their letter, enter into those
explanations. In the letter to the Count de Vergennes, it became proper
to mention the new full powers received from Congress, and which,
in some measure, accord with the idea communicated by him to us from
the Marechal de Castries. These and other formal alterations, which
appeared necessary to me, I have made, leaving so much of the original
draughts, approved and amended by you, as were not inconsistent with
these alterations. I have, therefore, had these prepared fair, to
save you the trouble of copying; yet, wherever you choose to make
alterations, you will be so good as to make them, taking, in that case,
the trouble of having new fair copies made out.
You will perceive by Mr. Jay's letter that Congress had not thought
proper to give Mr. Lambe any appointment. I imagine they apprehend it
might interfere with measures actually taken by us. Notwithstanding
the perfect freedom which they are pleased to leave to us on this
subject, I cannot feel myself clear of that bias which a presumption
of their pleasure gives, and ought to give. I presume that Mr. Lambe
met their approbation, because of the recommendations he carried from
the Governor and State of Connecticut, because of his actual knowledge
of the country and people of the States of Barbary, because of the
detention of these letters from March to July, which, considering their
pressing nature, would otherwise have been sent by other Americans,
who, in the meantime, have come from New York to Paris, and because,
too, of the information we received by Mr. Jarvis. These reasons
are not strong enough to set aside our appointment of Mr. Barclay to
Morocco; that I think should go on, as no man could be sent who would
enjoy more the confidence of Congress. But they are strong enough to
induce me to propose to you the appointment of Lambe to Algiers. He
has followed for many years the Barbary trade, and seems intimately
acquainted with those States. I have not seen enough of him to judge
of his abilities. He seems not deficient, as far as I can see, and
the footing on which he comes, must furnish a presumption for what
we do not see. We must say the same as to his integrity; we must rely
for this on the recommendations he brings, as it is impossible for us
to judge of this for ourselves. Yet it will be our duty to use such
reasonable cautions as are in our power. Two occur to me. 1. To give
him a clerk capable of assisting and attending to his proceedings,
and who, in case he thought anything was going amiss, might give us
information. 2. Not to give him a credit on Van Staphorst and Willinck,
but let his drafts be made on yourself, which, with the knowledge you
will have of his proceedings, will enable you to check them, if you
are sensible of any abuse intended. This will give you trouble; but
as I have never found you declining trouble when it is necessary, I
venture to propose it. I hope it will not expose you to inconvenience,
as by instructing Lambe to insert in his drafts a proper usance, you
can, in the meantime, raise the money for them by drawing on Holland. I
must inform you that Mr. Barclay wishes to be put on the same footing
with Mr. Lambe, as to this article, and therefore I return you your
letter of credit on Van Staphorst & Co. As to the first article, there
is great difficulty. There is nobody at Paris fit for the undertaking
who would be likely to accept it. I mean there is no American, for I
should be anxious to place a native in the trust. Perhaps you can send
us one from London. There is a Mr. Randall there from New York, whom
Mr. Barclay thinks might be relied on very firmly for integrity and
capacity. He is there for his health; perhaps you can persuade him
to go to Algiers in pursuit of it. If you cannot, I really know not
what will be done. It is impossible to propose to Bancroft to go in a
secondary capacity. Mr. Barclay and myself have thought of Cairnes,
at L'Orient, as a dernier resort. But it is uncertain, or rather
improbable, that he will undertake it. You will be pleased, in the
first place, to consider of my proposition to send Lambe to Algiers;
and in the next, all the circumstances before detailed, as consequences
of that.
The enclosed letter from Richard O'Bryan furnishes powerful motives
for commencing, by some means or other, the treaty with Algiers,
more immediately than would be done if left on Mr. Barclay. You
will perceive by that, that two of our vessels, with their crews
and cargoes, have been carried captive into that port. What is to be
done as to those poor people? I am for hazarding the supplementary
instruction to Lambe which accompanies these papers. Alter it, or
reject it, as you please. You ask what I think of claiming the Dutch
interposition. I doubt the fidelity of any interposition too much to
desire it sincerely. Our letters to this court heretofore seemed to
oblige us to communicate with them on the subject. If you think the
Dutch would take amiss our not applying to them, I will join you in the
application. Otherwise, the fewer who are apprised of our proceedings,
the better. To communicate them to the States of Holland, is to
communicate them to the whole world.
Mr. Short returned last night, and brought the Prussian treaty, duly
executed in English and French. We may send it to Congress by the Mr.
Fitzhughs, going from hence. Will you draw and sign a short letter for
that purpose? I send you a copy of a letter received from the Marquis
Fayette. In the present unsettled state of American commerce, I had as
leave avoid all further treaties, except with American powers. If Count
Merci, therefore, does not propose the subject to me, I shall not to
him, nor do more than decency requires, if he does propose it.
I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO F. HOPKINSON.
PARIS, September 25, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 6th of July. Since that, I have
received yours of July the 23d. I do not altogether despair of making
something of your method of quilling, though, as yet, the prospect
is not favorable. I applaud much your perseverance in improving this
instrument, and benefiting mankind almost in spite of their teeth.
I mentioned to Piccini the improvement with which I am entrusted. He
plays on the pianoforte, and therefore did not feel himself personally
interested. I hope some better opportunity will yet fall in my way
of doing it justice. I had almost decided, on his advice, to get a
pianoforte for my daughter; but your last letter may pause me, till I
see its effect.
Arts and arms are alike asleep for the moment. Ballooning indeed goes
on. There are two artists in the neighborhood of Paris, who seem to
be advancing towards the desideratum in this business. They are able
to rise and fall at will, without expending their gas, and to deflect
forty-five degrees from the course of the wind.
I desired you, in my last, to send the newspapers, notwithstanding the
expense. I had then no idea of it. Some late instances have made me
perfectly acquainted with it. I have therefore been obliged to adopt
the following plan. To have my newspapers, from the different States,
enclosed to the office for Foreign Affairs, and to desire Mr. Jay to
pack the whole in a box, and send it by the packet as merchandise,
directed to the American consul at L' Orient, who will forward it
to me by the periodical wagons. In this way, they will only cost me
livres where they now cost me guineas. I must pray you, just before
the departure of every French packet, to send my papers on hand, to
Mr. Jay, in this way. I do not know whether I am subject to American
postage or not, in general; but I think newspapers never are. I have
sometimes thought of sending a copy of my Notes to the Philosophical
Society, as a tribute due to them; but this would seem as if I
considered them as worth something, which I am conscious they are not.
I will not ask you for your advice on this occasion, because it is
one of those on which no man is authorized to ask a sincere opinion. I
shall therefore refer it to further thoughts.
I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO R. IZARD.
PARIS, September 26, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I received, a few days ago, your favor of the 10th of June,
and am to thank you for the trouble you have given yourself, to procure
me information on the subject of the commerce of your State. I pray
you also, to take the trouble of expressing my acknowledgments to the
Governor and Chamber of Commerce, as well as to Mr. Hall, for the very
precise details on this subject, with which they have been pleased to
honor me. Your letter of last January, of which you make mention, never
came to my hands. Of course, the papers now received are the first and
only ones which have come safe. The infidelities of the post offices,
both of England and France, are not unknown to you. The former are
the most rascally, because they retain one's letters, not choosing
to take the trouble of copying them. The latter, when they have taken
copies, are so civil as to send the originals, resealed clumsily with a
composition, on which they have previously taken the impression of the
seal. England shows no dispositions to enter into friendly connections
with us. On the contrary, her detention of our posts, seems to be the
speck which is to produce a storm. I judge that a war with America
would be a popular war in England. Perhaps the situation of Ireland
may deter the ministry from hastening it on. Peace is at length made
between the Emperor and Dutch. The terms are not published, but it is
said, he gets ten millions of florins, the navigation of the Scheldt
not quite to Antwerp, and two forts. However, this is not to be
absolutely relied on. The league formed by the King of Prussia against
the Emperor, is a most formidable obstacle to his ambitious designs. It
certainly has defeated his views on Bavaria, and will render doubtful
the election of his nephew to be King of the Romans. Matters are not
yet settled between him and the Turk. In truth, he undertakes too much.
At home he has made some good regulations.
Your present pursuit being (the wisest of all) agriculture, I am not in
a situation to be useful to it. You know that France is not the country
most celebrated for this art. I went the other day to see a plough
which was to be worked by a windlass, without horses or oxen. It was
a poor affair. With a very troublesome apparatus, applicable only to
a dead level, four men could do the work of two horses. There seems a
possibility that the great desideratum in the use of the balloon may be
obtained. There are two persons at Javel (opposite to Auteuil) who are
pushing this matter. They are able to rise and fall at will, without
expending their gas, and they can deflect forty-five degrees from the
course of the wind.
I took the liberty of asking you to order me a Charleston newspaper.
The expense of French postage is so enormous, that I have been obliged
to desire that my newspapers, from the different States, may be sent to
the office for Foreign Affairs at New York; and I have requested of Mr.
Jay to have them always packed in a box, and sent by the French packets
as merchandise, to the care of the American consul at L'Orient, who
will send them on by the periodical wagons. Will you permit me to add
this to the trouble I have before given you, of ordering the printer
to send them, under cover to Mr. Jay, by such opportunities by water,
as occur from time to time. This request must go to the acts of your
Assembly also. I shall be on the watch to send you anything that may
appear here on the subjects of agriculture or the arts, which may be
worth your perusal. I sincerely congratulate Mrs. Izard and yourself,
on the double accession to your family by marriage and a new birth.
My daughter values much your remembrance of her, and prays to have her
respects presented to the ladies and yourself. In this I join her, and
shall embrace with pleasure every opportunity of assuring you of the
sincere esteem, with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
TO MR. BELLINI.
PARIS, September 30, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your estimable favor, covering a letter to Mr. Mazzei, came
to hand on the 26th instant. The letter to Mr. Mazzei was put into his
hands in the same moment, as he happened to be present. I leave to him
to convey to you all his complaints, as it will be more agreeable to
me to express to you the satisfaction I received, on being informed
of your perfect health. Though I could not receive the same pleasing
news of Mrs. Bellini, yet the philosophy with which I am told she bears
the loss of health, is a testimony the more how much she deserved
the esteem I bear her. Behold me at length on the vaunted scene of
Europe! It is not necessary for your information, that I should enter
into details concerning it. But you are, perhaps, curious to know how
this new scene has struck a savage of the mountains of America. Not
advantageously, I assure you. I find the general fate of humanity
here most deplorable. The truth of Voltaire's observation, offers
itself perpetually, that every man here must be either the hammer or
the anvil. It is a true picture of that country to which they say we
shall pass hereafter, and where we are to see God and his angels in
splendor, and crowds of the damned trampled under their feet. While the
great mass of the people are thus suffering under physical and moral
oppression, I have endeavored to examine more nearly the condition of
the great, to appreciate the true value of the circumstances in their
situation, which dazzle the bulk of spectators, and, especially, to
compare it with that degree of happiness which is enjoyed in America,
by every class of people. Intrigues of love occupy the younger, and
those of ambition, the elder part of the great. Conjugal love having
no existence among them, domestic happiness, of which that is the
basis, is utterly unknown. In lieu of this, are substituted pursuits
which nourish and invigorate all our bad passions, and which offer only
moments of ecstacy, amidst days and months of restlessness and torment.
Much, very much inferior, this, to the tranquil, permanent felicity
with which domestic society in America blesses most of its inhabitants;
leaving them to follow steadily those pursuits which health and reason
approve, and rendering truly delicious the intervals of those pursuits.
In science, the mass of the people are two centuries behind ours;
their literati, half a dozen years before us. Books, really good,
acquire just reputation in that time, and so become known to us, and
communicate to us all their advances in knowledge. Is not this delay
compensated, by our being placed out of the reach of that swarm of
nonsensical publications which issues daily from a thousand presses,
and perishes almost in issuing? With respect to what are termed polite
manners, without sacrificing too much the sincerity of language, I
would wish my countrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness,
as to be ready to make all those little sacrifices of self, which
really render European manners amiable, and relieve society from the
disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often subjects it. Here, it seems
that a man might pass a life without encountering a single rudeness. In
the pleasures of the table, they are far before us, because, with good
taste they unite temperance. They do not terminate the most sociable
meals by transforming themselves into brutes. I have never yet seen a
man drunk in France, even among the lowest of the people. Were I to
proceed to tell you how much I enjoy their architecture, sculpture,
painting, music, I should want words. It is in these arts they shine.
The last of them, particularly, is an enjoyment, the deprivation of
which with us, cannot be calculated. I am almost ready to say, it is
the only thing which from my heart I envy them, and which, in spite of
all the authority of the Decalogue, I do covet. But I am running on
in an estimate of things infinitely better known to you than to me,
and which will only serve to convince you, that I have brought with
me all the prejudices of country, habit, and age. But whatever I may
allow to be charged to me as prejudice, in every other instance, I have
one sentiment at least, founded on reality: it is that of the perfect
esteem which your merit and that of Mrs. Bellini have produced, and
which will forever enable me to assure you of the sincere regard with
which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON, OF WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE.
PARIS, October 2, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of April the 10th, by Mr.
Mazzei. You therein speak of a new method of raising water by steam,
which you suppose will come into general use. I know of no new method
of that kind, and suppose (as you say the account you have received of
it is very imperfect) that some person has represented to you, as new,
a fire engine erected at Paris, and which supplies the greater part of
the town with water. But this is nothing more than the fire engine you
have seen described in the books of hydraulics, and particularly in the
Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, published in 8vo, by Owen, the idea of
which was first taken from Papin's Digester. It would have been better
called the steam engine. The force of the steam of water, you know, is
immense. In this engine, it is made to exert itself towards the working
of pumps. That of Paris is, I believe, the largest known, raising four
hundred thousand cubic feet (French) of water, in twenty-four hours; or
rather, I should have said, _those_ of Paris, for there are two under
one roof, each raising that quantity.
The Abbé Rochon not living at Paris, I have not had an opportunity of
seeing him, and of asking him the questions you desire, relative to
the crystal of which I wrote you. I shall avail myself of the earliest
opportunity I can, of doing it. I shall cheerfully execute your
commands as to the Encyclopedie, when I receive them. The price will
be only thirty guineas. About half the work is out. The volumes of your
Buffon which are spoiled, can be replaced here.
I expect that this letter will be carried by the Mr. Fitzhughs, in a
ship from Havre to Portsmouth. I have therefore sent to Havre some
books which I expected would be acceptable to you. These are the
Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique, which will give you most of the
late improvements in the Arts; the Connoissance des Tems for 1786 and
1787, which is as late as they are published; and some pieces on air
and fire, wherein you will find all the discoveries hitherto made on
these subjects. These books are made into a packet, with your address
on them, and are put into a trunk, wherein is a small packet for Mr.
Wythe, another for Mr. Page, and a parcel of books, without direction,
for Peter Carr. I have taken the liberty of directing the trunk to you,
as the surest means of its getting safe. I pay the freight of it here,
so that there will be no new demands, but for the transportation from
the ship's side to Williamsburg, which I will pray you to pay; and as
much the greatest part is for my nephew, I will take care to repay it
to you.
In the last volume of the Connoissance des Tems, you will find the
tables for the planet Herschel. It is a curious circumstance, that this
planet was seen thirty years ago by Mayer, and supposed by him to be a
fixed star. He accordingly determined a place for it, in his catalogue
of the zodiacal stars, making it the 964th of that catalogue. Bode,
of Berlin, observed in 1781 that this star was missing. Subsequent
calculations of the motion of the planet Herschel, show that it must
have been, at the time of Mayer's observation, where he had placed his
964th star.
Herschel has pushed his discoveries of double stars, now, to upwards
of nine hundred, being twice the number of those communicated in the
Philosophical Transactions. You have probably seen, that a Mr. Pigott
had discovered periodical variations of light in the star Algol. He has
observed the same in the η of Antinous, and makes the period of
variation seven days, four hours, and thirty minutes, the duration of
the increase sixty-three hours, and of the decrease thirty-six hours.
What are we to conclude from this? That there are suns which have
their orbits of revolution too? But this would suppose a wonderful
harmony in their planets, and present a new scene, where the
attracting powers should be without, and not within the orbit. The
motion of our sun would be a miniature of this. But this must be left
to you astronomers.
I went some time ago to see a machine which offers something new.
A man had applied to a light boat a very large screw, the thread of
which was a thin plate, two feet broad, applied by its edge spirally
around a small axis. It somewhat resembled a bottle brush, if you will
suppose the hairs of the bottle brush joining together, and forming a
spiral plane. This, turned on its axis in the air, carried the vessel
across the Seine. It is, in fact, a screw which takes hold of the air
and draws itself along by it; losing, indeed, much of its effort by
the yielding nature of the body it lays hold of to pull itself on by.
I think it may be applied in the water with much greater effect, and to
very useful purposes. Perhaps it may be used also for the balloon.
It is impossible but you must have heard long ago of the machine for
copying letters at a single stroke, as we had received it in America
before I left there. I have written a long letter to my nephew, in
whose education I feel myself extremely interested. I shall rely much
on your friendship for conducting him in the plan I mark out for him,
and for guarding him against those shoals on which youth sometimes
shipwreck. I trouble you to present to Mr. Wythe my affectionate
remembrance of him, and am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO DR. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, October 5, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--A vessel sailing from Havre to Philadelphia, furnishes the
Messrs. Fitzhughs with a passage to that place. To them, therefore, I
confide a number of letters and packets which I have received for you
from sundry quarters, and which, I doubt not, they will deliver safe.
Among these, is one from M. Du Plessis. On receipt of your letter, in
answer to the one I had written you, on the subject of his memorial,
I sent to M. La Motte, M. Chaumont, and wherever else I thought there
was a probability of finding out Du Plessis' address. But all in vain.
I meant to examine his memoir, as you desired, and to have it copied.
Lately, he came and brought it with him, copied by himself. He desired
me to read it, and enclose it to you, which I have done.
We have no public news worth communicating to you, but the signing of
preliminaries between the Emperor and Dutch. The question is, then,
with whom the Emperor will pick the next quarrel. Our treaty with
Prussia goes by this conveyance. But it is not to be spoken of, till a
convenient time is allowed for exchanging ratifications.
Science offers nothing new since your departure, nor any new
publication worth your notice. All your friends here are well. Those
in England, have carried you captive to Algiers. They have published
a letter, as if written by Truxen, the 20th of August, from Algiers,
stating the circumstances of the capture, and that you bore your
slavery to admiration. I happened to receive a letter from Algiers,
dated August the 24th, informing me that two vessels were then
there, taken from us, and naming the vessels and captains. This was a
satisfactory proof to us, that you were not there. The fact being so,
we would have gladly dispensed with the proof, as the situation of our
countrymen there, was described as very distressing.
Were I to mention all those who make inquiries after you, there would
be no end to my letter. I cannot, however, pass over those of the good
old Countess d'Hoditot, with whom I dined on Saturday, at Sanois. They
were very affectionate. I hope you have had a good passage. Your essay
in crossing the channel, gave us great hopes you would experience
little inconvenience on the rest of the voyage. My wishes place you
in the bosom of your friends, in good health, and with a well-grounded
prospect of preserving it long, for your own sake, for theirs, and that
of the world.
I am, with the sincerest attachment and respect, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO SAMUEL OSGOOD.
PARIS, October 5, 1785
DEAR SIR,--It was with very sincere pleasure, I heard of your
appointment to the board of treasury, as well from the hope that it
might not be disagreeable to yourself, as from the confidence that your
administration would be wise. I heartily wish the States may, by their
contributions, enable you to re-establish a credit, which cannot be
lower than at present, to exist at all. This is partly owing to their
real deficiencies, and partly to the lies propagated by the London
papers, which are probably paid for by the minister, to reconcile the
people to the loss of us. Unluckily, it indisposes them, at the same
time, to form rational connections with us. Should this produce the
amendment of our federal constitution, of which your papers give us
hopes, we shall receive a permanent indemnification for a temporary
loss.
All things here, promise an arrangement between the Emperor and Dutch.
Their ministers have signed preliminary articles, some of which,
however, leave room for further cavil. The Dutch pay ten millions of
florins, yield some forts and territory, and the navigation of the
Scheldt to Saftingen. Till our treaty with England be fully executed,
it is desirable to us, that all the world should be in peace. That
done, their wars would do us little harm.
I find myself under difficulties here, which I will take the liberty
of explaining to you as a friend. Mr. Carmichael lately drew a bill
on Mr. Grand for four thousand livres, I suppose, for his salary. Mr.
Grand said, he was not used to accept drafts but by the desire of Dr.
Franklin, and rested it on me to say, whether this bill should be paid
or not. I thought it improper, that the credit of so confidential
a person as Mr. Carmichael, should be affected by a refusal, and
therefore advised payment. Mr. Dumas has drawn on me for twenty-seven
hundred livres, his half year's salary, informing me he always drew on
Dr. Franklin. I shall advise the payment. I have had loan office bills,
drawn on the commissioners of the United States, presented to me. My
answer has been, "These are very old bills. Had they been presented
while those gentlemen were in Europe, they would have been paid. You
kept them up till Dr. Franklin, the last of them, has returned to
America; you must therefore send them there, and they will be paid.
I am not the drawee described in the bill." It is impossible for me
to meddle with these bills. The gentlemen who had been familiar with
them, from the beginning, who kept books of them, and knew well the
form of these books, often paid bills twice. But how can I interfere
with them, who have not a scrip of a pen on their subject, who never
saw a book relating to them, and who, if I had the books, should much
oftener be bewildered in the labyrinth, than the gentlemen who have
kept them? I think it, therefore, most advisable, that what bills
remain out, should be sent back to America for payment, and therefore
advise Mr. Barclay to return thither, all the books and papers relative
to them. There is the proper and ultimate deposit of all records of
this nature. All these articles are very foreign to my talents, and
foreign also, as I conceive, to the nature of my duties. Dr. Franklin
was obliged to meddle with them, from the circumstances which existed.
But, these having ceased, I suppose it practicable for your board to
direct the administration of your moneys here, in every circumstance.
It is only necessary for me to draw my own allowances, and to order
payment for services done by others, by my direction, and within the
immediate line of my office; such as paying couriers, postage, and
other extraordinary services, which must rest on my discretion, and at
my risk, if disapproved by Congress. I will thank you for your advice
on this subject, and if you think a resolution of your board necessary,
I will pray you to send me such a one, and that it may relieve me from
all concerns with the money of the United States, other than those I
have just spoken of. I do not mean by this, to testify a disposition
to render no service but what is rigorously within my duty. I am the
farthest in the world from this; it is a question I shall never ask
myself; nothing making me more happy than to render any service in
my power, of whatever description. But I wish only to be excused from
intermeddling in business in which I have no skill, and should do more
harm than good.
Congress were pleased to order me an advance of two quarters' salary.
At that time, I supposed that I might refund it, or spare so much
from my expenses, by the time the third quarter became due. Probably,
they might expect the same. But it has been impossible. The expense
of my outfit, though I have taken it up, on a scale as small as could
be admitted, has been very far beyond what I had conceived. I have,
therefore, not only been unable to refund the advance ordered, but
been obliged to go beyond it. I wished to have avoided so much, as was
occasioned by the purchase of furniture. But those who hire furniture,
asked me forty per cent. a year, for the use of it. It was better
to buy, therefore; and this article, clothes, carriage, &c., have
amounted to considerably more than the advance ordered. Perhaps, it
may be thought reasonable to allow me an outfit. The usage of every
other nation has established this, and reason really pleads for it. I
do not wish to make a shilling; but only my expenses to be defrayed,
and in a moderate style. On the most moderate, which the reputation or
interest of those I serve, would admit, it will take me several years
to liquidate the advances for my outfit. I mention this, to enable you
to understand the necessities which have obliged me to call for more
money than was probably expected, and, understanding them, to explain
them to others. Being perfectly disposed to conform myself decisively,
to what shall be thought proper, you cannot oblige me more, than by
communicating to me your sentiments hereon, which I shall receive as
those of a friend, and govern myself accordingly.
I am, with the most perfect esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, October 6, 1785.
SIR--My letter of August the 30th, acknowledged the receipt of yours
of July the 13th. Since that, I have received your letter of August
the 13th, enclosing a correspondence between the Marquis de La Fayette
and Monsieur de Calonnes, and another of the same date, enclosing the
papers in Fortin's case. I immediately wrote to M. Limozin, at Havre,
desiring he would send me a state of the case, and inform me what were
the difficulties which suspended its decision. He has promised me,
by letter, to do this as soon as possible, and I shall not fail in
attention to it.
The Emperor and Dutch have signed preliminaries, which are now made
public. You will see them in the papers which accompany this. They
still leave a good deal to discussion. However, it is probable they
will end in peace. The party in Holland, possessed actually of the
sovereignty, wish for peace, that they may push their designs on the
Stadtholderate. This country wishes for peace, because her finances
need arrangement. The Bavarian exchange has produced to public view,
that jealousy and rancor between the courts of Vienna and Berlin,
which existed before, though it was smothered. This will appear by the
declarations of the two courts. The demarcation between the Emperor
and Turk does not advance. Still, however, I suppose neither of those
two germs of war likely to open soon. I consider the conduct of France
as the best evidence of this. If she had apprehended a war from either
of those quarters, she would not have been so anxious to leave the
Emperor one enemy the less, by placing him at peace with the Dutch.
While she is exerting all her powers to preserve peace by land, and
making no preparation which indicates a fear of its being disturbed
in that quarter, she is pushing her naval preparations, with a spirit
unexampled in time of peace. By the opening of the next spring, she
will have eighty ships, of seventy-four guns and upwards, ready for
sea, at a moment's warning; and the further constructions proposed,
will probably, within two years, raise the number to an hundred. New
regulations have been made, too, for perfecting the classification
of her seamen; an institution, which, dividing all the seamen of the
nation into classes, subjects them to tours of duty by rotation, and
enables government, at all times, to man their ships. Their works for
rendering Cherbourg a harbor for their vessels of war, and Dunkirk,
for frigates and privateers, leave now little doubt of success. It is
impossible that these preparations can have in view, any other nation
than the English. Of course, they show a greater diffidence of their
peace with them, than with any other power.
I mentioned to you, in my letter of August the 14th, that I had
desired Captain John Paul Jones to inquire into the circumstances of
Peyrouse's expedition. I have now the honor of enclosing you copies
of my letter to him, and of his answer. He refuses to accept of my
indemnification for his expenses, which is an additional proof of his
disinterested spirit, and of his devotion to the service of America.
The circumstances are obvious, which indicate an intention to settle
factories, and not colonies, at least for the present. However, nothing
shows for what place they are destined. The conjectures are divided
between New Holland, and the Northwest coast of America.
According to what I mentioned in my letter of August 30th, I have
appointed Mr. Short my secretary here. I enclose to you copies of
my letters to him and Mr. Grand, which will show to Congress that he
stands altogether at their pleasure. I mention this circumstance, that,
if what I have done meets with their disapprobation, they may have the
goodness to signify it immediately, as I should otherwise conclude that
they do not disapprove it. I shall be ready to conform myself to what
would be most agreeable to them.
This will be accompanied by the gazettes of France and Leyden, to the
present date.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
PARIS, October 11, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I received, last night, the letter signed by yourself
and the other gentlemen, delegates of Massachusetts and Virginia,
recommending Mr. Sayer for the Barbary negotiations. As that was the
first moment of its suggestion to me, you will perceive, by my letter
of this day, to Mr. Jay, that the business was already established
in other hands, as your letter came at the same time with the papers
actually signed by Mr. Adams, for Messrs. Barclay and Lambe, according
to arrangements previously taken between us. I should, with great
satisfaction, have acceded to the recommendation in the letter: not
indeed as to Morocco, because, no better man than Mr. Barclay could
have been substituted; but as to Algiers, Mr. Lambe being less known
to me. However, I hope well of him, and rely considerably on the aid
he will receive from his secretary, Mr. Randall, who bears a very good
character. I suppose Mr. Adams entitled to the same just apology,
as matters were settled otherwise, before he probably received your
letter. I pray you to communicate this to the other gentlemen of your
and our delegation, as my justification.
The peace made between the Emperor and Dutch leaves Europe quiet for
this campaign. As yet, we do not know where the storm, dissipated for
the moment, will gather again. Probably over Bavaria or Turkey. But
this will be for another year.
When our instructions were made out, they were conceived on a general
scale, and supposed that all the European nations would be disposed
to form commercial connections with us. It is evident, however, that
a very different degree of importance was annexed to these different
States. Spain, Portugal, England and France, were most important.
Holland, Sweden, Denmark, in a middling degree. The others, still less
so. Spain treats in another line. Portugal is disposed to do the same.
England will not treat at all; nor will France, probably, add to her
former treaty. Failing in the execution of these our capital objects,
it has appeared to me that the pushing the treaties with the lesser
powers might do us more harm than good, by hampering the measures the
States may find it necessary to take, for securing those commercial
interests, by separate measures, which is refused to be done here, in
concert. I have understood through various channels, that the members
of Congress wished a change in our instructions. I have, in my letter
to Mr. Jay, of this date, mentioned the present situation and aspect of
these treaties, for their information.
My letter of the 6th instant, to Mr. Jay, having communicated what
little there is new here, I have only to add assurances of the sincere
esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, October 11, 1785.
SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a report of
the voyage of an American ship, the first which has gone to China. The
circumstances which induces Congress to direct this communication is
the very friendly conduct of the consul of his Majesty at Macao, and
of the commanders and other officers of the French vessels in those
seas. It has been with singular satisfaction that Congress have seen
these added to the many other proofs of the cordiality of this nation
towards our citizens. It is the more pleasing, when it appears in the
officers of government, because it is then viewed as an emanation of
the spirit of the government. It would be an additional gratification
to Congress, in this particular instance, should any occasion arise
of notifying those officers, that their conduct has been justly
represented to your Excellency on the part of the United States, and
has met your approbation. Nothing will be wanting, on our part, to
foster corresponding dispositions in our citizens, and we hope that
proofs of their actual existence have appeared, and will appear,
whenever occasion shall offer. A sincere affection between the two
people is the broadest basis on which their peace can be built.
It will always be among the most pleasing functions of my office, to be
made the channel of communicating the friendly sentiments of the two
governments. It is additionally so, as it gives me an opportunity of
assuring your Excellency of the high respect and esteem with which I
have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, October 11, 1785.
SIR,--In my letter of August the 14th, I had the honor of expressing
to you the uneasiness I felt, at the delay of the instructions on the
subject of the Barbary treaties, of which Mr. Lambe was the bearer,
and of informing you that I had proposed to Mr. Adams, that if he did
not arrive either in the French or English packets, then expected,
we should send some person to negotiate these treaties. As he did
not arrive in those packets, and I found Mr. Barclay was willing to
undertake the negotiations, I wrote to Mr. Adams (who had concurred in
the proposition made him), informing him that Mr. Barclay would go,
and proposing papers for our immediate signature. The day before the
return of the courier, Mr. Lambe arrived with our instructions, the
letters of credence, &c., enclosed in yours of March the 11th, 1785.
Just about the same time, came to hand the letter No. 1, informing
me, that two American vessels were actually taken and carried into
Algiers, and leaving no further doubt that that power was exercising
hostilities against us, in the Atlantic. The conduct of the Emperor of
Morocco had been such, as forbade us to postpone his treaty to that
with Algiers. But the commencement of hostilities by the latter, and
their own activity, pressed the necessity of immediate propositions
to them. It was therefore thought best, while Mr. Barclay should be
proceeding with the Emperor of Morocco, that some other agent should go
to Algiers. We had few subjects to choose out of. Mr. Lambe's knowledge
of the country, of its inhabitants, of their manner of transacting
business, the recommendations from his State to Congress of his fitness
for this employment, and other information founding a presumption
that he would be approved, occasioned our concluding to send him to
Algiers. The giving him proper authorities, and new ones to Mr. Barclay
conformable to our own powers, was the subject of a new courier between
Mr. Adams and myself. He returned last night, and I had the honor of
enclosing you copies of all the papers we furnish those gentlemen with;
which will possess Congress fully of our proceedings herein. They are
numbered from two to ten inclusive. The supplementary instruction to
Mr. Lambe, No. 5, must rest for justification on the emergency of the
case. The motives which led to it must be found in the feelings of the
human heart, in a partiality for those sufferers who are of our own
country, and in the obligations of every government to yield protection
to their citizens, as the consideration of their obedience. It will be
a comfort to know that Congress does not disapprove this step.
Considering the treaty with Portugal among the most interesting to
the United States, I some time ago took occasion at Versailles, to ask
of the Portuguese ambassador if he had yet received from his court an
answer to our letter. He told me he had not; but that he would make it
the subject of another letter. Two days ago, his secretaire d'ambassade
called on me, with a letter from his minister to the ambassador,
in which was the following paragraph, as he translated it to me;
and I committed it to writing from his mouth. "Your Excellency has
communicated to us the substance of your conversation with the American
minister. That power ought to have been already persuaded, by the
manner in which its vessels have been received here; and consequently
that his Majesty would have much satisfaction, in maintaining perfect
harmony and good understanding with the same United States. But it
would be proper to begin with the reciprocal nomination, on both
sides, of persons, who, at least with the character of agents, might
reciprocally inform their constituents of what might conduce to a
knowledge of the interests of the two nations, without prejudice to
either. This first step appears necessary to lead to the proposed
object."
By this, it would seem, that this power is more disposed to pursue a
track of negotiation, similar to that which Spain has done. I consider
this answer as definitive of all further measures, under our commission
to Portugal. That to Spain was superseded by proceedings in another
line. That to Prussia is concluded by actual treaty; to Tuscany will
probably be so; and perhaps to Denmark; and these, I believe, will
be the sum of the effects of our commissions for making treaties of
alliance. England shows no disposition to treat. France, should her
ministers be able to keep the ground of the _Arret_ of August 1784
against the clamors of her merchants, and should they be disposed,
hereafter, to give us more, very probably will not bind herself to it
by treaty, but keep her regulations dependent on her own will. Sweden
will establish a free port at St. Bartholemew's, which, perhaps, will
render any new engagement, on our part, unnecessary. Holland is so
immovable in her system of colony administration, that, as propositions
to her, on that subject, would be desperate, they had better not be
made. You will perceive by the letter No. 11, from the Marquis de La
Fayette, that there is a possibility of an overture from the Emperor.
A hint from the chargé des affaires of Naples, lately, has induced me
to suppose something of the same kind from thence. But the advanced
period of our commissions now offers good cause for avoiding to begin
what probably cannot be terminated during their continuance; and with
respect to these two, and all other powers not before mentioned, I
doubt whether the advantages to be derived from treaties with them
will countervail the additional embarrassments they may impose on the
States, when they shall proceed to make those commercial arrangements
necessary to counteract the designs of the British cabinet. I repeat
it, therefore, that the conclusion of the treaty with Prussia, and the
probability of others with Denmark, Tuscany, and the Barbary States,
may be expected to wind up the proceedings of the general commissions.
I think that, in possible events, it may be advantageous to us, by
treaties with Prussia, Denmark, and Tuscany, to have secured ports
in Northern and Mediterranean seas. I have the honor to be, with
sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, October 11, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Colonel Franks and Mr. Randolph arrived last night. This
enables me to send copies of all the Barbary papers to Congress by
the Mr. Fitzhughs, together with the Prussian treaty. They wait till
to-morrow for that purpose. Considering the treaty with Portugal as
among the most important to the United States, I, some time ago, took
occasion at Versailles to ask the Portuguese Ambassador if he had not
received an answer from his court on the subject of our treaty. He said
not, but that he would write again. His secretaire de ambassade called
on me two days ago, and translated into French, as follows, a paragraph
of a letter from his minister to the ambassador: "Relativement à ce que
V. E. nous a fait part de ce qu'elle avoit parlé avec le ministre de
l'Amerique, cette puissance doit être déjà persuadée par d'effets la
manière dont ses vaisseaux ont été accueillis ici; et par conséquence
sa majesté auroit beaucoup de satisfaction à entretenir une parfaite
harmonie et bon correspondence entre les mêmes Etats Unis. Mais il
seroit à propos de commencer par la nomination réciproque des deux
parties des personnes, qui, au moins avec la caractère d'agens,
informeroient réciproquement leurs constituents de ce qui pourroit
conduire à la connoisance des intérêts des deux nations sans préjudice
de l'un ou de l'autre. C'est le premier pas qu'il paroit convenable de
donner pour conduire à la fin proposée." By this, I suppose, they will
prefer proceeding as Spain has done, and that we may consider it as
definitive of our commission to them. I communicate it to Congress that
they may take such other measures for leading on a negotiation as they
may think proper.
You know that the 3d article of instructions of October 29, 1783, to
the ministers for negotiating peace, directed them to negotiate the
claim for the prizes taken by the alliance and sent into Bergen, but
delivered up by the Court of Denmark; you recollect, also, that this
has been deferred in order to be taken up with the general negotiation
for an alliance. Captain Jones, desiring to go to America, proposed to
me that he should leave the solicitation of this matter in the hands of
Doctor Bancroft, and to ask you to negotiate it, through the minister
of Denmark at London. The delay of Baron Waltersdorf is one reason
for this. Your better acquaintance with the subject is a second. The
Danish minister here being absent, is a third. And a fourth and more
conclusive one is that, having never acted as one of the commissioners
for negotiating the peace, I feel an impropriety in meddling with it
at all, and much more to become the principal agent. I therefore told
Captain Jones I would solicit your care of this business. I believe he
writes to you on the subject.
Mr. Barclay sets out in two or three days. Lambe will follow as soon as
the papers can be got from this ministry. Having no news, I shall only
add assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST.
PARIS, October 12, 1785.
GENTLEMEN,--The receipt of your favor, of September the 19th, should
not have been so long unacknowledged, but that I have been peculiarly
and very closely engaged ever since it came to hand.
With respect to the expediency of the arrangement you propose to make
with Mr. Parker, I must observe to you, that it would be altogether
out of my province to give an official opinion for your direction.
These transactions appertain altogether to the commissioners of the
treasury, to whom you have very properly written on the occasion. I
shall always be willing, however, to apprise you of any facts I may
be acquainted with, and which might enable you to proceed with more
certainty; and even to give my private opinion, where I am acquainted
with the subject, leaving you the most perfect liberty to give it
what weight you may think proper. In the present case, I cannot give
even a private opinion, because I am not told what are precisely the
securities offered by Mr. Parker. So various are the securities of
the United States, that unless they are precisely described by their
dates, consideration, and other material circumstances, no man on earth
can say what they are worth. One fact, however, is certain, that all
debts of any considerable amount contracted by the United States, while
their paper money existed, are subject to a deduction, and not payable
at any fixed period. I think I may venture to say, also, that there
are no debts of the United States, "on the same footing with the money
loaned by Holland," except those due to the Kings of France and Spain.
However, I hope you will soon receive the answer of the commissioners,
which alone can decide authoritatively what is to be done.
Congress have thought proper to entrust to Mr. Adams and myself a
certain business, which may eventually call for great advances of
money, perhaps four hundred thousand livres or upwards. They have
authorized us to draw for this on their funds in Holland. The separate
situation of Mr. Adams and myself, rendering joint drafts inconvenient,
we have agreed that they shall be made by him alone. You will be
pleased, therefore, to give the same credit to these bills, drawn by
him, as if they were also subscribed by me.
I have the honor to be, with high respect, Gentlemen, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR DESBORDES.
PARIS, October 12, 1785.
SIR,--There are in the prison of St. Pol de Leon six or seven citizens
of the United States of America, charged with having attempted a
contraband of tobacco, but, as they say themselves, forced into that
port by stress of weather. I believe that they are innocent. Their
situation is described me to be as deplorable as should be that of men
found guilty of the worst of crimes. They are in close jail, allowed
three sous a day only, and unable to speak a word of the language of
the country. I hope their distress, which it is my duty to relieve,
and the recommendation of Mr. Barclay to address myself to you, will
apologize for the liberty I take of asking you to advise them what
to do for their defence, to engage some good lawyer for them, and to
pass to them the pecuniary reliefs necessary. I write to Mr. Lister
Asquith, the owner of the vessel, that he may draw bills on me, from
time to time, for a livre a day for every person of them, and what may
be necessary to engage a lawyer for him. I will pray the favor of you
to furnish him money for his bills, drawn on me for these purposes,
which I will pay on sight. You will judge if he should go beyond this
allowance, and be so good as to reject the surplus. I must desire his
lawyer to send me immediately a state of their case, and let me know
in what court their process is, and when it is likely to be decided.
I hope the circumstances of the case will excuse the freedom I take;
and I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant.
TO HOGENDORP.
PARIS, October 13, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Having been much engaged lately, I have been unable sooner
to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of September the 8th. What
you are pleased to say on the subject of my Notes is more than they
deserve. The condition in which you first saw them would prove to you
how hastily they had been originally written, as you may remember the
numerous insertions I had made in them from time to time, when I could
find a moment for turning to them from other occupations. I have never
yet seen Monsieur de Buffon. He has been in the country all the summer.
I sent him a copy of the book, and have only heard his sentiments on
one particular of it, that of the identity of the mammoth and elephant.
As to this, he retains his opinion that they are the same. If you had
formed any considerable expectations from our revised code of laws,
you will be much disappointed. It contains not more than three or four
laws which could strike the attention of a foreigner. Had it been
a digest of all our laws, it would not have been comprehensible or
instructive but to a native. But it is still less so, as it digests
only the British statutes and our own acts of Assembly, which are but
a supplementary part of our law. The great basis of it is anterior to
the date of the Magna Charta, which is the oldest statute extant. The
only merit of this work is, that it may remove from our book shelves
about twenty folio volumes of our statutes, retaining all the parts
of them which either their own merit or the established system of laws
required.
You ask me what are those operations of the British nation which are
likely to befriend us, and how they will produce this effect? The
British government, as you may naturally suppose, have it much at heart
to reconcile their nation to the loss of America. This is essential to
the repose, perhaps even to the safety of the King and his ministers.
The most effectual engines for this purpose are the public papers. You
know well that that government always kept a kind of standing army of
news-writers, who, without any regard to truth, or to what should be
like truth, invented and put into the papers whatever might serve the
ministers. This suffices with the mass of the people, who have no means
of distinguishing the false from the true paragraphs of a newspaper.
When forced to acknowledge our independence, they were forced to
redouble their efforts to keep the nation quiet. Instead of a few of
the papers formerly engaged, they now engaged every one. No paper,
therefore, comes out without a dose of paragraphs against America.
These are calculated for a secondary purpose also, that of preventing
the emigrations of their people to America. They dwell very much on
American bankruptcies. To explain these would require a long detail,
but would show you that nine-tenths of these bankruptcies are truly
English bankruptcies, in no wise chargeable on America. However, they
have produced effects the most desirable of all others for us. They
have destroyed our credit, and thus checked our disposition to luxury;
and, forcing our merchants to buy no more than they have ready money
to pay for, they force them to go to those markets where that ready
money will buy most. Thus you see, they check our luxury, they force
us to connect ourselves with all the world, and they prevent foreign
emigrations to our country, all of which I consider as advantageous
to us. They are doing us another good turn. They attempt, without
disguise, to possess themselves of the carriage of our produce, and
to prohibit our own vessels from participating of it. This has raised
a general indignation in America. The States see, however, that their
constitutions have provided no means of counteracting it. They are,
therefore, beginning to invest Congress with the absolute power of
regulating their commerce, only reserving all revenue arising from it
to the State in which it is levied. This will consolidate our federal
building very much, and for this we shall be indebted to the British.
You ask what I think on the expediency of encouraging our States to
be commercial? Were I to indulge my own theory, I should wish them to
practise neither commerce nor navigation, but to stand, with respect to
Europe, precisely on the footing of China. We should thus avoid wars,
and all our citizens would be husbandmen. Whenever, indeed, our numbers
should so increase as that our produce would overstock the markets
of those nations who should come to seek it, the farmers must either
employ the surplus of their time in manufactures, or the surplus of
our hands must be employed in manufactures or in navigation. But that
day would, I think, be distant, and we should long keep our workmen
in Europe, while Europe should be drawing rough materials, and even
subsistence from America. But this is theory only, and a theory which
the servants of America are not at liberty to follow. Our people have
a decided taste for navigation and commerce. They take this from their
mother country; and their servants are in duty bound to calculate all
their measures on this datum: we wish to do it by throwing open all the
doors of commerce, and knocking off its shackles. But as this cannot be
done for others, unless they will do it for us, and there is no great
probability that Europe will do this, I suppose we shall be obliged to
adopt a system which may shackle them in our ports, as they do us in
theirs.
With respect to the sale of our lands, that cannot begin till a
considerable portion shall have been surveyed. They cannot begin to
survey till the fall of the leaf of this year, nor to sell probably
till the ensuing spring. So that it will be yet a twelvemonth before
we shall be able to judge of the efficacy of our land office to sink
our national debt. It is made a fundamental, that the proceeds shall be
solely and sacredly applied as a sinking fund to discharge the capital
only of the debt.
It is true that the tobaccos of Virginia go almost entirely to England.
The reason is, the people of that State owe a great debt there, which
they are paying as fast as they can. I think I have now answered your
several queries, and shall be happy to receive your reflections on the
same subjects, and at all times to hear of your welfare, and to give
you assurances of the esteem, with which I have the honor to be, dear
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO J. BANNISTER, JUNIOR
PARIS, October 15, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I should sooner have answered the paragraph in your
letter, of September the 19th, respecting the best seminary for the
education of youth in Europe, but that it was necessary for me to make
inquiries on the subject. The result of these has been, to consider
the competition as resting between Geneva and Rome. They are equally
cheap, and probably are equal in the course of education pursued.
The advantage of Geneva is, that students acquire there the habit of
speaking French. The advantages of Rome are, the acquiring a local
knowledge of a spot so classical and so celebrated; the acquiring the
true pronunciation of the Latin language; a just taste in the fine
arts, more particularly those of painting, sculpture, architecture, and
music; a familiarity with those objects and processes of agriculture
which experience has shown best adapted to a climate like ours; and
lastly, the advantage of a fine climate for health. It is probable,
too, that by being boarded in a French family, the habit of speaking
that language may be obtained. I do not count on any advantage to be
derived, in Geneva, from a familiar acquaintance with the principles
of that government. The late revolution has rendered it a tyrannical
aristocracy, more likely to give ill than good ideas to an American.
I think the balance in favor of Rome. Pisa is sometimes spoken of
as a place of education. But it does not offer the first and third
of the advantages of Rome. But why send an American youth to Europe
for education? What are the objects of an useful American education?
Classical knowledge, modern languages, chiefly French, Spanish, and
Italian; Mathematics, Natural philosophy, Natural history, Civil
history, and Ethics. In Natural philosophy, I mean to include Chemistry
and Agriculture, and in natural history, to include Botany, as well as
the other branches of those departments. It is true that the habit of
speaking the modern languages cannot be so well acquired in America;
but every other article can be as well acquired at William and Mary
college, as at any place in Europe. When college education is done
with, and a young man is to prepare himself for public life, he must
cast his eyes (for America) either on Law or Physics. For the former,
where can he apply so advantageously as to Mr. Wythe? For the latter,
he must come to Europe: the medical class of students, therefore, is
the only one which need come to Europe. Let us view the disadvantages
of sending a youth to Europe. To enumerate them all, would require a
volume. I will select a few. If he goes to England, he learns drinking,
horse racing, and boxing. These are the peculiarities of English
education. The following circumstances are common to education in
that, and the other countries of Europe. He acquires a fondness for
European luxury and dissipation, and a contempt for the simplicity of
his own country; he is fascinated with the privileges of the European
aristocrats, and sees, with abhorrence, the lovely equality which the
poor enjoy with the rich, in his own country; he contracts a partiality
for aristocracy or monarchy; he forms foreign friendships which will
never be useful to him, and loses the seasons of life for forming, in
his own country, those friendships which, of all others, are the most
faithful and permanent; he is led, by the strongest of all the human
passions, into a spirit for female intrigue, destructive of his own
and others' happiness, or a passion for whores, destructive of his
health, and, in both cases, learns to consider fidelity to the marriage
bed as an ungentlemanly practice, and inconsistent with happiness:
he recollects the voluptuary dress and arts of the European women,
and pities and despises the chaste affections and simplicity of those
of his own country; he retains, through life, a fond recollection,
and a hankering after those places, which were the scenes of his
first pleasures and of his first connections; he returns to his own
country, a foreigner, unacquainted with the practices of domestic
economy, necessary to preserve him from ruin, speaking and writing
his native tongue as a foreigner, and therefore unqualified to obtain
those distinctions, which eloquence of the pen and tongue ensures
in a free country; for I would observe to you, that what is called
style in writing or speaking is formed very early in life, while the
imagination is warm, and impressions are permanent. I am of opinion,
that there never was an instance of a man's writing or speaking his
native tongue with elegance, who passed from fifteen to twenty years
of age out of the country where it was spoken. Thus, no instance
exists of a person's writing two languages perfectly. That will always
appear to be his native language, which was most familiar to him in
his youth. It appears to me, then, that an American, coming to Europe
for education, loses in his knowledge, in his morals, in his health, in
his habits, and in his happiness. I had entertained only doubts on this
head before I came to Europe: what I see and hear, since I came here,
proves more than I had even suspected. Cast your eye over America: who
are the men of most learning, of most eloquence, most beloved by their
countrymen and most trusted and promoted by them? They are those who
have been educated among them, and whose manners, morals, and habits,
are perfectly homogeneous with those of the country.
Did you expect by so short a question, to draw such a sermon on
yourself? I dare say you did not. But the consequences of foreign
education are alarming to me, as an American. I sin, therefore, through
zeal, whenever I enter on the subject. You are sufficiently American
to pardon me for it. Let me hear of your health, and be assured of the
esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO BARON THULEMEYER.
PARIS, October 16, 1785.
SIR,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of the letter of the 11th
instant, with which you have honored me, and wherein you are pleased
to inform me of the satisfaction of his Prussian majesty of the treaty
of amity and commerce between him and the United States of America.
On our part, the earliest opportunity was embraced of forwarding it
to Congress. It goes by a vessel sailing about this time from Havre.
I shall with great pleasure communicate to you its ratification by
Congress, in the first moment in which it shall become known to me, and
concur in the measures necessary for exchanging the ratifications.
I shall take the greatest care to forward the letter you are pleased to
enclose for Baltimore, according to its address.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the greatest respect and
esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, October 18, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 29th of September, came safely to hand:
the constant expectation of the departure of the persons whom I
formerly gave you reason to expect has prevented my writing, as it
has done yours. They will probably leave this in a week, but their
route will be circuitous and attended with delays. Between the middle
and last of November, they may be with you. By them, you will receive
a cypher, by which you may communicate with Mr. Adams and myself. I
should have sent it by Baron Dreyer, the Danish minister; but I then
expected our own conveyance would have been quicker. Having mentioned
this gentleman, give me leave to recommend him to your acquaintance. He
is plain, sensible, and open: he speaks English well, and had he been
to remain here, I should have cultivated his acquaintance much. Be so
good as to present me very respectfully to him.
This being to go by post, I shall only add the few articles of general
American news, by the last packet. Dr. Franklin arrived in good
health at Philadelphia, the 15th ult., and was received amidst the
acclamations of an immense crowd. No late event has produced greater
demonstrations of joy. It is doubted whether Congress will adjourn this
summer; but they are so thin, they do not undertake important business.
Our western posts are in statu quo.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO COUNT DE ARANDA.
PARIS, October 22, 1785.
SIR,--The friendly dispositions which the Court of Madrid have
been pleased to show towards us in our affairs relative to the
Barbary Powers, induce me to trouble you with an application on that
subject. We are about sending persons to Morocco and Algiers to form
arrangements with those powers. They will go by the way of Madrid.
I ask the favor of your Excellency's passports for them. It would
increase their value much if they could protect those persons from
having their baggage searched. The one going to Morocco takes with him
about a thousand guineas worth of watches, rings, and other things
of that nature: he who goes to Algiers takes about a fourth of that
value. I pledge myself that these, with their necessary clothes, will
constitute the whole of their baggage, and that these are neither to
be sold nor left in Spain. The duties to which these things would be
subject are of no consideration with us. It is to avoid the delays, the
difficulties, and even the losses which may accrue from the examination
of small and precious things on the road. Two separate passports will
be acceptable: the one for Thomas Barclay, and David S. Franks, and
their servants; the other for John Lambe and ---- Randall, and their
servants. We propose to keep these transactions as much as we can from
the eyes of the public.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, your
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. VAN STAPHORSTS.
PARIS, October 25, 1785.
GENTLEMEN,--I received yesterday your favor of the 20th instant. In
order to give you the information you desire on the subject of the
_liquidated_ debts of the United States, and the comparative footing
on which they stand, I must observe to you, that the first and great
division of our federal debt, is, into 1, foreign; and 2, domestic. The
foreign debt comprehends, 1, the loan from the government of Spain; 2,
the loans from the government of France, and from the Farmers General;
3, the loans negotiated in Holland, by order of Congress. This branch
of our debt stands absolutely singular; no man in the United States
having ever supposed that Congress, or their legislatures, can, in any
wise, modify or alter it. They justly view the United States as the
one party, and the lenders as the other, and that the consent of both
would be requisite, were any modification to be proposed. But with
respect to the domestic debt, they consider Congress as representing
both the borrowers and lenders, and that the modifications which have
taken place in this have been necessary to do justice between the two
parties, and that they flowed properly from Congress as their mutual
umpire. The domestic debt comprehends 1, the army debt; 2, the loan
office debt; 3, the liquidated debt; and 4, the unliquidated debt.
The first term includes debts to the officers and soldiers for pay,
bounty and subsistence. The second term means moneys put into the
loan office of the United States. The third comprehends all debts
contracted by quarter-masters, commissaries, and others duly authorized
to procure supplies for the army, and which have been liquidated
(that is, settled) by commissioners appointed under the resolution
of Congress, of June the 12th, 1780, or by the officer who made the
contract. The fourth comprehends the whole mass of debts, described in
the preceding article, which have not yet been liquidated. These are
in a course of liquidation, and are passing over daily into the third
class. The debts of this third class, that is, the liquidated debt,
is the object of your inquiry. No time is fixed for the payment of it,
no fund as yet determined, nor any firm provision for the interest in
the meantime. The consequence is, that the certificates of these debts
sell greatly below par. When I left America, they could be bought for
from two shillings and sixpence to fifteen shillings in the pound:
this difference proceeding from the circumstance of some States having
provided for paying the interest on those due in their own State,
which others had not. Hence, an opinion had arisen with some, and
propositions had even been made in the legislatures, for paying off
the principal of these debts with what they had cost the holder, and
interest on that. This opinion is far from being general, and I think
will not prevail. But it is among possible events.
I have been thus particular, that you may be able to judge, not only
in the present case, but also in others, should any attempts be made
to speculate in your city, on these papers. It is a business, in which
foreigners will be in great danger of being duped. It is a science
which bids defiance to the powers of reason. To understand it, a man
must not only be on the spot, and be perfectly possessed of all the
circumstances relative to every species of these papers, but he must
have that dexterity which the habit of buying and selling them alone
gives. The brokers of these certificates are few in number, and any
other person venturing to deal with them, engages in a very unequal
contest.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, gentlemen, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, November 4, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I had the honor of writing you on the 18th of October,
and again, on the 25th of the same month. Both letters, being to pass
through the post offices, were confined to particular subjects. The
first of them acknowledged the receipt of yours, of September the 29th.
At length a confidential opportunity arrives for conveying to you
a cypher; it will be handed you by the bearer, Mr. Lambe. Copies
of it are in the hands of Mr. Adams, at London, Mr. Barclay, who is
proceeding to Morocco, and Mr. Lambe, who is proceeding to Algiers.
This enables us to keep up such correspondences with each other, as
may be requisite. Congress, in the spring of 1784, gave powers to Mr.
Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself, to treat with the Barbary States. But
they gave us no money for them, and the other duties assigned us render
it impossible for us to proceed thither in person. These things having
been represented to them, they assigned to us a certain sum of money,
and gave us powers to delegate agents to treat with those States, and
to form preliminary articles, but confining to us the signing of them
in a definitive form. They did not restrain us in the appointment
of the agents; but the orders of Congress were brought to us by Mr.
Lambe, they had waited for him four months, and the recommendations he
brought pointed him out, in our opinion, as a person who would meet
the approbation of Congress. We therefore appointed him to negotiate
with the Algerines. His manners and appearance are not promising. But
he is a sensible man, and seems to possess some talents which may be
proper in a matter of bargain. We have joined with him, as secretary,
a Mr. Randall, from New York, in whose prudence we hope he will find
considerable aid. They now proceed to Madrid, merely with the view of
seeing you, as we are assured they will receive from you lights which
may be useful to them. I hear that d'Expilly and the Algerine ministers
have gone from Madrid. Letters from Algiers, of August the 24th, inform
me that we had two vessels and their crews in captivity there, at that
time. I never had reason to believe, certainly, that any others had
been captured. Should Mr. Lambe have occasion to draw bills, while in
Spain, on Mr. Adams, you may safely assure the purchasers that they
will be paid.
An important matter detains Mr. Barclay some days longer, and his
journey to Madrid will be circuitous. Perhaps he may arrive there a
month later than Lambe. It would be well if the Emperor of Morocco
could, in the meantime, know that such a person is on the road. Perhaps
you may have an opportunity of notifying this to him officially, by
asking from him passports for Mr. Barclay and his suite. This would be
effecting two good purposes at once, if you can find an opportunity.
Your letter of September the 2d, did not get to my hands till these
arrangements were all taken between Mr. Adams and myself, and the
persons appointed. That gave me the first hint that you would have
acted in this business. I mean no flattery when I assure you, that no
person would have better answered my wishes. At the same time, I doubt
whether Mr. Adams and myself should have thought ourselves justifiable
in withdrawing a servant of the United States from a post equally
important with those which prevented our acting personally in the same
business. I am sure, that, remaining where you are, you will be able to
forward much the business, and that you will do it with a zeal you have
hitherto manifested on every occasion.
Your intercourse with America being less frequent than ours, from this
place, I will state to you, generally, such new occurrences there,
as may be interesting; some of which, perhaps, you will not have been
informed of. It was doubtful, at the date of my last letters, whether
Congress would adjourn this summer. They were too thin, however, to
undertake important business. They had begun arrangements for the
establishment of a mint. The Dollar was decided on as the money Unit
of America. I believe, they proposed to have gold, silver and copper
coins, descending and ascending decimally; viz., a gold coin of ten
dollars, a silver coin of one-tenth of a dollar (equal to a Spanish
bit), and a copper coin of one-hundredth of a dollar. These parts of
the plan, however, were not ultimately decided on. They have adopted
the late improvement in the British post office, of sending their mails
by the stages. I am told, this is done from New Hampshire to Georgia,
and from New York to Albany. Their treasury is administered by a board,
of which Mr. Walter Livingston, Mr. Osgood, and Dr. Arthur Lee, are
members. Governor Rutledge, who had been appointed minister to the
Hague, on the refusal of Governor Livingston, declines coming. We are
uncertain whether the States will generally come into the proposition
of investing Congress with the regulation of their commerce.
Massachusetts has passed an act, the first object of which seemed to
be, to retaliate on the British commercial measures, but in the close
of it, they impose double duties on all goods imported in bottoms not
wholly owned by citizens of our States. New Hampshire has followed
the example. This is much complained of here, and will probably draw
retaliating measures from the States of Europe, if generally adopted
in America, or not corrected by the States which have adopted it. It
must be our endeavor to keep them quiet on this side the water, under
the hope that our countrymen will correct this step; as I trust they
will do. It is no ways akin to their general system. I am trying here
to get contracts for the supplying the cities of France with whale
oil, by the Boston merchants. It would be the greatest relief possible
to that State, whose commerce is in agonies, in consequence of being
subjected to alien duties on their oil, in Great Britain, which has
been heretofore their only market. Can anything be done, in this way,
in Spain? Or do they there light their streets in the night?
A fracas, which has lately happened in Boston, becoming a serious
matter, I will give you the details of it, as transmitted to Mr. Adams
in depositions. A Captain Stanhope, commanding the frigate Mercury,
was sent with a convoy of vessels from Nova Scotia to Boston, to get a
supply of provisions for that colony. It had happened, that two persons
living near Boston, of the names of Dunbar and Lowthorp, had been taken
prisoners during the war, and transferred from one vessel to another,
till they were placed on board Stanhope's ship. He treated them most
cruelly, whipping them frequently, in order to make them do duty
against their country, as sailors, on board his ship. The ship going
to Antigua to refit, he put all his prisoners into jail, first giving
Dunbar twenty-four lashes. Peace took place, and the prisoners got home
under the general liberation. These men were quietly pursuing their
occupations at home, when they heard that Stanhope was in Boston. Their
indignation was kindled. They immediately went there, and, meeting
Stanhope walking in the mall, Dunbar stepped up to him, and asked him
if he recollected him, and the whipping him on board his ship. Having
no weapon in his hand, he struck at Stanhope with his fist. Stanhope
stepped back and drew his sword. The people interposed, and guarded
him to the door of a Mr. Morton, to which he retreated. There, Dunbar
again attempted to seize him; but the high sheriff had by this time
arrived, who interposed and protected him. The assailants withdrew,
and here ended all appearance of force. But Captain Stanhope thought
proper to write to the Governor, which brought on the correspondence
published in the papers of Europe. Lest you should not have seen it, I
enclose it, as cut from a London paper; though not perfectly exact, it
is substantially so. You will doubtless judge, that Governor Bowdoin
referred him properly to the laws for redress, as he was obliged to
do, and as would have been done in England, in a like case. Had he
applied to the courts, the question would have been, whether they would
have punished Dunbar? This must be answered now by conjecture only;
and, to form that conjecture, every man must ask himself whether he
would not have done as Dunbar did? And whether the people should not
have permitted him to return to Stanhope the twenty-four lashes? This
affair has been stated in the London papers, without mixing with it one
circumstance of truth.
In your letter of the 27th of June, you were so good as to tell me,
that you should shortly send off some of the books I had taken the
liberty to ask you to get for me, and that your correspondent at
Bayonne, would give me notice of their arrival there. Not having heard
from him, I mention it to you, lest they should be stopped anywhere.
I am, with great respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO RICHARD O'BRYAN.
PARIS, November 4, 1785.
SIR,--I wrote you a short letter on the 29th of September,
acknowledging the receipt of yours of August the 24th, from Algiers,
and promising that you should hear further from me soon. Mr. Adams,
the American minister at London, and myself, have agreed to authorize
the bearer hereof, Mr. Lambe, to treat for your redemption, and that of
your companions taken in American vessels, and, if it can be obtained
for sums within our power, we shall have the money paid. But in this,
we act without instruction from Congress, and are therefore obliged
to take the precaution of requiring, that you bind your owners for
yourself and crew, and the other captain, in like manner, his owners
for himself and crew, and that each person, separately, make himself
answerable for his own redemption, in case Congress requires it. I
suppose Congress will not require it; but we have no authority to
decide that, but must leave it to their own decision; which renders
necessary the precautions I have mentioned, in order to justify
ourselves for undertaking to redeem you, without orders. Mr. Lambe is
instructed to make no bargain without your approbation, and that of the
other prisoners, each for himself. We also direct him to relieve your
present necessities. I sincerely wish you a speedy deliverance from
your distresses, and a happy return to your family.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO W. W. SEWARD.
PARIS, November 12, 1785.
SIR,--I received the honor of your letter of the 25th ult., written
by desire of the associated company of Irish merchants, in London, and
return you thanks for the kind congratulations you express therein. The
freedom of commerce between Ireland and America is undoubtedly very
interesting to both countries. If fair play be given to the natural
advantages of Ireland, she must come in for a distinguished share of
that commerce. She is entitled to it, from the excellence of some of
her manufactures, the cheapness of most of them, their correspondence
with the American taste, a sameness of language, laws and manners, a
reciprocal affection between the people, and the singular circumstance
of her being the nearest European land to the United States. I am not
at present so well acquainted with the trammels of Irish commerce, as
to know what they are, particularly, which obstruct the intercourse
between Ireland and America; nor, therefore, what can be the object of
a fleet stationed in the western ocean, to intercept that intercourse.
Experience, however, has taught us to infer that the fact is probable,
because it is impolitic. On the supposition that this interruption
will take place, you suggest Ostend as a convenient entrepôt for the
commerce between America and Ireland. Here, too, I find myself, on
account of the same ignorance of your commercial regulations, at a
loss to say why this is preferable to L'Orient, which, you know, is a
free port and in great latitude, which is nearer to both parties, and
accessible by a less dangerous navigation. I make no doubt, however,
that the reasons of the preference are good. You find by this essay,
that I am not likely to be a very instructive correspondent; you shall
find me, however, zealous in whatever may concern the interests of the
two countries. The system, into which the United States wished to go,
was that of freeing commerce from every shackle. A contrary conduct
in Great Britain will occasion them to adopt the contrary system, at
least as to that island. I am sure they would be glad, if it should be
found practicable, to make that discrimination between Great Britain
and Ireland, which their commercial principles, and their affection for
the latter, would dictate.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect for yourself and the
company for whom you write, Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, November 14, 1785.
SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency on behalf of six
citizens of the United States, who have been, for some time, confined
in the prison of St. Pol de Leon, and of referring for particulars,
to the enclosed state of their case. Some of the material facts,
therein mentioned, are founded on the bill of sale for the vessel,
her clearance from Baltimore, and her log book. The originals of the
two last, and a copy of the first, are in my hands. I have, also,
letters from a merchant in Liverpool to Asquith, which render it
really probable that his vessel was bound to Liverpool. The other
circumstances depend on their affirmation, but I must say, that in
these facts, they have been uniform and steady. I have thus long
avoided troubling your Excellency with this case, in hopes it would
receive its decision, in the ordinary course of law, and I relied, that
that would indemnify the sufferers, if they had been used unjustly; but
though they have been in close confinement, now near three months, it
has yet no appearance of approaching to decision. In the meantime, the
cold of the winter is coming on, and, to men in their situation, may
produce events which would render all indemnification too late. I must,
therefore, pray the assistance of your Excellency, for the liberation
of their persons, if the established order of things may possibly admit
of it. As to their property, and their personal sufferings hitherto,
I have full confidence that the laws have provided some tribunal,
where justice will be done them. I enclose the opinion of an advocate,
forwarded to me by a gentleman whom I had desired to obtain, from
some judicious person of that faculty, a state of their case. This may
perhaps give a better idea than I can, of the situation of their cause.
His inquiries have led him to believe they are innocent men, but that
they must lose their vessel under the edict, which forbids those under
thirty tons to approach the coast. Admitting their innocence, as he
does, I should suppose them not the objects, on whom such an edict was
meant to operate. The essential papers, which he says they re-demanded
from him, and did not return, were sent to me, at my desire.
I am, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
_The case of Lister Asquith, owner of the schooner William
and Catharine, William M'Neil, captain, William Thomson,
William Neily, Robert Anderson, mariners, and William Fowler,
passenger._
Lister Asquith, citizen of the State of Maryland, having a law-suit
depending in England, which required his presence, as involving in its
issue nearly his whole fortune, determined to go thither in a small
schooner of his own, that he might, at the same time, take with him an
adventure of tobacco and flour to Liverpool, where he had commercial
connections. This schooner he purchased as of fifty-nine and a quarter
tons, as appears by his bill of sale, but she had been registered by
her owner at twenty-one tons, in order to evade the double duties
in England, to which American vessels are now subject. He cleared
out from Baltimore for Liverpool, the 11th of June, 1785, with eight
hogsheads of tobacco and sixty barrels of flour, but ran aground at
Smith's point, sprung a leak, and was obliged to return to Baltimore
to refit. Having stopped his leak, he took his cargo on board again,
and his health being infirm, he engaged Captain William M'Neil[115] to
go with him, and, on the 20th of June, sailed for Norfolk in Virginia,
and, on the 22d, came to in Hampton road, at the mouth of the river on
which Norfolk is. Learning here that tobacco would be better than flour
for the English market, he landed fifty barrels of his flour and one
hogshead of tobacco, which he found to be bad, meaning to take, instead
thereof, nine hogsheads of tobacco more. But the same night it began to
blow very hard, with much rain. The 23d, the storm became more heavy;
they let go both their anchors, but were driven, notwithstanding, from
their anchorage, forced to put to sea and to go before the wind. The
occurrences of their voyage will be best detailed by short extracts
from the log-book.
_June 24._ The weather becomes worse. One of the fore shrouds
and the foremast carried away.
_June 25._ Shifted their ballast which threw them on their
beam ends, and shipped a very heavy sea. Held a consultation,
the result of which was, that seeing they were now driven so
far to sea, and the weather continuing still very bad, it was
better to steer for Liverpool, their port of destination,
though they had not their cargo on board, and no other
clearance but that which they took from Baltimore.
_June 29._ The first observation they had been able to take
N. lat. 38° 13´.
_June 30._ Winds begin to be light, but the sea still very
heavy.
_July 5._ Light winds and a smooth sea for the first time, in
lat. 43° 12´.
_July 9._ Spoke a French brig, Comte d'Artois, Captain
Mieaux, from St. Maloes, in distress for provisions. Relieved
her with three barrels of flour.
_Aug. 6._ Thick weather and a strong wind. Made the Lands'
End of England.
_Aug. 7._ Unable to fetch the land, therefore bore
off for Scilly, and came to with both anchors. Drove,
notwithstanding, and obliged to get up the anchors, and put
to sea, running southwardly.
_Aug. 8._ Made the land of France, but did not know what
part.
Here the logbook ends. At this time they had on board but ten gallons
of water, four or five barrels of bread, two or three pounds of
candles, no firewood. Their sails unfit to be trusted to any longer,
and all their materials for mending them exhausted by the constant
repairs which the violence of the weather had called for. They
therefore took a pilot aboard, who carried them into Pont Duval; but
being informed by the captain of a vessel there that the schooner was
too sharp built (as the American vessels mostly are) to lie in that
port, they put out immediately, and the next morning the pilot brought
them to anchor in the road of the Isle de Bas. Asquith went immediately
to Roscaff, protested at the admiralty the true state of his case, and
reported his vessel and cargo at the custom-house. In making the report
of his vessel, he stated her as of twenty-one tons, according to his
register. The officer informed him that if she was no larger, she would
be confiscated by an edict, which forbids all vessels under thirty tons
to approach the coast. He told the officer what was the real truth
as to his register and his bill of sale, and was permitted to report
her according to the latter. He paid the usual fees of ten livres and
seven sols, and obtained a clearance. Notwithstanding this, he was soon
visited by other persons whom he supposes to have been commis of the
Fermes, who seized his vessel, carried her to the pier, and confined
the crew to the vessel and half the pier, putting sentinels over them.
They brought a guager, who measured only her hold and part of her
steerage, allowing nothing for the cockpit, cabin, forecastle, and
above one-half of the steerage, which is almost half the vessel, and
thus made her contents (if that had been of any importance) much below
the truth. The tobacco was weighed, and found to be six thousand four
hundred and eighty-seven pounds,[116] which was sent on the 18th to
Landivisian, and on the 19th they were committed to close prison at St.
Pol de Leon, where they have been confined ever since. They had, when
they first landed, some money, of which they were soon disembarrassed
by different persons, who, in various forms, undertook to serve them.
Unable to speak or understand a word of the language of the country,
friendless, and left without money, they have languished three months
in a loathsome jail, without any other sustenance, a great part of the
time, than what could be procured for three sous a day, which have been
furnished them to prevent their perishing.
They have been made to understand that a criminal process is going on
against them under two heads. 1. As having sold tobacco in contraband;
and 2, as having entered a port of France in a vessel of less than
thirty tons burthen. In support of the first charge, they understand
that the circumstance is relied on, of their having been seen off the
coast by the employés des Fermes one or two days. They acknowledge they
may have been so seen while beating off Pont Duval till they could get
a pilot while entering that port, and again going round from thence to
the road of the Isle de Bas. The reasons for this have been explained.
They further add, that all the time they were at Pont Duval they had
a King's officer on board, from whom, as well as from their pilot and
the captain, by whose advice they left that port for the Isle de Bas,
information can be obtained by their accusers (who are not imprisoned),
of the true motives for that measure. It is said to be urged also, that
there was found in their vessel some loose tobacco in a blanket, which
excites a suspicion that they had been selling tobacco. When they were
stowing their loading, they broke a hogshead, as is always necessary,
and is always done, to fill up the stowage, and to consolidate and
keep the whole mass firm, and in place. The loose tobacco which had
come out of the broken hogshead, they repacked in bags; but in the
course of the distress of their disastrous voyage, they had employed
these bags, as they had done everything else of the same nature, in
mending their sails. The condition of their sails, when they came into
port, will prove this, and they were seen by witnesses enough, to whom
their accusers, being at their liberty, can have access. Besides, the
sale of a part of their tobacco is a fact which, had it taken place,
might have been proved; but they deny that it has been proved, or
ever can be proved by true men, because it never existed. And they
hope the justice of this country does not permit strangers, seeking in
her ports an asylum from death, to be thrown into jail and continued
there indefinitely, on the possibility of a fact, without any proof.
More especially when, as in the present case, a demonstration to the
contrary is furnished by their clearance, which shows they never had
more than eight hogsheads of tobacco on board, of which one had been
put ashore at Hampton in Virginia, as has been before related, and
the seven others remained when they first entered port. If they had
been smugglers of tobacco, the opposite coast offered a much fairer
field, because the gain there is as great; because they understand the
language and laws of the country, they know its harbors and coasts,
and have connections in them. These circumstances are so important to
smugglers, that it is believed no instance has ever occurred of the
contraband of tobacco, attempted on this side the channel by a crew
wholly American. Be this as it may, they are not of that description of
men.
As to the second charge, that they have entered a port of France in
a vessel of less than thirty tons burthen, they, in the first place,
observe that they saw the guager measure the vessel, and affirm that
his method of measuring could render little more than half her true
contents; but they say, further, that were she below the size of thirty
tons, and, when entering the port, had they known of the alternative
of either forfeiting their vessel and cargo, or of perishing at sea,
they must still have entered the port: the loss of their vessel and
cargo being the lesser evil. But the character of the lawgiver assures
them, that the intention of his laws are perverted when misapplied to
persons who, under their circumstances, take refuge in his ports. They
have no occasion to recur from his clemency to his justice, by claiming
the benefit of that article in the treaty which binds the two nations
together, and which assures to the fugitives of either from the dangers
of the sea, a hospitable reception and necessary aids in the ports of
the other, and that without measuring the size of their vessel.
Upon the whole, they protest themselves to have been as innocent as
they have been unfortunate. Instead of relief in a friendly port, they
have seen their misfortunes aggravated by the conduct of officers,
who, in their greediness for gain, can see in no circumstance anything
but proofs of guilt. They have already long suffered, and are still
suffering, whatever scanty sustenance an inclement season and close
confinement can offer most distressing to men who have been used to
neither, and who have wives and children at home participating of
their distresses; they are utterly ignorant of the laws and language
of the country where they are suffering; they are deprived of that
property which would have enabled them to procure counsel to place
their injuries in a true light; they are distant from the stations of
those who are appointed by their country to patronize their rights;
they are not at liberty to go to them, nor able to have communication
through any other than the uncertain medium of the posts; and they see
themselves already ruined by the losses and delays they have been made
to incur, and by the failure of the original object of their voyage.
They throw themselves, therefore, on the patronage of the government,
and pray that its energies may be interposed in aid of their poverty
and ignorance, to restore them to their liberty, and to extend to them
that retribution which the laws of every country mean to extend to
those who suffer unjustly.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, November 19, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote to you, on the 11th of October, by Mr. Preston,
and again on the 18th of the same month, by post. Since that, yours of
September the 25th, by Mr. Boylston, of October the 24th, November the
1st, and November the 4th, have come safe to hand. I will take up their
several subjects in order. Boylston's object was, first, to dispose
of a cargo of spermaceti oil, which he brought to Havre. A secondary
one, was to obtain a contract for future supplies. I carried him to
the Marquis de La Fayette. As to his first object, we are in hopes of
getting the duties taken off, which will enable him to sell his cargo.
This has led to discussions with the ministers, which give us a hope
that we may get the duties taken off _in perpetuum_. This done, a
most abundant market for our oil will be opened by this country, and
one which will be absolutely dependent on us; for they have little
expectation themselves of establishing a successful whale fishery. It
is possible they may only take the duties off of those oils, which
shall be the produce of associated companies of French and American
merchants. But, as yet, nothing certain can be said.
I thank you for the trouble you have taken to obtain insurance on
Houdon's life. I place the thirty-two pounds and eleven shillings to
your credit, and not being able, as yet, to determine precisely how
our account stands, I send a sum by Colonel Smith, which may draw the
scales towards a balance.
The determination of the British cabinet to make no equal treaty with
us, confirms me in the opinion expressed in your letter of October
the 24th, that the United States must pass a navigation act against
Great Britain, and load her manufactures with duties, so as to give
a preference to those of other countries; and I hope our Assemblies
will wait no longer, but transfer such a power to Congress, at the
sessions of this fall. I suppose, however, it will only be against
Great Britain, and I think it will be right not to involve other
nations in the consequences of her injustice. I take for granted,
that the commercial system, wished for by Congress, was such a one
as should leave commerce on the freest footing possible. This was
the plan on which we prepared our general draught for treating with
all nations. Of those with whom we were to treat, I ever considered
England, France, Spain, and Portugal as capitally important; the
first two, on account of their American possessions, the last, for
their European as well as American. Spain is treating in America, and
probably will give an advantageous treaty. Portugal shows dispositions
to do the same. France does not treat. It is likely enough she will
choose to keep the staff in her own hands. But, in the meantime,
she gives us an access to her West Indies, which, though not all we
wish, is yet extremely valuable to us; this access, indeed, is much
affected by the late _Arrets_ of the 18th and 25th of September, which
I enclose to you. I consider these as a reprisal for the navigation
acts of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. The minister has complained
to me, officially, of these acts, as a departure from the reciprocity
stipulated for by the treaty. I have assured him that his complaints
shall be communicated to Congress, and, in the meantime, observed that
the example of discriminating between foreigners and natives had been
set by the _Arret_ of August, 1784, and still more remarkably by those
of September the 18th and 25th, which, in effect, are a prohibition
of our fish in their islands. However, it is better for us that both
sides should revise what they have done. I am in hopes this country
did not mean these as permanent regulations. Mr. Bingham, lately from
Holland, tells me that the Dutch are much dissatisfied with these acts.
In fact, I expect the European nations in general, will rise up against
an attempt of this kind, and wage a general commercial war against
us. They can do well without all our commodities, except tobacco, and
we cannot find elsewhere markets for them. The selfishness of England
alone will not justify our hazarding a contest of this kind against
all Europe. Spain, Portugal, and France, have not yet shut their
doors against us; it will be time enough when they do to take up the
commercial hatchet. I hope, therefore, those States will repeal their
navigation clauses, except as against Great Britain and other nations
not treating with us.
I have made the inquiries you desire as to American ship-timber for
this country. You know they sent some person (whose name was not told
us) to America, to examine the quality of our masts, spars, &c. I think
this was young Chaumont's business. They have, besides this, instructed
the officer who superintends their supplies of masts, spars, &c., to
procure good quantities from our northern States; but I think they
have made no contract; on the contrary, that they await the trials
projected, but with a determination to look to us for considerable
supplies, if they find our timber answer. They have on the carpet a
contract for live oak from the southern States.
You ask why the Virginian merchants do not learn to sort their own
tobaccos? They can sort them as well as any other merchants whatever.
Nothing is better known than the quality of every hogshead of tobacco,
from the place of its growth. They know, too, the particular qualities
required in every market. They do not send their tobaccos, therefore,
to London to be sorted, but to pay their debts; and though they could
send them to other markets, and remit the money to London, yet they
find it necessary to give their English merchant the benefit of the
consignment of their tobacco (which is enormously gainful), in order to
induce him to continue his indulgence for the balance due.
Is it impossible to persuade our countrymen to make peace with the Nova
Scotians? I am persuaded nothing is wanting but advances on our part;
and that it is in our power to draw off the greatest proportion of that
settlement, and thus to free ourselves from rivals who may become of
consequence. We are at present co-operating with Great Britain, whose
policy it is to give aliment to that bitter enmity between her States
and ours, which may secure her against their ever joining us. But would
not the existence of a cordial friendship between us and them, be the
best bridle we could possibly put into the mouth of England?
With respect to the Danish business, you will observe that the
instructions of Congress, article 3, of October the 29th, 1783, put
it entirely into the hands of the _Ministers Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America at the court of Versailles, empowered to
negotiate a peace, or to any one or more of them_. At that time, I
did not come under this description. I had received the permission of
Congress to decline coming in the spring preceding that date. On the
first day of November, 1783, that is to say, two days after the date
of the instructions to the commissioners, Congress recommended John
Paul Jones to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at
Versailles as agent, to solicit, under his direction, the payment of
all prizes taken in Europe, under his command. But the object under
their view, at that time, was assuredly the money due from the court
of Versailles, for the prizes taken in the expedition by the Bon
homme Richard, the Alliance, &c. In this business, I have aided him
effectually, having obtained a definitive order for paying the money to
him, and a considerable proportion being actually paid him. But they
could not mean by their resolution of November the 1st, to take from
the commissioners powers which they had given them two days before.
If there could remain a doubt that this whole power has resulted to
you, it would be cleared up by the instructions of May the 7th, 1784,
article 9, which declare, "that these instructions be considered as
supplementary to those of October the 29th, 1783, and not as revoking,
except where they contradict them;" which shows that they considered
the instructions of October the 29th, 1783, as still in full force.
I do not give you the trouble of this discussion, to save myself the
trouble of the negotiation. I should have no objections to this part;
but it is to avoid the impropriety of meddling in a matter wherein I am
unauthorized to act, and where anything I should pretend to conclude
with the court of Denmark might have the appearance of a deception on
them. Should it be in my power to render any service in it, I shall
do it with cheerfulness; but I repeat, that I think you are the only
person authorized.
I received, a few days ago, the Nuova minuta of Tuscany, which Colonel
Humphreys will deliver you. I have been so engaged, that I have not
been able to go over it with any attention. I observe, in general,
that the order of the articles is entirely deranged, and their diction
almost totally changed. When you shall have examined it, if you will
be so good as to send me your observations by post, in cypher, I will
communicate with you in the same way, and try to mature this matter.
The deaths of the Dukes of Orleans and Praslin will probably reach you
through the channel of the public papers, before this letter does. Your
friends the Abbés are well, and always speak of you with affection.
Colonel Humphreys comes to pass some time in London. My curiosity
would render a short trip thither agreeable to me also, but I see no
probability of taking it. I will trouble you with my respects to Dr.
Price. Those to Mrs. Adams, I witness in a letter to herself.
I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, November 20, 1785.
SIR,--I found here, on my return from Fontainebleau, the letter of
October the 30th, which your Excellency did me the honor there, of
informing me had been addressed to me at this place; and I shall avail
myself of the first occasion of transmitting it to Congress, who will
receive, with great pleasure, these new assurances of the friendly
sentiments which his Majesty is pleased to continue towards the United
States.
I am equally persuaded they will pay the most serious attention to
that part of your Excellency's letter, which mentions the information
you have received of certain acts or regulations of navigation and
commerce, passed in some of the United States, which are injurious
to the commerce of France. In the meantime, I wish to remove the
unfavorable impressions which those acts seem to have made, as if
they were a departure from the reciprocity of conduct, stipulated for
by the treaty of February the 6th, 1776. The effect of that treaty
is, to place each party with the other always on the footing of the
most favored nation. But those, who framed the acts, probably did not
consider the treaty as restraining either from discriminating between
foreigners and natives. Yet this is the sole effect of these acts.
The same opinion as to the meaning of the treaty seems to have been
entertained by this government, both before and since the date of
these acts. For the _Arret_ of the King's Council, of August the 30th,
1784, furnished an example of such a discrimination between foreigners
and natives, importing salted fish into his Majesty's dominions in
the West Indies; by laying a duty on that imported by foreigners, and
giving out the same, in bounty, to native importers. This opinion shows
itself more remarkably in the late _Arrets_ of the 18th and 25th of
September, which, increasing to excess the duty on foreign importations
of fish into the West Indies, giving the double, in bounty, on those
of natives, and thereby rendering it impossible for the former to
sell in competition with the latter, have, in effect, prohibited the
importation of that article by the citizens of the United States.
Both nations, perhaps, may come into the opinion, that their friendship
and their interests may be better cemented, by approaching the
condition of their citizens, reciprocally, to that of _natives_, as a
better ground of intercourse than that of _the most favored nation_.
I shall rest with hopes of being authorized, in due time, to inform
your Excellency that nothing will be wanting, on our part, to evince a
disposition to concur in revising whatever regulations may, on either
side, bear hard on the commerce of the other nation. In the meantime,
I have the honor to assure you of the profound respect and esteem with
which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, November 27, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 5th came to hand yesterday, and Colonel
Smith, and Colonel Humphreys (by whom you will receive one of the
19th, from me) being to set out to-morrow, I hasten to answer it. I
sincerely rejoice that Portugal is stepping forward in the business
of treaty, and that there is a probability that we may at length do
something under our commissions, which may produce a solid benefit to
our constituents. I as much rejoice, that it is not to be negotiated
through the medium of the torpid, uninformed machine, at first made
use of. I conjecture, from your relation of the conference with the
Chevalier de Pinto, that he is well informed and sensible. So much the
better. It is one of those cases, where the better the interest of the
two parties are understood, the broader will be the basis on which they
will connect them.
To the very judicious observations on the subjects of the conference,
which were made by you, I have little to add.
_Flour._ It may be observed, that we can sell them the flour ready
manufactured for much less than the wheat of which it is made. In
carrying to them wheat, we carry also the bran, which does not pay its
own freight. In attempting to save and transport wheat to them, much is
lost by the weavil, and much spoiled by heat in the hold of the vessel.
This loss must be laid on the wheat which gets safe to market, where
it is paid for by the consumer. Now, this is much more than the cost of
manufacturing it with us, which would prevent that loss. I suppose the
cost of manufacturing does not exceed seven per cent. on the value. But
the loss by the weavil, and other damage on shipboard, amount to much
more. Let them buy of us as much wheat as will make a hundred weight
of flour. They will find that they have paid more for the wheat than we
should have asked for the flour, besides having lost the labor of their
mills in grinding it. The obliging us, therefore, to carry it to them
in the form of wheat, is a useless loss to both parties.
_Iron._ They will get none from us. We cannot make it in competition
with Sweden, or any other nation of Europe, where labor is so much
cheaper.
_Wines._ The strength of the wines of Portugal will give them always
an almost exclusive possession of a country, where the summers are
so hot as in America. The present demand will be very great, if they
will enable us to pay for them; but if they consider the extent and
rapid population of the United States, they must see that the time
is not distant, when they will not be able to make enough for us, and
that it is of great importance to avail themselves of the prejudices
already established in favor of their wines, and to continue them by
facilitating the purchase. Let them do this, and they need not care for
the decline of their use in England. They will be independent of that
country.
_Salt._ I do not know where the northern States supplied themselves
with salt, but the southern ones took great quantities from Portugal.
_Cotton_ and _Wool_. The southern States will take manufactures of
both: the northern will take both the manufactures and raw materials.
_East India goods of every kind._ Philadelphia and New York have begun
trade to the East Indies. Perhaps Boston may follow their example. But
their importations will be sold only to the country adjacent to them.
For a long time to come, the States south of the Delaware will not
engage in a direct commerce with the East Indies. They neither have,
nor will have ships or seamen for their other commerce: nor will they
buy East India goods of the northern States. Experience shows that the
States never bought foreign good of one another. The reasons are, that
they would, in so doing, pay double freight and charges; and again,
that they would have to pay mostly in cash, what they could obtain for
commodities in Europe. I know that the American merchants have looked,
with some anxiety, to the arrangements to be taken with Portugal, in
expectation that they could, through her, get their East India articles
on better and more convenient terms; and I am of opinion, Portugal will
come in for a good share of this traffic with the southern States, if
they facilitate our payments.
_Coffee._ Can they not furnish us with this article from Brazil?
_Sugar._ The Brazil sugars are esteemed, with us, more than any other.
_Chocolate._ This article, when ready made, as also the cocoa, becomes
so soon rancid, and the difficulties of getting in fresh have been
so great in America, that its use has spread but little. The way to
increase its consumption would be, to permit it to be brought to us
immediately from the country of its growth. By getting it good in
quality, and cheap in price, the superiority of the article, both for
health and nourishment, will soon give it the same preference over tea
and coffee in America, which it has in Spain, where they can get it
by a single voyage, and, of course, while it is sweet. The use of the
sugars, coffee, and cotton of Brazil, would also be much extended by a
similar indulgence.
Ginger and spices from the Brazils, if they had the advantage of a
direct transportation, might take place of the same articles from the
East Indies.
_Ginseng._ We can furnish them with enough to supply their whole demand
for the East Indies.
They should be prepared to expect, that in the beginning of this
commerce, more money will be taken by us, than after awhile. The
reasons are, that our heavy debt to Great Britain must be paid, before
we shall be masters of our own returns; and again, that habits of using
particular things are produced only by time and practice.
That as little time as possible may be lost in this negotiation, I will
communicate to you, at once, my sentiments as to the alterations in the
draught sent them, which will probably be proposed by them, or which
ought to be proposed by us, noting only those articles.
Article 3. They will probably restrain us to their dominions in
Europe. We must expressly include the Azores, Madeiras, and Cape de
Verd islands, some of which are deemed to be in Africa. We should also
contend for an access to their possessions in America, according to the
gradation in the 2d article of our instructions of May the 7th, 1784.
But if we can obtain it in no one of these forms, I am of opinion we
should give it up.
Article 4. This should be put into the form we gave it, in the draught
sent you by Dr. Franklin and myself, for Great Britain. I think we had
not reformed this article, when we sent our draught to Portugal. You
know the Confederation renders the reformation absolutely necessary; a
circumstance which had escaped us at first.
Article 9. Add, from the British draught, the clause about wrecks.
Article 13. The passage "nevertheless," &c., to run as in the British
draught.
Article 18. After the word "accident," insert "or wanting supplies
of provisions or other refreshments." And again, instead of "take
refuge," insert "come," and after "of the other" insert "in any part
of the world." The object of this is to obtain leave for our whaling
vessels to refit and refresh on the coast of the Brazils; an object
of immense importance to that class of our vessels. We must acquiesce
under such modifications as they may think necessary, for regulating
this indulgence, in hopes to lessen them in time, and to get a _pied a
terre_ in that country.
Article 19. Can we get this extended to the Brazils? It would be
precious in case of a war with Spain.
Article 23. Between "places" and "whose," insert "and in general, all
others," as in the British draught.
Article 24. For "necessaries," substitute "comforts."
Article 25. Add "but if any such consuls shall exercise commerce," &c.,
as in the British draught.
We should give to Congress as early notice as possible of the
re-institution of this negotiation; because, in a letter by a gentleman
who sailed from Havre, the 10th instant, I communicated to them the
answer of the Portuguese minister, through the ambassador here, which
I sent to you. They may, in consequence, be making other arrangements
which might do injury. The little time which now remains, of the
continuance of our commissions, should also be used with the Chevalier
de Pinto, to hasten the movements of his court.
But all these preparations for trade with Portugal will fail in their
effect, unless the depredations of the Algerines can be prevented.
I am far from confiding in the measures taken for this purpose. Very
possibly war must be recurred to. Portugal is at war with them. Suppose
the Chevalier de Pinto was to be sounded on the subject of an union of
force, and even a stipulation for contributing, each, a certain force,
to be kept in constant cruise. Such a league once begun, other nations
would drop into it, one by one. If he should seem to approve it, it
might then be suggested to Congress, who, if they should be forced to
try the measure of war, would doubtless be glad of such an ally. As the
Portuguese negotiation should be hastened, I suppose our communications
must often be trusted to the post, availing ourselves of the cover of
our cypher.
I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
PARIS, December 4, 1785.
_Dear Sir_,--I enclose you a letter from Gatteaux, observing that
there will be an anachronism, if, in making a medal to commemorate
the victory of Saratoga, he puts on General Gates the insignia of the
Cincinnati, which did not exist at that date. I wrote him, in answer,
that I thought so too, but that you had the direction of the business;
that you were now in London; that I would write to you, and probably
should have an answer within a fortnight; and, that in the meantime,
he could be employed on other parts of the die. I supposed you might
not have observed, on the print of General Gates, the insignia of the
Cincinnati, or did not mean that that particular should be copied.
Another reason against it strikes me. Congress have studiously avoided
giving to the public their sense of this institution. Should medals be
prepared, to be presented from them to certain officers, and bearing
on them the insignia of the order, as the presenting them would involve
an approbation of the institution, a previous question would be forced
on them, whether they would present these medals? I am of opinion it
would be very disagreeable to them to be placed under the necessity of
making this declaration. Be so good as to let me know your wishes on
this subject, by the first post.
Mr. Short has been sick ever since you left us. Nothing new has
occurred here, since your departure. I imagine you have American news.
If so, pray give us some. Present me affectionately to Mr. Adams and
the ladies, and to Colonel Smith; and be assured of the esteem with
which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, December 10, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--On the arrival of Mr. Boylston, I carried him to the Marquis
de La Fayette, who received from him communications of his object.
This was to get a remission of the duties on his cargo of oil, and he
was willing to propose a future contract. I suggested, however, to the
Marquis, when we were alone, that instead of wasting our efforts on
individual applications, we had better take up the subject on general
ground, and whatever could be obtained, let it be common to all. He
concurred with me. As the jealousy of office between ministers does not
permit me to apply immediately to the one in whose department this was,
the Marquis's agency was used. The result was, to put us on the footing
of the Hanseatic towns, as to whale oil, and to reduce the duties to
eleven livres and five sols for five hundred and twenty pounds, French,
which is very nearly two livres on the English hundred weight, or about
a guinea and a half the ton. But the oil must be brought in American
or French ships, and the indulgence is limited to one year. However,
as to this, I expressed to Count de Vergennes my hopes that it would
be continued; and should a doubt arise, I should propose, at the proper
time, to claim it under the treaty, on the footing _gentis amicissimæ_.
After all, I believe Mr. Boylston has failed of selling to Sangrain,
and, from what I learn, through a little too much hastiness of temper.
Perhaps they may yet come together, or he may sell to somebody else.
When the general matter was thus arranged, a Mr. Barrett arrived here
from Boston, with letters of recommendation from Governor Bowdoin,
Cushing, and others. His errand was, to get the whale business here
put on a general bottom, instead of the particular one, which had been
settled, you know, the last year, for a special company. We told him
what was done. He thinks it will answer, and proposes to settle at
L'Orient, for conducting the sales of the oil, and the returns. I hope,
therefore, that this matter is tolerably well fixed, as far as the
consumption of this country goes. I know not, as yet, to what amount
that is; but shall endeavor to find out how much they consume, and how
much they furnish themselves. I propose to Mr. Barrett, that he should
induce either his State or individuals to send a sufficient number
of boxes of the spermaceti candle, to give one to every leading house
in Paris; I mean to those who lead the ton; and, at the same time, to
deposit a quantity for sale here, and advertise them in the _petites
affiches_. I have written to Mr. Carmichael, to know on what footing
the use and introduction of the whale oil is there, or can be placed.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA.
PARIS, December 22, 1785.
SIR,--The death of the late General Oglethorpe, who had considerable
possessions in Georgia, has given rise, as we understand, to questions
whether those possessions have become the property of the State, or
have been transferred by his will to his widow, or descended on the
nearest heir capable in law of taking them. In the latter case, the
Chevalier de Mezieres, a subject of France, stands foremost, as being
made capable of the inheritance by the treaty between this country and
the United States. Under the regal government, it was the practice with
us, when lands passed to the crown by escheat or forfeiture, to grant
them to such relation of the party, as stood on the fairest ground.
This was even a chartered right in some of the States. The practice has
been continued among them, as deeming that the late Revolution should,
in no instance, abridge the rights of the people. Should this have been
the practice in the State of Georgia, or should they, in any instance,
think proper to admit it, I am persuaded none will arise, in which
it would be more expedient to do it, than in the present, and that no
person's expectations should be fairer than those of the Chevalier de
Mezieres. He is the nephew of General Oglethorpe, he is of singular
personal merit, an officer of rank, of high connections, and patronized
by the ministers. His case has drawn their attention, and seems to be
considered as protected by the treaty of alliance, and as presenting
a trial of our regard to that. Should these lands be considered as
having passed to the State, I take the liberty of recommending him
to the legislature of Georgia, as worthy of their generosity, and as
presenting an opportunity of proving the favorable dispositions which
exist throughout America, towards the subjects of this country, and an
opportunity too, which will probably be known and noted here.
In the several views, therefore, of personal merit, justice, generosity
and policy, I presume to recommend the Chevalier de Mezieres, and his
interests, to the notice and patronage of your Excellency, whom the
choice of your country has sufficiently marked, as possessing the
dispositions, while it has, at the same time, given you the power,
to befriend just claims. The Chevalier de Mezieres will pass over to
Georgia in the ensuing spring; but, should he find an opportunity,
he will probably forward this letter sooner. I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most profound respect, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE GEORGIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.
PARIS, December 22, 1785.
GENTLEMEN,--By my despatch to Mr. Jay, which accompanies this, you
will perceive that the claims of the Chevalier de Mezieres, nephew
to the late General Oglethorpe, to his possessions within your
State, have attracted the attention of the ministry here; and that,
considering them as protected by their treaty with us, they have viewed
as derogatory of that, the doubts which have been expressed on the
subject. I have thought it best to present to them those claims in the
least favorable point of view, to lessen, as much as possible, the ill
effects of a disappointment; but I think it my duty to ask your notice
and patronage of this case as one whose decision will have an effect on
the general interests of the Union.
The Chevalier de Mezieres is nephew to General Oglethorpe; he is a
person of great estimation, powerfully related and protected. His
interests are espoused by those whom it is our interest to gratify. I
will take the liberty, therefore, of soliciting your recommendations
of him to the generosity of your legislature, and to the patronage and
good offices of your friends, whose efforts, though in a private case,
will do a public good. The pecuniary advantages of confiscation, in
this instance, cannot compensate its ill effects. It is difficult to
make foreigners understand those legal distinctions between the effects
of forfeiture, of escheat, and of conveyance, on which the professors
of the law might build their opinions in this case. They can see only
the outlines of the case; to wit, the death of a possessor of lands
lying within the United States, leaving an heir in France, and the
State claiming those lands in opposition to the heir. An individual,
thinking himself injured, makes more noise than a State. Perhaps, too,
in every case which either party to a treaty thinks to be within its
provisions, it is better not to weigh the syllables and letters of the
treaty, but to show that gratitude and affection render that appeal
unnecessary. I take the freedom, therefore, of submitting to your
wisdom, the motives which present themselves in favor of a grant to the
Chevalier de Mezieres, and the expediency of urging them on your State,
as far as you may think proper.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, December 27, 1785.
DEAR SIR,--Your favors of the 13th and 20th, were put in my hands
to-day. This will be delivered you by Mr. Dalrymple, secretary to the
legation of Mr. Crawford. I do not know whether you were acquainted
with him here. He is a young man of learning and candor, and exhibits
a phenomenon I never before met with, that is, a republican born on the
north side of the Tweed.
You have been consulted in the case of the Chevalier de Mezieres,
nephew to General Oglethorpe, and are understood to have given an
opinion derogatory of our treaty with France. I was also consulted,
and understood in the same way. I was of opinion the Chevalier had no
right to the estate, and as he had determined the treaty gave him a
right, I suppose he made the inference for me, that the treaty was of
no weight. The Count de Vergennes mentioned it to me in such a manner,
that I found it was necessary to explain the case to him, and show
him the treaty had nothing to do with it. I enclose you a copy of the
explanation I delivered him.
Mr. Boylston sold his cargo to an agent of Monsieur Sangrain. He got
for it fifty-five livres the hundred weight. I do not think that his
being joined to a company here would contribute to its success. His
capital is not wanting. Le Conteux has agreed that the merchants
of Boston, sending whale oil here, may draw on him for a certain
proportion of money, only giving such a time in their drafts, as will
admit the actual arrival of the oil into a port of France, for his
security. Upon these drafts, Mr. Barrett is satisfied they will be able
to raise money, to make their purchases in America. The duty is seven
livres and ten sols on the barrel of five hundred and twenty pounds,
French, and ten sous on every livre, which raises it to eleven livres
and five sols, the sum I mentioned to you. France uses between five and
six millions of pounds' weight French, which is between three and four
thousand tons, English. Their own fisheries do not furnish one million,
and there is no probability of their improving. Sangrain purchases
himself upwards of a million. He tells me our oil is better than the
Dutch or English, because we make it fresh, whereas they cut up the
whale, and bring it home to be made, so that it is, by that time,
entered into fermentation. Mr. Barrett says, that fifty livres the
hundred weight will pay the prime cost and duties, and leave a profit
of sixteen per cent to the merchant. I hope that England will, within
a year or two, be obliged to come here to buy whale oil for her lamps.
I like as little as you do to have the gift of appointments. I hope
Congress will not transfer the appointment of their consuls to their
ministers. But if they do, Portugal is more naturally under the
superintendence of the minister at Madrid, and still more naturally
under that of the minister at Lisbon, where it is clear they ought to
have one. If all my hopes fail, the letters of Governor Bowdoin and
Cushing, in favor of young Mr. Warren, and your more detailed testimony
in his behalf, are not likely to be opposed by evidence of equal
weight, in favor of any other. I think with you, too, that it is for
the public interest to encourage sacrifices and services, by rewarding
them, and that they should weigh to a certain point, in the decision
between candidates.
I am sorry for the illness of the Chevalier Pinto. I think that treaty
important; and the moment to urge it is that of a treaty between France
and England.
Lambe, who left this place the 6th of November, was at Madrid the 10th
of this month. Since his departure, Mr. Barclay has discovered that no
copies of the full powers were furnished to himself, nor of course to
Lambe. Colonel Franks has prepared copies, which I will endeavor to
get, to send by this conveyance for your attestation; which you will
be so good as to send back by the first safe conveyance, and I will
forward them. Mr. Barclay and Colonel Franks being at this moment at
St. Germain's, I am not sure of getting the papers in time to go by Mr.
Dalrymple. In that case, I will send them by Mr. Bingham.
Be so good as to present me affectionately to Mrs. and Miss Adams, to
Colonels Smith and Humphreys, and accept assurances of the esteem with
which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO F. HOPKINSON.
PARIS, January 3, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last, on the 25th of September. Since that,
I have received yours of October the 25th, enclosing a duplicate of
the last invented tongue for the harpsichord. The letter enclosing
another of them, and accompanied by newspapers, which you mention in
that of October the 25th, has never come to hand. I will embrace the
first opportunity of sending you the crayons. Perhaps they may come
with this, which I think to deliver to Mr. Bingham, who leaves us on
Saturday, for London. If, on consulting him, I find the conveyance from
London uncertain, you shall receive them by a Mr. Barrett, who goes
from hence for New York, next month. You have not authorized me to try
to avail you of the new tongue. Indeed, the ill success of my endeavors
with the last does not promise much with this. However, I shall try.
Houdon only stopped a moment, to deliver me your letter, so that I have
not yet had an opportunity of asking his opinion of the improvement.
I am glad you are pleased with his work. He is among the foremost, or,
perhaps, the foremost artist in the world.
Turning to your Encyclopedie, Arts et Metiers, tome 3, part 1, page
393, you will find mentioned an instrument, invented by a Monsieur
Renaudin, for determining the true time of the musical movements,
largo, adagio, &c. I went to see it. He showed me his first invention;
the price of the machine was twenty-five guineas; then his second,
which he had been able to make for about half that sum. Both of these
had a mainspring and a balance wheel, for their mover and regulator.
The strokes were made by a small hammer. He then showed me his last,
which is moved by a weight and regulated by a pendulum, and which cost
only two guineas and a half. It presents, in front, a dial-plate like
that of a clock, on which are arranged, in a circle, the words largo,
adagio, andante, allegro, presto. The circle is moreover divided into
fifty-two equal degrees. Largo is at 1, adagio at 11, andante at 22,
allegro at 36, and presto at 46. Turning the index to any one of these,
the pendulum (which is a string, with a ball hanging to it) shortens or
lengthens, so that one of its vibrations gives you a crotchet for that
movement. This instrument has been examined by the academy of music
here, who are so well satisfied of its utility, that they have ordered
all music which shall be printed here, in future, to have the movements
numbered in correspondence with this plexi-chronometer. I need not
tell you that the numbers between two movements, as between 22 and 36,
give the quicker or slower degrees of the movements, such as the quick
andante, or moderate allegro. The instrument is useful, but still it
may be greatly simplified. I got him to make me one, and having fixed
a pendulum vibrating seconds, I tried by that the vibrations of his
pendulum, according to the several movements.
I find the pendulum regulated to Largo } { 52 }
Adagio } { 60 } times
Andante } vibrates { 70 } in a
Allegro } { 95 } minute.
Presto } {135 }
Every one, therefore, may make a chronometer adapted to his instrument.
For a harpsichord, the following occurs to me.
[Illustration:
Largo, 1
Adagio, 2
Andante, 3
Allegro, 4
Presto, 5]
In the wall of your chamber, over the instrument, drive five little
brads, as 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, in the following manner. Take a string with
a bob to it, of such length, as that hung on No. 1, it shall vibrate
fifty-two times in a minute. Then proceed by trial to drive No. 2, at
such a distance, that drawing the loop of the string to that, the part
remaining between 1 and the bob, shall vibrate sixty times in a minute.
Fix the third for seventy vibrations, &c.; the cord always hanging over
No. 1, as the centre of vibration. A person, playing on the violin, may
fix this on his music stand. A pendulum thrown into vibration, will
continue in motion long enough to give you the time of your piece. I
have been thus particular, on the supposition that you would fix one of
these simple things for yourself.
You have heard often of the metal, called platina, to be found only
in South America. It is insusceptible of rust, as gold and silver
are, none of the acids affecting it, excepting the aqua regia. It
also admits of as perfect a polish as the metal hitherto used for
the specula of telescopes. These two properties had suggested to the
Spaniards the substitution of it for that use. But the mines being
closed up by the government, it is difficult to get the metal. The
experiment has been lately tried here by the Abbé Rochon, (whom I
formerly mentioned to Mr. Rittenhouse, as having discovered that
lenses of certain natural crystals have two different and uncombined
magnifying powers) and he thinks the polish as high as that of the
metal heretofore used, and that it will never be injured by the air,
a touch of the finger, &c. I examined it in a dull day, which did not
admit a fair judgment of the strength of its reflection.
Good qualities are sometimes misfortunes. I will prove it from
your own experience. You are punctual; and almost the only one of
my correspondents on whom I can firmly rely for the execution of
commissions which combine a little trouble with more attention. I am
very sorry, however, that I have three commissions to charge you with,
which will give you more than a little trouble. Two of them are for
Monsieur de Buffon. Many, many years ago, Cadwallader Colden wrote a
very small pamphlet on the subjects of attraction and impulsion, a copy
of which he sent to Monsieur de Buffon. He was so charmed with it, that
he put it into the hands of a friend to translate, who lost it. It has
ever since weighed on his mind, and he has made repeated trials to have
it found in England. But in vain. He applied to me. I am in hopes, if
you will write a line to the booksellers of Philadelphia to rummage
their shops, that some of them may find it. Or, perhaps, some of the
careful old people of Pennsylvania or New Jersey may have preserved a
copy. In the King's cabinet of Natural history, of which Monsieur de
Buffon has the superintendence, I observed that they had neither our
grouse nor our pheasant. These, I know, may be bought in the market of
Philadelphia, on any day while they are in season. Pray buy the male
and female of each, and employ some apothecary's boy to prepare them,
and pack them. Methods may be seen in the preliminary discourse to the
first volume of Birds, in the Encyclopedie, or in the Natural history
of Buffon, where he describes the King's cabinet. And this done, you
will be so good as to send them to me. The third commission is more
distant. It is to procure me two or three hundred paccan-nuts from
the western country. I expect they can always be got at Pittsburg,
and am in hopes, that by yourself or your friends, some attentive
person there may be engaged to send them to you. They should come as
fresh as possible, and come best, I believe, in a box of sand. Of this
Barham could best advise you. I imagine vessels are always coming from
Philadelphia to France. If there be a choice of ports, Havre would
be best. I must beg you to direct them to the care of the American
consul or agent at the port, to be sent by the Diligence or Fourgon. A
thousand apologies would not suffice for this trouble, if I meant to
pay you in apologies only. But I sincerely ask, and will punctually
execute, the appointment of your chargé des affaires in Europe
generally. From the smallest to the highest commission, I will execute
with zeal and punctuality, in buying, or doing anything you wish, on
this side the water. And you may judge from the preceding specimen,
that I shall not be behind hand in the trouble I shall impose on you.
Make a note of all the expenses attending my commissions, and favor
me with it every now and then, and I will replace them. My daughter is
well, and retains an affectionate remembrance of her ancient patroness,
your mother, as well as your lady and family. She joins me in wishing
to them, and to Mr. and Mrs. Rittenhouse and family, every happiness.
Accept, yourself, assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
P. S. What is become of the Lunarium for the King?
TO A. CARY.
PARIS, January 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--The very few of my countrymen, who happen to be punctual,
will find their punctuality a misfortune to them. Of this, I shall give
you a proof by the present application, which I should not make to you
if I did not know you to be superior to the torpidity of our climate.
In my conversations with the Count de Buffon on the subjects of natural
history, I find him absolutely unacquainted with our elk and our deer.
He has hitherto believed that our deer never had horns more than a
foot long; and has, therefore, classed them with the roe buck, which
I am sure you know them to be different from. I have examined some of
the red deer of this country at the distance of about sixty yards, and
I find no other difference between them and ours than a shade or two
in the color. Will you take the trouble to procure for me the largest
pair of buck's horns you can, and a large skin of each color, that
is to say, a red and a blue? If it were possible to take these from a
buck just killed, to leave all the bones of the head in the skin, with
the horns on, to leave the bones of the legs in the skin also, and
the hoofs to it, so that, having only made an incision all along the
belly and neck, to take the animal out at, we could, by sewing up that
incision, and stuffing the skin, present the true size and form of the
animal, it would be a most precious present. Our deer have been often
sent to England and Scotland. Do you know (with certainty) whether they
have ever bred with the red deer of those countries? With respect to
the elk, I despair of your being able to get for me anything but the
horns of it. David Ross, I know, has a pair; perhaps he would give
them to us. It is useless to ask for the skin and skeleton, because
I think it not in your power to get them, otherwise, they would be
most desirable. A gentleman, fellow passenger with me from Boston to
England, promised to send to you, in my name, some hares, rabbits,
pheasants, and partridges, by the return of the ship, which was to go
to Virginia, and the captain promised to take great care of them. My
friend procured the animals, and the ship changing her destination,
he kept them in hopes of finding some other conveyance, till they all
perished. I do not despair, however, of finding some opportunity still
of sending a colony of useful animals. I am making a collection of
vines for wine and for the table; also of some trees, such as the cork
oak, &c., &c.
Everything is absolutely quiet in Europe. There is not, therefore, a
word of news to communicate. I pray you to present me affectionately to
your family, and that of Tuckahoe. Whatever expense is necessary for
procuring me the articles above-mentioned, I will instantly replace,
either in cash or in anything you may wish from hence.
I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June the 1st did not come to hand till the
3d of September. I immediately made inquiries on the subject of the
frigate you had authorized your relation to sell to this government,
and I found that he had long before that sold her to government, and
sold her very well, as I understood. I noted the price on the back
of your letter, which I have since unfortunately mislaid, so that I
cannot at this moment state to you the price. But the transaction is
of so long a standing that you cannot fail to have received advice of
it. I should without delay have given you this information, but that I
hoped to be able to accompany it with information as to the live oak,
which was another object of your letter. This matter, though it has
been constantly pressed by Mr. St. John, and also by the Marquis de La
Fayette since his return from Berlin, has been spun to a great length,
and at last they have only decided to send to you for samples of the
wood. Letters on this subject from the Marquis de La Fayette accompany
this.
Everything in Europe is quiet, and promises quiet for at least a year
to come. We do not find it easy to make commercial arrangements in
Europe. There is a want of confidence in us. This country has lately
reduced the duties on American whale oil to about a guinea and a half
the ton, and I think they will take the greatest part of what we can
furnish. I hope, therefore, that this branch of our commerce will
resume its activity. Portugal shows a disposition to court our trade,
but this has for some time been discouraged by the hostilities of the
piratical States of Barbary. The Emperor of Morocco, who had taken
one of our vessels, immediately consented to suspend hostilities, and
ultimately gave up the vessel, cargo and crew. I think we shall be able
to settle matters with him. But I am not sanguine as to the Algerines.
They have taken two of our vessels, and I fear will ask such a tribute
for a forbearance of their piracies as the United States would be
unwilling to pay. When this idea comes across my mind, my faculties
are absolutely suspended between indignation and impatience. I think,
whatever sums we are obliged to pay for freedom of navigation in the
European seas, should be levied on the European commerce with us by
a separate impost, that these powers may see that they protect these
enormities for their own loss.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
SIR,--You were here the last year when the interest due to the French
officers was paid to them, and were sensible of the good effect it had
on the credit and honor of the United States. A second year's interest
is become due. They have presented their demands. There is not money
here to pay them; the pittance, remaining in Mr. Grand's hands, being
only sufficient to pay current expenses three months longer. The
dissatisfaction of these officers is extreme, and their complaints
will produce the worst effect. The Treasury Board has not ordered
their payment, probably because they knew there would not be money.
The amount of their demand is about forty-two thousand livres, and Mr.
Grand has in his hands but twelve thousand. I have thought it my duty,
under this emergency, to ask you whether you could order that sum for
their relief from the funds in Holland? If you can, I am persuaded it
will have the best of effects.
The Imperial ambassador took me apart the other day at Count
d'Aranda's, and observed to me that Dr. Franklin, about eighteen or
twenty months ago, had written to him a letter proposing a treaty
of commerce between the Emperor and the United States: that he had
communicated it to the Emperor, and had answered to Dr. Franklin that
they were ready to enter into arrangements for that purpose, but that
he had since that received no reply from us. I told him I knew well
that Dr. Franklin had written as he mentioned, but that this was the
first mention I had ever heard made of any answer to the letter. That,
on the contrary, we had always supposed it was unanswered, and had
therefore expected the next step from him. He expressed his wonder at
this, and said he would have the copy of his answer sought for and send
it to me. However, he observed that this matter being now understood
between us, the two countries might proceed to make the arrangements.
I told him the delay had been the more unlucky, as our powers were now
near expiring. He said he supposed Congress could have no objections to
renew them, or perhaps to send some person to Brussels to negotiate the
matter there. We remitted all further discussion till he should send
me a copy of his letter. He has not yet done it, and I doubt whether
he has not forgotten the substance of his letter which probably was no
more than an acknowledgment of the receipt of Dr. Franklin's, and a
promise to transmit it to his court. If he had written one proposing
conferences, it could never have got safe to Dr. Franklin. Be this
as it will, he now makes advances, and I pray you to write me your
sentiments immediately as to what is best to be done on our part. I
will endeavor to evade an answer till I can hear from you. I have the
honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I had just closed the preceding letter when M. de
Blumendorff, the Imperial Secretary of Legation, called on me with the
answer of Dr. Franklin. It was that of September 28, 1784, which you
remember as well as myself, wherein Count Merci informed us the Emperor
was disposed to enter into commercial arrangements with us, and that
he would give orders to the government of the Austrian Netherlands to
take the necessary measures. I observed to M. de Blumendorff that this
answer showed the next step was to come from them. He acknowledged it,
but said these orders having been for the Netherlands only, they had
waited in expectation of others for comprehending Hungary, Bohemia,
and the Austrian dominions in general, and that they still expect such
instructions. I told him, while they should be expecting them, I would
write to you on the subject, as it was necessary for us to act jointly
in this business. I think they are desirous of treating, and will urge
it. I shall be anxious, therefore, to receive your sentiments on the
subject; and renew the assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MARQUIS DE LA ROUENE.
PARIS, January 12, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your letter of the 26th of December,
on the subject of the interest due to the foreign officers. An express
instruction of Congress having subjected their moneys in Europe to the
order of their Board of Treasury only, leaves me without the power
of giving the order you desire. However, wishing to do whatever was
possible for those officers, I went to Mr. Grand's to consult him
on the subject. He informed me he had received no orders to make the
payment, and, moreover, that there was no money, had he received an
order. I have therefore written to Mr. Adams at London, to know whether
there is any money in Holland subject to his order, from which this
sum could be supplied. But, in truth, I have no expectations from that
quarter, and only tried it because there was a possibility of aid from
thence. I wrote, however, to Congress, praying their immediate and
effectual interposition. From this, I hope better effects. But it will
be three months at least before their order can be received. So soon
as they shall be known to me, I shall certainly make it my duty to
communicate them to you. And have the honor to be, with much respect,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
PARIS, January 24, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's two letters of
September 10th and that of October 14th, 1785. The former were brought
me by Mr. Houdon, who is returned with the necessary moulds and
measures for General Washington's statue. I fear the expenses of his
journey have been considerably increased by the unlucky accident of
his tools, materials, clothes, &c., not arriving at Havre in time to
go with him to America, so that he had to supply himself there. The
money which you were so kind as to send by Captain Littlepage for the
purpose of this statue, he found himself obliged to deposit in New
York, to satisfy a demand made on him there. This was a debt which he
owed to Mr. Jay. He assures me that in a settlement with his guardian,
the latter took credit for this debt, so as to be answerable to Mr. Jay
for it, and of course to the State, now that Mr. Jay is paid with the
State's money. I mention this circumstance that your Excellency may be
enabled to take the earliest measures for recovering this money, and
indemnifying the State. Mr. Littlepage, to satisfy me, had obtained
from the Marquis de La Fayette his engagement to stand bound as Mr.
Littlepage's security for the payment of this money. But knowing the
punctuality and responsibility of his guardian, I did not suppose a
security necessary. Besides, if a loss was to be incurred, I know too
well the sentiments of the State of Virginia towards the Marquis de
La Fayette to suppose they would be willing to throw the loss on him.
I therefore acted as I thought your Excellency and the Council would
have directed me to act, could you have been consulted. I waited on the
Marquis, and in his presence cancelled his name from the obligation
which had been given me, leaving only that of Mr. Littlepage. I have
now the honor to enclose you one of those instruments, duplicates of
which had been given me by Littlepage. The first of the Marquis's Busts
will be finished next month. I shall present that one to the city of
Paris, because the delay has been noticed by some. I hope to be able
to send another to Virginia in the course of the summer. These are to
cost three thousand livres each. The agreement for the arms has been
at length concluded by Mr. Barclay. He was so much better acquainted
with this business than the Marquis Fayette or myself, that we left it
altogether to him. We were sensible that they might have been gotten
cheaper, but not so good. However, I suppose he has given you the
details of his proceedings, so as to render them unnecessary from me.
It will be eight months before they will be ready. The cause of this,
too, Mr. Barclay told me he would explain to you. It is principally
to insure their goodness. The bills remitted to pay for them have been
honored, and the money is lodged in Mr. Grand's hands, who was willing
to allow a small interest for it.
An improvement is made here in the construction of the musket, which
may be worthy of attention. It consists in making every part of them
so exactly alike, that every part of any one may be used for the same
part of any other musket made by the same hand. The government here
has examined and approved the method, and is establishing a large
manufactory for the purpose. As yet the inventor has only completed
the lock of the musket on this plan. He will proceed immediately to
have the barrel, stock and their parts executed in the same way. I
visited the workman. He presented the parts of fifty locks, taken to
pieces and arranged in compartments. I put several together myself,
taking the pieces at hazard as they came to hand, and found them fit
interchangeably in the most perfect manner. The tools by which he
effects this have, at the same time, so abridged the labor, that he
thinks he shall be able to furnish the musket two livres cheaper than
the King's price. But it will be two or three years before he will be
able to furnish any quantity. I have duly received the propositions of
Messrs. Ross, Pleasants, &c., for furnishing tobacco to the Farmers
General; but Mr. Morris had, in the meantime, obtained the contract.
I have been fully sensible of the baneful influence on the commerce
of France and America, which this double monopoly will have. I have
struck at its root here, and spared no pains to have the form itself
demolished, but it has been in vain. The persons interested in it are
too powerful to be opposed, even by the interest of the whole country.
I mention this matter in confidence, as a knowledge of it might injure
any further endeavors to attain the same object.
Everything is quiet here, and will certainly remain so another year.
Mr. Barclay left Paris a few days ago, and will be absent from France
for some time. I shall spare no endeavors to fulfil the several objects
with which he was charged, in the best manner I can.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. RITTENHOUSE.
PARIS, January 25, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September 28th, came to hand a few days ago.
I thank you for the details on the subject of the southern and western
lines. There remains thereon, one article, however, which I will still
beg you to inform me of, viz., how far is the western boundary beyond
the meridian of Pittsburg? This information is necessary to enable me
to trace that boundary in my map. I shall be much gratified, also, with
a communication of your observations on the curiosities of the western
country. It will not be difficult to induce me to give up the theory
of the growth of shells, without their being the nidus of animals. It
is only an idea, and not an opinion with me. In the Notes with which
I troubled you, I had observed that there were three opinions as to
the origin of these shells. 1. That they have been deposited, even in
the highest mountains, by an universal deluge. 2. That they, with all
the calcareous stones and earths, are animal remains. 3. That they
grow or shoot as crystals do. I find that I could swallow the last
opinion, sooner than either of the others; but I have not yet swallowed
it. Another opinion might have been added, that some throe of nature
has forced up parts which had been the bed of the ocean. But have we
any better proof of such an effort of nature, than of her shooting
a lapidific juice into the form of a shell? No such convulsion has
taken place in our time, nor within the annals of history; nor is the
distance greater between the shooting of the lapidific juice into the
form of a crystal or a diamond, which we see, and into the form of a
shell, which we do not see, than between the forcing volcanic matter a
little above the surface, where it is in fusion, which we see, and the
forcing the bed of the sea fifteen thousand feet above the ordinary
surface of the earth, which we do not see. It is not possible to
believe any of these hypotheses; and, if we lean towards any of them,
it should be only till some other is produced, more analogous to the
known operations of nature. In a letter to Mr. Hopkinson, I mentioned
to him that the Abbé Rochon, who discovered the double refracting
power in some of the natural crystals, had lately made a telescope
with the metal called platina, which, while it is as susceptible of
as perfect a polish as the metal heretofore used for the specula of
telescopes, is insusceptible of rust, as gold and silver are. There is
a person here, who has hit on a new method of engraving. He gives you
an ink of his composition. Write on copper plates anything of which
you would wish to take several copies, and, in an hour, the plate will
be ready to strike them off; so of plans, engravings, &c. This art
will be amusing to individuals, if he should make it known. I send you
herewith the nautical almanacs for 1786, 1787, 1788, 1789, 1790, which
are as late as they are published. You ask, how you may reimburse the
expense of these trifles? I answer, by accepting them; as the procuring
you a gratification, is a higher one to me than money. We have had
nothing curious published lately. I do not know whether you are fond of
chemical reading. There are some things in this science worth reading.
I will send them to you, if you wish it. My daughter is well, and
joins me in respects to Mrs. Rittenhouse and the young ladies. After
asking when we are to have the Lunarium, I will close with assurances
of the sincere regard and esteem, with which I am, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO A. STEWART, ESQ.
PARIS, January 25, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of the 17th of October, which,
though you have mentioned it as the third you have written me,
is the first that has come to hand. I sincerely thank you for the
communication it contains. Nothing is so grateful to me, at this
distance, as details, both great and small, of what is passing in
my own country. Of the latter, we receive little here, because they
either escape my correspondents, or are thought unworthy of notice.
This, however, is a very mistaken opinion, as every one may observe, by
recollecting, that when he has been long absent from his neighborhood,
the small news of that is the most pleasing, and occupies his first
attention, either when he meets with a person from thence, or returns
thither himself. I still hope, therefore, that the letter, in which
you have been so good as to give me the minute occurrences in the
neighborhood of Monticello, may yet come to hand, and I venture to
rely on the many proofs of friendship I have received from you, for
a continuance of your favors. This will be the more meritorious, as I
have nothing to give you in exchange.
The quiet of Europe, at this moment, furnishes little which can attract
your notice. Nor will that quiet be soon disturbed, at least for the
current year. Perhaps it hangs on the life of the King of Prussia, and
that hangs by a very slender thread. American reputation in Europe is
not such as to be flattering to its citizens. Two circumstances are
particularly objected to us; the non-payment of our debts, and the want
of energy in our government. These discourage a connection with us. I
own it to be my opinion, that good will arise from the destruction of
our credit. I see nothing else which can restrain our disposition to
luxury, and to the change of those manners which alone can preserve
republican government. As it is impossible to prevent credit, the
best way would be to cure its ill effects, by giving an instantaneous
recovery to the creditor. This would be reducing purchases on credit
to purchases for ready money. A man would then see a prison painted on
everything he wished, but had not ready money to pay for.
I fear, from an expression in your letter, that the people of Kentucky
think of separating, not only from Virginia (in which they are right),
but also from the confederacy. I own, I should think this a most
calamitous event, and such a one as every good citizen should set
himself against. Our present federal limits are not too large for good
government, nor will the increase of votes in Congress produce any ill
effect. On the contrary, it will drown the little divisions at present
existing there. Our confederacy must be viewed as the nest, from which
all America, North and South, is to be peopled. We should take care,
too, not to think it for the interest of that great Continent to press
too soon on the Spaniards. Those countries cannot be in better hands.
My fear is, that they are too feeble to hold them till our population
can be sufficiently advanced to gain it from them, piece by piece. The
navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are, as yet,
ready to receive. I have made acquaintance with a very sensible, candid
gentleman here, who was in South America during the revolt which took
place there, while our Revolution was going on. He says, that those
disturbances (of which we scarcely heard anything) cost, on both sides,
an hundred thousand lives.
I have made a particular acquaintance here, with Monsieur de Buffon,
and have a great desire to give him the best idea I can of our elk.
Perhaps your situation may enable you to aid me in this. You could
not oblige me more than by sending me the horns, skeleton, and skin
of an elk, were it possible to procure them. The most desirable form
of receiving them would be, to have the skin slit from the under jaw
along the belly to the tail, and down the thighs to the knee, to take
the animal out, leaving the legs and hoofs, the bones of the head,
and the horns attached to the skin. By sewing up the belly, &c., and
stuffing the skin, it would present the form of the animal. However,
as an opportunity of doing this is scarcely to be expected, I shall be
glad to receive them detached, packed in a box, and sent to Richmond,
to the care of Dr. Currie. Everything of this kind is precious here.
And to prevent my adding to your trouble, I must close my letter, with
assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, January 26, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--I have been duly honored by the receipt of your letter
of December the 6th, and am to thank you for the communications it
contained on the state of our funds and expectations here. Your idea,
that these communications, occasionally, may be useful to the United
States, is certainly just, as I am frequently obliged to explain our
prospects of paying interest, &c., which I should better do with fuller
information. If you would be so good as to instruct Mr. Grand always to
furnish me with a duplicate of those cash accounts which he furnishes
to you, from time to time, and if you would be so good as to direct
your secretary to send me copies of such letters as you transmit to
Mr. Grand, advising him of the remittances he may expect, from time to
time, I should, thereby, be always informed of the sum of money on hand
here, and the probable expectations of supply. Dr. Franklin, during
his residence here, having been authorized to borrow large sums of
money, the disposal of that money seemed naturally to rest with him.
It was Mr. Grand's practice, therefore, never to pay money, but on
his warrant. On his departure, Mr. Grand sent all money drafts to me,
to authorize their payment. I informed him, that this was in no wise
within my province, that I was unqualified to direct him in it, and,
that were I to presume to meddle, it would be no additional sanction
to him. He refused, however, to pay a shilling without my order. I
have been obliged, therefore, to a nugatory interference, merely to
prevent the affairs of the United States from standing still. I need
not represent to you the impropriety of my continuing to direct Mr.
Grand longer than till we can receive your orders, the mischief which
might ensue from the uncertainty in which this would place you as to
the extent to which you might venture to draw on your funds here, and
the little necessity there is for my interference. Whenever you order
a sum of money into Mr. Grand's hands, nothing will be more natural
than your instructing him how to apply it, so as that he shall observe
your instructions alone. Among these, you would doubtless judge it
necessary to give him one standing instruction, to answer my drafts
for such sums as my office authorizes me to call for. These would be
salary, couriers, postage, and such other articles as circumstances
will require, which cannot be previously defined. These will never
be so considerable as to endanger the honor of your drafts; I shall
certainly exercise in them the greatest caution, and stand responsible
to Congress.
Mr. Grand conceives that he has suffered in your opinion by an
application of two hundred thousand livres, during the last year,
differently from what the office of finance had instructed him. This
was a consequence of his being thought subject to direction here, and
it is but justice to relieve him from blame on that account, and to
show that it ought to fall, if anywhere, on Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams,
and myself. The case was thus: The moneys here were exhausted, Mr.
Grand was in advance about fifty thousand livres, and the diplomatic
establishments in France, Spain, and Holland, subsisting on his
bounties, which they were subject to see stopped every moment, and
feared a protest on every bill. Other current expenses, too, were
depending on advances from him, and though these were small in their
amount, they sometimes involved great consequences. In this situation,
he received four hundred thousand livres, to be paid to this government
for one year's interest. We thought the honor of the United States
would suffer less by suspending half the payment to this government,
replacing Mr. Grand's advances, and providing a fund for current
expenses. We advised him so to do. I still think it was for the best,
and I believe my colleagues have continued to see the matter in the
same point of view. We may have been biassed by the feelings excited by
our own distressing situation. But certainly, as to Mr. Grand, no blame
belongs to him. We explained this matter in a letter to Congress, at
the time, and justice requires this explanation to you, as I conjecture
that the former one has not come to your knowledge.
The two hundred thousand livres retained, as before mentioned, have
been applied to the purposes described, to the payment of a year's
interest to the French officers (which is about forty-two thousand
livres), and other current expenses, which, doubtless, Mr. Grand has
explained to you. About a week ago, there remained in his hands but
about twelve thousand livres. In this situation, the demands of the
French officers for a second year's interest, were presented. But
Mr. Grand observed there were neither money nor orders for them. The
payment of these gentlemen, the last year, had the happiest effect
imaginable. It procured so many advocates for the credit and honor of
the United States, who were heard in all companies. It corrected the
idea that we were unwilling to pay our debts. I fear that our present
failure towards them will give new birth to new imputations, and a
relapse of credit. Under this fear, I have written to Mr. Adams to know
whether he can have this money supplied from the funds in Holland;
though I have little hope from that quarter, because he had before
informed me, that those funds would be exhausted by the spring of the
present year, and I doubt, too, whether he would venture to order these
payments, without authority from you. I have thought it my duty to
state these matters to you.
I have had the honor of enclosing to Mr. Jay, Commodore Jones's
receipts for one hundred and eighty-one thousand and thirty-nine
livres, one sol and ten deniers, prize money, which (after deducing his
own proportion) he is to remit to you, for the officers and soldiers
who were under his command. I take the liberty of suggesting, whether
the expense and risk of double remittances might not be saved, by
ordering it into the hands of Mr. Grand, immediately, for the purposes
of the treasury in Europe, while you could make provision at home for
the officers and soldiers, whose demands will come in so slowly, as to
leave the use of a great proportion of this money, for a considerable
time, and some of it forever. We could, then, immediately quiet the
French officers.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
January 27th, 1786.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you by the way of London on the 2d
instant. Since that, yours of December 7th, has come to hand. I have
now the pleasure to inform you that Mr. Barclay having settled, as far
as depended on him, the account of Monsieur de Beaumarchais, left Paris
on the 13th instant, to proceed to Morocco. Business obliged him to go
by the way of L'Orient and Bordeaux, but he told me he should not be
detained more than one day at either place. We may probably allow him
to the last of February to be at Morocco.
The imperial ambassador some days ago observed to me, that about
eighteen months ago Dr. Franklin had written to him a letter proposing
a treaty of commerce between the Emperor and the United States; that he
had communicated it to the Emperor, and had answered to Dr. Franklin,
that they were ready to enter into an agreement for that purpose, but
that he had received no reply from him. I told him I had been informed
by Dr. Franklin of the letter making the proposition, but that this
was the first I had ever heard of an answer expressing their readiness
to enter into negotiations. That on the contrary, we had supposed no
definitive answer had been given; and that, of course, the next move
was on their side. He expressed astonishment at this, and seemed so
conscious of having written such an answer, that he said he would
have it sought for and send it to me for my inspection. However, he
observed that the delay, having proceeded from the expectation of
each party that the other was to make the next advance, and the matter
being understood, the two parties might now proceed to enter into the
necessary arrangements. I told him that Congress had been desirous
of entering into connections of amity and commerce with his Imperial
Majesty; that for this purpose they had commissioned Mr. Adams, Dr.
Franklin and myself, or any two of us, to treat; that reasons of
prudence had obliged them to affix some term to our commissions, and
that two years were the term assigned; that the delay, therefore,
which had happened, was the more unlucky, as these two years would
expire in the ensuing spring. He said he supposed Congress could have
no objection to renew our powers, or perhaps to appoint some person
to treat at Brussels. I told him I was unable to answer that, and we
omitted further communication on the subject till he should send me
his letter written to Dr. Franklin. A few days after his Secretaire,
d'Ambassade called on me with it. It was the letter of September 28,
1784, (transmitted in due time to Congress,) wherein he had informed
Dr. Franklin that the Emperor was disposed to enter into commercial
arrangements with us, and that he would give orders to the government
of the Netherlands to take the necessary measures. I observed to
Monsieur de Blumendorff (the secretary), that this letter showed
we were right in our expectations of their taking the next step. He
seemed sensible of it, said that the quarrel with Holland had engrossed
the attention of government, and that these orders relating to the
Netherlands only, it had been expected that others had been given which
should include Hungary, Bohemia and the Austrian dominions in general,
and that they still expected such orders. I told him that while they
should be attending them, I would write to Mr. Adams in London, my
colleague in this business, in concert with whom I must move in it.
I think they are desirous of treating, and from questions asked me by
Monsieur de Blumendorff, I suspect they have been led to that decision,
either by the resolutions of Congress of April 1784, asking powers
from the States to impose restraints on the commerce of States not
connected with us _by treaty_, or else by an act of the Pennsylvania
Assembly for giving such powers to Congress, which has appeared in
the European papers. In the meantime, I own myself at a loss what to
do. Our instructions are clearly to treat. But these made a part of a
system wise and advantageous, if executed in all its parts, but which
has hitherto failed in its most material branch,--that of connection
with the powers having American territory. Should these continue to
stand aloof, it may be necessary for the United States to enter into
commercial regulations of a defensive nature. These may be embraced by
treaties with the powers having no American territory, and who are most
of them as little commercial as perhaps not to offer advantages which
may countervail these embarrassments. In case of war, indeed, these
treaties will become of value, and even during peace the respectability
of the Emperor, who stands at the head of one of the two parties which
seem at present to divide Europe, was a lustre to those connected
with him--a circumstance not to be absolutely neglected by us under
the actual situation of things. ---- a letter from Mr. Adams on this
subject. Not trusting the posts, however, and obliged to wait private
conveyances, our intercommunication is slow, and in the meanwhile our
time shortening fast. I have the honor to enclose to you a letter from
the Count de Vergennes, in favor of Mr. Dumas. With the services of
this gentleman to the United States, yourself and Dr. Franklin are
better acquainted than I am. Those he has been able to render towards
effecting the late alliance between France and the United Netherlands,
are the probable ground of the present application. The minister for
Geneva has desired me to have enquiries made after the Mr. Gallatin,
named in the within paper. I will pray you to have the necessary
advertisements inserted in the papers, and to be so good as to favor
me with the result. I enclose the Gazettes of France and Leyden to
this date, and have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and
esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, January 27th, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 5th of October,
and since that have received yours of the 1st of the same month. We
were highly pleased here with the health you enjoyed on your voyage,
and with the reception you met with at home. This was no more than I
expected. Had I had a vote for the Presidentship, however, I doubt
whether I should not have withheld it from you that you might have
leisure to collect and digest the papers you have written from time to
time, and which the world will expect to be given them. This side of
the globe is in a state of absolute quiet, both political and literary.
Not a sheet, I think, has come out since your departure, which is worth
notice. I do not know whether before that the Abbé Rochon had thought
of using the metal Platina for the specula telescope. Indeed, I believe
the thought is not his originally, but has been carried into execution
before by the Spaniards. It is thought to take as high a polish as
the metallic composition generally used, and is not liable to rust.
Hoffman's method of engraving with ink was, I believe, known to you.
I sent the other day to Pancouche's, by Mr. Hopkinson's desire, to get
the livraisons of the Encyclopedie which had not yet been taken out for
him, and informed Pancouche that the subscription had been made by you.
He sent me word two copies were subscribed for in your name, and at the
same time sent both of them to me. Supposing that the other may be your
own, and that you had not made arrangements for having it sent you, I
received it, and forwarded it in the same box with Mr. Hopkinson's. If
you have no better means of getting them in future, I offer my services
very cheerfully to forward them from time to time. What I have paid
for these (71 livres 10 sous), or may hereafter pay for others, you
can be so good as to replace in the hands of Mr. Hopkinson. If there
should be any other commissions to be executed here for you, I should
take real pleasure in being useful to you. Your friends here are all
well I think, and make you much the subject of their conversation. I
will trouble you to present my esteem to young Mr. Franklin, and add
assurances of the real respect and regard with which I have the honor
to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, January 27, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 11th of December, and on the 11th of this
month I received your favor of July 15th, entrusted to Mrs. McCaulay
Graham. I do not know from what place she sent it. The last papers
from America present us a very disagreeable altercation between Mr.
Jay, and a young man from whom he had deserved better things. Mr.
Carmichael will, I fear, too, think himself involved. With him I am
unacquainted personally, but he stands on advantageous grounds in
the opinion of Europe, and most especially in Spain. Every person,
whom I see from thence, speaks of him with great esteem. I mention
this for your private satisfaction, as he seemed to be little known
in Congress. Mr. Jay, however, knows him well, and, notwithstanding
their little broulerie, his candor will do him justice. Dumas is a
great favorite both of Holland and France. You will be sensible of this
from the application which is communicated to Mr. Jay from the Count
de Vergennes. Mr. Van Bukel had solicited for him before I came from
America. This is a delicate matter, the more so as I believe Congress
had set the example by a letter to the King last year. True there is
no comparison between the characters solicited for. The death of Mr.
Hardy was matter of sincere concern to us. He had excellent virtues,
and only one foible, that of being too good-humored. This intelligence
was written to me from London by Colonel Humphreys, who went there in
November last. There being nothing going on here under the commissions,
to which he is Secretary, and some little matter there, he will
probably stay there some while yet, or perhaps divide his time between
that place and this. I send by this packet drawings for the Capitol
and prison at Richmond. They are addressed to the Directors of the
public buildings. If you have a curiosity to see them, open the round
package which goes herewith, only be so good as to do them up again
in the same way, and send them off by the first post. I think they
will be a gratification to yourself and such members as like things
of that kind. You see by my writing to you of American persons and
things, that I have nothing for you from this quarter. Europe enjoys
the most perfect repose, and will do so at least for another year. I
have been in expectation of receiving instructions from you as to your
Encyclopædie. But none being come, I will endeavor to send it to you by
this conveyance, if it can be got to L'Orient in time for the packet.
The re-establishment of these vessels is still doubtful; and till they
be re-established my correspondence will be very irregular. I have only
to add assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
* * * * *
P. S. If I should be able to send on your copy of the Encyclopædie,
it will be accompanied by one for Dr. Currie, which I will pray you to
forward to Richmond by land or water as you see best.
TO W. F. DUMAS.
PARIS, February 2, 1786.
SIR,--I was honored some time ago with a letter from you of December
6th, enclosing two for America, which I forwarded by the first
occasion. On the 18th of this month, I received a letter from his
Excellency the Count de Vergennes, expressing the interest which he
takes in your welfare, and recommending you to Congress. This I had
an opportunity of forwarding from hence on the 27th of January, under
cover to Mr. Jay. Yesterday I was gratified with the receipt of your
favor of January 27th, containing a copy of the resolution of Congress
of October 24th, in your favor, and which I wish had been more so. With
respect to the payment of the arrearages, two things are necessary:
first, an order from the Treasury, and secondly, money to comply with
it. Mr. Grand wrote me this morning that he had not now as much left
as to pay a bill of Mr. Carmichael's for 4300 livres just presented. I
shall forward your letter to Mr. Jay the next week, with a request that
the necessary measures may be taken for the payment of your arrearages
and interest. In the meantime, I think you would do well to write a
line for the same purpose to Mr. Jay, or to the Commissioners of the
Treasury. I do not mean that what I have said above should prevent
your drawing in due time for the salary of the current quarter. I
will honor the draught from a private fund with which I can take that
liberty. I thank you for what you say of the notes on Virginia. It
is much more than they deserve. Though the various matters they touch
on would have been beyond the information of any one person whatever
to have treated fully, and infinitely beyond mine, yet had I at the
time of writing them, had anything more in view than the satisfying
a single individual, they should have been more attended to both in
form and matter. Poor as they are, they have been thought worthy
of a surreptitious translation here, with the appearance of which
very soon I have been threatened. This has induced me to yield to a
friendly proposition from the Abbé Morellet, to translate and publish
them himself, submitting the sheets previously to my inspection. As a
translation by so able a hand will lessen the faults of the original,
instead of their being multiplied by a hireling translator. I shall add
to it a map and such other advantages as may prevent the mortification
of my seeing it appear in the injurious form threatened. I shall
with great pleasure send a copy of the original to you by the first
opportunity, praying your acceptance of it.
I have the honor to be with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, February 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I am honored with yours of January the 19th. Mine of January
the 12th, had not, I suppose, at that time got to your hands, as the
receipt of it is unacknowledged. I shall be anxious till I receive your
answer to it.
I was perfectly satisfied before I received your letter, that your
opinion had been misunderstood or misrepresented in the case of the
Chevalier de Mezieres. Your letter, however, will enable me to say so
with authority. It is proper it should be known, that you had not given
the opinion imputed to you, though, as to the main question, it is
become useless; Monsieur de Reyneval having assured me, that what I had
written on that subject had perfectly satisfied the Count de Vergennes
and himself, that this case could never come under the treaty. To
evince, still further, the impropriety of taking up subjects gravely,
on such imperfect information as this court had, I have this moment
received a copy of an act of the Georgia Assembly, placing the subjects
of France, as to real estates, on the footing of natural citizens, and
expressly recognizing the treaty. Would you think anything could be
added, after this, to put this question still further out of doors?
A gentleman of Georgia assured me, General Oglethorpe did not own a
foot of land in the State. I do not know whether there has been any
American determination on the question, whether American citizens and
British subjects, born before the Revolution, can be aliens to one
another? I know there is an opinion of Lord Coke's, in Colvin's case,
that if England and Scotland should, in the course of descent, pass to
separate Kings, those born under the same sovereign during the union,
would remain natural subjects and not aliens. Common sense urges some
considerations against this. Natural subjects owe allegiance; but
we owe none. Aliens are the subjects of a foreign power; we are not
subjects of a foreign power. The King, by the treaty, acknowledges our
independence; how, then, can we remain natural subjects? The King's
power is, by the constitution, competent to the making peace, war and
treaties. He had, therefore, authority to relinquish our allegiance by
treaty. But if an act of parliament had been necessary, the parliament
passed an act to confirm the treaty. So that it appears to me, that in
this question, fictions of law alone are opposed to sound sense.
I am in hopes Congress will send a minister to Lisbon. I know no
country with which we are likely to cultivate a more useful commerce.
I have pressed this in my private letters.
It is difficult to learn anything certain here, about the French and
English treaty. Yet, in general, little is expected to be done between
them. I am glad to hear that the Delegates of Virginia had made the
vote relative to English commerce, though they afterwards repealed
it. I hope they will come to it again. When my last letters came away,
they were engaged in passing the revisal of their laws, with some small
alterations. The bearer of this, Mr. Lyons is a sensible, worthy young
physician, son of one of our judges, and on his return to Virginia.
Remember me with affection to Mrs. and Miss Adams, Colonels Smith and
Humphreys, and be assured of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, February 8, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last letters were of the 1st and 20th of September, and
the 28th of October. Yours, unacknowledged, are of August the 20th,
October the 3d, and November the 15th. I take this, the first safe
opportunity, of enclosing to you the bills of lading for your books,
and two others for your namesake of Williamsburg, and for the attorney,
which I will pray you to forward. I thank you for the communication of
the remonstrance against the assessment. Mazzei, who is now in Holland,
promised me to have it published in the Leyden gazette. It will do
us great honor. I wish it may be as much approved by our Assembly, as
by the wisest part of Europe. I have heard, with great pleasure, that
our Assembly have come to the resolution of giving the regulation of
their commerce to the federal head. I will venture to assert, that
there is not one of its opposers, who, placed on this ground, would
not see the wisdom of this measure. The politics of Europe render it
indispensably necessary that, with respect to everything external, we
be one nation only, firmly hooped together. Interior government is what
each State should keep to itself. If it were seen in Europe that all
our States could be brought to concur in what the Virginia Assembly has
done, it would produce a total revolution in their opinion of us, and
respect for us. And it should ever be held in mind, that insult and
war are the consequences of a want of respectability in the national
character. As long as the States exercise, separately, those acts of
power which respect foreign nations, so long will there continue to
be irregularities committed by some one or other of them, which will
constantly keep us on an ill footing with foreign nations.
I thank you for your information as to my Notes. The copies I have
remaining shall be sent over, to be given to some of my friends,
and to select subjects in the College. I have been unfortunate here
with this trifle. I gave out a few copies only, and to confidential
persons, writing in every copy a restraint against its publication.
Among others, I gave a copy to a Mr. Williams; he died. I immediately
took every precaution I could, to recover this copy. But, by some means
or other, a bookseller had got hold of it. He employed a hireling
translator, and is about publishing it in the most injurious form
possible. I am now at a loss what to do as to England. Everything,
good or bad, is thought worth publishing there; and I apprehend a
translation back from the French, and a publication here. I rather
believe it will be most eligible to let the original come out in that
country; but am not yet decided.
I have purchased little for you in the book way, since I sent the
catalogue of my former purchases. I wish, first, to have your answer to
that, and your information, what parts of these purchases went out of
your plan. You can easily say, buy more of this kind, less of that, &c.
My wish is to conform myself to yours. I can get for you the original
Paris edition of the Encyclopedie, in thirty-five volumes, folio,
for six hundred and twenty livres; a good edition, in thirty-nine
volumes, 4to, for three hundred and eighty livres; and a good one, in
thirty-nine volumes, 8vo, for two hundred and eighty livres. The new
one will be superior in far the greater number of articles; but not in
all. And the possession of the ancient one has, moreover, the advantage
of supplying present use. I have bought one for myself, but wait your
orders as to you. I remember your purchase of a watch in Philadelphia.
If it should not have proved good, you can probably sell it. In that
case, I can get for you, here, one made as perfect as human art can
make it, for about twenty-four louis. I have had such a one made by
the best and most faithful hand in Paris. It has a second hand, but no
repeating, no day of the month, nor other useless thing to impede and
injure the movements which are necessary. For twelve louis more, you
can have in the same cover, but on the back, and absolutely unconnected
with the movements of the watch, a pedometer, which shall render you an
exact account of the distances you walk. Your pleasure hereon shall be
awaited.
Houdon has returned. He called on me, the other day, to remonstrate
against the inscription proposed for General Washington's statue. He
says it is too long to be put on the pedestal. I told him I was not at
liberty to permit any alteration, but I would represent his objection
to a friend, who could judge of its validity, and whether a change
could be authorized. This has been the subject of conversations here,
and various devices and inscriptions have been suggested. The one which
has appeared best to me may be translated as follows: "Behold, Reader,
the form of George Washington. For his worth, ask History; that will
tell it, when this stone shall have yielded to the decays of time. His
country erects this monument: Houdon makes it." This for one side.
On the second, represent the evacuation of Boston, with the motto,
"Hostibus primum fugatis." On the third, the capture of the Hessians,
with "Hostibus iterum devictis." On the fourth, the surrender of York,
with "Hostibus ultimum debellatis." This is seizing the three most
brilliant actions of his military life. By giving out, here, a wish
of receiving mottos for this statue, we might have thousands offered,
from which still better might be chosen. The artist made the same
objection, of length, to the inscription for the bust of the Marquis
de La Fayette. An alteration of that might come in time still, if an
alteration was wished. However, I am not certain that it is desirable
in either case. The State of Georgia has given twenty thousand acres
of land to the Count d'Estaing. This gift is considered here as very
honorable to him, and it has gratified him much. I am persuaded, that
a gift of lands by the State of Virginia to the Marquis de La Fayette
would give a good opinion here of our character, and would reflect
honor on the Marquis. Nor, am I sure that the day will not come when it
might be an useful asylum to him. The time of life at which he visited
America was too well adapted to receive good and lasting impressions to
permit him ever to accommodate himself to the principles of monarchical
government; and it will need all his own prudence, and that of his
friends, to make this country a safe residence for him. How glorious,
how comfortable in reflection, will it be, to have prepared a refuge
for him in case of a reverse. In the meantime, he could settle it with
tenants from the freest part of this country, Bretaigne. I have never
suggested the smallest idea of this kind to him; because the execution
of it should convey the first notice. If the State has not a right to
give him lands with their own officers, they could buy up, at cheap
prices, the shares of others. I am not certain, however, whether in
the public or private opinion, a similar gift to Count Rochambeau
could be dispensed with. If the State could give to both, it would
be better; but, in any event, I think they should to the Marquis.
Count Rochambeau, too, has really deserved more attention than he has
received. Why not set up his bust, that of Gates, Greene, Franklin,
in your new capitol? Apropos of the capitol. Do, my dear friend, exert
yourself to get the plan, begun on, set aside, and that adopted, which
was drawn here. It was taken from a model which has been the admiration
of sixteen centuries; which has been the object of as many pilgrimages
as the tomb of Mahomet; which will give unrivalled honor to our State,
and furnish a model whereon to form the taste of our young men. It
will cost much less, too, than the one begun; because it does not
cover one-half of the area. Ask, if you please, a sight of my letter of
January the 26th, to Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, which will spare me the
repeating its substance here.
Everything is quiet in Europe. I recollect but one new invention in
the arts, which is worth mentioning. It is a mixture of the arts of
engraving and printing, rendering both cheaper. Write or draw anything
on a plate of brass, with the ink of the inventor, and, in half
an hour, he gives you engraved copies of it, so perfectly like the
original, that they could not be suspected to be copies. His types for
printing a whole page are all in one solid piece. An author, therefore,
only prints a few copies of his work, from time to time, as they
are called for. This saves the loss of printing more copies than may
possibly be sold, and prevents an edition from being ever exhausted.
I am, with a lively esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO MONSIEUR HILLIARD D'AUBERTEUIL.
PARIS, February 20, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your letter, and the books which
accompanied it, for which I return you my hearty thanks. America cannot
but be flattered with the choice of the subject, on which you are
at present employing your pen. The memory of the American Revolution
will be immortal, and will immortalize those who record it. The reward
is encouraging, and will justify all those pains, which a rigorous
investigation of facts will render necessary. Many important facts,
which preceded the commencement of hostilities, took place in England.
These may mostly be obtained from good publications in that country.
Some took place in this country. They will be probably hidden from
the present age. But America is the field where the greatest mass
of important events were transacted, and where alone they can now
be collected. I, therefore, much applaud your idea of going to that
country, for the verification of the facts you mean to record. Every
man there can tell you more than any man here, who has not been there;
and the very ground itself will give you new insight into some of
the most interesting transactions. If I can be of service to you, in
promoting your object there, I offer myself freely to your use. I shall
be flattered by the honor of your visit here, at any time. I am seldom
from home before noon; but if any later hour should suit you better, I
will take care to be at home, at any hour and day you will be pleased
to indicate.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant.
TO DR. BANCROFT.
PARIS, February 26, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 21st instant, on the subject of Mr.
Paradise, which I hope you have received.
By the death of Mr. Williams, a copy of my Notes on Virginia got into
the hands of a bookseller, who was about publishing a very abominable
translation of them, when the Abbé Morellet heard of it, and diverted
him from it by undertaking to translate it for him. They will thus
appear in French in spite of my precautions. The Abbé engaged me
to make a map, which I wish to have engraved in London. It is on a
single sheet, twenty-three inches square, and very closely written. It
comprehends from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, and from Philadelphia to
the mouth of the great Kanawha, containing Virginia and Pennsylvania,
a great part of Maryland, and a part of North Carolina. It is taken
from Suell, Hutchins, and Fry and Jefferson. I wish the favor of you
to make two propositions for me, and to inform me of the result. 1.
To know from one of the best engravers how much he will ask for the
plate and engraving, and in how short a time after he received the
original can he furnish the plate, done in the best manner; for the
time is material, as the work is in the press. 2. To know of Faden,
or any other map merchant, for how much he will undertake to furnish
me 1,800 copies, on my sending the map to him, and in what time can he
furnish them. On this alternative, I am to have nothing to do with the
engraver, or any person but the undertaker. I am of opinion, he may
furnish them to me for nothing, and fully indemnify himself by the sale
of the maps. Though it is on a scale of only an inch to twenty miles,
it is as particular as the four-sheet maps from which it is taken, and
I answer for the exactness of the reduction. I have supplied some new
places, though the first object which induced me to undertake it was
to make a map for my book. I soon extended my view to the making as
good a map of those counties as my materials would admit; and I have no
doubt but that in the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia,
600 copies can be sold for a dollar apiece. I shall finish it in about
a fortnight, except the divisions in the counties of Virginia, which
I cannot do at all till I can get Henry's map of Virginia. This I must
trouble you to procure for me, and send immediately by the diligence;
and also give me information on the premises as soon as possible.
You will perceive that time will press. I hope the circumstances of
this affair will plead my pardon for the trouble I am giving you.
The expense of procuring and sending the map shall be replaced, and
an infinitude of thanks attend you. Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
* * * * *
P. S. I do not propose that my name shall appear on the map, because it
will belong to its original authors, and because I do not wish to place
myself at the bar of the public.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, February 28, 1786.
SIR,--Circumstances of public duty calling me suddenly to London, I
take the liberty of mentioning it to your Excellency, and of asking
a few minutes' audience of you, at as early a day and hour as will be
convenient to you, and that you will be so good as to indicate them to
me. I would wish to leave Paris about Friday or Saturday, and suppose
that my stay in London will be of about three weeks. I shall be happy
to be the bearer of any commands your Excellency may have for that
place, and will faithfully execute them. I cannot omit mentioning,
how pleasing it would be to me to be enabled, before my departure, to
convey to the American prisoners at St. Pol de Leon such mitigation of
their fate as may be thought admissible.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and
esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE J. JAY.
PARIS, March 5, 1786.
SIR,--The several commissions to which Congress were pleased to appoint
Colonel Humphreys Secretary of Legation, being shortly to expire,
and a French packet offering him a convenient passage in the month
of April, he proposes to avail himself of that occasion of returning
to his own country, and of then presenting his respects and thanks to
Congress, as a member of the several commissions with which his office
was connected. I think it my duty to bear testimony to his ready, able,
and faithful discharge of all its duties; and I beg leave, through
you, to present this testimony to Congress, and to assure them that his
talents and disposition are such as they may repose themselves on with
security, should they think to avail our country of them on any future
occasion. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem,
Sir, yours, &c.
TO JOHN JAY.
LONDON, March 12, 1786.
SIR,--The date of a letter from London will doubtless be as unexpected
to you as it was unforeseen by myself a few days ago. On the 27th of
last month, Colonel Smith arrived in Paris with a letter from Mr.
Adams, informing me that there was at this place a minister from
Tripoli, having general powers to enter into treaties on behalf of
his State, and with whom it was possible we might do something under
our commission to that power; and that he gave reason to believe he
could also make arrangements with us for Tunis. He further added that
the minister of Portugal here had received ultimate instructions from
his court, and that probably that treaty might be concluded in the
space of three weeks were we all on the spot together. He, therefore,
pressed me to come over immediately. The first of these objects had
some weight on my mind, because, as we had sent no person to Tripoli or
Tunis, I thought if we could meet a minister from them on this ground,
our arrangements would be settled much sooner, and at less expense.
But what principally decided me was the desire of bringing matters to
a conclusion with Portugal before the term of our commissions should
expire, or any new turn in the negotiations of France and England
should abate their willingness to fix a connection with us. A third
motive had also its weight. I hoped that my attendance here, and the
necessity of shortening it, might be made use of to force a decisive
answer from this court. I therefore concluded to comply with Mr.
Adams's request. I went immediately to Versailles, and apprised the
Count de Vergennes that circumstances of public duty called me hither
for three or four weeks, arranged with him some matters, and set out
with Colonel Smith for this place, where we arrived last night, which
was as early as the excessive rigor of the weather admitted. I saw Mr.
Adams immediately, and again to day. He informs me that the minister
of Portugal was taken ill five or six days ago, has been very much
so, but is now somewhat better. It would be very mortifying, indeed,
should this accident, with the shortness of the term to which I limit
my stay here, defeat what was the principal object of my journey, and
that, without which, I should hardly have undertaken it. With respect
to this country, I had no doubt but that every consideration had been
urged by Mr. Adams which was proper to be urged. Nothing remains undone
in this way. But we shall avail ourselves of my journey here, as if
made on purpose, just before the expiration of our commission, to form
our report to Congress on the execution of that commission, which
report they may be given to know, cannot be formed without decisive
information of the ultimate determination of their court. There is no
doubt what that determination will be; but it will be useful to have
it; as it may put an end to all further expectations on our side the
water, and show that the time is come for doing whatever is to be done
by us for counteracting the unjust and greedy designs of this country.
We shall have the honor, before I leave this place, to inform you of
the result of the several matters which have brought me to it.
A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of
January --. The question therein proposed, "How far France considers
herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts," would
infallibly produce another, How far we consider ourselves as guarantees
of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war
in which these may be attacked? The words of the treaty of alliance
seem to be without ambiguity on either head, yet I should be afraid to
commit Congress by answering without authority. I will endeavor, on
my return, to sound the opinion of the minister, if possible without
exposing myself to the other question. Should anything forcible
be meditated on these posts, it would possibly be thought prudent,
previously, to ask the good offices of France to obtain their delivery.
In this case, they would probably say, we must first execute the treaty
on our part by repealing all acts which have contravened it. Now this
measure, if there be any candor in the court of London, would suffice
to obtain a delivery of the posts from them without the mediation of
any third power. However, if this mediation should be finally needed,
I see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question
its omnipotent influence on the British court.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
LONDON, April 22, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--In your letter of October the 29th, you desired me to send
you one of the new lamps. I tried at every probable place in Paris,
and could not get a tolerable one. I have been glad of it since I came
here, as I find them much better made here. I now deliver one, with
this letter, into the hands of Mr. Fulwar Skipwith, a merchant from
Virginia, settled here, who promises to send it to you, with one for
Mr. C. Thomson. Be pleased to accept, this from me. It is now found
that they may be used with almost any oil.
I expect to leave this place in about three days. Our public letters,
joint and separate, will inform you what has been done, and what
could not be done here. With respect to a commercial treaty with
this country, be assured that this government not only has it not in
contemplation at present to make any, but that they do not conceive
that any circumstances will arise which shall render it expedient for
them to have any political connection with us. They think we shall be
glad of their commerce on their own terms. There is no party in our
favor here, either in power or out of power. Even the opposition concur
with the ministry and the nation in this. I can scarcely consider as
a party the Marquis of Lansdowne, and a half dozen characters about
him, such as Dr. Price, &c., who are impressed with the utility of a
friendly connection with us. The former does not venture this sentiment
in parliament, and the latter are not in situations to be heard. The
Marquis of Lansdowne spoke to me affectionately of your brother, Doctor
Lee, and desired his respects to him, which I beg leave to communicate
through you. Were he to come into the ministry (of which there is not
the most distant prospect), he must adopt the King's system, or go
out again, as he did before, for daring to depart from it. When we
see, that through all the changes of ministry which have taken place
during the present reign, there has never been a change of system
with respect to America, we cannot reasonably doubt, that this is
the system of the King himself. His obstinacy of character we know;
his hostility we have known, and it is embittered by ill success. If
ever this nation, during his life, enter into arrangements with us,
it must be in consequence of events of which they do not at present
see a possibility. The object of the present ministry is to buoy up
the nation with flattering calculations of their present prosperity,
and to make them believe they are better without us than with us. This
they seriously believe; for what is it men cannot be made to believe!
I dined the other day in a company of the ministerial party. A General
Clark, a Scotchman and ministerialist, sat next to me. He introduced
the subject of American affairs, and in the course of the conversation
told me that were America to petition Parliament to be again received
on their former footing, the petition would be very generally rejected.
He was serious in this, and I think it was the sentiment of the
company, and is the sentiment perhaps of the nation. In this they are
wise, but for a foolish reason. They think they lost more by suffering
us to participate of their commercial privileges, at home and abroad,
than they lose by our political severance. The true reason, however,
why such an application should be rejected is, that in a very short
time, we should oblige them to add another hundred millions to their
debt in unsuccessful attempts to retain the subjection offered to them.
They are at present in a frenzy, and will not be recovered from it till
they shall have leaped the precipice they are now so boldly advancing
to. Writing from England, I write you nothing but English news. The
continent at present furnishes nothing interesting. I shall hope the
favor of your letters at times. The proceedings and views of Congress,
and of the Assemblies, the opinions and dispositions of our people in
general, which, in governments like ours, must be the foundation of
measures, will always be interesting to me; as will whatever respects
your own health and happiness, being with great esteem, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO CHARLES THOMSON.
LONDON, April 22, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--In one of your former letters, you expressed a wish to have
one of the newly-invented lamps. I find them made here much better than
at Paris, and take the liberty of asking your acceptance of one, which
will accompany this letter. It is now found that any tolerable oil may
be used in them. The spermaceti oil is best, of the cheap kinds.
I could write you volumes on the improvements which I find made, and
making here, in the arts. One deserves particular notice, because it
is simple, great, and likely to have extensive consequences. It is
the application of steam, as an agent for working grist mills. I have
visited the one lately made here. It was, at that time, turning eight
pair of stones. It consumes one hundred bushels of coal a day. It is
proposed to put up thirty pair of stones. I do not know whether the
quantity of fuel, is to be increased. I hear you are applying the same
agent in America, to navigate boats, and I have little doubt, but that
it will be applied generally to machines, so as to supersede the use of
water ponds, and of course to lay open all the streams for navigation.
We know that steam is one of the most powerful engines we can employ;
and in America, fuel is abundant. I find no new publication here worth
sending to you. I shall set out for Paris within three or four days.
Our public letters will inform you of our proceedings here.
I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
LONDON, April 23, 1786.
SIR,--In my letter of March the 12th, I had the honor of explaining
to you the motives which had brought me to this place. A joint letter
from Mr. Adams and myself, sent by the last packet, informed you of the
result of our conferences with the Tripoline minister. The conferences
with the minister of Portugal have been drawn to a greater length
than I expected. However, everything is now agreed, and the treaty
will be ready for signature the day after to-morrow. I shall set out
for Paris the same day. With this country nothing is done; and that
nothing is intended to be done, on their part, admits not the smallest
doubt. The nation is against any change of measures; the ministers
are against it; some from principle, others from subserviency; and the
King, more than all men, is against it. If we take a retrospect to the
beginning of the present reign, we observe that amidst all the changes
of ministry, no change of measures with respect to America ever took
place; excepting only at the moment of the peace; and the minister of
that moment was immediately removed. Judging of the future by the past,
I do not expect a change of disposition during the present reign, which
bids fair to be a long one, as the King is healthy and temperate. That
he is persevering, we know. If he ever changes his plan, it will be
in consequence of events, which, at present, neither himself nor his
ministers place among those which are probable. Even the opposition
dare not open their lips in favor of a connection with us, so unpopular
would be the topic. It is not that they think our commerce unimportant
to them. I find that the merchants here set sufficient value on it.
But they are sure of keeping it on their own terms. No better proof
can be shown of the security in which the ministers think themselves
on this head, than that they have not thought it worth while to give
us a conference on the subject, though, on my arrival, we exhibited
to them our commission, observed to them that it would expire on the
12th of the next month, and that I had come over on purpose to see if
any arrangements could be made before that time. Of two months which
then remained, six weeks have elapsed without one scrip of a pen, or
one word from a minister, except a vague proposition at an accidental
meeting. We availed ourselves even of that, to make another essay
to extort some sort of declaration from the court. But their silence
is invincible. But of all this, as well as of the proceedings in the
negotiation with Portugal, information will be given you by a joint
letter from Mr. Adams and myself. The moment is certainly arrived, when
the plan of this court being out of all doubt, Congress and the States
may decide what their own measures should be.
The Marquis of Lansdowne spoke of you in very friendly terms, and
desired me to present his respects to you, in the first letter I should
write. He is thoroughly sensible of the folly of the present measures
of this country, as are a few other characters about him. Dr. Price is
among these, and is particularly disturbed at the present prospect. He
acknowledges, however, that all change is desperate; which weighs more,
as he is intimate with Mr. Pitt. This small band of friends, favorable
as it is, does not pretend to say one word in public on our subject.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
LONDON, April 23, 1786.
SIR,--In another letter of this day, I stated to you what had passed
with public characters, since my arrival here. Conversations with
private individuals, I thought it best not to mingle with the contents
of that letter. Yet, as some have taken place which relate to matters
within our instructions, and with persons whose opinions deserve
to have some weight, I will take the liberty of stating them. In a
conversation with an ancient and respectable merchant of this place,
such a view of the true state of the commercial connections of America
and Great Britain, was presented to him, as induced him to acknowledge
they had been mistaken in their opinions, and to ask that Mr. Adams and
myself would permit the chairman of the committee of American merchants
to call on us. He observed that the same person happened to be also
chairman of the committee of the whole body of British merchants; and
that such was the respect paid to his person and office, that we might
consider what came from him, as coming from the committees themselves.
He called on us at an appointed hour. He was a Mr. Duncan Campbell,
formerly much concerned in the American trade. We entered on the
subject of the non-execution of the late treaty of peace, alleged on
both sides. We observed that the refusal to deliver the western posts,
and the withdrawing American property contrary to express stipulation,
having preceded what they considered as breaches on our part, were
to be considered as the causes of our proceedings. The obstructions
thrown by our legislatures in the way of the recovery of their debts,
were insisted on by him. We observed to him, that the great amount
of the debt from America to Great Britain, and the little circulating
coin in the former country, rendered an immediate payment impossible;
that time was necessary; that we had been authorized to enter into
explanatory arrangements on this subject; that we had made overtures
for the purpose, which had not been attended to, and that the States
had, therefore, been obliged to modify the article for themselves. He
acknowledged the impossibility of immediate payment, the propriety of
an explanatory convention, and said that they were disposed to allow
a reasonable time. We mentioned the term of five years, including
the present; but that judgments might be allowed immediately, only
dividing the execution into equal and annual parts, so that the last
should be levied by the close of the year 1790. This seemed to be
quite agreeable to him, and to be as short a term as would be insisted
on by them. Proceeding to the sum to be demanded, we agreed that the
principal, with the interest incurring before and after the war, should
be paid; but, as to that incurring during the war, we differed from
him. He urged its justice with respect to themselves, who had laid
out of the use of their money during that period. This was his only
topic. We opposed to it all those which circumstances, both public and
private, gave rise to. He appeared to feel their weight, but said the
renunciation of this interest was a bitter pill, and such a one as the
merchants here could not swallow. He wished that no declaration should
be made as to this article; but we observed that if we entered into
explanatory declarations of the points unfavorable to us, we should
expect, as a consideration for this, corresponding declarations on the
parts in our favor. In fact, we supposed his view was to leave this
part of the interest to stand on the general expressions of the treaty,
that they might avail themselves, in individual cases, of the favorable
dispositions of debtors or juries. We proceeded to the necessity
of arrangements of our future commerce, were it only as a means of
enabling our country to pay its debts. We suggested that they had
been contracted, while certain modes of remittance had existed here,
which had been an inducement to us to contract these debts. He said
he was not authorized to speak on the subject of the future commerce.
He appeared really and feelingly anxious that arrangements should be
stipulated as to the payment of the old debts; said he would proceed in
that moment to Lord Caermarthen's, and discuss the subject with him,
and that we might expect to hear from him. He took leave, and we have
never since heard from him or any other person on the subject. Congress
will judge how far these conversations should influence their future
proceedings, or those of the States.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your
most obedient humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
PARIS, May 3, 1786.
SIR,--After begging leave to present my respects to your Excellency,
on my return to this place, I take the liberty of offering to your
attention some papers, which I found on my arrival here, written by
sundry merchants of L'Orient, and others, some of whom are citizens
of the United States, and all of them concerned in the trade between
the two countries. This has been carried on, by an exchange of the
manufactures and produce of this country, for the produce of that, and
principally for tobacco, which, though, on its arrival here, confined
to a single purchaser, has been received equally from all sellers.
In confidence of a continuance of this practice, the merchants of
both countries were carrying on their commerce of exchange. A late
contract by the Farm has, in a great measure, fixed in a single
mercantile house, the supplies of tobacco wanted for this country. This
arrangement found the established merchants with some tobacco on hand,
some on the seas coming to them, and more still due. By the papers
now enclosed, it seems that there are six thousand four hundred and
eight hogsheads, in the single port of L'Orient. Whether government
may interfere, as to articles furnished by the merchants after they
had notice of the contract before mentioned, must depend on principles
of policy. But those of justice seem to urge, that, for commodities
furnished before such notice, they should be so far protected, as
that they may wind up without loss, the transactions in which the new
arrangement found them actually engaged. Your Excellency is the best
judge, how far it may be consistent with the rules of government,
to interfere for their relief; and with you, therefore, I beg leave
entirely to rest their interests.
Information lately received, relative to the Barbary States, has
suggested, that it might be expedient, and perhaps necessary for us,
to pave the way to arrangements with them, by a previous application
to the Ottoman Porte. Your Excellency's intimate acquaintance with this
subject would render your advice to us equally valuable and desirable.
If you would be pleased to permit me to wait on you, any day or hour
which shall be most convenient to yourself, I should be much gratified
by a little conversation with you on this subject.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN PAGE.
PARIS, May 4, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your two favors of March the 15th and August the 23d, 1785,
by Monsieur de la Croix, came to hand on the 15th of November. His
return gives me an opportunity of sending you a copy of the nautical
almanacs for 1786, '7, '8, '9. There is no late and interesting
publication here, or I would send it by the same conveyance. With these
almanacs, I pack a copy of some Notes I wrote for Monsieur de Marbois,
in the year 1781, of which I had a few printed here. They were written
in haste, and for his private inspection. A few friends having asked
copies, I found it cheaper to print than to write them. They will offer
nothing new to you, not even as an oblation of my friendship for you,
which is as old almost as we are ourselves. Mazzei brought me your
favor of April the 28th. I thank you much for your communications.
Nothing can be more grateful at such a distance. It is unfortunate that
most people think the occurrences passing daily under their eyes, are
either known to all the world, or not worth being known. They therefore
do not give them place in their letters. I hope you will be so good as
to continue your friendly information. The proceedings of our public
bodies, the progress of the public mind on interesting questions, the
casualties which happen among our private friends, and whatever is
interesting to yourself and family, will always be anxiously received
by me. There is one circumstance in the work you were concerned in,
which has not yet come to my knowledge; to wit, how far westward from
Fort Pitt does the western boundary of Pennsylvania pass, and where
does it strike the Ohio? The proposition you mention from Mr. Anderson,
on the purchase of tobacco, I would have made use of, but that I have
engaged the abuses of the tobacco trade on a more general scale. I
confess their redress is by no means certain; but, till I see all hope
of removing the evil by the roots desperate, I cannot propose to prune
its branches.
I returned but three or four days ago from a two months' trip to
England. I traversed that country much, and own both town and country
fell short of my expectations. Comparing it with this, I found a much
greater proportion of barrens, a soil, in other parts, not naturally
so good as this, not better cultivated, but better manured, and,
therefore, more productive. This proceeds from the practice of long
leases there, and short ones here. The laboring people here are poorer
than in England. They pay about one half their produce in rent; the
English, in general, about a third. The gardening, in that country, is
the article in which it surpasses all the earth. I mean their pleasure
gardening. This, indeed, went far beyond my ideas. The city of London,
though handsomer than Paris, is not so handsome as Philadelphia. Their
architecture is in the most wretched style I ever saw, not meaning to
except America, where it is bad, nor even Virginia, where it is worse
than in any other part of America which I have seen. The mechanical
arts in London are carried to a wonderful perfection. But of these I
need not speak, because of them my countrymen have unfortunately too
many samples before their eyes. I consider the extravagance, which
has seized them, as a more baneful evil than toryism was during the
war. It is the more so, as the example is set by the best and most
amiable characters among us. Would a missionary appear, who would make
frugality the basis of his religious system, and go through the land,
preaching it up as the only road to salvation, I would join his school,
though not generally disposed to seek my religion out of the dictates
of my own reason, and feelings of my own heart. These things have been
more deeply impressed on my mind, by what I have heard and seen in
England. That nation hate us, their ministers hate us, and their King,
more than all other men. They have the impudence to avow this, though
they acknowledge our trade important to them. But they think, we cannot
prevent our countrymen from bringing that into their laps. A conviction
of this determines them to make no terms of commerce with us. They say,
they will pocket our carrying trade as well as their own. Our overtures
of commercial arrangements have been treated with a derision, which
shows their firm persuasion, that we shall never unite to suppress
their commerce, or even to impede it. I think their hostility towards
us is much more deeply rooted at present, than during the war. In the
arts, the most striking thing I saw there, new, was the application
of the principle of the steam-engine to grist mills. I saw eight pair
of stones which are worked by steam, and there are to be set up thirty
pair in the same house. A hundred bushels of coal a day, are consumed
at present. I do not know in what proportion the consumption will be
increased by the additional gear.
Be so good as to present my respects to Mrs. Page and your family,
to W. Lewis, F. Willis, and their families, and to accept yourself
assurances of the sincere regard with which I am, dear Sir, your
affectionate friend and servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, May 5, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--A visit of two months to England has been the cause of
your not hearing from me during that period. Your letters of February
3d, to Mr. Adams and myself, and of February 4th, to me, had come to
hand before my departure. While I was in London, Mr. Adams received
the letters giving information of Mr. Lambe's arrival in Algiers. In
London, we had conferences with a Tripoline ambassador, now at that
court, named Abdrahaman. He asked us thirty thousand guineas for a
peace with his court, and as much for Tunis, for which he said he could
answer. What we were authorized to offer, being to this but as a drop
to a bucket, our conferences were repeated, only for the purpose of
obtaining information. If the demands of Algiers and Morocco should be
in proportion to this, according to their superior power, it is easy to
foresee that the United States will not buy a peace with money. What
principally led me to England was, the information that the Chevalier
del Pinto, Portuguese minister at that court, had received full powers
to treat with us. I accordingly went there, and, in the course of six
weeks, we arranged a commercial treaty between our two countries. His
powers were only to negotiate, not to sign. And as I could not wait,
Mr. Adams and myself signed, and the Chevalier del Pinto expected daily
the arrival of powers to do the same. The footing on which each has
placed the other, is that of the most favored nation. We wished much
to have had some privileges in their American possessions; but this was
not to be effected. The right to import flour into Portugal, though not
conceded by the treaty, we are not without hopes of obtaining.
My journey furnished us occasion to renew our overtures to the court of
London; which it was the more important to do, as our powers to that
court were to expire on the 12th of this month. These overtures were
not attended to, and our commission expiring, we made our final report
to Congress; and I suppose this the last offer of friendship which
will ever be made on our part. The treaty of peace being unexecuted on
either part, in important points, each will now take their own measures
for obtaining execution. I think the King, ministers, and nation are
more bitterly hostile to us at present, than at any period of the late
war. A like disposition on our part has been rising for some time. In
what events these things will end, we cannot foresee. Our countrymen
are eager in their passions and enterprises, and not disposed to
calculate their interests against these. Our enemies (for such they
are, in fact) have for twelve years past followed but one uniform rule,
that of doing exactly the contrary of what reason points out. Having,
early during our contest, observed this in the British conduct, I
governed myself by it in all prognostications of their measures; and
I can say, with truth, it never failed me but in the circumstance of
their making peace with us. I have no letters from America of later
date than the new year. Mr. Adams had, to the beginning of February.
I am in hopes our letters will give a new spur to the proposition, for
investing Congress with the regulation of our commerce.
This will be handed you by a Baron Waltersdorf, a Danish gentleman,
whom, if you did not already know, I should take the liberty of
recommending to you. You were so kind as to write me that you would
forward me a particular map, which has not come to hand. I beg you to
be assured of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, May 6, 1786.
SIR,--Having been absent in England, for some time past, your favors
of February the 27th, March the 28th, and April the 11th, have not been
acknowledged as soon as they should have been. I am obliged to you, for
assisting to make me known to the Rhingrave de Salm and the Marquis de
la Coste, whose reputations render an acquaintance with them desirable.
I have not yet seen either, but expect that honor from the Rhingrave
very soon. Your letters to Mr. Jay and Mr. Van Berkel, received in my
absence, will be forwarded by a gentleman who leaves this place for New
York, within a few days. I sent the treaty with Prussia, by a gentleman
who sailed from Havre, the 11th of November. The arrival of that vessel
in America is not yet known here. Though the time is not long enough
to produce despair, it is sufficiently so to give inquietude lest it
should be lost. This would be a cause of much concern to me; I beg the
favor of you to mention this circumstance to the Baron de Thulemeyer,
as an apology for his not hearing from us. The last advices from
America bring us nothing interesting. A principal object of my journey
to London was to enter into commercial arrangements with Portugal.
This has been done almost in the precise terms of those of Prussia. The
English are still our enemies. The spirit existing there, and rising in
America, has a very lowering aspect. To what events it may give birth,
I cannot foresee. We are young and can survive them; but their rotten
machine must crush under the trial. The animosities of sovereigns are
temporary, and may be allayed; but those which seize the whole body of
a people, and of a people, too, who dictate their own measures, produce
calamities of long duration. I shall not wonder to see the scenes of
ancient Rome and Carthage renewed in our day; and if not pursued to the
same issue, it may be because the republic of modern powers will not
permit the extinction of any one of its members. Peace and friendship
with all mankind is our wisest policy; and I wish we may be permitted
to pursue it. But the temper and folly of our enemies may not leave
this in our choice. I am happy in our prospect of friendship with the
most estimable powers of Europe, and particularly with those of the
confederacy, of which yours is. That your present crisis may have a
happy issue, is the prayer and wish of him who has the honor to be,
with great respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON.
PARIS, May 6, 1786.
SIR,--Your favor of November the 23d came duly to hand. A call to
England, soon after its receipt, has prevented my acknowledging it so
soon as I should have done. I am very sensible of the honor done me
by the South Carolina society for promoting and improving agriculture
and other rural concerns, when they were pleased to elect me to be of
their body; and I beg leave, through you, Sir, to convey to them my
grateful thanks for this favor. They will find in me, indeed, but a
very unprofitable servant. At present, particularly, my situation is
unfavorable to the desire I feel, of promoting their views. However,
I shall certainly avail myself of every occasion which shall occur,
of doing so. Perhaps I may render some service, by forwarding to the
society such new objects of culture, as may be likely to succeed in the
soil and climate of South Carolina. In an infant country, as ours is,
these experiments are important. We are probably far from possessing,
as yet, all the articles of culture for which nature has fitted our
country. To find out these, will require abundance of unsuccessful
experiments. But if, in a multitude of these, we make one useful
acquisition, it repays our trouble. Perhaps it is the peculiar duty of
associated bodies, to undertake these experiments. Under this sense
of the views of the society, and with so little opportunity of being
otherwise useful to them, I shall be attentive to procure for them the
seeds of such plants, as they will be so good as to point out to me, or
as shall occur to myself as worthy their notice. I send at present, by
Mr. McQueen, some seeds of a grass, found very useful in the southern
parts of Europe, and particularly, and almost solely cultivated in
Malta. It is called by the names of Sulla, and Spanish St. Foin, and
is the Hedysarum coronarium of Linnæus. It is usually sown early in
autumn. I shall receive a supply of fresher seed, this fall, which I
will also do myself the honor of forwarding to you. I expect, in the
same season, from the south of France, some acorns of the cork oak,
which I propose for your society, as I am persuaded they will succeed
with you. I observed it to grow in England, without shelter; not well,
indeed, but so as to give hopes that it would do well with you. I
shall consider myself as always honored by the commands of the society,
whenever they shall find it convenient to make use of me, and beg you
to be assured, personally, of the sentiments of respect and esteem with
which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO W. T. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--On my return from a two months' visit to England, I
found here your favor of January the 18th. This contains the latest
intelligence I have from America. Your effects not being then arrived
gives me anxiety for them, as I think they went in a vessel which
sailed from Havre the 11th of November. In this vessel, went also the
two Mr. Fitzhughs of Virginia, with the Prussian treaty, our papers
relative to the Barbary States, with the despatches for Congress,
and letters which I had been writing to other persons in America
for six weeks preceding their departure. I am obliged to you for
the information as to Dr. Franklin's health, in which I feel a great
interest. I concur in opinion with you, that in the present factious
division of your State, an angel from heaven could do no good. I have
been sorry, therefore, from the beginning, to see such time as Dr.
Franklin's wasted on so hopeless a business. You have formed a just
opinion of Monroe. He is a man whose soul might be turned wrong side
outwards, without discovering a blemish to the world. I wish with
all my heart, Congress may call you into the diplomatic line, as that
seems to have attracted your own desires. It is not one in which you
can do anything more than pass the present hour agreeably, without any
prospect to future provision. Perhaps, the arrangements with Portugal,
by adding to the number of those appointments, may give Congress
an opportunity of doing justice to your own, and to Dr. Franklin's
services. If my wishes could aid you, you have them sincerely. My
late return to this place scarcely enables me to give you any of its
news. I have not yet called on M. La Veillard, or seen any of your
acquaintances. The marriage of the ambassador of Sweden with Miss
Neckar, you have heard of. Houdon is about taking a wife also. His bust
of the General has arrived, and meets the approbation of those who know
the original. Europe enjoys a perfect calm, at present. Perhaps it may
be disturbed by the death of the King of Prussia, which is constantly
expected. As yet, we have no information from the Barbary States, which
may enable us to prognosticate the success of our endeavors to effect
a peace in that quarter. Present me respectfully and affectionately to
Dr. Franklin, and accept assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you, was of the 11th of October. Soon after that,
your favor of the 12th September came to hand. My acknowledgment of
this is made later than it should have been, by my trip to England.
Your long silence I ascribe to a more pleasing cause, that of devoting
your spare time to one more capable of filling it with happiness, and
to whom, as well as to yourself, I wish all those precious blessings
which this change of condition is calculated to give you.
My public letters to Mr. Jay will have apprised you of my journey
to England, and of its motives; and the joint letters of Mr. Adams
and myself, of its effects. With respect to Portugal, it produced
arrangements; with respect to England and Barbary, only information.
I am quite at a loss what you will do with England. To leave her in
possession of our posts, seems inadmissible; and yet to take them,
brings on a state of things for which we seem not to be in readiness.
Perhaps a total suppression of her trade, or an exclusion of her
vessels from the carriage of our produce, may have some effect; but
I believe not very great. Their passions are too deeply and too
universally engaged in opposition to us. The ministry have found
means to persuade the nation, that they are richer than they were
while we participated of their commercial privileges. We should try
to turn our trade into other channels. I am in hopes this country will
endeavor to give it more encouragement. But what will you do with the
piratical States? Buy a peace at their enormous price; force one; or
abandon the carriage into the Mediterranean to other powers? All these
measures are disagreeable. The decision rests with you. The Emperor is
now pressing a treaty with us. In a commercial view, I doubt whether
it is desirable; but in a political one, I believe it is. He is now
undoubtedly the second power in Europe, and on the death of the King of
Prussia, he becomes the first character. An alliance with him will give
us respectability in Europe, which we have occasion for. Besides, he
will be at the head of the second grand confederacy of Europe, and may,
at any time, serve us with the powers constituting that. I am pressed
on so many hands to recommend Dumas to the patronage of Congress,
that I cannot avoid it. Everybody speaks well of him, and his zeal
in our cause. Anything done for him will gratify this court, and the
patriotic party in Holland, as well as some distinguished individuals.
I am induced, from my own feelings, to recommend Colonel Humphreys to
your care. He is sensible, prudent, and honest, and may be very firmly
relied on, in any office which requires these talents. I pray you to
accept assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I am,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. OTTO.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
SIR,--My absence in England, for some time past, has prevented my
acknowledging so soon as I should have done, the receipt of your favor
of January 15. In that you speak of having written other letters, but
no other has ever come to my hands. I thank you for the intelligence
that contained, several articles of which never came to me through any
other channel. On this side of the water everything is quiet. But the
death of the King of Prussia is daily expected, and I think it very
possible this event may bring on a disturbance of the peace of Europe,
as the elastic spirit of the Emperor will feel itself restrained by
one pressure the less. This possibility excepted, Europe never had a
more pacific appearance. Among the Dutch, the republican party seems
to be quite triumphant. The misunderstanding between Spain and Naples
cannot produce any immediate consequences; and that between France and
Portugal, we are told, is amicably settled. It is said that the Elector
of Bavaria is in an ill state of health. His death, with that of the
King of Prussia, would hazard the tranquillity of Europe. I have not
heard from the Chevalier de La Luzerne since my return. Count Adhemer
is again in England. A change in the ministry here is more talked of
and expected than at any time since my coming to this place. It is
said the Baron de Breteuil will go out; that M. de Calonnes will be
transferred to this place, and a Monsieur Maillan succeed him. But the
public know too little and talk too much of these things to command our
belief. The marriage of the Swedish ambassador with the daughter of Mr.
Neckar, you have known long ago. The Cardinal de Rohan and Cagliotho
remain where they did, in the Bastile; nor does their affairs seem
as yet to draw towards a conclusion. It has been a curious matter,
in which the circumstances of intrigue and detail have busied all
the tongues, the public liberty none. I have been laboring with the
ministry to get the trade between this country and the United States
put on a better footing, by admitting a free importation and sale of
our produce, assuring them that we should take their manufactures at
whatever extent they would enable us to pay for them. The importation
of our whale oil is, by the successful endeavors of M. de La Fayette,
put on a good footing for this year. Mine, for emancipating the tobacco
trade, have been less successful. I still continue to stir, however,
this and all other articles. I think myself happy in the prospect of a
correspondence with you, and am with sincere respect and esteem, Sir,
your most obedient humble servant.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
PARIS, May 7, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My stay in London having been considerably longer than I had
expected, I did not arrive in this place till the last day of April.
I found here your kind letter of the 4th of that month, acknowledging,
much more than they deserved, my little attentions to you. Their only
merit was their being faithful testimonies of a sincere regard for
you. The obligations have, in fact, been on my side, and I shall ever
consider it as such. I sincerely wish that on your arrival in America,
your own preference may be gratified by an appointment on that side
of the water, to which your inclinations lead you. I have received
the books and papers you mention, and will undertake to have finished
what you left undone of the medals, or at least will proceed in it,
till the matter shall be put into better hands. My principal object in
my journey to London was accomplished by arrangements with Portugal.
They are almost exactly in the terms of those with Prussia; except
that the general license to trade is restrained to those places where
any foreign nation is admitted. The Tripoline offered peace for 30,000
guineas for Tripoli, and as many for Tunis. Calculating on this scale,
Morocco should ask 60,000, and Algiers 120,000. England declines all
arrangements with us. They say their commerce is so necessary to us,
that we shall not deny it to ourselves for the sake of the carrying
business, as the only trade they leave us is that with Great Britain
immediately, and that is a losing one. I hope we shall show them we
have sense and spirit enough to suppress that, or at least to exclude
them from any share in the carriage of our commodities. Their spirit
towards us is deeply hostile, and they seem as if they did not fear
a war with us. Should such an event become necessary, we have need
of but only one resolution to place us on sure ground. That is, to
abandon that element where they are strong and we nothing; and to
decide the contest on terra firma, where we have all to gain, and can
lose nothing. The death of the King of Prussia is constantly expected.
Perhaps that event may bring on a general broil. I am too lately
returned here to be able to give you any of the news of the place.
I shall hope to hear from you soon and often, and am, with sincere
esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES ROSS.
PARIS, May 8, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of October the 22d,
and am much gratified by the communications therein made. It has
given me details, which do not enter into the views of my ordinary
correspondents, and which are very entertaining. I experience
great satisfaction at seeing my country proceed to facilitate the
intercommunications of its several parts, by opening rivers, canals and
roads. How much more rational is this disposal of public money, than
that of waging war.
Before the receipt of your letter, Morris's contract for sixty thousand
hogsheads of tobacco was concluded with the Farmers General. I have
been for some time occupied in endeavoring to destroy the root of the
evils, which the tobacco trade encounters in this country, by making
the ministers sensible, that merchants will not bring a commodity to
a market, where but one person is allowed to buy it; and that so long
as that single purchaser is obliged to go to foreign markets for it,
he must pay for it in coin, and not in commodities. These truths have
made their way to the minds of the ministry, insomuch, as to have
delayed the execution of the new lease of the Farms, six months. It is
renewed, however, for three years, but so as not to render impossible
a reformation of this great evil. They are sensible of the evil, but it
is so interwoven with their fiscal system, that they find it hazardous
to disentangle. The temporary distress, too, of the revenue, they are
not prepared to meet. My hopes, therefore, are weak, though not quite
desperate. When they become so, it will remain to look about for the
best palliative this monopoly can bear. My present idea is, that it
will be found in a prohibition to the Farmers General, to purchase
tobacco anywhere but in France. You will perceive by this, that my
object is to strengthen the connection between this country and my
own, in all useful points. I am of opinion that twenty-three thousand
hogsheads of tobacco, the annual consumption of this country, do not
exceed the amount of those commodities which it is more advantageous
to us to buy here than in England, or elsewhere; and such a commerce
would powerfully reinforce the motives for a friendship from this
country towards ours. This friendship we ought to cultivate closely,
considering the present dispositions of England towards us.
I am lately returned from a visit to that country. The spirit of
hostility to us has always existed in the mind of the King, but it
has now extended itself through the whole mass of the people, and the
majority in the public councils. In a country, where the voice of the
people influence so much the measures of administration, and where it
coincides with the private temper of the King, there is no pronouncing
on future events. It is true they have nothing to gain, and much to
lose by a war with us. But interest is not the strongest passion in
the human breast. There are difficult points, too, still unsettled
between us. They have not withdrawn their armies out of our country,
nor given satisfaction for the property they brought off. On our part,
we have not paid our debts, and it will take time to pay them. In
conferences with some distinguished mercantile characters, I found them
sensible of the impossibility of our paying these debts at once, and
that an endeavor to force universal and immediate payment, would render
debts desperate, which are good in themselves. I think we should not
have differed in the term necessary. We differed essentially in the
article of interest. For while the principal, and interest preceding
and subsequent to the war, seem justly due from us, that which accrued
during the war does not. Interest is a compensation for the use of
money. Their money, in our hands, was in the form of lands and negroes.
Tobacco, the produce of these lands and negroes (or as I may call it,
the interest of them), being almost impossible of conveyance to the
markets of consumption, because taken by themselves in its way there,
sold during the war, at five or six shillings the hundred. This did not
pay taxes, and for tools and other plantation charges. A man who should
have attempted to remit to his creditor tobacco, for either principal
or interest, must have remitted it three times before one cargo would
have arrived safe; and this from the depredations of their own nation,
and often of the creditor himself; for some of the merchants entered
deeply into the privateering business. The individuals, who did not,
say they have lost this interest; the debtor replies, that he has not
gained it, and that it is a case, where a loss having been incurred,
every one tries to shift it from himself. The known bias of the human
mind from motives of interest should lessen the confidence of each
party in the justice of their reasoning; but it is difficult to say,
which of them should make the sacrifice, both of reason and interest.
Our conferences were intended as preparatory to some arrangement.
It is uncertain how far we should have been able to accommodate our
opinions. But the absolute aversion of the government to enter into
any arrangement prevented the object from being pursued. Each country
is left to do justice to itself and to the other, according to its own
ideas, as to what is past; and to scramble for the future, as well
as they can; to regulate their commerce by duties and prohibitions,
and perhaps by cannons and mortars; in which event, we must abandon
the ocean, where we are weak, leaving to neutral nations the carriage
of our commodities; and measure with them on land, where they alone
can lose. Farewell, then, all our useful improvements of canals and
roads, reformations of laws, and other rational employments. I really
doubt whether there is temper enough, on either side, to prevent
this issue of our present hatred. Europe is, at this moment, without
the appearance of a cloud. The death of the King of Prussia, daily
expected, may raise one. My paper admonishes me, that after asking
a continuance of your favors, it is time for me to conclude with
assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO T. PLEASANTS.
PARIS, May 8, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--At the time of the receipt of your favor of October the
24th, the contract between the Farmers General and Mr. Morris, for
tobacco, was concluded, and in a course of execution. There was no
room, therefore, to offer the proposals which accompanied your letter.
I was moreover engaged in endeavors to have the monopoly, in the
purchase of this article, in this country, suppressed. My hopes on
that subject are not desperate, but neither are they flattering. I
consider it as the most effectual means of procuring the full value
of our produce, of diverting our demands for manufactures from Great
Britain to this country to a certain amount, and of thus producing some
equilibrium in our commerce, which, at present, lies all in the British
scale. It would cement an union with our friends, and lessen the
torrent of wealth which we are pouring into the laps of our enemies.
For my part, I think that the trade with Great Britain is a ruinous
one to ourselves; and that nothing would be an inducement to tolerate
it, but a free commerce with their West Indies; and that this being
denied to us, we should put a stop to the losing branch. The question
is, whether they are right in their prognostications that we have
neither resolution nor union enough for this. Everything I hear from
my own country, fills me with despair as to their recovery from their
vassalage to Great Britain. Fashion and folly are plunging them deeper
and deeper into distress; and the legislators of the country becoming
debtors also, there seems no hope of applying the only possible remedy,
that of an immediate judgment and execution. We should try whether the
prodigal might not be restrained from taking on credit the gewgaw held
out to him in one hand, by seeing the keys of a prison in the other. Be
pleased to present my respects to Mrs. Pleasants, and to be assured of
the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, May 10, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of January the 27th. Since that I have
received yours of January the 19th. Information from other quarters
gives me reason to suspect you have in negotiation a very important
change in your situation. You will carry into its execution all
my wishes for your happiness. I hope it will not detach you from a
settlement in your own country. I had even entertained hopes of your
settling in my neighborhood, but these were determined by your desiring
a plan of a house for Richmond. However reluctantly I relinquish this
prospect, I shall not the less readily obey your commands by sending
you a plan. Having been much engaged since my return from England in
answering letters and despatching other business which had accumulated
during my absence, and being still much engaged, perhaps I may not be
able to send the plan by this conveyance. If I do not send it now,
I will surely by the next conveyance after this. Your Encyclopedie,
containing eighteen livraisons, went off last night for Havre, from
whence it will go in a vessel bound to New York. It will be under the
care of M. La Croix, a passenger, who, if he does not find you in New
York, will carry it to Virginia, and send it to Richmond. Another copy,
in a separate box, goes for Currie. I pay here all charges to New York.
What may occur afterwards, I desire him to ask either of you or Currie,
as either will pay for the other, or to draw on me for them.
My letters to Mr. Jay will have informed you of the objects which
carried me to England; and that the principal one, the treaty with
Portugal, has been accomplished. Though we were unable to procure any
special advantages in that, yet we thought it of consequence to insure
our trade against those particular checks and discouragements which
it has heretofore met with there. The information as to the Barbary
States, which we obtained from Abdrahaman, the Tripoline ambassador,
was also given to Mr. Jay. If it be right, and the scale of proportion
between those nations, which we had settled, be also right, eight times
the sum required by Tripoli will be necessary to accomplish a peace
with the whole, that is to say, about two hundred and forty thousand
guineas. The continuance of this peace will depend on their idea of
our power to enforce it, and on the life of the particular Dey, or
other head of the government, with whom it is contracted. Congress
will, no doubt, weigh these circumstances against the expense, and
probable success of compelling a peace by arms. Count d'Estaing having
communicated to me verbally some information as to an experiment
formerly made by this country, I shall get him to put it into writing,
and I will forward it to Congress, as it may aid them in their choice
of measures. However, which plan is most eligible can only be known
to yourselves, who are on the spot, and have under your view all the
difficulties of both. There is a third measure, that of abandoning the
Mediterranean carriage to other nations.
With respect to England, no arrangements can be taken. The merchants
were certainly disposed to have consented to accommodation as to the
article of debts. I was not certain, when I left England, that they
would relinquish the interest during the war. A letter received since,
from the first character among the American merchants in Scotland,
satisfies me they would have relinquished it to insure the capital
and residue of interest. Would to heaven all the States, therefore,
would settle a uniform plan. To open the courts to them, so that they
might obtain judgments; to divide the executions into so many equal
annual instalments, as that the last might be paid in the year 1790;
to have the payments in actual money; and, to include the capital, and
interest preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction
to the world, and to the merchants in general. Since it is left for
each nation to pursue their own measures in the execution of the late
treaty, may not Congress with propriety recommend a mode of executing
that article respecting the debts, and send it to each State to be
passed into law. Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts
must be paid, or our character stained with infamy among all nations
and through all time. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off,
it is a bagatelle, which, if not made good before the last instalment
becomes due, may be secured out of that.
I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty which had been
made by the imperial ambassador. The instructions from Congress being
in their favor, and Mr. Adams' opinion also, I encouraged them.
He expected his full powers when I went to England. Yet I did not
think, nor did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh
against the objects of that journey. He received them soon after my
departure, and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of
our propositions. I gave him one, but observed our commission had
then but a few days to run. He desired I should propose to Congress
the giving new powers to go on with this, and said, that in the
meantime he would arrange with us the plan. In a commercial view,
no great good is to be gained by this; but in a political one, it
may be expedient. As the treaty would, of course, be in the terms of
those of Prussia and Portugal, it will give us but little additional
embarrassment in any commercial regulations we may wish to establish.
The exceptions from these, which the other treaties will require, may
take in the treaty with the Emperor. I should be glad to communicate
some answer as soon as Congress shall have made up their minds on it.
My information to Congress on the subject of our commercial articles
with this country has only come down to January the 27th. Whether I
shall say anything on it in my letter to Mr. Jay by this conveyance,
depends on its not being too early for an appointment I expect hourly
from the Count de Vergennes, to meet him on this and other subjects. My
last information was, that the lease was too far advanced to withdraw
from it the article of tobacco, but that a clause is inserted in it,
empowering the King to discontinue it at any time. A discontinuance
is, therefore, the only remaining object, and as even this cannot
be effected till the expiration of the old lease, which is about the
end of the present year, I have wished only to stir the subject from
time to time, so as to keep it alive. This idea led me into a measure
proposed by the Marquis de La Fayette, whose return from Berlin found
the matter at that point, to which my former report to Congress had
conducted it. I communicated to him what I had been engaged on, what
were my prospects, and my purpose of keeping the subject just open.
He offered his services with that zeal which commands them on every
occasion respecting America. He suggested to me the meeting two or
three gentlemen, well acquainted with this business. We met. They urged
me to propose to the Count de Vergennes, the appointing a committee
to take the matter into consideration. I told them that decency would
not permit me to point out to the Count de Vergennes the mode by
which he should conduct a negotiation, but that I would press again
the necessity of an arrangement, if, whilst that should be operating
on his mind, they would suggest the appointment of a committee. The
Marquis offered his services for this purpose. The consequence was
the appointment of a committee, and the Marquis as a member of it. I
communicated to him my papers. He collected other lights wherever he
could, and particularly from the gentlemen with whom we had before
concerted, and who had a good acquaintance with the subject. The
Marquis became our champion in the committee, and two of its members,
who were of the corps of Farmers General, entered the lists on the
other side. Each gave in memorials. The lease, indeed, was signed
while I was gone to England, but the discussions were, and still are
continued in the committee, from which we derive two advantages: first,
that of showing that the object is not to be relinquished; and second,
that of enlightening government as to its true interest. The Count
de Vergennes is absolutely for it; but it is not in his department.
Calonnes is his friend, and in this instance his principle seems to
be, _Amica veritas, sed magis amicus Plato_. An additional hope is
founded in the expectation of a change of the minister of finance.
The present one is under the absolute control of the Farmers General.
The committee's views have been somewhat different from mine. They
despair of a suppression of the Farm, and therefore wish to obtain
palliatives, which would coincide with the particular good of this
country. I think that so long as the monopoly in the sale is kept up,
it is of no consequence to us how they modify the pill for their own
internal relief; but, on the contrary, the worse it remains, the more
necessary it will render a reformation. Any palliative would take
from us all those arguments and friends, that would be satisfied with
accommodation. The Marquis, though differing in opinion from me on this
point, has, however, adhered to my principle of absolute liberty or
nothing. In this condition is the matter at this moment. Whether I say
anything on the subject to Mr. Jay will depend on my interview with the
Count de Vergennes. I doubt whether that will furnish anything worth
communicating, and whether it will be in time. I therefore state thus
much to you, that you may see the matter is not laid aside.
I must beg leave to recommend Colonel Humphreys to your acquaintance
and good offices. He is an excellent man, an able one, and in need of
some provision. Besides former applications to me in favor of Dumas,
the Rhingrave of Salm (the effective minister of the government of
Holland, while their two ambassadors here are ostensible) who is
conducting secret arrangements for them with this court, presses his
interests on us. It is evident the two governments make a point of
it. You ask why they do not provide for him themselves? I am not able
to answer the question, but by a conjecture that Dumas's particular
ambition prefers an appointment from us. I know all the difficulty of
this application which Congress has to encounter. I see the reasons
against giving him the primary appointment at that court, and the
difficulty of his accommodating himself to a subordinate one. Yet I
think something must be done in it to gratify this court, of which we
must be always asking favors. In these countries, personal favors weigh
more than public interest. The minister who has asked a gratification
for Dumas, has embarked his own feelings and reputation in that demand.
I do not think it was discreet by any means. But this reflection might,
perhaps, aggravate a disappointment. I know not really what you can do;
but yet hope something will be done. Adieu, my dear Sir, and believe me
to be yours, affectionately.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, May 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I do myself the honor of enclosing to you letters which came
to hand last night, from Mr. Lambe, Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Barclay.
By these you will perceive that our peace is not to be purchased at
Algiers but at a price far beyond our powers. What that would be,
indeed, Mr. Lambe does not say, nor probably does he know. But, as he
knew our ultimatum, we are to suppose from his letter, that it would
be a price infinitely beyond that. A reference to Congress hereon
seems to be necessary. Till that can be obtained, Mr. Lambe must be
idle at Algiers, Carthagena, or elsewhere. Would he not be better
employed in going to Congress? They would be able to draw from him
and Mr. Randall, the information necessary to determine what they will
do. And if they determine to negotiate, they can re-appoint the same,
or appoint a new negotiator, according to the opinion they shall form
on their examination. I suggest this to you as my first thoughts; an
ultimate opinion should not be formed till we see Mr. Randall, who
may be shortly expected. In the meantime, should an opportunity occur,
favor me with your ideas hereon, that we may be maturing our opinions.
I shall send copies of these three letters to Mr. Jay, by the packet
which sails from L'Orient the first of next month.
* * * * *
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. ST. VICTOUR AND BETTINGER.
PARIS, May 12, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--On my return from London, which was but a few days ago, I
found your letter of April 8th. I communicated it to the Marquis de La
Fayette, to whom, equally with myself, an attention to the purchase of
arms has been recommended by the State of Virginia. Before we can order
the receipt of the arms at Bordeaux, we are of opinion they should
previously go through all the examinations and proofs usually practised
with the King's arms. As the Marquis is best acquainted with the detail
of these, I have asked and obtained his leave to refer you to him on
the subject. You will, therefore, be so good as to confer with him
thereon. I have an opportunity of writing to the Governor of Virginia
to-morrow, and I should be well pleased to be able to inform him what
number of arms you have now ready to deliver, and what other numbers
you expect to deliver, with the epochs of delivery. If you could give
me this information by the return of the bearer, at any time to-day, it
would much oblige, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant.
TO HONORABLE J. JAY.
PARIS, May 12, 1786.
SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of addressing you from this
place were of the 2d and 27th of January. Those from London were of the
12th of March, and 23d of April.
In the month of February, the Baron de Blome, minister plenipotentiary
at this court from Denmark, informed me that he was instructed by
his court to give notice to the ministers from the United States,
appointed to negotiate a treaty of commerce with them that the Baron
de Waltersdorff, formerly commissioned by them for the same purpose,
had received another destination, which called him to the West
Indies, that they were sensible of the advantages which would arise
to the two countries from a commercial intercourse--that their ports
accordingly were placed on a very free footing, as they supposed ours
to be also--that they supposed the commerce on each part might be
well conducted under the actual arrangements, but that whenever any
circumstances should arise which would render particular stipulations
more eligible, they would be ready to concur with the United States
in establishing them, being desirous of continuing on the terms of the
strictest harmony and friendship with them.
In my letter of Jan. 27th, I informed you of what had passed between
the Imperial Ambassador and Secretary of Embassy and myself, on the
subject of the treaty with their sovereign. The Ambassador was in
hourly expectation of receiving his full powers when I was called
to London. Though I had received Mr. Adams's opinion in favor of
our proceeding in the treaty, yet it was neither his nor my opinion
that this object should overweigh those which called me to London. A
treaty with Portugal was more important, exclusive of what was to be
done with England and the States of Barbary. On my return to Paris,
the Secretary called on me to inform me the Ambassador had received
his full powers very soon after my departure, and was now ready to
begin on our arrangements; that he was sensible, however, that these
could not be settled before our commission would expire, but as he
supposed Congress would be willing to renew it, we might proceed to
confer together, leaving the effect of our conferences to rest on the
event of a removal of the commission. He asked, also, a draft of our
propositions as a ground work to proceed on. I met with the Ambassador
a few days after. He said the same things in substance, and concluded
by asking our propositions. I gave him a draught, which was a copy
of what we had originally proposed to Denmark, with such alterations
as had occurred, and been approved in our negotiations with Prussia,
Tuscany and Portugal.
The enclosed letters of December 9th and January 18th, from O'Bryan,
of February 24th, March 12th, 20th, 23d, 27th, 31st, April 8th and
10th from Mr. Barclay, of March 29th from Mr. Lambe, and February 3d
and April 12th from Mr. Carmichael, will put you in possession of my
latest intelligence of the affairs of Morocco and Algiers. You will
perceive by them that Mr. Randall may be daily expected here. If the
propositions to Algiers appear from his account to be as unhopeful
as Mr. Lambe seems to consider them, it is not impossible that Mr.
Adams and myself may think that, instead of remaining at Carthagena,
as Mr. Lambe proposes, it will be better for him to proceed to
Congress. Without occasioning any loss of time, this will offer the two
advantages of giving them all the information he may be possessed of,
and of putting it in their power to appoint any negotiator they may
think proper, should they find negotiations still eligible. However,
Mr. Adams and myself shall have better grounds to decide on when we
shall receive the information from Mr. Randall.
Colonel Humphreys carried you the London Gazette to the beginning of
April. I now enclose it from that to the present date, together with
the Gazette of France from February 3d, to May 12th. I have the honor
to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY.
PARIS, May 22, 1786.
SIR,--The duty has been imposed on me of making the following
communication to Congress. It is necessary for me previously to observe
that, though the government of the United Netherlands have both an
ordinary and an extraordinary ambassador here, yet the Patriotic party,
now decisively possessed of the powers of government, have sent hither
the Rhingrave de Salm, as possessing their plenary confidence, to treat
with this Court on some matters not yet made known to the public. His
character and credit accordingly are so well known here, that, passing
by the regular ambassador, they are actually in negotiation with him.
He took occasion to speak with me to-day on the subject of Mr. Dumas.
After saying much in his favor, he assured me that Congress could not
so much oblige the Patriotic party as by naming Mr. Dumas to their
diplomatic appointment at the Hague; and, further, that should they
have anything interesting to do there, there was no other man who
could do it so effectually as Mr. Dumas. I wished to avoid flattering
his expectations, and therefore mentioned to him the resolution of
Congress confining their diplomatic appointments to citizens of the
United States. He seemed to admit they could not expect him to be made
minister plenipotentiary, but asked if it would not be possible to give
him another character. I told him we were in the usage of appointing
only one character inferior to that of minister plenipotentiary,
which was that of chargé des affaires. That I was far from presuming
to say that could be obtained in the present case; but that one other
difficulty occurred to me in that moment. I observed that they had a
minister plenipotentiary with Congress, and that Congress, naming for
their Court only a chargé des affaires, might, perhaps, be considered
as disrespectful, and might occasion the recall of their minister. He
assured me it could not; nay, that it should not. We are, continued
he, but a party, and therefore cannot make a general declaration on
this subject; but we know how far we can undertake; and, if you please,
the members of our party shall go and make a declaration privately
before the French ambassador at our Court, that nothing amiss shall
be conceived of it. I told him this would not be desired. He asked
me if I thought Count de Vergennes' writing a second letter on this
subject would be of service. I told him not to suppose a repetition
of his application could be material. My object in avoiding a second
letter from the Count de Vergennes as well as the declaration before
the French ambassador, was that embarrassments might not be multiplied,
if Congress should not think proper to comply with their request.
He concluded by desiring I would urge this matter to Congress. It
seems certain that Mr. Dumas has rendered himself very useful to the
government of both France and Holland in the late negotiations. It was
natural, therefore, that these governments should provide for him. I
know not how it has happened that we are resorted to on the occasion,
unless, perhaps, it is the particular wish of Mr. Dumas to receive this
species of reward. Be this as it may, the reigning party in the United
Netherlands, and the government of this country, commit themselves on
this application, and it becomes a matter of calculation, in which
their favor and the occasions we may have for it, are to be weighed
against the sacrifices the present application call for. To pronounce
on this would be beyond my province, which is merely that of being the
channel of communication. This being desired in form, I suppose it is
my duty to comply with.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, May 23, 1786.
SIR,--Letters received both from Madrid and Algiers, while I was in
London, having suggested that treaties with the States of Barbary
would be much facilitated by a previous one with the Ottoman porte, it
was agreed between Mr. Adams and myself, that, on my return, I should
consult on this subject the Count de Vergennes, whose long residence
at Constantinople rendered him the best judge of its expediency.
Various circumstances have put it out of my power to consult him, till
to-day. I stated to him the difficulties we were likely to meet with at
Algiers; and asked his opinion what would be the probable expense of a
diplomatic mission to Constantinople, and what its effect at Algiers.
He said that the expense would be very great, for that presents must
be made at that court, and every one would be gaping after them; and
that it would not procure us a peace at Algiers one penny the cheaper.
He observed that the Barbary States acknowledged a sort of vassalage
to the Porte, and availed themselves of that relation, when anything
was to be gained by it; but that whenever it subjected them to a
demand from the Porte, they totally disregarded it; that money was the
sole agent at Algiers, except so far as fear could be induced also.
He cited the present example of Spain, which, though having a treaty
with the Porte, would probably be obliged to buy a peace at Algiers,
at the expense of upwards of six millions of livres. I told him we had
calculated from the demands and information of the Tripoline ambassador
at London, that to make peace with the four Barbary States would cost
us between two and three hundred thousand guineas, if bought with
money. The sum did not seem to exceed his expectations. I mentioned
to him that, considering the uncertainty of a peace, when bought,
perhaps Congress might think it more eligible to establish a cruise
of frigates in the Mediterranean, and even to blockade Algiers. He
supposed it would require ten vessels, great and small. I observed to
him that Monsieur de Massiac had formerly done it with five; he said
it was true, but that vessels of relief would be necessary. I hinted
to him that I thought the English capable of administering aid to the
Algerines. He seemed to think it impossible, on account of the scandal
it would bring on them. I asked him what had occasioned the blockade
by Monsieur de Massiac; he said an infraction of their treaty by the
Algerines.
I had a good deal of conversation with him, also, on the situation
of affairs between England and the United States; and particularly
on their refusal to deliver up our posts. I observed to him that the
obstructions thrown in the way of the recovery of their debts were
the effect, and not the cause, as they pretended, of their refusal to
deliver up the posts; that the merchants interested in these debts,
showed a great disposition to make arrangements with us; that the
article of time we could certainly have settled, and probably that
of the interest during the war; but that the minister, showing no
disposition to have these matters arranged, I thought it a sufficient
proof that this was not the true cause of their retaining the posts.
He concurred as to the justice of our requiring time for the payment
of our debts; said nothing which showed a difference of opinion as to
the article of interest, and seemed to believe fully that their object
was to divert the channel of the fur trade, before they delivered
up the posts, and expressed a strong sense of the importance of that
commerce to us. I told him I really could not foresee what would be
the event of this detention; that the situation of the British funds,
and the desire of their minister to begin to reduce the national debt,
seemed to indicate that they could not wish a war. He thought so, but
that neither were we in a condition to go to war. I told him I was yet
uninformed what Congress proposed to do on this subject, but that we
should certainly always count on the good offices of France, and I was
sure that the offer of them would suffice to induce Great Britain to do
us justice. He said that surely we might always count on the friendship
of France. I added, that by the treaty of alliance, she was bound to
guarantee our limits to us, as they should be established at the moment
of peace. He said they were so, "_mais qu'il nous etoit necessaire de
les constater_." I told him there was no question what our boundaries
were; that the English themselves admitted they were clear beyond
all question. I feared, however, to press this any further, lest a
reciprocal question should be put to me, and therefore diverted the
conversation to another object.
This is a sketch only of a conference which was long. I have endeavored
to give the substance, and sometimes the expressions, where they were
material. I supposed it would be agreeable to Congress to have it
communicated to them, in the present undecided state in which these
subjects are. I should add, that an explanation of the transaction of
Monsieur de Massiac with the Algerines, before hinted at, will be found
in the enclosed letter from the Count d'Estaing to me, wherein he gives
also his own opinion. The whole is submitted to Congress, as I conceive
it my duty to furnish them with whatever information I can gather,
which may throw any light on the subjects depending before them.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.[117]
PARIS, May 31, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's letter of yesterday,
enclosing a copy of the Resolutions of the Committee on the subject of
tobacco, and am bound to make my acknowledgments for this attention to
the commerce between this country and the United States, which will,
I hope, by this measure, be kept alive till more simple and permanent
arrangements become practicable. I have communicated it to Congress by
an opportunity which offered this morning. Perhaps it is for the want
of information that I apprehend it possible for the London merchants,
availing themselves of their early notice of this regulation, and
their proximity to the port of France, to run in French vessels the
whole 15,000 hogsheads of the first year, before the French or American
merchants can possibly bring them from America. This might defeat the
end of the regulation, as those merchants would take payment in cash
and not in merchandise. I suppose the Committee had in view _Tobaccos
coming last from a port of the United States_, and that it may not
be yet too late to restrain the orders to such only. Of this your
Excellency is the best judge, to whom I have the honor of submitting
the doubt; and am, with sentiments of the most profound respect and
esteem, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.
TO M. LA MORLIENE.
PARIS, June 3, 1786.
SIR,--It is six years since the paper money of New England has ceased
to circulate as money. It is considered at present as making a part
of the national debt, and that the holders of it will be entitled
to receive from the public as much gold or silver as the paper money
could have brought at the time it was received by the holder, with an
interest of 6 per cent. per annum. But, as yet, no precise arrangements
have been taken for the payment either of principal or interest. Most
of the subjects of France, having paper money, have deposited it in the
hands of the French Minister or Council at New York, that payment may
be demanded whenever it shall be provided by Congress. There are even
speculators in America who will purchase it. But they give much less
than its worth. As for myself I do not deal in it. I am, Sir, your very
humble servant.
TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY.
PARIS, June 15, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--The model of the Capitol being at length finished, I have
sent it down the Seine to Havre, it being necessary that it should go
by water. I have not collected the accounts, but shall soon do it, and
forward them to you; they will be less than I had expected. I shall
pray you to account for their amount to the Governor and Council, as
I have with them an account into which it will be easier for me to
transfer the article. I enclose directions for opening the boxes in
which the model is, and I shall put two copies of those directions
under other covers to you in hopes some one of them may reach you
with or before the model. I have the honor to be with much esteem,
Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant.
TO LA FAYETTE.
PARIS, June 15, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Monsieur Farrin called on me on the subject of making
Honfleur a free port, and wished me to solicit it. I told him it was
for our interest, as for that also of all the world, that every port of
France, and of every other country, should be free: that therefore we
would wish Honfleur to be made so: that if the matter was in agitation,
the Count de Vergennes would probably speak of it to me, in which case
I should tell him with candor what I thought of it, but that I could
not solicit it, as I had no instructions to do so. So far I said to
him. I did not add, what I may safely do to you, that the measures
proposed being more for the interest of France than of the United
States, there is no reason for our desiring its adoption to be placed
on the ground of favor to us; and again, that those who have had and
who may yet have occasion to ask great favors, should never ask small
ones. I have, therefore, thought it better that the United States
should not be engaged in this negotiation. If the government, for its
own interest, will make the port free, I shall be glad of it; but do
not wish it enough to ask it. If you should be of a different opinion,
I should be glad to converse with you on the subject. I write without
reserve, knowing that you will be pleased with it; and that your zeal
for our interest will induce you to do what is for the best. I am, my
dear Sir, yours affectionately.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, June 20, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 5th of May, by Baron Waltersdorff.
Since that I have been honored with yours of April the 13th, and May
the 16th and 18th. The present covers letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr.
Randall, informing them that the demands of Algiers for the ransom
of our prisoners and also for peace are so infinitely beyond our
instructions, that we must refer the matter back to Congress, and
therefore praying them to come on immediately. I will beg the favor of
you to forward these letters. The whole of this business, therefore, is
suspended till we receive further orders, except as to Mr. Barclay's
mission. Your bills have been received and honored. The first, naming
expressly a letter of advice, and none coming, it was refused till the
receipt of your letter to me, in which you mentioned that you had drawn
two bills. I immediately informed Mr. Grand, who thereupon honored the
bill.
I have received no public letters of late date. Through other channels,
I have collected some articles of information, which may be acceptable
to you.
* * * * *
In a letter of March the 20th, from Dr. Franklin to me, is this
passage: "As to public affairs, the Congress has not been able to
assemble more than seven or eight States during the whole winter,
so the treaty with Prussia remains still unratified, though there is
no doubt of its being done soon, as a full Congress is expected next
month. The disposition to furnish Congress with ample powers augments
daily, as people become more enlightened. And I do not remember ever
to have seen, during my long life, more signs of public felicity than
appear at present throughout these States; the cultivators of the
earth, who make the bulk of our nation, have made good crops, which are
paid for at high prices, with ready money; the artisans too, receive
high wages; and the value of all real estates is augmented greatly.
Merchants and shopkeepers, indeed, complain that there is not business
enough. But this is evidently not owing to the fewness of buyers,
but to the too great number of sellers; for the consumption of goods
was never greater, as appears by the dress, furniture, and manner of
living, of all ranks of the people." His health is good, except as to
the stone, which does not grow worse. I thank you for your attention
to my request about the books, which Mr. Barclay writes me he has
forwarded from Cadiz. I have the honor to be with great respect, dear
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. LAMBE.
PARIS, June 20, 1786.
SIR,--Having communicated to Mr. Adams the information received at
different times, from yourself, from Mr. Randall and Mr. Carmichael,
we find that the sum likely to be demanded by Algiers for the ransom
of our prisoners, as well as for peace, is so infinitely beyond our
powers, and the expectations of Congress, that it has become our duty
to refer the whole matter back to them. Whether they will choose to buy
a peace, to force one, or to do nothing, will rest in their pleasure.
But that they may have all the information possible to guide them in
their deliberations, we think it important that you should return to
them. No time will be lost by this, and perhaps time may be gained. It
is, therefore, our joint desire, that you repair immediately to New
York, for the purpose of giving to Congress all the information on
this subject which your journey has enabled you to acquire. You will
consider this request as coming from Mr. Adams as well as myself, as
it is by express authority from him that I join him in it. I am of
opinion it will be better for you to come to Marseilles and by Paris;
because there is a possibility that fresh orders to us, from Congress,
might render it useful that we, also, should have received from you
all possible information on this subject. And, perhaps, no time may be
lost by this, as it might be long before you would get a passage from
Alicant to America.
I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. JAY.
PARIS, July 8, 1786
SIR,--My letters to you by the last French packet were dated May 12,
22, 23, 27, 27, and I sent, by the way of London, one dated May 21.
Since this, I have been honored with yours of May the 5th. The letter
therein enclosed for Mr. Dumas has been duly forwarded; and the report
on the subject of the Consular convention I delivered to Count de
Vergennes the first levee day after the return of the King, who was
gone to Cherbourg at the time of my receiving it. Mr. Randall, being so
far on his return, and meaning to go by the way of London, where his
stay will be short, he will be the bearer of this letter, with which
I have an opportunity of enclosing the last letters I have received
from Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lambe. Mr. Barclay left Cadiz soon after the
date of his letter. I wrote to Mr. Lambe on the 20th of June, with
the concurrence of Mr. Adams, to repair to Congress with all possible
despatch, recommending, but not enjoining, his coming by the way of
Versailles and Paris, supposing it possible that the information he
might communicate might be usefully applied by Mr. Adams and myself
in the execution of the commands of Congress. I afterwards wrote him
another letter, desiring expressly that if this route was likely to
retard much his attendance on Congress, he would take such other as
would be shortest. At the desire of Monsieur Houdon, I have the honor
to enclose to you his propositions for making the equestrian statue of
General Washington. In the autumn of the last year, I received letters
from an American master of a ship of the name of Asquith, informing me
that he had had a most disastrous passage across the Atlantic, that
they had put into Brest then in such distress that they were obliged
to make the first port possible, that they had been immediately seized
by the officers of the Farmers General, their vessel and her lading
seized, and that themselves were then in jail suffering from every
want. Letters by every post gave me to believe their distress was very
real. As all their cash was soon exhausted, and the winter setting in
very severely, I desired a merchant in Brest to furnish them a livre
a day a piece. It was sometime before I could ascertain the nature of
the proceedings against them. It proved at length to be a prosecution
as for endeavoring to introduce tobacco in contraband. I was induced
to order this allowance from evidence that the men, six in number,
must inevitably perish if left to the pittance allowed by the Farmers
General to their prisoners, and from a hope that the matter would soon
be decided. I was led on by this delusive hope from week to week,
and month to month, and it proved to be ten months before they were
discharged. I applied early to Count de Vergennes, and was informed
by him that the matter being in a regular course of law, there could
be no interference, and that if the sentence should be against them I
might expect a remission of so much of it as should depend on the King.
They were condemned to forfeit their vessel and cargo, to a fine, and
to the gallies. The fine and condemnation to the gallies were remitted
immediately by the King, but the forfeiture of vessel and cargo being
for the benefit of the Farmers, he could not remit that. They were
also to pay the expenses of their prosecution, and to remain in jail
till they did it. So that, upon the whole, I was obliged to advance
for them 2620_l._ 2_s._, being somewhat upwards of 100 guineas; for
which I informed Asquith, from the beginning, he must consider himself
as answerable to the United States. I accordingly enclose the account
showing the purposes for which the money was paid, and his own original
acknowledgment that it was for his use. I own I am uncertain whether
I have done right in this; but I am persuaded some of them would have
perished without this advance; I therefore thought it one of those
cases where citizens, being under unexpected calamity, have a right to
call for the patronage of the public servants. All the disinterested
testimony I have been able to get has been in favor of the innocence
of these men. Count de Vergennes, however, believed them guilty; and
I was assured the depositions regularly taken were much against them.
I enclose herewith the state of their case as it appeared to me in the
beginning, and as I communicated it by letter to the minister.
Having been lately desired by the Swedish Ambassador here, to state
to him what I thought the best measure for rendering the island of St.
Bartholomew useful to the commerce of Sweden and the United States, I
did it in a letter of which I enclose a copy. My view in doing it is,
that if any farther or better measure should occur to Congress, on its
being communicated to me, I can still suggest it to the Ambassador,
probably before any final decision.
It being material that the reduction of the duties on whale oil, which
would expire with the close of this year, should be revised in time
for the whalemen to take measures in consequence, we have applied
for a continuance of the reduction, and even for an abolition of all
duties. The committee, of the creation of which I informed you in my
letter of May 27, and of which the M. de La Fayette is a member, were
in favor of the abolition. But there is little prospect, perhaps none
at all, of obtaining confirmation of their sentence. I have no doubt of
the continuance of the abatement of the duties on the footing stated
in that letter. The term of three years will probably be adopted. The
gazettes of Leyden and of France, from the former to the present date,
accompany this. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most
perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, July 9, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 23d of May. Your favor of that
date did not come to hand till the 19th of June. In consequence of it
I wrote the next day letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr. Randall, copies of
which I have now the honor to enclose you. In these, you will perceive
I had desired Mr. Randall, who was supposed to be at Madrid, to return
immediately to Paris and London, and to Mr. Lambe, supposed at Alicant,
I recommended the route of Marseilles and Paris, expecting that no
direct passage could be had from Alicant to America, and meaning,
on his arrival here, to advise him to proceed by the way of London,
that you also might have an opportunity of deriving from him all the
information he could give. On the 2d of July, Mr. Randall arrived here,
and delivered me a letter from Mr. Lambe, dated May the 20th, of which
I enclose you a copy, as well as of another of June the 5th, which
had come to hand some time before. Copies of these I have also sent
to Mr. Jay. Yours of the 29th of June, by Dr. Bancroft, and enclosing
a draught of a joint letter to Mr. Lambe, came to hand on the 5th
instant. I immediately signed and forwarded it, as it left him more at
liberty as to his route than mine had done. Mr. Randall will deliver
you the present and supply the informations heretofore received. I
think with you that Congress must begin by getting money. When they
have this, it is a matter of calculation whether they will buy a peace,
or force one, or do nothing. I am also to acknowledge the receipt of
your favors of June 6, 25 and 26. The case of Grosse shall be attended
to. I am not certain, however, whether my appearing in it may not do
him harm by giving the captors a hope that our government will redeem
their citizens. I have, therefore, taken measures to find them out
and sound them. If nothing can be done privately, I will endeavor to
interest this government.
Have you no news yet of the treaty with Portugal? does it hang with
that court? My letters from New York of the 11th of May inform me
that there were then eleven States present, and that they should
ratify the Prussian treaty immediately. As the time for the exchange
of ratifications is drawing to a close, tell me what is to be done,
and how this exchange is to be made. We may as well have this settled
between us before the arrival of the ratification, that no time may
be lost after that. I learn through the Marechal de Castries that he
has information of New York's having ceded the impost in the form
desired by Congress, so as to close this business. Corrections in
the acts of Maryland, Pennsylvania, &c., will come of course. We
have taken up again the subject of whale oil, that they may know in
time in America what is to be done in it. I fear we shall not obtain
any farther abatement of duties; but the last abatement will be
continued for three years. The whole duties payable here are nearly
one hundred and two livres on the English ton, which is an atom more
than four guineas, according to the present exchange. The monopoly of
the purchase of tobacco for this country, which had been obtained by
Robert Morris, had thrown the commerce of that article in agonies. He
had been able to reduce the price in America from 40 to 22_l._ lawful
the hundred weight, and all other merchants being deprived of that
medium of remittance, the commerce between American and that country,
so far as it depended on that article, which was very capitally too,
was absolutely ceasing. An order has been obtained, obliging the
Farmers General to purchase from such other merchants as shall offer
fifteen thousand hogsheads of tobacco at thirty-four, thirty-six and
thirty-eight livres the hundred, according to the quality, and to grant
to the sellers in other respects the same terms as they had granted
to Robert Morris. As this agreement with Morris is the basis of this
order, I send you some copies of it, which I will thank you to give to
any American (not British) merchants in London who may be in that line.
Seeing the year this contract has subsided, Virginia and Maryland have
lost £400,000 by the reduction of the price of their tobacco.
I am meditating what step to take to provoke a letter from Mrs. Adams,
from whom my files inform me I have not received one these hundred
years. In the meantime, present my affectionate respects to her, and be
assured of the friendship and esteem with which I have the honor to be,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, July 9, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 10th of May; since which your favor
of May the 11th has come to hand. The political world enjoys great
quiet here. The King of Prussia is still living, but like the snuff
of a candle, which sometimes seems out, and then blazes up again. Some
think that his death will not produce any immediate effect in Europe.
His kingdom, like a machine, will go on for some time with the winding
up he has given it. The King's visit to Cherbourg has made a great
sensation in England and here. It proves to the world, that it is a
serious object to this country, and that the King commits himself for
the accomplishment of it. Indeed, so many cones have been sunk, that no
doubt remains of the practicability of it. It will contain, as is said,
eighty ships of the line, be one of the best harbors in the world, and
by means of two entrances, on different sides, will admit vessels to
come in and go out with every wind. The effect of this, in another war
with England, defies calculation. Having no news to communicate, I will
recur to the subjects of your letter of May the 11th.
With respect to the new States, were the question to stand simply in
this form, How may the ultramontane territory be disposed of, so as to
produce the greatest and most immediate benefit to the inhabitants of
the maritime States of the Union? the plan would be more plausible,
of laying it off into two or three States only. Even on this view,
however, there would still be something to be said against it, which
might render it at least doubtful. But that is a question which good
faith forbids us to receive into discussion. This requires us to state
the question in its just form, How may the territories of the Union
be disposed of, so as to produce the greatest degree of happiness
to their inhabitants? With respect to the maritime States, little or
nothing remains to be done. With respect, then, to the ultramontane
States, will their inhabitants be happiest, divided into States of
thirty-thousand square miles, not quite as large as Pennsylvania, or
into States of one hundred and sixty thousand square miles, each, that
is to say, three times as large as Virginia within the Alleghany? They
will not only be happier in States of moderate size, but it is the
only way in which they can exist as a regular society. Considering the
American character in general, that of those people particularly, and
the energetic nature of our governments, a State of such extent as one
hundred and sixty thousand square miles, would soon crumble into little
ones. These are the circumstances which reduce the Indians to such
small societies. They would produce an effect on our people, similar
to this. They would not be broken into such small pieces, because they
are more habituated to subordination, and value more a government of
regular law. But you would surely reverse the nature of things, in
making small States on the ocean, and large ones beyond the mountains.
If we could, in our consciences, say, that great States beyond the
mountains will make the people happiest, we must still ask, whether
they will be contented to be laid off into large States? They certainly
will not; and, if they decide to divide themselves, we are not able
to restrain them. They will end by separating from our confederacy,
and becoming its enemies. We had better, then, look forward, and see
what will be the probable course of things. This will surely be a
division of that country into States of a small, or, at most, of a
moderate size. If we lay them off into such, they will acquiesce; and
we shall have the advantage of arranging them, so as to produce the
best combinations of interest. What Congress have already done in this
matter is an argument the more in favor of the revolt of those States
against a different arrangement, and of their acquiescence under a
continuance of that. Upon this plan, we treat them as fellow citizens;
they will have a just share in their own government; they will love
us, and pride themselves in an union with us. Upon the other, we treat
them as subjects; we govern them, and not they themselves; they will
abhor us as masters, and break off from us in defiance. I confess to
you, that I can see no other turn that these two plans would take. But
I respect your opinion, and your knowledge of the country too much, to
be ever confident in my own.
I thank you sincerely for your communication, that my not having
sooner given notice of the _Arrets_ relative to fish gave discontent
to some persons. These are the most friendly offices you can do me,
because they enable me to justify myself, if I am right, or correct
myself, if wrong. If those, who thought I might have been remiss,
would have written to me on the subject, I should have admired them
for their candor, and thanked them for it: for I have no jealousies
nor resentments at things of this kind, where I have no reason to
believe they have been excited by a hostile spirit; and I suspect
no such spirit in a single member of Congress. You know there were
two _Arrets_; the first of August the 30th, 1784, the second of the
18th and 25th of September, 1785. As to the first, it would be a
sufficient justification of myself to say, that it was in the time
of my predecessor, nine months before I came into office, and that
there was no more reason for my giving information of it, when I did
come into office, than of all the other transactions which preceded
that period. But this would seem to lay a blame on Dr. Franklin, for
not communicating it, which I am confident he did not deserve. This
government affects a secrecy in all its transactions whatsoever, though
they be of a nature not to admit a perfect secrecy. Their _Arrets_,
respecting the islands, go to those islands, and are unpublished and
unknown in France, except in the bureau where they are formed. That of
August, 1784, would probably be communicated to the merchants of the
seaport towns also. But Paris having no commercial connections with
them, if anything makes its way from a seaport town to Paris, it must
be by accident. We have, indeed, agents in these seaports; but they
value their offices so little, that they do not trouble themselves to
inform us of what is passing there. As a proof that these things do
not transpire here, nor are easily got at, recollect that Mr. Adams,
Dr. Franklin, and myself were all here, on the spot together, from
August, 1784, to June, 1785, that is to say, ten months, and yet not
one of us knew of the _Arret_ of August, 1784. September the 18th and
25th, 1785, the second was passed. And here alone I became responsible.
I think it was about six weeks before I got notice of it, that is, in
November. On the 20th of that month, writing to Count de Vergennes on
another subject, I took occasion to remonstrate to him on that. But
from early in November, when the Fitzhughs went to America, I had
never a confidential opportunity of writing to Mr. Jay from hence,
directly, for several months. In a letter of December the 14th to Mr.
Jay, I mentioned to him the want of an opportunity to write to him
confidentially, which obliged me, at that moment, to write by post, via
London, and on such things only as both post offices were welcome to
see. On the 2d of January, Mr. Bingham setting out for London, I wrote
to Mr. Jay, sending him a copy of my letter to Count de Vergennes, and
stating something which had passed in conversation on the same subject.
I prayed Mr. Bingham to take charge of the letter, and either to send
it by a safe hand, or carry it himself, as circumstances should render
most advisable. I believe he kept it, to carry himself. He did not
sail from London till about the 12th of March, nor arrived in America
till about the middle of May. Thus you see, that causes had prevented
a letter which I had written on the 20th of November from getting
to America till the month of May. No wonder, then, if notice of this
_Arret_ came first to you by way of the West Indies; and, in general,
I am confident that you will receive notice of the regulations of this
country, respecting their islands, by the way of those islands before
you will from hence. Nor can this be remedied, but by a system of
bribery which would end in the corruption of your own ministers, and
produce no good adequate to the expense. Be so good as to communicate
these circumstances to the persons who you think may have supposed me
guilty of remissness on this occasion.
I will turn to a subject more pleasing to both, and give you my
sincere congratulations on your marriage. Your own dispositions and the
inherent comforts of that state, will insure you a great addition of
happiness. Long may you live to enjoy it, and enjoy it in full measure.
The interest I feel in every one connected with you, will justify my
presenting my earliest respects to the lady, and of tendering her the
homage of my friendship. I shall be happy, at all times, to be useful
to either of you, and to receive your commands. I enclose you the bill
of lading of your Encyclopedie. With respect to the remittance of it,
of which you make mention, I beg you not to think of it. I know, by
experience, that on proceeding to make a settlement in life, a man has
need of all his resources; and I should be unhappy were you to lessen
them, by an attention to this trifle. Let it be till you have nothing
else to do with your money. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the
esteem with which I am, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, July 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Our instructions relative to the Barbary States having
required us to proceed by way of negotiation to obtain their peace, it
became our duty to do this to the best of our power. Whatever might be
our private opinions, they were to be suppressed, and the line, marked
out to us, was to be followed. It has been so, honestly and zealously.
It was, therefore, never material for us to consult together, on the
best plan of conduct towards these States. I acknowledge, I very early
thought it would be best to effect a peace through the medium of war.
Though it is a question with which we have nothing to do, yet as you
propose some discussion of it, I shall trouble you with my reasons. Of
the four positions laid down in your letter of the 3d instant, I agree
to the three first, which are, in substance, that the good offices of
our friends cannot procure us a peace, without paying its price; that
they cannot materially lessen that price; and that paying it, we can
have the peace in spite of the intrigues of our enemies. As to the
fourth, that the longer the negotiation is delayed, the larger will be
the demand; this will depend on the intermediate captures: if they are
many and rich, the price may be raised; if few and poor, it will be
lessened. However, if it is decided that we shall buy a peace, I know
no reason for delaying the operation, but should rather think it ought
to be hastened; but I should prefer the obtaining it by war.
1. Justice is in favor of this opinion. 2. Honor favors it. 3. It will
procure us respect in Europe; and respect is a safeguard to interest.
4. It will arm the federal head with the safest of all the instruments
of coercion over its delinquent members, and prevent it from using what
would be less safe. I think that so far, you go with me. But in the
next steps, we shall differ. 5. I think it least expensive. 6. Equally
effectual. I ask a fleet of one hundred and fifty guns, the one-half
of which shall be in constant cruise. This fleet, built, manned and
victualled for six months will cost four hundred and fifty thousand
pounds sterling. Its annual expense will be three hundred pounds
sterling a gun, including everything; this will be forty-five thousand
pounds sterling a year. I take British experience for the basis of
my calculation: though we know, from our own experience, that we can
do in this way, for pounds lawful, what costs them pounds sterling.
Were we to charge all this to the Algerine war, it would amount to
little more than we must pay, if we buy peace. But as is it proper and
necessary that we should establish a small marine force, (even were we
to buy a peace from the Algerines,) and as that force, laid up in our
dock-yards, would cost us half as much annually, as if kept in order
for service, we have a right to say that only twenty-two thousand
and five hundred pounds sterling, per annum, should be charged to the
Algerine war. 6. It will be as effectual. To all the mismanagements
of Spain and Portugal, urged to show that war against those people is
ineffectual, I urge a single fact to prove the contrary, where there
is any management. About forty years ago, the Algerines having broke
their treaty with France, this court sent Monsieur de Massiac, with
one large, and two small frigates; he blockaded the harbor of Algiers
three months, and they subscribed to the terms he proposed. If it be
admitted, however, that war, on the fairest prospects, is still exposed
to uncertainties, I weigh against this, the greater uncertainty of
the duration of a peace bought with money, from such a people, from a
Dey eighty years old, and by a nation who, on the hypothesis of buying
peace, is to have no power on the sea, to enforce an observance of it.
So far, I have gone on the supposition that the whole weight of this
war would rest on us. But, 1. Naples will join us. The character
of their naval minister (Acton), his known sentiments with respect
to the peace Spain is officiously trying to make for them, and his
dispositions against the Algerines, give the best grounds to believe
it. 2. Every principle of reason assures us that Portugal will join us.
I state this as taking for granted, what all seem to believe, that they
will not be at peace with Algiers. I suppose, then, that a convention
might be formed between Portugal, Naples and the United States, by
which the burthen of the war might be quotaed on them, according to
their respective wealth; and the term of it should be, when Algiers
should subscribe to a peace with all three, on equal terms. This might
be left open for other nations to accede to, and many, if not most of
the powers of Europe, (except France, England, Holland, and Spain, if
her peace be made) would sooner or later enter into the confederacy,
for the sake of having their peace with the piratical States guaranteed
by the whole. I suppose, that, in this case, our proportion of force
would not be the half of what I first calculated on.
These are the reasons which have influenced my judgment on this
question. I give them to you, to show you that I am imposed on by a
semblance of reason, at least; and not with an expectation of their
changing your opinion. You have viewed the subject, I am sure, in
all its bearings. You have weighed both questions, with all their
circumstances. You make the result different from what I do. The same
facts impress us differently. This is enough to make me suspect an
error in my process of reasoning, though I am not able to detect it. It
is of no consequence; as I have nothing to say in the decision, and am
ready to proceed heartily on any other plan which may be adopted, if
my agency should be thought useful. With respect to the dispositions
of the State, I am utterly uninformed. I cannot help thinking, however,
that on a view of all the circumstances, they might be united in either
of the plans.
Having written this on the receipt of your letter, without knowing
of any opportunity of sending it, I know not when it will go; I add
nothing, therefore, on any other subject, but assurances of the sincere
esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COMMODORE JONES.
PARIS, July 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I am perfectly ready to transmit to America any accounts or
proofs you may think proper. Nobody can wish more that justice be done
you, nor is more ready to be instrumental in doing whatever may insure
it. It is only necessary for me to avoid the presumption of appearing
to decide where I have no authority to do it. I will this evening lodge
in the hands of Mr. Grand the original order of the board of treasury,
with instructions to receive from you the balance you propose to pay,
for which he will give you a receipt on the back of the order. I will
confer with you when you please on the affair of Denmark, and am,
with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO M. DE CREVECOEUR.
PARIS, July 11, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with a letter from M. Delisle, Lieutenant
General au bailleage de lain, to which is annexed a postscript from
yourself. Being unable to write in French so as to be sure of conveying
my true meaning, or perhaps any meaning at all, I will beg of you to
interpret what I have now the honor to write.
It is time that the United States, generally, and most of the separate
States in particular, are endeavoring to establish means to pay the
interest of their public debt regularly, and to sink its principal by
degrees. But as yet, their efforts have been confined to that part of
their debts which is evidenced by _certificate_. I do not think that
any State has yet taken measures for paying their _paper money_ debt.
The principle on which it shall be paid I take to be settled, though
not directly, yet virtually, by the resolution of Congress of June 3d,
1784; that is, that they will pay the holder, or his representative,
what the money was worth at the time he received it, with an interest
from that time of six per cent, per annum. It is not said in the letter
whether the money received by Barboutin was Continental money; nor
is it said at what time it was received. But, that M. Delisle may be
enabled to judge what the five thousand three hundred and ninety-eight
dollars were worth in hard money when Barboutin received them, I will
state to you what was the worth of one hard dollar, both in Continental
and Virginia money, through the whole of the years 1779 and 1780,
within some part of which it was probably received:
CONTINENTAL MONEY. VIRGINIA MONEY.
1779--Jan. 9, 7-72/100 1779--Jan., 8 1780-Jan., 42
" 24, 8-34/100 Feb., 10 Feb., 45
Feb. 11, 9-13/100 Mar., 10 Mar., 50
Mar. 2, 10 Apr., 16 Apr., 60
Apr. 2, 11-12/100 May, 20 May, 60
May 10, 12-51/100 June, 20 June, 65
June 21, 14- 3/10 July, 21 July, 65
Aug. 8, 16-69/100 Aug., 22 Aug., 70
Sept. 28, 20 Sept., 26 Sept., 72
Nov. 22, 25- 6/100 Oct., 28 Oct., 73
1780--Feb. 2, 33-44/100 Nov., 36 Nov., 74
Mar. 18, 40 Dec., 40 Dec., 75
Thus you see that, in January 1779, seven dollars and seventy-two
hundredths of a dollar of Continental money were worth one dollar of
silver, and at the same time, eight dollars of Virginia paper were
worth one dollar of silver, &c. After March 18th, 1780, Continental
paper, received in Virginia, will be estimated by the table of Virginia
paper. I advise all the foreign holders of paper money to lodge it in
the office of their consul for the State where it was received, that
he may dispose of it for their benefit the first moment that payment
shall be provided by the State or Continent. I had lately the pleasure
of seeing the Countess d'Houditot well at Sanois, and have that now of
assuring you of the perfect esteem and respect with which I have the
honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
PARIS, July 17, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have now the honor of enclosing to you an estimate of the
exports and imports of the United States. Calculations of this kind
cannot pretend to accuracy, where inattention and fraud combine to
suppress their objects. Approximation is all they can aim at. Neither
care nor candor have been wanting on my part to bring them as near the
truth as my skill and materials would enable me to do. I have availed
myself of the best documents from the custom-houses, which have been
given to the public, and have been able to rectify these in many
instances by information collected by myself on the spot in many of the
States. Still remember, however, that I call them but approximations,
and that they must present some errors as considerable as they were
unavoidable.
Our commerce divides itself into European and West Indian. I have
conformed my statement to this division.
On running over the catalogue of American imports, France will
naturally mark out those articles with which she could supply us to
advantage; and she may safely calculate, that, after a little time
shall have enabled us to get rid of our present incumbrances, and of
some remains of attachment to the particular forms of manufacture to
which we have been habituated, we shall take those articles which she
can furnish, on as good terms as other nations, to whatever extent she
will enable us to pay for them. It is her interest, therefore, as well
as ours, to multiply the means of payment. These must be found in the
catalogue of our exports, and among these will be seen neither gold nor
silver. We have no mines of either of these metals. Produce, therefore,
is all we can offer. Some articles of our produce will be found very
convenient to this country for her own consumption. Others will be
convenient, as being more commerciable in her hands than those she
will give in exchange for them. If there be any which she can neither
consume, nor dispose of by exchange, she will not buy them of us,
and of course we shall not bring them to her. If American produce can
be brought into the ports of France, the articles of exchange for it
will be taken in those ports; and the only means of drawing it hither,
is to let the merchant see that he can dispose of it on better terms
here than anywhere else. If the market price of this country does not
in itself offer this superiority, it may be worthy of consideration,
whether it should be obtained by such abatements of duties, and even by
such other encouragements as the importance of the article may justify.
Should some loss attend this in the beginning, it can be discontinued
when the trade shall be well established in this channel.
With respect to the West India commerce, I must apprise you that this
estimate does not present its present face. No materials have enabled
us to say how it stands since the war. We can only show what it was
before that period. This is most sensibly felt in the exports of fish
and flour. The surplus of the former, which these regulations threw
back on us, is forced to Europe, where, by increasing the quantity, it
lessens the price; the surplus of the latter is sunk, and to what other
objects this portion of industry is turned or turning, I am not able to
discover. The imports, too, of sugar and coffee are thrown under great
difficulties. These increase the price; and being articles of food for
the poorer class (as you may be sensible in observing the quantities
consumed), a small increase of price places them above the reach of
this class, which being very numerous, must occasion a great diminution
of consumption. It remains to see whether the American will endeavor
to baffle these new restrictions in order to indulge his habits, or
will adopt his habits to other objects which may furnish employment
to the surplus of industry formerly occupied in raising that bread
which no longer finds a vent in the West Indian market. If, instead
of either of these measures, he should resolve to come to Europe for
coffee and sugar, he must lessen equivalently his consumption of some
other European articles in order to pay for his coffee and sugar, the
bread with which he formerly paid for them in the West Indies not being
demanded in the European market. In fact, the catalogue of imports
offer several articles more dispensable than coffee and sugar. Of all
these subjects, the committee and yourself are the more competent
judges. To you, therefore, I trust them, with every wish for their
improvement; and, with sentiments of that perfect esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
ESTIMATE OF THE EXPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
TO EUROPE. TO WEST INDIES. TOTAL.
_Louis._ _Louis._ _Louis._
Fish 107,000 50,000 157,000
Fish Oil 181,688 9,562 191,250
Fish Bones 8,400 ...... 8,400
Salted Meats ...... 131,500 131,500
Live Stock ...... 99,000 99,000
Butter, Cheese ...... 18,000 18,000
Flour, Bread, 660,000 barrels 330,000 330,000 660,000
Wheat, 2,210,000 bushels 331,000 ...... 331,000
Indian Corn 30,000 61,000 91,000
Rice, 130,000 barrels 189,350 70,650 200,000
Indigo 51,700 ...... 51,700
Tobacco, 87,000 hogsheads 1,306,000 ...... 1,305,000
Potash, 20,000 barrels 49,000 ...... 49,000
Peltry 184,900 ...... 184,900
Flax Seed 79,500 ...... 79,500
Hemp 21,000 ...... 21,000
Iron, Copper 84,000 6,000 90,000
Turpentine, &c., 60,000 barrels 29,410 1,800 31,250
Timber, Lumber 82,000 164,000 246,000
Hops, 300 216,500 ...... 216,500
Miscellanies 22,000 ...... 22,000
--------- ------- ---------
3,302,448 941,552 4,244,000
ESTIMATE OF THE IMPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
FROM EUROPE AND AFRICA. }
}
Woollen cloths of every description, }
Linens of every description, }
Hosiery, Hats, }
Gloves, Shoes, Boots, Sadlery and other things of }
leather, }
Silks, Gold and Silver Lace, Jewellery, Millinery, }
Toys, }
East India goods, }
Porcelaine, Glass, Earthenware, }
Silver, Copper, Brass, Tin, Pewter, Lead, Steel, Iron} Louis. l. s.
in every form, }
Upholstery, Cabinet Work, Painters' Colors, } 3,039,000 0 0
Cheese, Pickles, Confitures, Chocolate, }
Wine, 2,000 tons, at 100 louis, 200,000 louis, }
Brandy, Beer, }
Medicinal Drugs, Snuff, Bees' Wax, }
Books, Stationery, Mill Stones, Grind Stones, Marble,}
Sail Cloth, Cordage, Ship Chandlery, Fishing-tackle, }
Ivory, Ebony, Barwood, Dyewood, }
Slaves, Salt, 521,225 bushels, at 24 sous, 26,061 }
louis, 6 livres, }
FROM THE WEST INDIES. }
_Louis._ _l._ _s._
Salt, 500,484 bushels, at 24 sous 25,020 4 16}
Fruits 2,239 12 }
Cocoa, 576,589 lbs., at 12 sous 5,798 12 }
Coffee, 408,494 lbs., at 16 sous 15,249 14 8}
Sugar, 10,232,432 lbs. 168,007 }
Molasses, 3,645,464 gallons, at 24 sous }
186,281 19 4}
Rum, 3,888,370 gallons, at 2 livres 14 sous }
437,441 15 } 927,438 8 8
Ginger, Pimento 1,395 1 4}
Cotton, 356,591 lbs., at 24 sous 17,829 13 4}
Skins 7,870 6 }
Indigo, 4,352 lbs., at 5 livres 8 sous }
979 4 16}
Ivory, Turtle Shell 247 4 16}
Lignum vitæ, Sarsaparilla, Fustic, Annotta }
5,170 }
Logwood 13,624 21 }
Mahogany 23,280 }
---------------
3,966,438 8 8
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
PARIS, July 22, 1786.
SIR,--An opportunity offering, at a moment's warning only, to London,
I have only time to inform your Excellency that we have shipped from
Bordeaux fifteen hundred stand of arms for the State of Virginia, of
which I now enclose the bill of lading. A somewhat larger number of
cartouch-boxes have been prepared here, are now packing, and will go to
Havre immediately to be shipped there. As soon as these are forwarded,
I will do myself the honor of sending you a state of the expenditures
for these and other objects. The residue of the arms and accoutrements
are in a good course of preparation. I have the honor to be, with
sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO M. CATHALAN.
PARIS, August 8, 1786.
SIR,--I have been duly honored with your favor of July 28. I have in
consequence thereof reconsidered the order of Council of Berny, and
it appears to me to extend as much to the southern ports of France as
to the western; and that for tobacco delivered in any port where there
is no manufacture, only thirty sols per quintal is to be deducted. The
farmers may perhaps evade the purchase of tobacco in a port convenient
to them by purchasing the whole quantity in other ports. I shall
readily lend my aid to promote the mercantile intercourse between your
port and the United States whenever I can aid it. For the present, it
is much restrained by the danger of capture by the piratical States.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO GOVERNOR HENRY.
PARIS, August 9, 1786.
SIR,--I have duly received the honor of your Excellency's letter of May
17, 1786, on the subject of Captain Green, supposed to be in captivity
with the Algerines. I wish I could have communicated the agreeable
news that this supposition was well founded, and I should not have
hesitated to gratify as well your Excellency as the worthy father of
Captain Green, by doing whatever would have been necessary for his
redemption. But we have certainly no such prisoner at Algiers. We have
there twenty-one prisoners in all. Of these only four are Americans by
birth. Three of these are Captains, of the names of O'Brian, Stephens,
and Coffyn. There were only two vessels taken by the Algerines, one
commanded by O'Brian, the other by Stephens. Coffyn, I believe, was a
supercargo. The Moors took one vessel from Philadelphia, which they
gave up again with the crew. No other captures have been made on us
by any of the piratical States. I wish I could say we were likely to
be secure against future captures. With Morocco I have hope we shall;
but the States of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli hold their peace at a
price which would be felt by every man in his settlement with the
tax-gatherer.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
* * * * *
P. S. _August 13, 1786._ I have this morning received information from
Mr. Barclay that our peace with the Emperor of Morocco would be pretty
certainly signed in a few days. This leaves us the Atlantic free.
Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, however, remaining hostile, will shut up
the Mediterranean to us. The two latter never come into the Atlantic;
the Algerines rarely, and but a little way out of the Straits. In Mr.
Barclay's letter is this paragraph, "There is a young man now under my
care, who has been a slave sometime with the Arabs in the desert." His
name is James Mercier, born at the town of Suffolk, Nansemond County,
Virginia. The King sent him after the first audience, and I shall take
him to Spain. On Mr. Barclay's return to Spain, he shall find there a
letter from me to forward this young man to his own country, for the
expenses of which I will make myself responsible.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 11, 1786.
SIR,--Since the date of my last, which was of July the 8th, I have been
honored with the receipt of yours of June the 16th. I am to thank you
on the part of the minister of Geneva for the intelligence it contained
on the subject of Gallatin, whose relations will be relieved by the
receipt of it.
The inclosed intelligence, relative to the instructions of the court
of London to Sir Guy Carleton, came to me through the Count de La
Touche, and Marquis de La Fayette. De La Touche is a director under the
Marechal de Castries, minister for the marine department, and possibly
receives his intelligence from him, and he from their ambassador at
London. Possibly, too, it might be fabricated here. Yet, weighing the
characters of the ministry of St. James's and Versailles, I think the
former more capable of giving such instructions, than the latter of
fabricating them for the small purposes the fabrication could answer.
The Gazette of France, of July the 28th, announces the arrival of
Peyrouse at Brazil, that he was to touch at Otaheite, and proceed to
California, and still further northwardly. This paper, as you well
know, gives out such facts as the court are willing the world should
be possessed of. The presumption is, therefore, that they will make an
establishment of some sort, on the north-west coast of America.
I trouble you with the copy of a letter from Scheveighauser and Dobrec,
on a subject with which I am quite unacquainted. Their letter to
Congress of November the 30th, 1780, gives their state of the matter.
How far it be true and just can probably be ascertained from Dr.
Franklin, Dr. Lee, and other gentlemen now in America. I shall be glad
to be honored with the commands of Congress on this subject. I have
inquired into the state of their arms, mentioned in their letter to
me. The principal articles were about thirty thousand bayonets, fifty
thousand gunlocks, thirty cases of arms, twenty-two cases of sabres,
and some other things of little consequence. The quay at Nantes, having
been overflowed by the river Loire, the greatest part of these arms
were under water, and they are now, as I am informed, a solid mass of
rust, not worth the expense of throwing them out of the warehouse, much
less that of storage. Were not their want of value a sufficient reason
against reclaiming the property of these arms, it rests with Congress
to decide, whether other reasons are not opposed to this reclamation.
They were the property of a sovereign body, they were seized by an
individual, taken cognizance of by a court of justice, and refused,
or at least not restored by the sovereign within whose States they had
been arrested. These are circumstances which have been mentioned to me.
Dr. Franklin, however, will be able to inform Congress, with precision,
as to what passed on this subject. If the information I have received
be anything like the truth, the discussion of this matter can only be
with the court of Versailles. It would be very delicate, and could have
but one of two objects; either to recover the arms, which are not worth
receiving, or to satisfy us on the point of honor. Congress will judge
how far the latter may be worth pursuing against a particular ally, and
under actual circumstances. An instance, too, of acquiescence on our
part under a wrong, rather than disturb our friendship by altercations,
may have its value in some future case. However, I shall be ready to do
in this what Congress shall be pleased to direct.
I enclose the despatches relative to the Barbary negotiation, received
since my last. It is painful to me to overwhelm Congress and yourself
continually with these voluminous papers. But I have no right to
suppress any part of them, and it is one of those cases where, from a
want of well-digested information, we must be contented to examine a
great deal of rubbish, in order to find a little good matter.
The gazettes of Leyden and France, to the present date, accompany this,
which, for want of direct and safe opportunities, I am obliged to send
by an American gentleman, by the way of London. The irregularity of
the French packets has diverted elsewhere the tide of passengers, who
used to furnish me occasions of writing to you, without permitting my
letters to go through the post office. So that when the packets go now,
I can seldom write by them.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
* * * * *
[The annexed is a translation of the paper referred to in the preceding
letter, on the subject of the instructions given to Sir Guy Carleton.]
* * * * *
An extract of English political news, concerning North America. July
14th, 1786.
General Carleton departs in a few days with M. de La Naudiere, a
Canadian gentleman. He has made me acquainted with the Indian, Colonel
Joseph Brandt. It is certain that he departs with the most positive
instructions to distress the Americans as much as possible, and to
create them enemies on all sides.
Colonel Brandt goes loaded with presents for himself, and for several
chiefs of the tribes bordering on Canada. It would be well for the
Americans to know in time, that enemies are raised against them,
in order to derange their system of government, and to add to the
confusion which already exists in it. The new possessions of England
will not only gain what America shall lose, but will acquire strength
in proportion to the weakening of the United States.
Sooner or later, the new States which are forming will place themselves
under the protection of England, which can always communicate with
them through Canada; and which, in case of future necessity, can
harass the United States on one side by her shipping, and on the other
by her intrigues. This system has not yet come to maturity, but it
is unfolded, and we may rely upon the instructions given to Colonel
Brandt.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, August 11, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 9th of July; and, since that, have
received yours of the 16th of June, with the interesting intelligence
it contained. I was entirely in the dark as to the progress of that
negotiation, and concur entirely in the views you have taken of it.
The difficulty on which it hangs is a _sine qua non_ with us. It
would be to deceive them and ourselves, to suppose that an amity
can be preserved, while this right is withheld. Such a supposition
would argue, not only an ignorance of the people to whom this is most
interesting, but an ignorance of the nature of man, or an inattention
to it. Those who see but half way into our true interest, will think
that that concurs with the views of the other party. But those who see
it in all its extent, will be sensible that our true interest will be
best promoted, by making all the just claims of our fellow citizens,
wherever situated, our own, by urging and enforcing them with the
weight of our whole influence, and by exercising in this, as in every
other instance, a just government in their concerns, and making common
cause even where our separate interest would seem opposed to theirs.
No other conduct can attach us together; and on this attachment depends
our happiness.
The King of Prussia still lives, and is even said to be better. Europe
is very quiet at present. The only germ of dissension, which shows
itself at present, is in the quarter of Turkey. The Emperor, the
Empress, and the Venetians seem all to be picking at the Turks. It is
not probable, however, that either of the two first will do anything to
bring on an open rupture, while the King of Prussia lives.
You will perceive, by the letters I enclose to Mr. Jay, that Lambe,
under the pretext of ill health, declines returning either to
Congress, Mr. Adams, or myself. This circumstance makes me fear
some malversation. The money appropriated to this object being in
Holland, and, having been always under the care of Mr. Adams, it was
concerted between us that all the drafts should be on him. I know not,
therefore, what sums may have been advanced to Lambe; I hope, however,
nothing great. I am persuaded that an angel sent on this business,
and so much limited in his terms, could have done nothing. But should
Congress propose to try the line of negotiation again, I think they
will perceive that Lambe is not a proper agent. I have written to
Mr. Adams on the subject of a settlement with Lambe. There is little
prospect of accommodation between the Algerines, and the Portuguese
and Neapolitans. A very valuable capture, too, lately made by them on
the Empress of Russia, bids fair to draw her on them. The probability
is, therefore, that these three nations will be at war with them,
and the probability is, that could we furnish a couple of frigates, a
convention might be formed with those powers, establishing a perpetual
cruise on the coast of Algiers, which would bring them to reason. Such
a convention, being left open to all powers willing to come into it,
should have for its object a general peace, to be guaranteed to each,
by the whole. Were only two or three to begin a confederacy of this
kind, I think every power in Europe would soon fall into it, except
France, England, and perhaps Spain and Holland. Of these, there is only
England, who would give any real aid to the Algerines. Morocco, you
perceive, will be at peace with us. Were the honor and advantage of
establishing such a confederacy out of the question, yet the necessity
that the United States should have some marine force, and the happiness
of this, as the ostensible cause for beginning it, would decide on its
propriety. It will be said, there is no money in the treasury. There
never will be money in the treasury, till the confederacy shows its
teeth. The States must see the rod; perhaps it must be felt by some
one of them. I am persuaded, all of them would rejoice to see every
one obliged to furnish its contributions. It is not the difficulty of
furnishing them, which beggars the treasury, but the fear that others
will not furnish as much. Every rational citizen must wish to see an
effective instrument of coercion, and should fear to see it on any
other element than the water. A naval force can never endanger our
liberties, nor occasion bloodshed; a land force would do both. It
is not in the choice of the States, whether they will pay money to
cover their trade against the Algerines. If they obtain a peace by
negotiation, they must pay a great sum of money for it; if they do
nothing, they must pay a great sum of money, in the form of insurance;
and in either way, as great a one as in the way of force, and probably
less effectual.
I look forward with anxiety to the approaching moment of your departure
from Congress. Besides the interest of the confederacy and of the
State, I have a personal interest in it. I know not to whom I may
venture confidential communications, after you are gone. I take the
liberty of placing here my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and assurances of
the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
FOOTNOTES:
[111] [The remainder of this letter is in cypher to which
there is no key in the Editor's possession.]
[112] The original of this letter was in cypher. But annexed
to the copy in cypher, is the above literal copy by the
author.
[113] Mr. Short was Mr. Jefferson's private secretary. The
propositions of our ministers for commercial treaties,
were received with coldness by all the European powers
except Prussia, Denmark, and Tuscany. Frederick met their
propositions cordially, and a treaty was soon concluded with
his minister at the Hague. With Denmark and Tuscany our own
ministers, from considerations of policy, protracted the
negotiations until their powers expired.--ED.
[114] Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Cicero's epistles, Suetonius,
Tacitus, Gibbon.
[115] This was the officer who, on the evacuation of Fort
Mifflin, after the British had passed the chevaux de frise on
the Delaware, was left with fifteen men to destroy the works,
which he did, and brought off his men successfully. He had,
before that, been commander of the Rattlesnake sloop of war,
and had much annoyed the British trade. Being bred a seaman,
he has returned to that vocation.
[116] A hogshead of tobacco weighs generally about one
thousand pounds English, equal to nine hundred and seventeen
pounds French. The seven hogsheads he sailed with would
therefore weigh, according to this estimate, six thousand
four hundred and twenty-three pounds. They actually
weighed more on the first essay. When afterwards weighed
at Landivisian, they had lost eighty-four pounds on being
carried into a drier air. Perhaps, too, a difference of
weights may have entered into this apparent loss.
[117] [Minister of Foreign Affairs for France.]
INDEX TO VOL. I.
ADAMS, JOHN--His views on Articles of Confederation, 33.
Appointed Minister to England, 63. His presentation at the
Court of St. James, 436.
ADAMS, SAMUEL--His character, 121.
AGRICULTURE--Its superiority to all other pursuits, 403, 465.
That of England and France compared, 549.
ALIENS--Who are and who are not aliens, 530.
ALGIERS--(See Barbary States).
AMERICA, U. STATES OF--Imperfections of Articles of
Confederation, 78. A New Constitution for, necessary, 78. Views
of U. States prevalent in Europe, 407, 413. Views of public
affairs of U. States in A. D. 1785, 423. English calumnies
against, 427. Hostile feeling of England against, 429,
464, 541, 550, 563, 604. Low reputation of, in Europe, 513.
Extravagance of the people, 550. Summary of news from, 349.
ANTOINETTE, MARIA--Her character, 88, 101.
ARMS--Supply of, for Congress, 603.
ARMY, REVOLUTIONARY--Virginia troops, 235. Continental troops,
235. Disasters in South, 241, 249. Success in Canada, 202.
Supplies of men, provisions and ammunition from Virginia for
the Southern Army, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 251, 252,
253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302, 304.
The movements of the Southern Army, 291, 294, 296, 298, 299,
300, 302, 303, 309. Expedition against Canada, 206. Military
movement in Va., 207. Process of the War, 211. False account of
our battles circulated in Europe, 207.
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION--(See Confederation).
ASQUITH, LISTER--Relative to his imprisonment in France on charge
of being engaged in contraband trade, 583.
ASTRONOMY--Discoveries in, 447, 516.
AUSTRIA--Relations between the Emperor and the Dutch, 346, 353,
355, 358, 365, 400, 405. Relations between Austria, Russia, and
Turkey, 400. Treaty of Commerce with, 510, 523, 566, 571.
BALLOONS--Experiments with in France, 354, 441.
BARBARY STATES--Naval alliance against proposed, 65, 591, 606.
It fails, 67. Disposition of towards U. S., 401, 413, 428.
Relations of U. S. with, 376, 393, 557, 560, 565, 570, 572,
575, 584, 591, 601. A mission to, advisable, 406. Mr. Barclay
sent on the mission to Morocco, 416, 474. Letter to Emperor,
418. Instructions to Mr. Barclay, 420. Inquiries to be made by
him, 421. Mr. Lambe sent on mission to Algiers, 376, 438, 457,
474, 581. Embarrassments occasioned by his delay, 376, 385.
Remanded to America to give information in respect to mission,
581. His equivocal conduct, 605. Passports for ministers,
471. American prisoners, 439, 477, 601. Negotiations with the
Tripolitine minister, 551. Naval war against, advisable, 591.
BOSTON PORT BILL--Effects of its passage on colonies, 6.
Proceedings thereon in Va. Assembly, 6. June 1st, appointed day
of general fasting, humiliation and prayer, 7.
BOUNDARY--Between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 399.
BURGESSES, VIRGINIA HOUSE OF--Proceedings in, on Stamp Act, 4.
Distinguished members, 4. Tone and political views of members,
5. Proceedings on Boston Port Bill, 6. Dissolved by Governor,
7. Recommended sending members to Continental Congress, 7. Also
to elect delegates to meet at Williamsburg, 7. Their action, 8,
9.
CAMDEN--Battle of, 263.
CAPITOL OF VIRGINIA--Model for from France, 46.
CARMICHAEL, MR.--The estimation in which held at Court of Spain,
526.
CARR, PETER--Letter of advice to in respect to education, &c.,
395.
CHANCERY COURTS--Expediency of introducing trial by Jury in, 37,
49, 50.
CHERBOURG, PORT OF--Its fortification, 587.
CHURCH, EPISCOPAL--Its first establishment in Virginia, 38.
Character of its clergy, 38. Dissenters from constitute a
majority, 38. Its overthrow as an establishment, 39, 174. Its
maintenance advocated particularly by Pendleton and Robert C.
Nicholas, 39.
CINCINNATI, SOCIETY OF--History of and objections to, 334.
CITIZENSHIP--Act defining it, 40.
CLARKE, COL.--His success at St. Vincennes, 221. Expedition
against Indians, 339, 359, 381, 382, 395.
COLONIES, AMERICAN--Resistance to mother country, 5. Tone and
views of different parties, 5. Resistance to Governor, 5.
Summary view of relations between and the mother country, 8.
Summary view of their rights, 124. Their grievances, 201.
COMMERCE--Commercial treaties under Confederation, 60. Powers of
Congress over, 349. Proposition to exempt merchant vessels from
seizure in time of war, 62. Commercial treaties with European
powers, 62, 371, 455, 459, 465, 478, 487. Benefits of, 404.
Expediency of investing Congress with control of, 425, 475,
487, 531. Commercial relations with France, 378, 386, 491, 499.
Commercial relations with Austria, 511, 512, 523. The commerce
of the U. States, 597. Programme of commercial treaties with
European powers, 350, 360, 371.
COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE--Their origin, 6, 115, 124.
CONFEDERATION, ARTICLES OF--Report of committee appointed to
prepare, 26. Debates thereon in Continental Congress, 27,
28, 29, 30, 31. Adoption thereof, 36. Executive power lodged
in Committee, 54. The Committee splits into factions, 54.
Character of Congress under, 58. Imperfections of Articles of
Confederation, 78. New Constitution necessary, 78. Financial
embarrassments under Confederation, 83. Powers of over
commerce, 349, 425, 475, 487.
CONGRESS--Proceedings of Continental Congress, 8, 9, 10, 11,
12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19. Address by to people of
Great Britain, 11. Character of Congress under Confederation
at Annapolis, 58. Instructions of Va. to her delegates to
Continental Congress, 122, 142.
CONSTITUTION, FEDERAL--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 79.
CONSULS--Consular Convention with France, 85. Consuls not
recognized by Law of Nations, 426.
CONVENTION--The Assembly of the Convention to amend constitution,
79.
CORNWALLIS, LORD--His military movements in South, 291, 294.
CRIMINAL CODE--Revision of Criminal Code of Va., 43. Whether
punishment of death should be abolished, 45. Bill proportioning
crimes and punishments, 146.
CURRENCY--Notes on Money Unit, 53, 162. Coinage for U. States,
475.
DAVIES, COL. WM.--Recommendation of for Commissioner of War
Office, 301.
DEBT, DOMESTIC--Condition of, 369, 472, 578.
DEBT, FOREIGN--Condition of, 82, 369, 471, 510, 512, 519, 546,
566, 576. Interest on, 357.
DEBT, REVOLUTIONARY--Interest not paid during war, 546, 561. On
what principle paper debt redeemed, 595.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--Moved in Continental Congress by
Va. delegates in conformity with instructions, 12. Debates on
that motion, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Action thereon, 17, 18.
Committee appointed to prepare, 17, 18. Report of Committee,
19. Copy of rough draught of Declaration, 19, 20. Facsimile
of rough draught of Declaration, 26. History of circumstances
attending the Declaration of Independence, 118. Necessity of
separation from mother country, 207.
DENMARK--Claim against for prize money, 461, 489. Money paid,
522. Commercial relations of U. S. with, 571.
DUMAS, M.--His personal standing in France and Holland, 527, 568.
Debt due to, 528. His mission to the Hague, 593.
ECLIPSE--The eclipse of 1778, 310.
EDUCATION--General system of, 347. Letter of advice from Mr.
Jefferson in relation to, 395. Relative advantages of foreign
and domestic education, 467.
ENGLAND--Commercial treaty with impracticable, 64, 541, 543,
550, 552, 553. Hostile feelings towards U. States, 429, 464,
541, 550, 563, 604. England and France compared, 549. Relations
of U. States with, 557, 560, 561, 576. Debt of U. S. to, 563.
Incites Indians against our people, 604.
ENTAILS--Abolition of in Va., 37, 138.
EPISCOPAL CHURCH--Its first establishment in Virginia, 38.
Character of its clergy, 38. Dissenters from in the majority,
38. Its overthrow as the established Church, 39, 174. Resisted
by Pendleton and Nicholas, 39.
EUROPE--Political condition of, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 366,
400, 435, 442, 453, 509, 559, 605. Relations between Emperor
and Dutch, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 400, 405, 412. Relations
between Austria, Russia and Turkey, 400. Mr. Jefferson's views
of Europe, 444.
FRANCE--Influence of American Revolution on, 69. Financial
embarrassments of, 69. Assembly of Notables convened, 70.
They refuse to vote supplies, 70. Constitutional reforms, 71.
Abuses of old government, 86. Assembling of States General, 87.
Progress of the Revolution, 87. Constitution of States General,
87. Character of King and Queen, 88, 101. Severity of winter
of 1788-9, 88. Importation of bread-stuffs from America, 89.
Riots, 89, 97. Opening of States General, 90. Early debates
and difficulties in organizing, 91. Tiers Etat constitute
themselves the National Assembly, 92. Conduct and policy of
Court party, 92. Royal session, 94. Popular demonstrations, 94.
Disaffection of soldiery, 95. Part of Nobles and Clergy join
Tiers Etats, 95. New Constitution for France, 96, 103. Military
interference by Government, 96. Mr. Neckar expelled from
ministry, 96. The new Court Ministry, 97. Bastile taken, 98.
Resignation of Court Ministry and recall of Mr. Neckar, 100.
Flight of aristocracy begins, 100. Views on the execution of
King and Queen, 101. The Neckar Ministry, 102. Great reforms
of National Assembly, 103. Divisions spring up in popular
party, 103. Friendly relations between France and U. S., 456.
Relations between France and England, 381. England and France
compared, 549. Mr. Jefferson's views of French people, 187,
395, 549. Commercial relations with U. S., 378, 386, 491, 499,
561, 567, 586, 589.
FRANKLIN, BENJ.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 31.
Visits to from Jefferson, 108.
GATES, GEN.--His disasters in the South, 241, 249. Supplies for
from Virginia, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251,
252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302,
304. Consolations of Jefferson on his failures, 314.
GEOLOGY--516.
GREENE, GEN.--His military movements in South, 291, 294, 296,
298, 299, 300, 302, 303, 309.
HAMILTON, GEN.--His detention as prisoner of war, 231, 232, 233,
237, 258, 267.
HENRY, PATRICK--His connection with Revolution, 116. His
eloquence, 4.
HISTORY, NATURAL--Objects of, 500. The grouse, pheasant, elk,
&c., 506, 507, 519. The big bones of the West, 323. Whether
animals degenerate in America, 340.
HONFLEUR, CITY OF--Relative to making it a free port, 579.
HOPKINSON, MR.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 34.
HOUDON--His Statue of Washington, 513, 533.
HUMPHREYS, COL.--Testimonial of his character, 538, 568.
INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF--First moved in Continental Congress
by the Delegates from Va., in obedience to instructions,
12. Debates on that motion, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Action
of Congress thereon, 17, 18. Committee appointed to prepare
Declaration, 17, 18.
INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF--Report of Committee, 19. Copy of
rough draught of Declaration, 19, 20, &c. Facsimile of rough
draught of Declaration, 26. History of the circumstances
attending the Declaration, 118. Separation from mother country
necessary and inevitable, 207,
INDIANS--Expeditions of Clarke and Shelby against, 221.
Expedition by Clarke, 239, 259, 281, 282, 295. England incites
them against our people, 604.
IRELAND--Commerce with U. S., 478.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His Family, 1, 2. His birth, 2. His early
education, 2. Elected to Virginia Legislature, 3. Endeavors to
have slavery abolished in Va., 3. His marriage, 4. Student at
William and Mary College, 4. Resolutions against Stamp Act, 4.
Proceedings thereon in Va., 4. Appointed member of Continental
Congress, 10. Elected to Va. Legislature after separation from
England, 36. Brings in bill for establishing courts of justice,
36. Also declaring that tenants entail shall hold their lands
in fee, 36. Appointed member of committee to revise laws of
Va., 42. Overthrow of landed aristocracy of Va., 49. Elected
Governor of Va., 50, 216. His resignation in favor of Gen.
Nelson, 50. Appointed Commissioner to France, 50. Declines in
favor of Dr. Lee, 51. Appointed minister plenipotentiary to
negotiate peace, 51. Declines at first, but accepts afterwards,
51, 313, 321. Prepares to sail, 322, 324, 326. His detentions,
327, 332. Treaty of peace being concluded before he sails, he
resigns and returns home, 52, 329, 330, 331. Appointed delegate
to Congress, 52. Executive powers of Confederation to lodge in
committee, 54. Committee split into factions, 54. Appointed
minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties with foreign
nations, 60. Sails for Europe, 60. Appointed minister to
France, 63. Subjects of negotiation with France, 64. Visit to
South of France, 72. Dislocated wrist, 72. Takes management of
European debt of U. S., 83. Visit to Holland and journey along
Rhine, 85. Refuses to aid in framing Constitution for France,
103. Consultation at his house in Paris among the leaders of
liberal party of France, 104. His views of French revolution,
106. His views of the French people, 107. His return to U.
S., 107. Appointed Sec'y of State, 108, 176. Visits Franklin,
108. A summary of his public services, 174. Love affair in
Williamsburg, 181, 186, 188, 190. Relative to his residence in
Williamsburg; friends and things there, 184, 193, 194. Loss of
his library and papers by fire, 193. His opinion of Ossian,
196. Member of the association against importing goods from
England, 197. His love of music, 209. His views of Europe, 444.
His salary as minister insufficient, 452.
JUDICIARY--Jefferson's views on, 81. Expediency of introducing
jury trial in chancery courts, 37, 49, 50.
KENTUCKY, STATE OF--Danger of her secession, 518.
LA FAYETTE--Presentation of bust of, by Virginia to City of
Paris, 403, 514. Grant of land to, 533.
LAMBE, MR.--His mission to Algiers, 376, 581. Embarrassments
resulting from his delay, 376, 385. Remanded to America to
give information in reference to his mission, 581. His conduct
equivocal, 605.
LAND--Colonial tenure of, 138.
LANDS, PUBLIC--Best disposition to be made of, 347. Ordinance in
relation to, 407.
LANDS--Purchase of by Congress, 423. Land office, 423, 430. Sale
of, 430.
LAW, INTERNATIONAL--Proposition to introduce new principle in,
62. Free ships free goods, enemy's ships enemy's goods, 62.
LAWS OF VIRGINIA--Revision thereof, 42, 45.
LEDYARD, JOHN--Expedition to explore western part of American
Continent, 68. Defeated by Empress of Russia, 68.
LESLIE, MAJ. GEN.--Letter from to Cornwallis intercepted, 271.
LEXINGTON, BATTLE OF--Account of killed and wounded, 207.
LOANS--European loans to U. S., 210.
LOUIS XVI.--His Character, 88, 101.
LUZERNE, CHEVALIER DE--His appointment as minister to U. S., 350.
MADISON, JAMES--His character and early history, 41.
MAP--Map of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, 536.
MARIA ANTOINETTE--Her character, 88, 101.
MASON, GEORGE--His character, 41.
MATHEWS, COL.--Prisoner of war, 231, 232, 233.
MONROE, COL. JAMES--His character, 555. His marriage, 590.
MOROCCO--(See Barbary States).
MUSKETS--Improvement in the manufacture of, 412, 514.
MUSIC--New musical instrument, 504.
NETHERLANDS--Insurrection against Stadtholder, 73. France
promises assistance, 73. Difficulties compromised, 77.
NOTABLES, ASSEMBLY OF--Notables convened, 70. They refuse to vote
supplies, 70. Make reforms in constitution, 71.
NOVA SCOTIA--Relations of with U. S., 488.
OFFICE--Question whether a citizen has right to decline office,
420.
OGLETHORPE, GEN.--His claim to certain lands in Georgia, 499,
500, 501.
OSSIAN--Jefferson's opinions of Ossian's poems, 199.
OTTO, M.--His mission to U. S., 346.
PEACE--Ratification of at Annapolis, 55, 56. Debate thereon, 56,
59.
PENDLETON, EDMUND--His character, 37. Opposed to abolition of
entails, 37. Also to abolition of church establishment in Va.,
39.
PENITENTIARY--Model for Virginia penitentiary, 46. Question as to
solitary confinement, 46, 47.
PENNSYLVANIA--Boundary between and Virginia, 399.
PEYROUSE, M.--His expedition, 454, 602.
PHILLIPS, GEN.--Point of etiquette between him and Jefferson,
308.
PLATINA--Its Uses, 505.
PORTUGAL--Treaty of commerce with defeated, 64. Proposed again,
406, 458, 460, 492, 539, 543, 551.
POST OFFICE--Postal arrangements between France and the U. S,
410. Rascalities of French and English post offices, 442.
POSTS, WESTERN--Refusal of England to surrender them, 450.
PRIMOGENITURE--Its abolition in Va., 43, 39, 138.
PRISONERS OF WAR--The Saratoga prisoners, 202, 268, 276. Case
of Col. Hamilton, 231, 232, 233, 237, 258, 267. Case of Col.
Mathews, 231, 232, 233. Jefferson's attention to Saratoga
prisoners, 278.
PRIZES--Claim against Denmark for prize money, 461, 522. Against
France, 364, 374, 392.
PRUSSIA--Commercial negotiations with, 355, 368, 372, 382, 416,
469. Bad health of King of, 586. His death and the effects of
in Europe, 586.
RELIGION--Bill establishing religious freedom, 45.
REVOLUTION, AMERICAN--Its early stages, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14,
15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. Association against importing foreign
goods, 197. Outbreak at Boston, 199, 202. Tone of Colonies,
201, 203, 204. Expedition against Canada, 202, 206. Military
movement in Va., 207. Progress of the war, 211. History of,
535. Disasters in South, 241, 249. False accounts of the war
propagated in Europe, 207.
RICHMOND, CITY OF--Removal of government from Williamsburg to,
40.
RIEDESEL, GEN. DE--His imprisonment in Albemarle, 240.
RUSSIA--Relations between Russia, Austria and Turkey, 400.
SCIENCE--Discoveries in, 364, 446, 516. Scientific news of
Europe, 364.
SHORT, MR.--Appointed Jefferson's private Secretary, 407, 411.
SLAVERY--Effort to abolish arrested by royal veto, 3. Views of
different sections of U. S. on, 377.
SLAVES--Their first importation into Va., 38. First law
prohibiting their importation, 38. Bill relative to, 48.
Prospective emancipation proposed, but defeated, 49. King's
veto to bill abolishing, 135.
STEAM--Its application to mills, 543. To navigation, 543.
TERRITORY, NORTH-WESTERN--Right of Va. to controverted, 315.
TIMBER--American ship timber, 488.
TOBACCO--Shipments of to England, 488. Trade in with France, 343,
362, 515, 547, 561, 563, 577, 600.
TREASURY--State of our finances in Europe, 450.
TROOPS--Virginia troops in Continental service, 235. Continental
troops, 235.
TURKEY--Relations between Turkey, Austria and Russia, 400.
UNITED STATES--Imperfections of Articles of Confederation, 78.
They require remodelling, 78. Views of U. S. prevalent in
Europe, 407, 413. Account of public affairs in 1785, 423.
English calumnies against, 427. Bad reputation of in Europe,
513. Extravagance of people of, 550. Summary of news from at
different times, 349.
UNIVERSITIES--Relative merits of Universities of Rome and Geneva,
466.
VERGENNES, CT. DE--Conference with, 576.
VIRGINIA--Abolition of entails, 37, 138. Primogeniture, 39,
43, 138. Church establishment, 38, 39, 174. Revision of her
code, 43, 45, 146. History of by Girardin, 50. The lawyers
of Va., 217. Right of Va. to Western territory controverted,
315. Boundary between Va. and Pennsylvania, 399. Her militia
in Southern army, 266, 249, 250, 256, 285. Her supplies for
Southern army, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251,
252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302,
304. Model of capitol of Va., 432, 434, 578. Notes of Va., 6,
297, 340, 464, 528, 531, 536. Supplies of arms from France,
570, 600. Invasion of Va., 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 273,
274, 275, 278, 282, 284, 288, 290, 291, 304, 306.
WASHINGTON, GEORGE--Expression of Mr. Jefferson's esteem for,
326. Statue of by Houdon, 513, 533.
WESTERN COUNTRY--Division of into States, 587.
WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE--Character of, 48. Change in its
organization, 50.
WILLIAMSBURG--Removal of government from to Richmond, 40.
WILSON, MR.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 35.
WYTHE, GEORGE--His character, 41. His biography, 111.
YORKTOWN, BATTLE OF--Congratulations of Jefferson to Washington
on that battle, 314.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. I (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private" ***
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