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Title: The Story of Verona
Author: Wiel, Alethea
Language: English
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_The Story of Verona_
_The Mediæval Town Series_
ASSISI.* By LINA DUFF GORDON. [_4th Edition._
BRUGES.† By ERNEST GILLIAT-SMITH. [_3rd Edition._
BRUSSELS.† By ERNEST GILLIAT-SMITH.
CAIRO.† By STANLEY LANE-POOLE. [_2nd Edition._
CAMBRIDGE.† By CHARLES W. STUBBS, D.D.
CHARTRES.† By CECIL HEADLAM.
CONSTANTINOPLE.* By WILLIAM H. HUTTON. [_2nd Edition._
DUBLIN.† By D. A. CHART.
EDINBURGH.† By OLIPHANT SMEATON.
FERRARA.† By ELLA NOYES.
FLORENCE.† By EDMUND G. GARDNER. [_8th Edition._
LONDON.† By HENRY B. WHEATLEY. [_2nd Edition._
MOSCOW.* By WIRT GERRARE. [_2nd Edition._
NUREMBERG.* By CECIL HEADLAM. [_4th Edition._
OXFORD.† By CECIL HEADLAM.
PARIS.† By THOMAS OKEY.
PERUGIA.* By MARGARET SYMONDS and LINA DUFF GORDON. [_5th Edition._
PRAGUE.* By COUNT LÜTZOW.
ROME.† By NORWOOD YOUNG. [_5th Edition._
ROUEN.† By THEODORE A. COOK. [_3rd Edition._
SEVILLE.† By WALTER M. GALLICHAN.
SIENA.† By EDMUND G. GARDNER. [_2nd Edition._
TOLEDO.* By HANNAH LYNCH. [_2nd Edition._
VERONA.† By ALETHEA WIEL. [_3rd Edition._
VENICE.† By THOMAS OKEY.
_The prices of these (*) are 3s. 6d. net in cloth, 4s. 6d. net in
leather; these (†), 4s. 6d. net in cloth, 5s. 6d. net in
leather._
[Illustration: _Centrepiece by A. Mantegna, behind the High Altar of S.
Zeno._]
_The Story of_ Verona
_by Alethea Wiel Illustrated
by Nelly Erichsen and
Helen M. James_
[Illustration: colophon]
_London: J. M. Dent & Co.
Aldine House, 29 and 30 Bedford Street
Covent Garden, W.C. 1907_
_First Edition, July 1902_
_Second Edition, August 1904_
_Third Edition, August 1907_
_All rights reserved_
_To_
_My Husband_
PREFACE
The story of Verona is no simple record of a simple town with a
continuous rule guiding her fortunes and directing her destinies. Her
tale is mingled with that of other nations and languages; and Greek,
Ostrogoth, Longobard and Frank have held sway in Verona as well as
Etruscan and Roman. The influence of these diverse nationalities has
left its trace on the art and history of the city to a marked extent.
The architecture alone of Verona is of a nature to demand a long and
deep study, and calls for an expert’s hand to do justice to its
different developments of variety and beauty. Her school of painting too
is a subject that has not yet met with sufficient attention, and that
deserves a study which hitherto has been but scantily bestowed upon it.
I have tried in a humble and limited way to put before the reader some
idea of this school, and to render him familiar with the names and works
and methods of the masters of painting with whom he will come most in
contact in his wanderings through Verona. Many of their masterpieces are
to be found in the grand old churches which form one of the chief
features of Verona, and within whose walls it is well to linger if we
wish to grasp fully the character of the town and of the men who raised
these noble buildings, and who now lie buried in or beside them. The
history of Verona is all-absorbing, but I have tried to give it only
that prominence which is necessary for such an understanding of the town
as will interest the traveller and enable him to enjoy a stay amid
surroundings that will not now perhaps seem “foreign” to him.
I have drawn much of my knowledge on the Veronese school of painting
from Sir A. Henry Layard’s excellent work, _Handbook of Painting. The
Italian School; based on the Handbook of Kugler_ (London: Murray, 1887),
which was most kindly lent to me by Lady Layard; and to Mr Selwyn
Brinton’s _The Renaissance in Italian Art_, Part II. (London: Simpkin,
1898). My grateful thanks are also due to Prof. Commendatore Carlo
Malagola, Head of the State Archives in Venice, for the loan of books
and for help as to the means whereby to arrive at much of the
information I required. I am also indebted to Cav. Giuseppe Biadego,
Bibliotecario of the Biblioteca Comunale of Verona; and to Cav. Dr
Riccardo Galli for help during my stay at Verona. Nor must I omit to say
a word in praise of the Hôtel de Londres in that city, where comfort and
economy are very happily and successfully blended by a most courteous
and diligent landlord. My chief thanks though are due to Cav. Pietro
Sgulmero, Vice-Bibliotecario of the Library and Vice-Inspector of the
Monuments in Verona, who devoted many a spare hour to introducing me to
every part of the town, and in imparting to me all he could of the
knowledge he possesses in an eminent degree of the history and legends
of his native town. My book owes more to him than I am able to express.
“Few towns,” says Mr Selwyn Brinton, “have an individuality more
delightsome than Verona--Verona the Worthy (Verona la Degna) as she was
called”--and if I shall succeed in endearing that individuality and
making it familiar to the traveller wandering through this “worthy” and
glorious city, I shall not have laboured in vain.
PALAZZO SORANZO,
VENICE, _January 1902_.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
.....PAGE
_Origin and Growth of the City--Verona under the Romans--Goths and
Lombards in Verona--The Adige_.....1
CHAPTER II
_The Arena_.....23
CHAPTER III
_The Middle Ages--Ezzelino da Romano_.....43
CHAPTER IV
_The Scaligers_.....66
CHAPTER V
_From the Fall of the Scaligers to the Present Day_.....103
CHAPTER VI
_Men of Letters--School of Painting_.....124
CHAPTER VII
_The Duomo--S. Giovanni in Fonte--Biblioteca Capitolare--Vescovado--St
Anastasia--Piazza delle Erbe_.....150
CHAPTER VIII
_Piazza dei Signori--Sta. Maria Antica--Tombs of the Scaligers_.....178
CHAPTER IX
_Via Cappello--San Fermo--Museo Civico and Picture Gallery_.....199
CHAPTER X
_S. Paolo di Campo Marte--SS. Nazzaro e Celso--The Grotto di S.
Nazzaro--St Thomas of Canterbury--Giardino Giusti--Sta. Maria in
Organo--S. Giovanni in Valle--Teatro Antico--SS. Siro e Libera--Castle
of Theodoric--S. Stefano--S. Giorgio in Braida_.....222
CHAPTER XI
_Sant’ Eufemia--Porta dei Borsari--S.S. Apostoli--S. Lorenzo--S.
Bernardino--Sta. Trinità--Tomb of Romeo and Juliet--Ponte
Rofiolo--Piazza Brà_.....250
CHAPTER XII
_San Zeno_.....267
CHAPTER XIII
_Verona and its Crown of Castles_.....281
CHAPTER XIV
_Plan for seeing the Town--Hotels_.....299
ILLUSTRATIONS
.....PAGE
_Centrepiece by Andrea Mantegna behind the High Altar at San Zeno_
(_Photogravure_) _Frontispiece_
_Castel S. Pietro from the Adige_.....5
_A Vendor of Fresh Water_.....20
_The Arena_.....22
_The façade of the Duomo_.....45
_Tower of the former Convent of S. Zeno._ (_The only remaining
fragment of the building where the mediæval German emperors stopt on
their way to Rome_).....50
_Church of S. Zeno. Capital in the Nave_.....54
_The Tribuna--Ancient Seat of Judgment, Piazza delle Erbe_.....63
_Old Seal of Verona_.....65
_The Costa. Palazzo of Cangrande in the distance where he entertained
Dante_.....75
_The back of Casa Mozzanti. Once inhabited by Alberto della
Scala_.....85
_Tomb of Mastino II. della Scala_.....91
_Ponte Scaligeri. Bridge of Castel Vecchio_.....95
_Fountain in the Piazza delle Erbe._ (_Statue said originally to be of
the third century_).....99
_Shield of the Scaligers, with the “Holy Bird,” the badge of their
dignity as Vicars Imperial_.....102
_The Piazza delle Erbe, with the Venetian Column_.....111
_Palazzo del Consiglio. Architect Fra Giocondo_.....125
_Madonna and Child, V. Pisanello, Museo Civico_.....137
_Madonna, SS. Zeno and Lorenzo Giustiniani, Girolamo dai Libri, Church
of St George in Braida_.....141
_The Arms of Verona_.....149
_South Door of the Duomo_.....151
_Side Door of Duomo. Detail of Column_.....155
_Detail of Side Door of Duomo_.....158
_Church of St Anastasia from the Adige showing the Houses which stood
there before the “muraglioni,” built to defend the town against the
Inundations of the Adige, were erected_.....161
_Holy Water Basin in St Anastasia_ (_Figure carved by Gabriel
Cagliari, father of Paul Veronese_).....164
_Madonna and Saints, St Anastasia_ (_ascribed alternately to Francesco
Morone and Girolamo dai Libri_).....167
_Tomb of Guglielmo da Castelbarco_.....170
_Piazza delle Erbe_.....173
_Piazza dei Signori_.....179
_Outside Staircase, Palazzo Publico or della Regione_.....182
_The Outside Staircase, Palazzo della Ragione_.....183
_Fifteenth Century Well in Via Mazzanti_.....186
_Effigy of Cangrande_.....189
_Monument of Giovanni della Scala, Verona_.....192
_Tomb of Cansignorio della Scala_.....193
_Juliet’s House_ (_traditionally_).....201
_Church of S. Fermo Maggiore: The Madonna and Child and St Anne in
Glory, with other Saints below_ (_G. Francesco Caroto_).....205
_Cavazzola’s Deposition from the Cross_.....211
_Museo Civico, The Madonna and Child enthroned, with St Joseph and the
Archangel Raphael_ (_Girolamo dai Libri_).....216
_Virgin and Child with Saints in Glory_ (_Paolo Morando detto
Cavazzola_).....217
_Window and Balcony in Via Seminario_.....225
_Giardino Giusti_.....227
_The Giusti Garden_.....231
_Doorway of Carved Wood in the Sacristy of S. Maria_.....235
_Choir Stall of Intarsio Work in S. Maria_.....239
_Church of S. Giorgio in Braida, Martyrdom of St George_ (_Paolo
Veronese_).....243
_The Madonna with Holy Women_ (_Moretto du Brescia_).....247
_Balcony in Via St Eufemia_.....251
_Corso Cavour_.....253
_Fresco by Domenico Morone in the Library of S. Bernardino_.....260
_S. Zeno Maggiore. Choir Screen and Entrance to the Crypt_.....269
_Church of S. Zeno_.....273
_Cloisters, S. Zeno Maggiore_.....277
_Ruins of the Villa of Catullo_.....283
_Castle of Sirmione_.....289
PLANS
_Map of the Town of Verona, from an Engraving in the Biblioteca
Comunale of the year 1671_ _face page_.....103
_Plan of the Town of Verona showing the old walls, from an engraving
in the Biblioteca Comunale of the year 1535_.....303
_Map of the Town_....._at end_
All the half-tone illustrations are reproductions from photographs by
Alinari, Florence.
The Story of Verona
CHAPTER I
_Origin and Growth of the City--Verona under the Romans--Goths and
Lombards in Verona--The Adige_
Verona is no exception to those great cities of Italy whose origin is
wrapt in a background of uncertainty and mystery. A few scattered huts
on the hillside, now known as the “_Colle di San Pietro_,” were probably
the beginnings of the town which was soon to spring up on both sides of
the Adige--that mighty river that formed then as now such an important
feature all round the country through which it flows, and whose waters
have carried as great an amount of woe in their train as ever they have
of weal. These faint beginnings of a mighty town bore probably some
resemblance to the hamlets we now see in Umbria or Tuscany, dotted as
they are on the slopes up which they seem to crawl with difficulty, and
marking the sites where bastions, castles and strongholds were to stand
in after times. For Verona was above all else a fortress. Her existence,
as soon as she had assumed the proportions of a town, was essentially a
military one, and the character stamped on her in those early days
remains untouched to the present hour. It may be said of this beautiful
city as of Zion of old: “Walk about Verona, and go round about her, and
tell the towers thereof. Mark well her bulwarks. Set up her houses that
ye may tell them that come after.” This injunction to chronicle the
story of the older city applies equally to the one on the banks of the
Adige, and sharpens the desire to do so as faithfully and lovingly as
may be.
The position of Verona, its vast military construction, its fortress
guarded by three lines of separate forts, its arsenal and barracks, have
made it, if not the first, at least one of the first military towns of
Italy, and cause an ever-growing longing to investigate as to its origin
and that of the people who founded it. That longing however has to be
repressed, for all is dark and vague with regard to the early days of
Verona. Her historians indeed claim for her an ancestry of fabulous
antiquity: some asserting that she existed before Troy came into
celebrity; others declaring that she was founded soon after the flood.
Veronese writers lose themselves equally in discussions as to the race
from whom sprang the inhabitants of their city and province. They devote
pages to the subject and consider in turn the probability as to whether
Etruscans, Rhetians, Euganeans, Celts, Cimbrians or Gauls were the
founders. No satisfactory conclusion is reached. The mystery remains
unsolved; and time and thought are alike wasted in attempting to lift a
veil which has been inexorably drawn by the Past, and which she defies
us to remove. There can be no doubt whatever that Verona dates from very
early times, even if it is beyond the knowledge of man to assert when
that date exactly was. It may be assumed however that the Etruscans had
a part in her foundation, and when we bear in mind that this implies a
period embracing the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., the age of the city
is carried back indeed to a remote epoch. The supposition most generally
accepted among Veronese writers is that their town came into being about
the fourth century before the Christian era, and proofs of this are
forthcoming to this day in the discoveries made in and around Verona of
remains of arms, utensils, vessels, tombs, and so forth, which bear
witness to the different peoples who, at one time or another, were
living or ruling there, and to the period of their rule. By this means,
too, evidence can be found of the dominion of the Barbarians, Gauls, and
Cimbrians; and indeed to remoter times still when the age of bronze, and
also the neolithic age and the prehistoric age are reached in turn.
The uncertainty as to the Past clings still to the period when Rome
stretched forth her conquering arms over the north of Italy. No date can
be mentioned accurately as to when Verona became part of the great
Republic; nor when, nor by whom the Amphitheatre, and the Theatre, which
form her most classic monuments were erected. It may however be assumed
that at the beginning of the third century B.C., Verona was subject to
Rome. This subjection though was of a voluntary nature, and in no way
arose from the right of victory. Verona was doubtless wise in time: she
saw how she had everything to gain by throwing in her lot with that of
Rome; and by expressing a desire to be under Roman authority and
protection forestalled what would inevitably have been brought about by
invasion and conquest. That this was so may be safely affirmed by the
absence of all documents recording such a conquest, nor is there a
chronicle which adds the name of Verona to the list of triumphs gained
by any general--a triumph which would not have been omitted had it been
made, nor would history have been silent over the conquest had it been
there to record. It is probable that some Veronese troops came to the
assistance of the Roman legions at the battle of Cannae (216 B.C.), and
also that they fought for Rome against the invading forces of the
Teutons and Cimbri at the close of the second century. This invasion of
the Cimbri presented a danger to Rome greater than was at first
imagined, and greater perhaps than any hitherto experienced by the
Eternal City. The early chroniclers of Verona maintain that their city
bore an important part in staving off the impending danger. They also
declare that a large band of the invaders took up their abode in the
neighbourhood, enchanted with the soft climate, the delicious wines
(those of the Valpolicella being renowned even then), and the charms of
the sunny sky of Italy. Here it is said that their descendants dwell to
this day, and are still to be identified by the difference of their
language, which is neither Italian nor German, though more nearly allied
to the latter. The district where this diversity of language is to be
found is known as the “_XIII Comuni Veronesi_,” and the “_VII Comuni
Vicentini_.” Modern writers by no means endorse the Cimbrian legend, and
declare that it has no foundation at all. They ascribe other causes to
the philological difficulty and explain it away as follows: The
proximity of Germany to this part of Italy, they contend, explains the
familiarity of the Teuton tongue, together with the intercourse of the
two countries and the trading that was carried on between them.
The influence exercised by Rome over Verona was great; and though the
chroniclers of the latter city are eager to maintain that she was in no
way dependent on Rome, or unduly subjected to her, the fact remains
[Illustration: CASTEL S. PIETRO FROM THE ADIGE]
that she was under the dominion of the Eternal City, and that Roman laws
and habits were felt and adopted in the northern town. She was not
admitted at once to the full rights and privileges of citizenship,
though the “_lex Pompeia_” was extended to her B.C. 89, which entailed
on her the rights of a Latin colony. After the battle of Philippi (B.C.
42; year of Rome 712) the privileges of Roman citizenship were granted
to Transpadane Gaul; though when Verona herself was admitted to such
rights cannot be affirmed with certainty. There can be however little
doubt that this occurred but a short time afterwards, when she was
included in the tenth region into which Cæsar Augustus partitioned
Italy; a region which was known as that of “_Venetia et Histria_.” On
the architrave of the Porta dei Borsari, when by order of the Emperor
Gallienus the city was enclosed afresh by a wall, there was an
inscription recording this fact, and proclaiming that Verona was
“Colonia Augusta Nova Gallieniana.” This inscription is of the more
value as there is nothing beyond it to tell of the relation between Rome
and Verona. No mention is made of the latter city in the records
concerning the Augustan colonisations; nor is she enumerated in the list
of colonies given by Pliny the Elder in his history. Tacitus speaks of
her as a colony in the second century, and in the fourth century we read
of Pompeius Strabo sending a colony there.
In the early days of the Roman Empire, Verona was a town of much
importance; the chief cause that contributed to this importance being
without doubt her geographical position. She stood at a spot where
several great highways met; and all the chief roads that connected the
Empire with its principal towns in the north of Italy and into Germany
passed through her streets. The Gallican way (Via Gallica), coming from
Brescia and leading through Vicenza to Aquileja (thus ensuring
intercourse with the eastern provinces) went through Verona. So too did
the Via Postumia coming from Bedriaco. Another road led from Verona to
Mantua. Another again led to Bologna. The great road to the north also
started from Verona, and carried the communication from Italy into
Germany, and right away to the Danubian provinces.
Ruskin[1] has described the position occupied by Verona when speaking of
the view over the town as seen from the road going to Illasi. He says,
“Now this promontory is one of the sides of the great gate out of
Germany into Italy, through which the Goths always entered: cloven up to
Innsbruck by the Inn, and down to Verona by the Adige. And by this gate
not only the Gothic armies came, but after the Italian nation is formed,
the current of northern life enters still into its heart through the
mountain artery, as constantly and strongly as the cold waves of the
Adige itself.”
A great part was played by Verona at the time of the war between the
Vitellians and Flavians. The latter who represented the partisans of
Flavius Vespasian, and who aimed at depriving the feeble Emperor
Vitellius of his crown, had taken possession of Aquileja, Vicenza,
Padua, and Verona. Much fighting took place around Verona, and in the
end the Vitellians were defeated, and Vespasian--whose cause had been
espoused by the Veronese--became Emperor. During the third century the
weakness and decay of the Empire did but gain ground. This
demoralisation proceeded chiefly from internal seditions and military
revolts. The host sent by Philip the Younger, surnamed “the Arab,”
against the Barbarians of Pannonia rebelled, and proclaimed their
general Decius Emperor. Philip journeyed from Rome to quell the revolt,
but when near Verona he was overcome and slain. In the meanwhile the
vigour and audacity of the Barbarians did but increase. The town of
Verona was looked upon as one of the keys of Upper Italy, protected as
it was by the river Adige and fortified besides by walls and
fortifications. Considered as a stronghold, even in the days of
Augustus, its renown in that respect was but to gain ground as time went
on. The Emperor Gallienus had extended the outer city walls, and in this
way had rendered the town almost impregnable against the attacks of the
Barbarians. This extension of the walls had been made to include the
Amphitheatre, an edifice which might well be of untold advantage to a
foe; for unless rescued from its outlying position it could easily be
taken and turned into a formidable fort by any enemy of skill and
daring. This strengthening of the walls and fortifications of Verona was
accomplished none too soon. A vast federation of northern hordes,
determined to take advantage of the corruption and feebleness of Rome,
crossed the Alps in 268, and aimed at the conquest of Verona. They were
met by the Emperor Claudius II. near the Lake of Garda, and overthrown
in a great fight, when more than half their numbers were left dead on
the field of battle.
In the year 312, Verona was besieged by Constantine, who bore down upon
it from the pass of the Mount Cenis. Gibbon[2] gives an account of this
event as follows: “From Milan to Rome the Aemilian and Flaminian
highways offered an easy march of about four hundred miles; but though
Constantine was impatient to encounter the tyrant (Maxentius), he
prudently directed his operations against another army of Italians,
who, by their strength and position, might either oppose his progress,
or, in case of a misfortune, might intercept his retreat. Ruricius
Pompeianus, a general distinguished by his valour and ability, had under
his command the city of Verona, and all the troops that were stationed
in the province of Venetia. As soon as he was informed that Constantine
was advancing towards him, he detached a large body of cavalry, which
was defeated in an engagement near Brescia, and pursued by the Gallic
legions as far as the gates of Verona. The necessity, the importance,
and the difficulties of the siege of Verona, immediately presented
themselves to the sagacious mind of Constantine. The city was accessible
only by a narrow peninsula towards the west, as the other three sides
were surrounded by the Adige, a rapid river, which covered the province
of Venetia, from whence the besieged derived an inexhaustible supply of
men and provisions. It was not without great difficulty, and after
several fruitless attempts, that Constantine found means to pass the
river at some distance above the city, and in a place where the torrent
was less violent. He then encompassed Verona with strong lines, pushed
his attacks with prudent vigour, and repelled a desperate sally of
Pompeianus. That intrepid general, when he had used every means of
defence that the strength of the place or that of the garrison could
afford, secretly escaped from Verona, anxious not for his own but for
the public safety. With indefatigable diligence he soon collected an
army sufficient either to meet Constantine in the field, or to attack
him if he obstinately remained within his lines. The emperor, attentive
to the motions, and informed of the approach of so formidable an enemy,
left a part of his legions to continue the operations of the siege,
whilst, at the head of those troops on whose valour and fidelity he
more particularly depended, he advanced in person to engage the general
of Maxentius. The army of Gaul was drawn up in two lines, according to
the practice of war; but their experienced leader, perceiving that the
numbers of the Italians far exceeded his own, suddenly changed his
dispositions, and, reducing the second, extended the front of this first
line to a just proportion with that of the enemy. Such evolutions, which
only veteran troops can execute without confusion in a moment of danger,
commonly prove decisive: but as this engagement began towards the close
of the day, and was contested with great obstinacy during the whole
night, there was less room for the conduct of the generals than for the
courage of the soldiers. The return of light displayed the victory of
Constantine, and a field of carnage covered with many thousands of the
vanquished Italians. Their general, Pompeianus, was found among the
slain; Verona immediately surrendered at discretion, and the garrison
was made prisoners of war.”
Aquileja and Modena surrendered also to the victor, and the path into
Italy lay open to Constantine.
For the remaining part of that century Verona remained under the sway of
the Emperors of the West, many of whom sojourned there often and
willingly, attracted either by the charm of the place, or by the
convenience afforded by its central position. Nor is this to be wondered
at seeing how it was a very junction for Milan, Aquileja, and Germany in
turn, and how it was also provided with all that was needful for the
reception and accommodation of its Imperial guests.
In the following century the Veronese territory was invaded anew by
Barbarians, the first inroad being that of Alaric and his Visigoths
(402); the next that of the Huns under Attila. There can be little
doubt that Verona fell before the armies of the “Scourge of God,” but
his speedy withdrawal from Italy--at the intercession it is said of St
Leo--left the town again free.
The influence exercised by Rome over Verona ever since she had included
her among her colonies had been felt not only in the laws and habits
adopted by the northern city, but also in the religious creeds and rites
practised in her midst. The worship of false gods had flourished there
in early times. Eastern deities had had their services and altars, nor
was the Augustan worship omitted. That this worship, which represented
not only the homage rendered to the person of Cæsar but to the
world-power of Rome as well, was celebrated in Verona is evident from
the mention made of the “_flamen divi Augusti et Romae_” as ranking
among her religious observances.
The introduction of Christianity into Verona is placed at a very early
date, and one legend declares that no less a person than St Peter
appointed the first bishop who was one St Euprepio. This divine, who is
also said to have been one of the seventy appointed by our Lord (see St
Luke, ch. x., v. i), was indeed the first bishop of Verona, but the date
of his episcopate cannot be definitely affirmed, and can only be vaguely
spoken of as amongst the earliest bishoprics instituted in Italy. The
first bishops of Verona all attained to the rank of saints; the fourth
being St Procolo, and the sixth St Lucillo, who took part in 347 at the
Council of Sardis. In 380 (or according to Maffei 390) occurred the
death of St Zenone, or Zeno, the eighth bishop, a man famous for his
learning and saintliness of life, and who according to some traditions
“reduxit Veronam ad baptismum.” The writings of St Zeno have come down
to the present day, and beside their doctrine and devotion have also
some literary merit. It is not known where the services of the early
Christians were held in Verona. The so-called grotto of San Nazzaro, of
which mention will be made later on,[3] is generally looked upon as the
place, and tradition has it that Divine worship was actually celebrated
there. The frescoes that adorn the church are of later date than the
building, and were probably added when the church was restored in the
tenth century, after it had suffered much damage at the hands of the
Hungarians.
That Verona possessed a bishop as early as the third century of the
Christian era would point to the fact that even at that time the town
contained many believers, though the martyrdoms of S. Fermo and S.
Rustico in the reign of Diocletian would again demonstrate that at that
epoch at all events the pagan world was in the supremacy. St Zeno’s
writings on the other hand assume that Christianity was widespread
through the city, but this point in common with many others relating to
the early days of Verona cannot be affirmed with certainty. The diocese
of Verona up to the beginning of the fifth century was subject to the
metropolitan jurisdiction of the See of Milan which extended (especially
at the time of St Ambrose), over the greater part of the north of Italy,
and was known under the Roman administration as the “vicariatus
Italiae.” After the death of St Ambrose and when the Imperial Government
fixed its seat at Ravenna, Milan declined, its metropolitan jurisdiction
was split up, and Verona with other cities in the district passed under
the jurisdiction of the patriarchate of Aquileja.
The advantages that accrued to Verona from her geographical position
have already been dwelt on. The disadvantages must equally be noted,
chief among them being the facility with which her territory could be
overrun by the wild and undaunted tribes of the North, who looked upon
Italy--the garden of Europe--as the lawful reward for their labours, and
who considered the trained cohorts of the Roman legions as foes worthy
of their mettle.
Odoacer was the first of these invaders. He bore down upon Italy at the
head of a large force of warriors, possessed himself of Rome, where he
deposed Augustolo, the last Emperor of the West, and after he had
imprisoned him at Ravenna, he caused himself to be proclaimed King of
Italy. This was in 476, and there can be little doubt that he held sway
in Verona, from whence however he was driven out in a pitched battle by
Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths. Odoacer lost heavily in the fight
(489), his soldiers were carried away in the rushing, swirling waters of
the Adige, when according to Eunodius “their corpses choked that
grandest of rivers.” Odoacer himself withdrew to Ravenna, where he was
murdered in 493.
Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, is a name and personality associated
with song and legend. His love for Verona was great, and though his
official residence, so to speak, was at Ravenna, it was at the city
beside the Adige that he preferred to dwell. Its strong fortifications,
the convenience of its position for repelling any attack from Germany,
added no doubt to the attraction felt for Verona by “Dietrich von Bern,”
as Theodoric was called in German ballads. Theodoric’s love for Verona
took shape in the several buildings which either for beauty or utility
he raised in it. Baths, palaces, strongholds, and external walls were
built in turn by him, and to him too is due the restoration of the
aqueduct. The remains of the great palace that he built for himself on
the hill of S. Pietro are still to be seen, and point to a style of
architecture that had its origin in Rome. The later years of Theodoric’s
life are dimmed (from a Veronese point of view) by the hatred he is said
to have shewn towards the Catholics. To this is ascribed among other
things his destruction of the oratory of S. Stefano, at that time the
Cathedral church of Verona. This deed which coincided with the German
legends which easily spread to Verona confirmed the story of the
demoniacal chase which was circulated about Theodoric, and which is to
be found engraved among the bas-reliefs carved on the façade of S. Zeno.
The legend runs as follows: Theodoric on leaving the bath mounts his
horse, and followed by his hounds gives chase to a stag. The stag
however always manages to escape. The hunter pursues in reckless haste
and eagerness, till he finds himself brought to the gates of hell. An
allegorical lesson that might have a warning not only for the king of
the Ostrogoths, but for all of every class and nation who choose to heed
it!
Tradition ascribes to Theodoric at one moment the building of the whole
city, at other times the Amphitheatre itself, giving to this latter the
name of the “House of Theodoric,” just as in Rome the same name of
“House of Theodoric” was once given to Hadrian’s mole. Nor did legends
of different sorts cease to be circulated about Theodoric in and around
Verona till the fourteenth century.
The Gothic rule began to decline in the days of Totila (543), and wars
in different directions around Verona, generally ending in the defeat of
the Goths, proved at last their undoing. An invasion of the Greeks was
however successfully withstood, though more perhaps by fortune than by
skill. The Greeks had actually possessed themselves of Verona, but
their greed for booty had made them careless as to securing their
conquest, and before they were aware of it they were attacked by the
Goths and expelled. An expedition headed by Totila’s chief general Teias
against the Emperor Justinian’s forces under Narses was not so
successful. Nor did a fresh expedition led by Totila in person fare
better. The Roman and Gothic armies met at Brescello on the Po, the
Goths were defeated, and Totila was slain. Teias was appointed king in
his stead (560), only to die by the hand of Narses two years later, and
with him the Gothic rule came to an end in Italy.
Fresh incursions from Germany again followed; but it was not till the
year 568 that any permanent rule was established in Verona. That year
however saw the Longobards or Lombards, under their king Alboin, pour
down from the North and spread over the fertile plain which to this day
bears their name. Their rule extended to Verona, where all traces of
Gothic and Grecian power disappeared before that of the new-comers.
It was at Verona that the famous banquet took place, when Alboin ordered
his wife Rosamund to drink wine out of her father’s skull. Alboin had
conquered and killed his father-in-law, Cunimund, king of the Gepedoe,
and carried about with him the trophy of his victory in the shape of the
dead man’s skull converted into a drinking cup. He had no settled
capital in Italy, but, as Theodoric had done before him, he dwelt gladly
at Verona. The story of his orgie is a well-known one, though it may be
that in his drunken debauchery he was hardly conscious of the sacrilege
that he called upon his wife to commit. His brutality was amply avenged.
Rosamund caused her husband to be murdered (June 28, 572, or according
to Maffei 574) and then fled with Elmicho (who had acted for her as
Alboin’s murderer) to Ravenna, taking with her Alsuinda, Alboin’s
daughter, and the royal treasure. The fugitives sought the protection of
Longinus, the exarch of Constantinople; but soon after they reached
Ravenna they were tragically put to death, and Alsuinda together with
King Alboin’s treasure was sent to Constantinople. According to the
writings of Paul the Deacon, the Lombard historian of the eighth
century, the “body of Alboin was buried by the Longobards with tears and
great mourning under a staircase adjoining the palace. In our days
Gilbert or Giselbert, Duke of Verona, opened the case, drew from it the
sword and ornaments, and then with the vanity peculiar to the ignorant,
boasted that he had seen Alboin.” The whole story of the banquet, the
indignity forced upon Queen Rosamund, the king’s death, and all its
sequel is often called in question and doubt thrown on the whole matter.
The certainty of it cannot perhaps be asserted definitely, but the
legend is a well-established one; and the historian Paul quoted above
tells how he saw the fateful goblet, and speaks of the murder, the
flight of the wife and of her accomplice, in a way which proves that he
at least believed it all.
The Lombards established duchies throughout Italy, and after Alboin’s
death we find dukes in Verona, one of whom, Autari, married (_cir._ 589)
the famous Theodolinda, daughter of Garibaldo, king or duke of the
Bavarians, who exercised an important influence over the Lombard people,
and who after her second marriage with Agilulf, Duke of Turin, converted
them from Arianism to the Catholic faith.
In the year said to have been that of the marriage of Theodolinda and
Duke Autari, the year A.D. 589, a terrible inundation of the Adige took
place in Verona. The part this river played, and for the matter of that
still plays, in the history of the town which it bathes and divides is
marked. It rises in Lake Ressen in South Tyrol, and after a course of
some 190 miles, during which it is joined by a multitude of mountain
streams and torrents, it empties itself into the Adriatic. The Adige (in
German the Etsch) flows down through the Brenner pass, now enclosed in
narrow channels, now spreading out through lakes and wide openings,
gathering force and volume, till from small beginnings it becomes the
impetuous mass of waters which rushes headlong through Verona. The
floods and over-flowings from this river have on several occasions
wrought untold damage to the town; and but a few years ago when the
spring or autumn rains had fallen in extra abundance, or when the snows
were melting after an unusually hard winter, the rumour that “L’Adige
ě in pieno” carried dread to all who heard it. This fear is almost
entirely set at rest now. Great dykes and walls have been erected; the
latter known as “muraglione,” which are calculated to ensure perfect
safety to the city, and which certainly have stood more than one test of
extraordinary severity.
The inundation alluded to above is the first recorded in history; and
one old chronicler asserts that so fearful a deluge had not occurred
since the universal one when mankind was destroyed in the days of Noah.
The country around Verona was submerged for miles, many inhabitants were
drowned, and the number of corpses of beasts, as well as of human
beings, floating about in the waste of waters may doubtless be held
responsible for the outbreak of a grievous sickness which shortly after
visited the city. The month was that of October, and the decay of autumn
following close upon a long spell of heat may well have accounted for
the pestilence; but the Veronese saw only the wrath of God in the
calamities which befell their land and considered themselves as under a
curse. This first noted inundation was not only a mark in history, it
was also the occasion for a miracle--at least in the eyes of the
faithful. The waters which rose to the height of several feet restrained
themselves when in the neighbourhood of the church of S. Zeno. Although
on a level with the windows they forbore to enter the sacred edifice,
though the doors were open and would have admitted them readily had
their reverential attitude not kept them outside in an upright position!
There were three churches dedicated to S. Zeno in Verona, and it is
impossible to say around which of the three the miracle took place. The
story relating to it was told to St Gregory I. by one who came from
Verona, and is spoken of by him in his Dialogues. Many investigations
have been made on the subject, all alike leading to nothing and leaving
the locality of the scene unestablished. In the fourteenth century the
mystery was still unsolved, for Benvenuto da Imola in his Commentary on
Dante was evidently in doubt over this vexed point and records as
follows: “Three churches are named after San Zeno at Verona, one on the
hill, another by the Adige, but this is only a small oratory or chapel,
and I think it is this San Zeno of which St Gregory writes in the
Dialogues, that on one occasion the Adige had inundated Verona, but did
not enter the windows of the church of San Zeno. The third church is
about a javelin cast from the river, and there is no fairer church that
I have seen in all Verona.”[4]
The Adige, though famed chiefly for the violence of its ways and habits,
has however another side to its character. Its services from a
commercial point of view are great. It acts also as a highway whereby to
convey heavy bales of goods, and many a raft laden with timber comes
floating down its waters, which season the wood at the same time that
they carry it to its destination.
[Illustration: A VENDOR OF FRESH WATER]
[Illustration: THE ARENA]
CHAPTER II
_The Arena_
Before leaving too far behind us the days when Roman art and influence
held sway in Verona it may be well to pause and study the monument of
that past epoch which exists to this day in the shape of the
Amphitheatre, and consider carefully its history in all its detail.
Great uncertainty exists as to when the Arena was built. Its
chroniclers, jealous to claim for it an antiquity beyond the bounds of
probability, wish to ascribe it to the Etruscans; but it is Roman as to
its architecture, the lettering over the arches is Roman, as is also the
manner of numbering the seats of the spectators. Its age must for ever
remain a mystery; the only certainty on that point being that it is very
great. Some writers declare that it dates from the time of Diocletian
only, and ask how is it likely that a mere Roman colony should boast a
stone amphitheatre when the capital itself was lacking in such a
possession? It may be answered that other towns of less importance than
Verona, colonies too of Rome, were provided with arenas, some indeed
grander and more elaborate than the Veronese one. It will suffice to
mention those of Capua, Lucca, Pozzuoli, and Pola, to show how many
existed even before the days of Augustus Cæsar, and that there was
nothing strange in Verona also having such a building long before the
Colisseum came into being. It probably was erected shortly before Rome
became an Empire; and it is interesting to trace the uses to which it
was put as the ages rolled on their way, and brought in their train
different habits and customs.
The first use for all amphitheatres was only for fights of beasts:
elephants, tigers, lions, panthers, bears, even crocodiles being
introduced for the purpose of warring among themselves, and proving who
was the victor in the struggle for supremacy. These sports gained in
extent and luxury (so-called) according to the number and variety of
beasts that could be obtained; and the rarer the animal exhibited in the
arena, the greater the success of the entertainment. Thus when a
hippopotamus and five crocodiles appeared on the scene, the triumph was
well-nigh complete! Rhinoceroses and cameleopards were introduced by
Julius Cæsar, and skilled hunters on the backs of elephants were set in
array to combat against them. These sports were first held in the
theatres or in the circuses, but the latter were intended really for
horse and chariot races; the theatres for scenic representations. The
difficulties both as to seeing and performing experienced in these
buildings called for another kind of edifice, and led promptly to the
formation of the arenas or amphitheatres of which such beautiful
specimens remain to this day showing us even in their ruined or
mutilated condition on what grand and colossal lines they were erected.
The theatres of Greece and Rome served to give an idea on which the
needed building should be erected. A semicircle of steps, spacious and
uncovered, would serve to seat the audience, then in order to
accommodate more spectators and fill in the space destined for the
stage, another semicircle was added, leaving a vacuum in the middle
suitable for games, sports, or fights. The first amphitheatres ever
built were generally of wood, a material little adapted for this kind of
building, and that on more than one occasion came to grief either from
fire, or from the collapse of the entire structure. The latter event
occurred during the reign of Tiberius Cæsar, when at Fidena, a town of
Latium, five miles from Rome, the building subsided, and 20,000
spectators according to Suetonius, 50,000 according to Tacitus, were
among the number between killed and wounded.
The Arena of Verona was built of great blocks of stone, in a slightly
oblong shape, 168 yards long, and 134 wide, and its arrangements for the
coming in and going out of the 20,000 persons whom it could seat were
admirable. The outer wall consisted originally of four stories, but of
the upper one only a fragment remains, sufficient however to show how
the huge curtain or veil (velarium) which covered the whole arena, and
protected the spectators from the sun, was arranged and manipulated. The
interior is in an excellent state of preservation; and the care lavished
on this magnificent ruin ever since the fifteenth century, and continued
scrupulously to this day, is beyond all praise. The plan of the building
shows that it consisted of an arcade of seventy-two arches, with two
tiers of boxes, and another tier with large windows. The exits
(vomitori), seventy-four in number, communicated with internal
staircases which led up to the steps where the spectators were seated.
Nor was the question of class distinctions ignored. Seats of costly
marble and highly ornamented were reserved for those of high degree; the
knights were allotted places in the centre; the Roman matrons had their
special quarters; the crowd was relegated to the upper part.
The first gladiatorial fights witnessed in Verona are said to have been
at the beginning of Trajan’s reign. These were either given as public
festivals or held by private individuals; and they took place on such
occasions as demanded either the celebration of a triumph, or the
propitiation of the deities who watched over the dead and guided the
departed spirits to the shades of the Blest. One of these latter
ceremonies, judging from the letters of the younger Pliny, was
celebrated in Verona during the second half of Trajan’s reign. A private
citizen named Maximus gave many of these sights in the Arena in honour
of his dead wife, though on one occasion the entertainment failed to
come off owing to a heavy storm at sea having detained the vessels which
should have conveyed some panthers from Africa. Against these and other
wild animals different conditions of combatants were engaged: there was
a class of gladiators known as “Bestiarii,” who were trained especially
for the purpose; prisoners taken in war were also used; and in later
times the Christians furnished many a martyr and saint, St Paul himself
being of the number and telling us how he had “fought with beasts at
Ephesus.”
The spot where the wild animals were confined at Verona is not certain:
some writers say that they were kept in subterranean cellars close to
the Arena, and introduced through the gates that support the Podium.[5]
Others again say, and with a greater show of reason, that they were kept
in cages either of wood or iron, which were wheeled up to the
Amphitheatre as they were needed. The dress of the “Bestiarii,” who were
also called “Hunters of the Arena,” resembled that of the gladiators,
and their weapons consisted only of a short dagger and a small shield.
They were famed for their dexterity and their cold-bloodedness; and
their address lay in avoiding the animal whom they fought, while at the
same time teasing, enraging, and finally slaying him.
The Arena was also the scene of many a gladiatorial fight when men only
engaged, and several mural tablets in the Museo Lapidario exist to
recount the prowess of the boldest “secutore,” or the most skilful
“retiarius” or net thrower. One of these latter, a certain “Generoso” by
name, fought no less than twenty-seven times in the Arena, while other
monuments speak of the different kinds of gladiators who also performed
there. The mention of their various callings shows too how every sort of
combat was practised, as well as the mixed nature of the fights. These
forms of sport however paled after a time, and instead of a fair trial
of strength, of beast against beast, or armed men contending for the
mastery, it was judged more exciting to see men, and even women and
children exposed to the rage and hunger of the animals with no weapon
worthy of the name in their hands and no chance of escape from a death
of shame and agony. To the honour of Verona it must however be said that
the number of such scenes was very limited in their midst, and that the
Arena was only on rare occasions put to the purposes which so often
disgraced the Colisseum at Rome.
The Arena however witnessed the martyrdoms of S. Fermo and S. Rustico,
who suffered during the persecutions of Diocletian and Massimianus about
the year A.D. 300. Their story is this: Fermo was a nobleman of Bergamo,
and an accusation laid against him in high quarters denounced him as a
Christian. A quæstor was accordingly sent to take him, and Fermo who
offered no resistance was carried off with one Rustico, a humble friend
who threw in his lot with him. They were brought to the Emperor, and by
him consigned to the keeping of one of his councillors named Anolino.
Threats, promises, tortures were employed in vain to induce them to
adjure their so-called errors; and it was thereupon decided to bring
them into the Arena and delight the inhabitants of Verona with an
exhibition. The night before their trial the prisoners were joined by
the old and saintly bishop of Verona, St Procolo, who had been wrapt in
prayer with the few Christians to whom he ministered outside the town,
and who now determined publicly to declare himself a Christian, ready to
suffer with his brethren for Christ’s sake. He came into the town,
joined Fermo and Rustico, and together they were brought into the
Amphitheatre. The councillor, Anolino, on beholding the old man bound,
uncondemned, and a willing victim, demanded who he was, and on being
told, he refused to accept St Procolo’s self-sacrifice. He would not
sanction a death which had not been decreed by the Emperor, and declared
that the Bishop had become childish through excess of age. The poor old
saint was thereupon driven out of the Arena with hootings and blows, and
had no choice but to retire to his flock, lamenting that his name might
not be added to those of “the noble army of martyrs.” Fermo and Rustico
in the meanwhile were called on to sacrifice to false gods, and their
refusal to comply was followed by every kind of torture--one being that
they should be roasted alive. The pile was erected, and the victims
placed thereon. The flames however seized upon the executioners, and
left the saints untouched, according to one legend. Another one though
says that a heavy shower of rain fell at the very moment when the fire
was about to be kindled, and extinguished it. This may very probably
have been the case, and may too account for the power ascribed to these
saints of causing rain to fall whenever it is needed. Their names are
in any case invoked whenever a lengthened drought prevails, and the
response generally obtained ought to convert every sceptic as to the
marvellous powers possessed by these godly men. The deliverance from
this form of death was declared to be miraculous; their enemies
denounced them as magicians, and dragged them off to the banks of the
Adige, where they were finally beheaded. This occurred on the 9th of
August, and their bodies, rescued by their friends, were eventually
buried under the high altar of the magnificent church which bears the
name of S. Fermo Maggiore, and which is dedicated to the memory of S.
Fermo and S. Rustico.
The practice of gladiatorial fights of all kinds came to an end A.D.
435; and the use of an amphitheatre seemed as though it too had reached
its consummation. The invasion of the Goths and Huns brought with it a
spirit of destruction as to most public buildings already in existence
coupled with a need for walls, towers, and castles that was urgent and
peremptory. Theodoric with all his love for Verona had no respect for
this its greatest monument, and freely encouraged the removal of stones,
architraves, and blocks of marble from the Arena to serve for the
bastions, aqueducts, and other buildings with which he enriched the
town. Nor did the Amphitheatre fare better at the hands of Berengarius.
He allowed its mighty stones to be used whenever a building, private or
public, required any massive addition, and the only marvel is that it
was not absolutely ruined by the wholesale plunders committed within its
walls. Its use in those days was almost exclusively reserved for
judicial trials, for appeals to Divine Justice, and for duels and
tournaments. It also served as the place for public executions, and for
the doing to death of heretics. The largest number who ever suffered
for their faith was over a hundred of the sect of the “Paterani,” who
were brought from Sirmione in 1276, and were burned at the stake in the
Arena, by order of Martino and Alberto della Scala.
Several jousts and tournaments were held here during the reigns of the
Scaligers, but the only one deserving of special notice in these pages
is the one given in 1382 by Antonio della Scala the illegitimate son of
Cansignorio. The reason for this particular tourney was to wipe out a
deed of murder, and to obliterate from the minds of the people of Verona
the fact that a fratricide and a villain ruled over them. Cansignorio
della Scala had laden his soul with the murders of two of his brothers
in order to secure the succession to his illegitimate sons Bartolomeo
and Antonio. Bartolomeo was beloved by the people, and in all ranks of
society his presence was hailed with joy and affection. He was a
frequent guest in the house of the Nogarola family whose palace stands
not far from the church of Sant’ Anastasia in the narrow street of “The
Two Moors” (I due Mori). The daughter of the house, a young and
beautiful maiden, aroused the love of the young lord of Verona, who had
however a powerful and evidently favoured rival in the person of a noble
youth of the family of Malaspina. Antonio della Scala, whose jealousy of
his brother was only equalled by his ambition to reign alone, determined
to turn this state of things to his own advantage, and compass his
brother’s death. On the evening of July 12, 1381, Bartolomeo came home
from the chase weary and worn, and attended only by his secretary, one
Galvani. They flung themselves to rest unconscious of the presence of
some hired assassins in the room who had been concealed there by
Antonio’s orders. The murderers but waited till their victims were
buried in sleep. They then stole quietly from their recesses and stabbed
the weary hunters to death. Bartolomeo received no less than twenty-six
wounds in his breast, and the murderers, favoured by the silence and
darkness, proceeded to wrap the bodies in two black hooded mantles, and
then dragged them to the little square of Sta. Cecilia where they threw
them down close beside the Nogarola palace. The news of the murder
spread like wildfire through the city, and amid clamours of horror and
indignation the name of the assassin was eagerly demanded. Antonio
declared that his brother had been foully done to death at the
instigation of Malaspina and with the connivance of Nogarola, who had
willed in this manner to avenge an outrage committed on his daughter by
the murdered man. To give colour to his accusation he then proceeded to
order the arrest of Malaspina and Nogarola together with the maiden, and
caused them to be put to the torture so as to acknowledge their crime.
Not one of the victims confessed. They preferred death to perjury; and
the luckless girl succumbed to the agony of the rack sooner than declare
herself guilty of a sin which she had never committed. The assertion of
such innocence, even unto death, aroused the suspicions of the people,
and it was not long before Antonio was denounced as his brother’s
murderer. The fratricide was in too secure a position to suffer the
vengeance due to him, but the growing indignation and wrath throughout
the city made his life far from pleasant, and he deemed it prudent to
distract the thoughts of his subjects and to drown ugly facts and
recollections in scenes of revelry and feasting. He was betrothed to
Samaritana da Polenta, daughter of the lord of Ravenna, and he resolved
to make his bride’s reception in Verona the occasion for such merriment
as would drive out all remembrance of the past. Troops of gaily mounted
cavaliers rode out to meet the bride; others patrolled the town
imparting a sense of festivity, and preparing men’s mind for the welcome
that all were required to extend to the fair Samaritana. Her beauty is
said to have been extraordinary, and when she rode into the city in a
robe of dazzling whiteness covered with gems and seated on a magnificent
white steed, she was hailed with transports of delight. Courtiers,
heralds, pages and trumpeters preceded and followed her, flags waved
throughout the city, joyousness pervaded every heart, and the
recollection of the corpses wrapped in their grim sere cloths and crying
for vengeance seemed to have faded from the memory. For twenty-seven
days the revels lasted; and among the jousts which took place in the
Arena was one called the “Castle of Love,” a joust much in vogue at that
period. It consisted of an erection set up in the middle of the
Amphitheatre, and representing a rock which was covered with hangings of
costly velvets and silks. The loveliest maidens in Verona stood inside
to defend the castle from its besiegers, armed with flowers, sweetmeats,
and jets of perfumed waters. The attack was gallantly conducted and
gallantly withstood! After several assaults however a host of youths
from Vicenza perceived that one side of the rock was left undefended.
They rushed forward, and though checked for a moment by a rain of the
most exquisite comfits they stormed the breach, gained an entry into the
castle and the damsels were vanquished! The rage and jealousy of the
other combatants at the success of the Vicentins threatened for a moment
to convert this toy war into real and deadly strife; but peace was
decreed by the directors of the sports, and a grand feast given by the
bride herself became the signal for universal harmony and goodwill. The
cost of this banquet and of the other festivities celebrated on this
occasion was enormous, and laid the taste for the expenditure and
extravagance which now became the rule at the Court of the Scaligers,[6]
and proved, according to one old chronicler, “the destruction of
Verona.”[7]
For several centuries after the fall of the Scaligers the Amphitheatre
was used chiefly for tournaments and feats of arms, though for some time
during the fifteenth century it was set apart as the abode of the
prostitutes of the town, and stern laws were passed with regard to their
inhabiting no other quarter save that alone. Under the Venetian
government measures were also taken for the preservation of the Arena,
and from that time forward Verona has studiously used all the means in
her power to guard with scrupulous devotion this glorious memory of the
Past. Some excavations made of late years have led to the discovery that
water could be conveyed into it by pipes, so that nautical games and
naval displays could also be given when any occasion called for such a
pastime. There were also, according to Seneca, some hidden tubes laid in
connection with these water-pipes, which spurted odorous water from the
base of the Amphitheatre right up to the top. From there they spread
like a fine drizzle through the air and were known as “the sweet-scented
rains.”
The last joust mentioned in history that took place in the Arena was at
the beginning of the eighteenth century, when some tilting at the ring
was given in honour of the Elector of Bavaria, afterwards the Emperor
Charles VII. The entertainment however failed to please the jaded tastes
of that age, and it was decided to introduce bull-fighting into Verona,
and degrade the Arena with exhibitions of this all unworthy order. The
first bull-fight was held July 21, 1789, and met with immediate
approbation. This form of sport, though new at that time in Verona,
dates from a very remote epoch. It is said to have been introduced into
Italy in the days when Julius Cæsar was dictator, and it was patronised
later by Nero. At Verona the taste for it spread quickly, and no
foreigner of note or distinction who went there failed to be present at
the bull-fight which would be sure to be given in his honour in the
Arena. The inscriptions which are studded about in the building,
recording many of the events which have taken place there, has one which
tells how the Emperor Joseph II. together with several other princes was
present at a bull-fight in the month of August 1782. Another tablet
records a very different scene that took place earlier in the same year
when the Pope Pius VI. on his way from Vienna halted at Verona, and
thousands of spectators flocked to the Arena to receive the Papal
benediction. Truly the building cannot be accused of having served for
nothing, nor of having reserved its walls for one kind of spectacle
only! The scene must have been striking, for every corner of the vast
edifice was packed, and thousands who could not find admittance
overflowed into the Piazza Bră, and awaited there in solemn and
respectful silence till the Pontiff raised his hands to invoke a
blessing on the expectant multitude.
At the beginning of the following century the Emperor Napoleon I. sent a
donation of 30,000 lire (about £1,200) towards the repairs of the Arena,
and shortly after he came in person to Verona and expressed his desire
to be present at a bull-fight. These fights were conducted chiefly at
that time with dogs, whose training required that they should seize the
bull by the ear, when the latter was considered vanquished, and the
toreadores gave him the _Coup de grace_. The peril run by the
hounds--generally mastiffs--was great. The utmost agility and vigilance
was needed on their part to escape being gored by the horns of their
adversary, and to seize his ear before he ripped up their sides. On the
16th of July 1805 Napoleon took his seat amid a vast crowd who gazed on
the mighty conqueror with mixed feelings and emotions, while he
doubtless felt himself to be Cæsar indeed, surrounded by the pageantry
and _mise en scène_ befitting his new state. A kind of shelter of a
circular form was erected in the middle of the Arena wherein the
assistants of the fight could take refuge if the bull became too savage.
These assistants were dressed half in white and half in red, and their
business was to incense the animal by waving red rags in his face,
goading him with prongs and sharp sticks, and other devices tending to
aggravate him beyond endurance. On the present occasion a young and
vigorous bull was turned loose into the Arena, who came on snorting,
tossing the sand from beneath his feet, and showing every symptom of
courage and sport. The mastiffs were let loose on to him one by one, but
all in turn were overcome, and lay in the sand so many heaps of
quivering, mangled flesh. At last a splendid hound, spotted black and
white, was let loose, and the public admiration and expectation was
centred on the graceful movements and wary gait of the dog. His mode of
approach and defence was excellent, and he made more than one attempt to
pin his adversary by the ear. But his skill and training were of little
avail. His final leap up to the bull’s ear proved fatal; the horn ripped
him from end to end, and a groan of disappointment and compassion went
up from the crowd as they saw the poor beast stretched on the sand in
his death agony. Napoleon’s interest was aroused to such an extent that
he shouted out, “Loose two against him,” an order promptly obeyed, but
attended with no better fortune. The hounds were again gored to death,
and the Emperor shouted anew, “Loose three.” Again the bull was
victorious. “Loose them all,” cried Napoleon, and the pack was let
loose. The bull surrounded by a host of foes held them at bay for a
while, and with bloodshot eye and lashing tail made a gallant stand. But
the numbers were more than he could contend with, and bitten, beaten and
overcome, he sank upon the floor, yielding only to the inexorable doom
of force. The story goes on to say that a general in Napoleon’s suite,
and who stood high in the Imperial favour, turned to his master and bade
him draw a lesson from the scene which had just been enacted before him.
He warned him to beware of any alliance that the European Powers might
form against him, adding that singly he might defeat each of them in
turn, but that united they might prevail against him. Another writer,
describing this scene and alluding to the Emperor’s presence at it,
says: “A fine lesson from which he drew no profit.”[8] Napoleon was
present again at another bull-fight in the Arena on the 28th of November
1807. When we read that the entertainment only began at 4.30 in the
afternoon, we are not surprised to learn that the Emperor left before
the end, probably driven away by the gloom of evening falling ere the
entertainment was half over. The last bull-fight given in Verona was in
1815, on the occasion of the Archduke John of Austria being proclaimed
governor of the “Veneto.” The following year the Emperor Francis I. came
with his wife to Verona, but the intention of holding a bull-fight in
their honour was changed to horse-racing, the reason being that the
failing health of the Empress forbade of her being present at such
harrowing scenes. The poor lady indeed died but a few days after in
Verona on the 7th of April.
A sight of unprecedented splendour took place in Verona on the occasion
of the Congress of Sovereigns that was held there in 1822. The citizens
vied with each other in doing honour to the crowned heads assembled
within their city walls, and among marks of revelry it was settled to
illuminate the whole town, including of course the Arena. This latter
part of the programme was carried out by a multitude of small lamps
being ranged along the lines of the architecture, and thereby creating
an impression of lightness and beauty that was almost magical in its
effect. The royal guests consisted of the Emperors of Russia, and
Austria, the King of the two Sicilies, the King and Queen of Sardinia,
the Archduchess of Parma, the Viceroy, and the Duke of Modena. A tablet
in the Arena records this Congress and the festivities held to celebrate
it.
Some mention of the game of Pallone--a game peculiar to Italy, and for
that reason not unlikely to prove of interest in these pages--may be
made here, together with an account of how it was played in the Arena at
Verona. The game itself had its origin in Greece; the Romans adopted it
in their turn, introducing it into Spain and into the southern parts of
Gaul, where specially walled-in spaces were built for it to be played
in. At Verona it was originally played near the Ponte dei Rei Figli or
Rofiolo, along the wide street known to this day as that of the Via or
Caserma Pallone. The “pallone” (a huge kind of football) was over one
foot and a half in diameter; it was formed of an internal bladder
covered with buckskin, and inflated by means of a tool specially and
very accurately made for the purpose. In modern times the players are
armed with a kind of wooden bat covered with large, wooden,
diamond-shaped teeth, which are so placed as to prevent the “pallone”
running up the bat. The handle of this bat is hollowed in such a way as
to admit of the fist passing through to grip it firmly. The players,
divided in two sets, donned a costume of red and white or red and
yellow. At one time all ranks took part in it, and some famous matches
took place in the Arena between the champions of Verona and those of the
neighbouring cities, some at times coming even from Rome.
The next use for which the Arena served was as a theatre. A small stage
was set up in the grand Amphitheatre of old, and strolling companies
performed there with unqualified success. Many a good cast too performed
there willingly, and it was in the Arena Theatre of Verona that both
Adelaide Ristori and Ernesto Rossi made in turn their début. It was then
used for representations of acrobatic feats, pantomimes, gymnastics, and
such like displays, finishing up with dancings on the tight rope and
conjuring tricks.
All thoughts of games and frivolous entertainments were however to
vanish for a while from the minds of the Veronese by the turn political
events took in the year 1866, and which engrossed all Italy during the
whole of that summer. Victor Emanuel II. with the aid of his ally,
Napoleon III., Emperor of the French, had conquered Lombardy in 1859,
and the peace of Villafranca signed after this conquest had but
heightened the expectancy which then animated every patriot’s breast as
to the deliverance of the “Veneto.” A new alliance between Victor
Emanuel and the King of Prussia in 1866 had led to a declaration of war
against Austria, and was quickly followed by the opening of hostilities
on the banks of the Mincio. The first engagement of note was at Custozza
on June 24 of that same year. The day was one of unrivalled splendour,
but also of excessive heat. Since early dawn the inhabitants of Verona
had flocked to the Porta Nuova, and listened with feverish anxiety as to
what the issue would be of the heavy sounds which roared across the
plain from the oft firing guns of the two forces. The dread and strain
was not lessened when after mid-day a file of prisoners began to arrive.
These were Italian soldiers taken captive by the Austrians, and they
were at once lodged in the Arena, now adapted for the time being for
military purposes. The grand old Amphitheatre of the Romans had served
for many a baser use than that to which it was now put--a prison house
for the men who had fought for their country’s freedom! At eventide the
wounded were brought in, and though grief over their defeat filled the
heart of every citizen of Verona, the whole city was given over to the
care of those who had fought so gallantly on that day. Churches and
houses were all equally placed at the disposal of the wounded, and no
class distinctions held back men, women and children from doing all that
in them lay to succour the sufferers, be they friend or foe, victor or
vanquished. The victory of Sadowa however more than obliterated the
overthrow of Custozza, and the restoration of the “Veneto,” and
consequently of Verona, to Italy followed shortly in its train. This was
in October of 1866, and in the following month Victor Emanuel came to
Verona to present himself in person to his subjects as their king. The
monarch’s entry was greeted with cheers and acclamations, and the next
day he presented himself in the Arena accompanied by his two sons,
Prince Humbert and Prince Amedeus, and escorted by the Bishop of Verona,
the Cardinal Marquis of Canossa; and in this historic spot the first
king of a united Italy received the homage of the people of Verona. A
tablet let into the wall records this visit, and, as on a previous
occasion, the amphitheatre was illuminated with its myriads of little
lamps.
The next occasion on which the Arena was in requisition was in 1872 when
a fair was held in it for charitable purposes, and it was made to assume
the appearance of an Alpine village. Forests and Swiss châlets were
dotted here and there on its broad steps, booths and bright pagodas
brought their note of colour into the midst of the solemn stone-work,
and the locality that is said to have suggested to Dante the plan for
some regions of his _Inferno_ was transformed into a laughing hamlet,
fitted only for merriment and brightness. In one spot were to be found
light and good refreshments; in another the houses of Romeo and Juliet
appeared unexpectedly on the scene; lower down the wheel of fortune
offered its allurements to those who chose to make trial of its
seductions; and humour, goodwill and hilarity held sway amid
surroundings that certainly had never thought originally of harbouring
such elements. The centre of the Arena was laid out as a garden. In the
middle gurgled a fountain of wine, while round the podium a sale was
carried on of the choicest wines from the Valpolicella and the
Valpantena. The success of this Fancy Fair, which was held for the
benefit of the Home for Children, was so great in every way that it was
determined to repeat it at the end of Carnival the following year. It
was accordingly done so, with the sole difference that in the centre
instead of the Fountain of Wine was a most finished reproduction of the
Arco de’ Gavi, remodelled exactly as to size and proportions.[9]
Another weird and lovely effect obtained in the Arena was on one
occasion when the citizens had all been bidden to be present at a
concert given in the venerable building. Each person on arrival was
presented with a small candle which they were requested to light at a
given signal. The effect of these thousands of little lights starting
into life as the shades of night fell, and that too from every part of
the building, was very beautiful and striking, and reflected great
credit on the mind which had planned so original and novel a style of
illumination.
Hare and stag-hunting were also tried in the Arena, but the spot was not
suited for those forms of sport, which did not besides commend
themselves to the people of Verona, and they were at once abandoned.
Pigeon shooting was also tried here, but that too was soon given up.
The interest aroused by aeronauts and their endeavours to travel through
space had appealed in early days to the Veronese. The first efforts in
such directions had been made in 1782, and the first ascent made from
the Arena was nine years later. The most successful one however was in
1886, when the Marchese Pindemonte, one Signor Galletti, and the
Frenchman Blondeau who directed the operations rose from within the
Arena on the 6th of September and surveyed the town and country around
from aerial heights. The Arena viewed from a great elevation presented,
they said, the appearance of a small ribbed basin speckled with black
spots, the houses beside it looked like so many dice, the belfries like
small chimneys.
A new phase of gymnastic life was afterwards represented in the Arena in
the shape of velocipede races, together with athletic displays, horse
shows, races, and exhibitions of skill on horseback. “Buffalo Bill” also
gave proof of his prowess within the Arena, and he and his Indian
cowboys delighted their Veronese audience with the agility shown by
themselves and by their ponies.
Thus the old walls of the Arena of Verona have looked down on scenes as
varied in their nature as the ages that have witnessed them. The spirit
that called such edifices into being, has certainly passed away taking
with it much of the cruelty, the power, the intolerance of those days,
but leaving at the same time less stamina, less endurance of soul, and
less strength of character.
CHAPTER III
_The Middle Ages._--_Ezzelino da Romano_
The power of the Lombards, after lasting for over two centuries in Italy
was now tottering to its fall, and about to give way to that of the
Franks in the northern part at least of the Peninsula. The Popes seeing
to their dismay that the long-bearded invaders far from confining
themselves to their northern conquests were planning to add to their
possessions in the South, called in the aid of the Franks. Pepin I. then
King of France, answered readily to the summons; and after his death his
son Charlemagne was only too glad to retain a foothold in the land where
he meant to establish his dynasty. Desiderius, at that time King of the
Lombards, saw clearly the danger threatening his realm. To propitiate
the French monarch and bind him to his cause he gave him his daughter
Desideria in marriage, little foreseeing how such a step was but to
aggravate his difficulties. Desideria was repudiated shortly after her
marriage, and came back to her father’s house an injured, outraged
woman. Desiderius swore to be revenged, though he had to conceal his
intentions, and outwardly appear subservient. He sought to raise up foes
against Charlemagne, who to avert the threatened sedition marched at the
head of an army into Lombardy. Desiderius was defeated at Le Chiuse di
Susa, and forced to fly to Pavia. At the same time his son Adelchi,
whom he had associated with him on the throne, withdrew to Verona, which
he fortified--a fact that proves how even at that date the town was a
stronghold and able to endure a siege. It was at once beleaguered by the
Franks and compelled to open its gates to them while Adelchi had to
retire and seek shelter and help at Constantinople.
The changes brought about at Verona under the Carlovingian rule were
many. Counts were appointed in the place of the dukes who had held sway
till then; and Verona was converted from a duchy into a county, though
as far as transpires the extent of territory belonging to the new
condition remained unaltered. Charlemagne was in Rome in the year 781
when Pope Adrian I. baptised his two sons, Pepin and Louis, and
afterwards anointed them kings. Their father’s intention had been to
appoint the eldest son, Pepin, King of Italy, and leave his French
kingdom to Louis the second son. Pepin, as other monarchs had done
before him, loved to dwell at Verona, though fate willed it, that he
should die and be buried at Milan (810). The legends relating to the
Carlovingian period in Verona have left a visible form in the statues of
Roland and Oliver which adorn the façade of the Duomo, where the two
paladins stand as though to guard the beautiful entrance to the
Cathedral. Many fables are circulated as to Pepin, around whose memory a
halo of love and respect has arisen which is not wholly dimmed to this
day. His tomb was said to be outside the church of S. Zeno, resting
between it and the church of S. Procolo; and the seat of justice where
he sat and administered the affairs of state, was pointed out among the
excavations on the Colle di San Pietro. There is however nothing but
tradition whereon to base either of these assertions,
[Illustration: THE FAÇADE OF THE DUOMO]
though the people cling to them as tokens that their loved monarch lived
and died in their midst.
The years that followed Pepin’s death and wherein the Carlovingian kings
extended their sway over Italy, brought no events of moment to Verona. A
new line of rulers came in after the Carlovingian monarchs in the person
of Berengarius I., Duke of Friuli, and his successors. This Berengarius
overcame his competitor Guido, Duke of Spoleto (886) and reigned in
North Italy till the year 923. The close of Berengarius’s life is tragic
and pathetic in the extreme. He had retired to Verona after a defeat
which he had sustained at the hands of Rudolph, Duke of Burgundy. A
conspiracy was here set on foot to murder him, headed by one Flambert, a
noble of Verona, who stood high in King Berengarius’s favour, and whose
son had been held at the font by the king in person. Berengarius was
apprised of the plot, and sent for Flambert to warn him in his turn. He
reminded him of the love which existed between them; of the favours he
had heaped on him, he pointed out to him the enormity of his crime, and
the small gain that could accrue to him therefrom. At last taking a gold
cup he gave it to him bidding him keep it as a pledge of the goodwill
henceforward to exist between them, and reminding him that he, the king,
was also his son’s godfather. The same night Berengarius, to show that
no trace of suspicion lurked in his mind, slept without guards, and
instead of staying even within his fortified palace he caused his bed to
be placed in an arbour in the garden. The next morning, as he was about
to betake himself to church, Flambert, followed by some armed men, came
to meet him, and making as though he would embrace him, stabbed him to
death. No cause has come to light to explain the reason that prompted so
foul a treachery, and the fact that Flambert was executed by the order
of Milo, Count of Verona, who rushed to avenge the king, carries with it
very little satisfaction.
Berengarius was succeeded in turn by Rudolph, Duke of Burgundy; then by
Hugh, Duke of Provence, and his son Lothair; afterwards by Berengarius
II. and his son Adalbert. These rulers were for the most part also
marquises of Tuscany, and their connection with Verona did not affect
her history to any great or stirring extent. Their power came to an end
with Berengarius II. who was overthrown by Otho I. of Saxony, Emperor of
Germany, and for a while German supremacy was paramount throughout the
land. During that time a series of counts and marquises filled the
office of chief magistrate in Verona. They acted, it is true, as vassals
of the Emperor, but occasionally they shewed a spirit of independence
and insubordination that cannot always have been reassuring to their
feudal lord.
Verona was often the gathering place for Councils and Diets; and a noted
one took place there in June 983, under the presidency of Otho II., when
warriors, prelates, and men of letters flocked to the town from Saxony,
Franconia, Suabia, Bavaria, Lorraine, and from many parts of Italy as
well. The Duke of Bohemia sent his representative, nor were ladies
excluded from the assembly, for not only was Otho’s wife there, the
beautiful Greek Theophania, daughter of the Emperor of the East, but
also his mother Adelaide of Burgundy, the widow of Otho the Great. The
diet was held in order to consider the ever vexed question of the
sovereignty of the kingdom of Italy, and the Emperor was successful in
procuring the unanimous nomination of his son Otho as future king of the
Peninsula as well as of Germany.
No incident of importance disturbed the history of
[Illustration: TOWER OF THE FORMER CONVENT OF S. ZENO
The only remaining fragment of the building when the mediæval
German emperors stopt on their way to Rome.
]
Verona now for some time. Her intercourse with Germany kept her trade
and interests active beyond the limits of ordinary existence, without at
the same time involving her in wars and dissensions over the rights and
powers to be adjudged to the monarchs whether of France or of Germany,
or to their rivals and foes the Popes of Rome. This state of things
however came to an end when the struggle between Henry IV. and Gregory
VII. blazed forth in all its violence; and men and cities were forced to
take sides with either the Pope or the Emperor. Verona threw in her lot
with Henry IV. Two bishops of Verona in turn subscribed to edicts
published against Hildebrand, and Henry was supported anew by the town
when he passed through it to wage war upon the Countess Matilda of
Tuscany. Even when the Lombard cities forsook the Emperor Verona
remained faithful to him, foreseeing that only in this way could
religious peace be maintained, and anxious at the same time to put an
end to feudalism, and to compass the introduction of the Free Communes
by her own severance from the Empire.
The adhesion of the Veronese to the Imperial cause did not blind them
however to their religious duties, and though no abundance of documents
exists to record their prowess, there is sufficient evidence to show
that the people of Verona took their share in more than one crusade, and
that on two occasions their Bishops went with them.
In the meanwhile the power of the Italian Communes was working its way
to the fore, establishing its principles, and binding one town after
another to its cause. It failed though in laying that substratum of
unity that where so many were involved could alone ensure strength; and
though ignorant of its action it was gradually preparing the way for the
incoming of the “signori” or tyrants who were to domineer over each
town of importance throughout the Peninsula. The arrival of Frederick
Barbarossa in Italy in 1154 was to test to the utmost the new power of
the Communes. Verona, and many another city besides, had at first
intended to stand by the Emperor, and “maintain the Imperial crown and
all its honour in Italy.” But such a course was rendered impossible by
the Emperor’s own action. His cruelty towards Milan, his ambition, his
rapaciousness, convinced every inhabitant south of the Alps that they
had in him an enemy of no mean order, and that every effort was
praiseworthy which sought to expel him from their midst. The Veronese
were eager to give evidence of their readiness to aid in so laudable an
effort, and the following incident will serve to show how keen they were
to hasten Frederick’s departure out of Italy by fair means or foul. The
story though is told only by German writers. Some native historians
indeed question the narrative. They maintain that the events related
never took place, and seek to exculpate their fellow-citizens from a
charge of treachery over an act which, if it occurred, may be considered
as that of desperate men bent on freeing their land from an invader and
his forces. The Emperor Frederick Barbarossa had made one successful
descent upon Italy; he had been to Rome to be crowned, and was then
forced to return to Germany, his soldiers being weary of a longer
absence from their homes. His way back led through Verona, “where,”
according to Otto von Frisingen (a contemporary chronicler and a cousin
of the Emperor’s), “it not being customary for the Veronese to grant a
passage through their city to the Imperial arms, it was decided to build
a bridge for them outside the town. On Frederick’s arrival in their
midst, with an army which had laid waste all Italy, the Veronese
flattered themselves that the work of avenging the whole of Lombardy lay
in their hands. The bridge of boats built above the city was designed
for vengeance, and was a trap rather than a bridge--the boats being tied
together in such guise as only just to withstand the force of the
current. Huge beams of timber were in the meanwhile to be floated down
the river, which beating against the bridge were to break it at the
moment when the Imperialists would cross it. The plot failed through a
miscalculation as to time. The Imperial troops had hastened their march
so as to escape from the bands of peasants who were known to be arming
against them, and crossed the bridge in safety. The timber launched for
their destruction arrived only to work havoc among their foes, for it
broke up the bridge, and separated a great number of Veronese who had
followed on the track of the Germans from their friends; and the
Imperialists falling on them put them all to the sword. The Emperor was
not strong enough at that moment to avenge the intended insult; he had
no choice but to continue his journey, which he did crossing the
mountains into Bavaria by the way of Trent and Botzen.”
This at least is the account given by the Imperial biographer; while the
Veronese writers say that there is another side to the story, and that
no treachery was intended. Be that as it may it certainly did not tend
to improve the feeling entertained by the Emperor towards the people of
Verona, while it confirmed on their side the advisability of protecting
themselves as strongly as they could against the Imperial power and
vengeance. For this intent they joined the League then forming in
Lombardy (1164), which had for its object to arm against the common foe
and fight till they had vanquished him. The League was warmly
[Illustration: CHURCH OF S. ZENO. CAPITAL IN THE NAVE]
supported by Pope Alexander III., and subscribed to by the towns of
Verona, Padua, Vicenza, and the cities of the Marches. This federation
was soon afterwards joined by Venice, and aroused such anxiety in
Frederick’s mind that he hurried into Italy, collected as formidable an
army as he could get together at Pavia, and determined to lay waste the
country round Verona. The allies obtained a great triumph at Vigasio, in
the Veronese territory, when the Emperor without striking a blow retired
from before his foes, after having stood looking them in the face for
five whole days. The League gathered fresh strength from this graceless
retreat. More towns threw in their lot with the Guelph faction, and
Frederick’s cause losing ground daily was finally overthrown on May 29,
1176, at the battle of Legnano. The peace signed after this great fight
at Venice was witnessed by Bishop Ognibene of Verona, and the chief
magnates of the city, among whom were the Podestă Turrisendo; Sauro
di San Bonifacio, Count of Verona; two of the Avogadri family, and the
Judge Cozone. The peace was signed actually at Chioggia in July, and
soon after the Veronese delegates returned to their city where they
were received with honours and rejoicings. Their return coincided with
the completion of the basilica of S. Zeno “in pure, simple, most
beautiful Romanesque style, the most perfect work of art of Veronese
mediævalism.”[10] An inscription tells how the works were finished in
1178, and records that in the same year in which the campanile was
completed “peace was restored between the Church and the Emperor.”
Peace was however far from being the general order throughout the land.
Civil and intestinal wars were rife on every side; and each town of any
size or weight was split up into two factions which held either for the
Pope or Emperor, or occasionally for its own cause exclusively,
regardless of any interest outside the walls.
In the factions that raged between private families in Verona that of
the Montecchi and Cappelletti has obtained a renown as lasting as Time
itself, noticed as it is by no meaner writers than Dante and
Shakespeare. The Montecchi, as head of the Ghibelline faction in the
town, were also in constant strife with many other of their neighbours,
especially those who belonged to the opposite faction. A contest of more
than ordinary violence occurred on May 16, 1206, when the family of San
Bonifacio were at the head of the Guelph party. After a fierce encounter
the Montecchi were worsted and expelled from the city. Their rivals, in
order to strengthen their cause, appointed Azzo VI., Marquis of Este, to
be Podestă of Verona. This Azzo had formerly belonged to the
Ghibelline cause, but thought it more to his advantage to change his
politics and side with the Guelphs. The Montecchi though defeated were
not disheartened. They allied themselves with Bonifacio d’Este, the
uncle of Azzo, and his enemy from private as well as public reasons,
and, their ranks swelled by Ghibelline partisans, they returned in force
to reinstate themselves once more in their native city. This was in the
month of August of the same year. Azzo was seated in his council chamber
when his foes burst in upon him. He barely escaped with his life, and
had to retire from Verona leaving all he possessed behind him. Help
however came to him from Mantua and from his own followers in Verona,
and he likewise returned to the charge. The struggle lasted for over a
month; each tower and stronghold held by the two factions changing hands
constantly during that time. The Ghibelline faction was however the
weaker one; and though they knew their cause to be hopeless they
resolved to make a final and steady resistance in the only castle that
yet remained to them. No hope of mercy or of pardon deceived or
encouraged these desperate men. On the night of Saturday, September 8th,
they awaited the on-coming of the foe, who were equally determined on
their side to bring matters to an end. The attack was so well directed,
the number of assailants so overwhelming, the besieged had to surrender,
and were either put to the sword or taken captive. The castle was
dismantled and burnt; the prisoners were sent to different dungeons; and
the civil strife in the town was brought to a close for the time being.
Peace however was not the normal condition of those days, and this
example, cited from an old document which has come to light in recent
years, is only given to show the nature and duration of these civil
dissensions in a mediæval town.
The towns were not however blind to their own interests in so far as it
behoved them to unite against the Emperor of Germany and prevent his
gaining such a foothold in Italy as to jeopardise their liberties. The
Lombard League, which had originally been formed against Frederick
Barbarossa was renewed against his grandson Frederick II. in 1226 for a
period of twenty-five years; and in it the cities of Lombardy swore to
stand by one another, to preserve each other’s rights, and to maintain
mutual peace. The question of peace exercised the minds of all men in
Italy at that moment absorbingly. The Pope preached it from Rome in the
hopes of furthering the cause of the Crusades; the towns advocated it
from motives of commerce and industry; the nobles stood in need of it
for the quieting of those feuds and rivalries which were fast draining
their resources and undermining the life-blood of their families. In
Verona the plea for peace was advocated by a powerful Dominican
preacher, Fra Giovanni of Vicenza, a member of the noble family of
Schio. He met with an enthusiastic reception, for he was armed not only
with the Pope’s protection, but also with a purity of intention and zeal
for his mission which furthered his cause immeasurably. He convoked a
great assembly on the plain of Paquara, three miles outside Verona on
the banks of the Adige; and on August 28, 1233, no less than 400,000
people flocked to hear him preach, and to renounce their rivalries and
enmities at his bidding. “The whole population of Verona, Mantua,
Brescia, Padua and Vicenza,” says Sismondi, “was gathered on the plain
of Paquara, and the citizens of each of these Republics collected round
their magistrates and their _carroccios_ (war-chariots). The inhabitants
of Treviso, Venice, Ferrara, Modena, Reggio, Parma and Bologna were also
there, ranged round their standards; the bishops of Verona, Brescia,
Mantua, Bologna, Modena, Reggio, Treviso, Vicenza, Padua, the Patriarch
of Aquileja, the Marquis of Este, the lords of Romano, and all those of
the Veneto were there too at the head of their vassals.”[11]
The scene must have been a striking one, and unparalleled till then in
the annals of history. Fra Giovanni ascended a pulpit in the midst of
this vast concourse and harangued the crowd. He took for his text the
words, “Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you,” and commanded
his audience to forgive each other their offences and to follow after
peace. His injunctions were obeyed. Peace became for the moment the
universal law; the factions between the families of Este and da Romano
were laid aside; Guelphs consorted with Ghibellines, and foes who a few
days previously had met only to stab and outrage one another now
exchanged the kiss of peace and swore to remain friends.
The preacher’s injunctions to forgive injuries were not observed by him
himself when an excess of enthusiasm had raised him to the office of
chief magistrate of Verona. He ordered the execution of sixty men and
women belonging to the most respectable families of the town, whom he
condemned as heretics, and who were all burnt alive.
The success obtained by Fra Giovanni at the assembly at Paquara proved
his undoing. He became proud and ambitious; he aimed at becoming a ruler
in those towns where he had preached peace and goodwill, and after a
period of war, rebellion and imprisonment he retired to Bologna, shorn
of all glory and leaving Lombardy a prey to insurrection and strife.
Verona was no exception to this condition of affairs. Her state was torn
by rival factions, the one headed by the Counts of San Bonifacio; the
other by the Montecchi (or Monticoli), the latter of whom Shakespeare
has immortalized for us under the name of Montague. Their faction was
supported on more than one occasion by Ezzelino da Romano, who finally
succeeded in making himself lord of Verona, and who was thus the first
of the tyrants to oust the power of the Communes and introduce that of
the “_Signori_” in their stead. Ezzelino has left perhaps the most
unenviable record among all the bloodthirsty tyrants of the Middle Ages.
The Florentine historian Villani says of him that “he was the cruellest
and most redoubtable tyrant that ever existed among Christians. By his
might and tyranny he lorded it for a long time ... over the March of
Treviso, and the town of Padua, and a great part of Lombardy. He made
away with a fearful part of the citizens of Padua, and blinded a great
number, ever of the best and noblest among them, taking away their
possessions and sending them adrift to beg through the world. And many
others by divers torments and martyrdoms he put to death, and in one
hour caused 11,000 Paduans to be burnt.”
Nor has modern criticism passed a milder judgment on Ezzelino. Symonds
speaking of him in his history of _The Renaissance in Italy_, says:
“Ezzelino, a small, pale, wiry man with terror in his face and
enthusiasm for evil in his heart, lived a foe to luxury, cold to the
pathos of children, dead to the enchantment of women. His one passion
was the greed of power, heightened by the lust for blood. Originally a
noble of the Veronese Marches, he founded his illegal authority upon the
captaincy of the Imperial party delegated to him by Frederic. Verona,
Vicenza, Padua, Feltre and Belluno made him their captain in the
Ghibelline interest, conferring upon him judicial as well as military
supremacy. How he fearfully abused his power, how a crusade was
preached against him,[12] and how he died in silence like a boar at bay,
rending from his wounds the dressings that his foes had placed to keep
him alive are notorious matters of history.... Ezzelino made himself
terrible not merely by executions and imprisonments, but also by
mutilations and torments. When he captured Friola he caused the
population, of all ages, sexes, and occupations, to be deprived of their
eyes, noses, and legs, and to be cast forth to the mercy of the
elements. On another occasion he walled up a family of princes in a
castle and left them to die of famine. Wealth, eminence, and beauty
attracted his displeasure no less than insubordination or disobedience.
Nor was he less crafty than cruel. Sons betrayed their fathers, friends
their comrades under the fallacious safeguard of his promises. A
gigantic instance of his scheming was the coup-de-main by which he
succeeded in entrapping 11,000 Paduan soldiers, only 200 of whom escaped
the miseries of his prisons. Thus by his absolute contempt of law, his
inordinate cruelty, his prolonged massacres, and his infliction of
plagues upon whole peoples, Ezzelino established the ideal in Italy of a
tyrant marching to his end by any means whatever.”[13]
He must indeed ever rank as one of the most inhuman and brutal of
monsters as far as bloodthirstiness and cruelty are concerned, but not
even his bitterest foes can deny his talents as a warrior, his
indomitable pluck, his energy, his presence of mind, no matter how great
a difficulty encountered him, and his resource in the hour of danger. No
defeat daunted him; no failure depressed him. He would originate some
way out of a dilemma however inextricable it might seem; and in spite
of overwhelming conditions he was never at his wits’ ends for an
expedient. He succeeded in making himself recognised as lord of the
towns of Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Feltre, Belluno, and Trent; and no
Imperial league was formed in the North of Italy which did not include
him as one of its most powerful members. In May 1238 his marriage with
Selvaggia, a natural daughter of the Emperor Frederick II., was
celebrated at S. Zeno at Verona; and a month later on the green in front
of the same church Ezzelino and the Podestă of Verona, Bonaccorso del
Palŭ, swore fealty to the Emperor and to his son Conrad. Their oath
was received by Pier della Vigna, the Emperor’s famous chancellor, who
according to Dante, “held both the keys of the heart of Frederick.”[14]
Ezzelino made as short work of his foes in Verona as in other towns.
Their houses were thrown down; their persons tortured and killed. The
house of San Bonifacio fared badly at his hands: the castle was
dismantled (1243) and stands to this day in ruins; and most of the
partisans of that noble house shared grimly in the discomfiture of their
chief. After a successful career of thirty-three years Ezzelino’s star
began to wane. His enemies--and he had many--resolved to make head
against the designs he was now beginning to formulate against Milan, and
opposed his forces on the Adda. He was defeated and taken to Soncino,
where he died October 1, 1259, tearing open, it is said, his wounds with
his own hands, preferring death rather than to see the overthrow of his
schemes. The legends and fables which are circulated round Ezzelino are
numerous and fantastic. Some have insisted that he was the child of the
devil, no human mind and intellect being capable of committing the
horrors and bloodthirsty deeds which he is said to have perpetrated.
Dante places him in Hell in the “Bolgia” among the “tyrants who
delighted in blood and gave themselves thereto.”[15]
The death of Ezzelino da Romano marks a change in Italian politics. The
power of the Communes was henceforward to disappear entirely, and that
of the “_Signori_” to come to the fore. In Verona the news of Ezzelino’s
death, far from rousing the citizens to rejoicings over their restored
liberty, awoke in them only the desire to re-establish the dignity and
power of the Podestă so that in the hands of a chief magistrate their
rights should be respected. Their choice fell upon Mastino della Scala,
the son of one Jacopino della Scala, whose name first appears among
those who formed a covenant with the people of Cremona in 1254.
The mention of the Scaligers brings with it the period of Verona’s
greatest prosperity. The art, the literature, the romance of the city
centres round the years in which the della Scalas reigned as lords of
Verona, and in which they brought the town to a degree of prominence and
splendour and importance which she had never reached before and to which
she never attained again. The cruelties of Ezzelino da Romano were
instrumental in bringing the della Scala family into notice. No less
than three persons of that name had been put to death by Ezzelino, who
were supposed to be some relations, even if not very near ones, of the
new Podestă. The efforts made by some writers to claim an old and
exalted lineage for the Scaligers has not been crowned with much
success. One legend, based however on no very trustworthy
[Illustration: THE TRIBUNA--ANCIENT SEAT OF JUDGMENT, PIAZZA D’ERBE]
foundation, says that they sprang from a man of poor, nay vile
condition, of the name of Jacopo Fico, who made ladders and sold them,
and that from this the family took its name. The most generally accepted
idea is though that Mastino della Scala, the first of the name who
sprang into notability and who may be considered as the founder of the
family, was a man of modest origin, and whose line in life was of a
commercial nature. His position was a prominent one during Ezzelino’s
reign of oppression and bloodshed; and that the tyrant had shown him
some regard implies in itself that Mastino had known how to merit it. He
was an absolute Ghibelline as to politics, a warrior ever ready to serve
his country, and a worthy ancestor of the great men who followed him.
Cipolla meanwhile bids us observe that neither as Podestă, nor as
Captain was he lord of Verona in the literal sense of the words; he was
only the first of the citizens, and never more than that.
[Illustration: OLD SEAL OF VERONA]
CHAPTER IV
_The Scaligers_
The rule of Mastino I. in Verona was marked by the endeavours he made to
assuage the factions in the town, and to conciliate by a policy of
pardon and goodwill those nobles whose politics and actions were opposed
to his own. He recalled Lodovico di San Bonificio, the head of the
Guelph party, and regardless of the fact that this deed excited much
opposition, and provoked an attempt on his life, he followed it up by a
grant of fresh pardons to Turrisendo dei Turrisendi, Pulcinella delle
Carceri, and Cosimo da Lendinara, other Guelph leaders. These nobles
repaid Mastino’s magnanimity by organizing a rebellion to restore Guelph
influence in Verona. The plot however failed; and Mastino, seeing the
uselessness of showing mercy to those who had repaid him in so sorry a
way, put many of the conspirators to death, and exiled the Count of San
Bonificio anew.
In 1262 by the “unanimous wish” of the populace Mastino was elected
“Captain of the People”; an election which proved his popularity among
the lower classes of the town irrespective of that felt for him by the
patricians and upper classes. Mastino was moreover successful in an
expedition he organized against Trent; he also reduced Piacenza to his
rule; and gained over Cremona to the Ghibelline faction. He espoused the
cause of Conradin, the last of the Hohenstauffens, and received the
luckless youth at Verona in 1267 when on his way to claim the throne of
Sicily. After a stay of two months Conradin left Verona, being
accompanied to Pavia by Frederick of Austria and Mastino della Scala.
The boy-king appointed Mastino “Podestă,” or Rector of Pavia, and at
the end of March 1268, he started on the fatal expedition to Sicily
which cost him both his kingdom and his life.
Mastino returned to Verona to find fresh disorders and tumults in the
city; and wars and fightings ensued when Bocca della Scala, one of his
brothers, was killed. After much strife an important point was gained in
the submission of the town of Mantua; a town that for years had headed
every rise of the Guelph party, and shown the keenest animosity against
Verona. This was in 1274, and Alberto della Scala, another brother of
Mastino’s and who was to succeed him as lord of Verona and in carrying
on the dynasty, was sent at once to Mantua as “Podestă.”
Three years later, on October 26, 1277, Mastino della Scala was
treacherously murdered together with Antonio Nogarola who happened to be
with him at the moment. No reason has been discovered for the cause of
this murder. Some accounts declare that Mastino fell a victim to a
conspiracy planned against him by the families of Scaramelli and
Pigozzi; others that he was striving to make peace between two inimical
parties who stabbed him in return for his good offices. It has even been
hinted that his brother Alberto was the real author of the
assassination, but no conclusive evidence exists to countenance so foul
an accusation. The scene of the murder was close to Mastino’s own house,
in a courtyard known as the “Volto Barbaro,” not as most writers assert
from the “barbarous” act here committed, but from its being the quarter
inhabited by the family of the Barbaro who had their dwelling-place in
that spot.[16]
Mastino’s murder was fully avenged. Alberto hastened from Mantua, and
passed sentence of death or of exile on those assassins who had escaped
the summary justice meted out to them by the mob at the moment of the
murder. Alberto was formally installed in his brother’s stead, and
became more powerful than his predecessor, being in fact absolute lord
of Verona, and able to establish the succession firmly in his dynasty.
Nor was his state confined to the limits which had bounded it in the
days of Mastino. Besides confirming his rule over the Trentino, Alberto
became lord of Riva, Castel d’Arco, Reggio, and Parma. Este and Vicenza
voluntarily recognised him as their chief, and he also added Feltre and
Belluno to his possessions. Thus an extensive territory owned the
dominion of the Scaligers and the capital of this newly-formed
principality was Verona. Alberto’s rule was a wise one, and to some
extent a peaceful one too. There were occasional wars with many of the
neighbouring towns, but none of such duration or importance as to hinder
the development of art, or prevent Alberto from enlarging and
beautifying the town and adding to the number of its fine edifices. “He
beautified Verona with buildings,” says a modern writer, “with bridges,
fortified it with new walls, and in the spring of 1301 laid the first
stone of the ‘Casa dei Mercanti.’ ”[17]
Alberto was ambitious for his family, and determined to unite them by
marriage with some of the princely families of Italy. His daughter
Constance became the bride of Obizzo d’Este, the powerful leader of the
Guelphs in Northern Italy; but the union brought more position than
peace with it. Alberto allied himself soon after with Padua and Vicenza,
rivals of the House of Este; and war was the consequence. The war was
successful for the allies, and its conclusion was celebrated by a
“curia” of a truly princely nature. A “curia” was the word in those days
to signify an entertainment given to commemorate any event of moment
brought to a satisfactory issue. The “curia” on this occasion was held
on St Martin’s day (Nov. 11), when Alberto della Scala began by
conferring the honour of knighthood on some of the Nogarola, and
Castelbarco family, as well as on his own sons. Bartolomeo, the eldest,
was raised to this rank, as was also the youngest Francesco, afterwards
so famous as Cangrande, who can then have been only about three years
old. The gifts presented by the lord of Verona were not only costly but
numerous, and as the condition of the donor was judged by the abundance
and value of his presents, any parsimony on that head had to be avoided
as certain to prove fatal to his renown. Alberto at this festival gave
no less than 1500 pairs of garments, lined with fox or lamb skin, of
divers colours such as scarlet, purple, deep red, green, yellow. Soon
after this Alberto’s eldest son, Bartolomeo, married Constance, the
daughter of Conrad IV., and grand-daughter of Frederick II.
Another “curia” was held in 1298, when Alberto’s second son, Alboino,
was made a knight at the same time that his marriage was celebrated
with Constance, the daughter of Matteo Visconti, lord of Milan. The
encomiums pronounced on Alberto della Scala, who died September 3, 1301,
by a contemporary Veronese historian are unbounded, and declare him to
have been: “Sublime in soul, perfect in his ways, foreseeing in council,
pious, merciful, sagacious”;[18] and that he ardently desired all that
made for the welfare of his people and of his city. In fact, according
to this chronicler every virtue abounded in Alberto, who apart from his
merits ranks also as the first absolute ruler of the house of the
Scaligers.
He was followed by his son Bartolomeo who, according to the writer just
quoted, ruled over Verona, “thinking ever of governing his people in
perpetual peace.” If such were indeed his object he was not always able
to attain it, for several wars were waged in his reign, always though as
heretofore with neighbouring towns and states. Bartolomeo della Scala
may be said to have acquired more renown from literature than from
history. He not only welcomed Dante to his court during the exile of the
great Florentine, but his bearing towards him was ever such as to elicit
from his guest expressions of praise and gratitude, tributes which the
poet did not bestow readily or where he was not fully persuaded that
they were deserved. In the seventeenth canto of the _Paradiso_, Dante
puts into the mouth of his prophetic ancestor Cacciaguida the following
lines which refer to Bartolomeo della Scala, and further on to
Bartolomeo’s brother Cangrande:--
“Lo primo tuo rifugio e il primo ostello
Sarà la cortesia del gran Lombardo,
Che in sulla scala porta il santo uccello,
Che in te avrà sì benigno riguardo
Che dal fare e del chieder, tra voi due,
Fia prima quel che tra gli altri è più tardo.
Con lui vedrai colui che impresso fue
Nascondo sì da questa stella forte,
Che notabili fien l’opere sue.”[19]
Nor did the literary interest attaching to Bartolomeo cease with Dante.
His name is also associated with the story of Romeo and Juliet; and it
is supposed that the tragedy of the two lovers, immortalised for all
time by Shakespeare, took place at this epoch. There is no historical
foundation for the tale of “the star-cross’d lovers,” but Shakespeare
has willed that it should be “in fair Verona where we lay our scene,”
and since a date must be determined why should it not be that which
tradition has assigned to the reign of Bartolomeo?
Sufficient glory centres round Bartolomeo della Scala through Dante and
Shakespeare to make the fact that he is not considered a great ruler or
warrior somewhat beside the mark. He gained moreover the love of his
people, of the lower classes especially, and Saraina says that when he
died “it was not the great folk or the nobility who accompanied him to
his grave, but the poor of the town in tears.”
He was followed by his brother Alboino, a good man, but feeble, and
whose anti-Ghibelline tendencies may perhaps explain Dante’s contempt
for him (see _Convito_, iv. 16). Commerce though flourished under
Alboino, and special treaties were concluded with Venice, who saw how
advantageous it would be for her to have friendly relations with a town
whose position could insure such handy means of transport as those
offered by the navigation adown the Adige. It is perhaps needless to add
that the Queen of the Adriatic knew how to draw up the treaty in such a
way as to be the chief gainer in the transaction and to secure for
herself greater concessions than those granted to the Veronese.
The monotony which might have attached to Alboino’s reign was relieved
by his associating his brother Cangrande with him as joint ruler in
Verona. This youngest son of Alberto I. was the greatest of the
Scaligers, and certainly one of the greatest princes of his age. The
legends that surround his life are unending and “seize on him,” says
Biadego, “as an infant; they follow him as a child, they environ him in
his bold and lucky career as a warrior, and they accompany him to his
glorious tomb.”[20] The same writer tells how his mother bare him
without any of the pains of child-birth, though the first sound that the
new-born babe uttered reverberated through the palace. When still a
child, he goes on to say, his father took him to see a great pile of
gold, when the lad performed an act expressive of disdain on the heap to
mark his contempt for riches. His impulsiveness in the moment of peril,
his indifference to danger, and his gift of attaching his followers to
him made him a keen and successful soldier; while his readiness to
receive and welcome men of letters and of genius, stamp him as a prince
fond of learning and of the fine arts. “The story of his conquests” (to
quote again from Biadego) “is noted; his personal valour, his skill as a
leader, made him in a few years lord of Feltre, of Vicenza, of Cividale,
of Belluno, of Monselice, of Bassano, of Padua, and of Treviso. The
rapidity of his movements, his boldness, and above all his lust of glory
were all gifts possessed by Cangrande, and celebrated by his
contemporaries. Nor, say they, was he wanting in defects. He was violent
with the Veronese and Vicentins in order to wring money from them; he
obtained the Vicariat of Verona by purchase; nor was he free from vices.
Such are the accusations brought by Ferreto of Vicenza, who, however,
praises him in that he never showed himself by nature bloodthirsty. And
in fact under his rule Vicenza and Padua improved; he treated his
prisoner Giacomo da Carrara kindly and honourably; Albertino Mussato ...
was often visited in prison by his victor, who knew how to honour his
genius and the integrity of his character. Let us agree hereupon:
Cangrande was a man of his times, but his great virtues redeem his small
vices and place him above the princes of his day.”[21]
He was also very religious; he founded the church of Sta. Maria della
Scala, and together with Guglielmo del Castelbarco he gave largely to
the church of S. Fermo Maggiore. His praises too were sung by Boccaccio,
who pronounced him to be “one of the most noted and magnificent lords
who was known in Italy since the time of Frederick II.,”[22] while the
Guelph historian Villani declares him to be “the greatest tyrant and the
richest and most puissant prince that has been in Lombardy since
Ezzelino da Romano.”[23]
At the coronation of Louis V. of Bavaria, Cangrande was present with
2,000 knights and 500 foot soldiers, all armed; and he spent more on the
occasion than the Emperor and the Visconti put together. The festivals
he held after the conquest of Padua lasted a month, when tournaments
were held, and jugglers and minstrels were present from all parts of
Europe. Cangrande was also a sportsman, and it is recorded that he kept
no less than 300 hawks. Music, singers and troubadours found favour with
him; a table was kept ever spread for all who flocked to it;
theologians, astrologers, philosophers, met with a ready welcome from
him, as did also travellers from distant lands who came probably on
errands of commerce. As has been said Cangrande was a patron of learning
and of the arts. Giotto came to Verona at his invitation, and though
nothing remains of his labours it is known that several frescoes painted
by him at one time adorned the palace of the Scaligers. The following
extract taken from the _Comento Storico_ of Arrivabene, gives a good and
graphic account of Cangrande’s court at that time:[24] “Cangrande
gathered around him those distinguished personages whom unfortunate
reverses had driven from their country; but he also kept in his pay
buffoons and musicians, and other merry persons, who were more caressed
by the courtiers than the men famous for their deeds and learning. One
of the guests was Sagacio Muzzio Gazzata, the historian of Reggio, who
has left us an account of the treatment which the illustrious and
unfortunate exiles received. Various
[Illustration: THE COSTA
PALAZZO OF CANGRANDE IN THE DISTANCE WHERE HE ENTERTAINED DANTE]
apartments were assigned to them in the palace, designated by various
symbols; a Triumph for the warriors; Groves of the Muses for the poets;
Mercury for the artists; Paradise for the preachers; and for all,
inconstant Fortune. Cangrande likewise received at his court his
illustrious prisoners of war: Giacomo da Carrara, Vanne Scornazano,
Albertino Mussato, and many others. All had their private attendants,
and a table equally well served. At times Cangrande invited some of them
to his own table, particularly Dante, and Guido di Castel di Reggio,
exiled from his country with the friends of liberty, and who for his
simplicity was called “the simple Lombard.”
Verona became in this way the home for every exile of note or of worth
who sought to it, and hospitality and courtesy were, as has been seen,
extended freely to all. Petrarch alludes to this when he speaks of
Cangrande as “the consoler of the houseless and the afflicted,” and he
then goes on to dilate on what may have been some of the causes which
led to the estrangement between Dante and the lord of Verona, and that
brought about for a time a coldness between Cangrande and his haughty
client. “When banished from his country he (Dante) resided at the court
of Cangrande, where the afflicted universally found consolation and an
asylum. He at first was held in much honour by Cane, but afterwards he
by degrees fell out of favour, and day by day less pleased that lord.
Actors and parasites of every description used to be collected together
at the same banquet; one of these, most impudent in his words and in his
obscene gestures, obtained much importance and favour with many. Cane,
suspecting that Dante disliked this, called the man before him, and,
having greatly praised him to our poet, said: ‘I wonder how it is that
this silly fellow should know how to please all, and that thou canst
not, who art said to be so wise.’ Dante answered: ‘Thou wouldest not
wonder if thou knewest that friendship is founded on similarity of
habits and disposition.’ It is also related that at his table, which was
too indiscriminately hospitable, where buffoons sat down with Dante, and
where jests passed which must have been repulsive to every person of
refinement, but disgraceful when uttered by the superior in rank to his
inferior, a boy was once concealed under the table, who, collecting the
bones that were thrown there by the guests, according to the custom of
those times, heaped them up at Dante’s feet. When the tables were
removed, the great heap appearing, Cane pretended to show great
astonishment and said: ‘Certainly Dante is a great devourer of meat.’ To
which Dante readily replied, ‘My Lord, you would not have seen so many
bones had I been a dog.’ ”
Other noble refugees who found an asylum at Verona were Uguccione della
Faggiuola, lord of Pisa and Lucca, who died at Vicenza while in
Cangrande’s service and was honourably buried in Verona; Spinetta
Malaspina, and Fazio degli Uberti.
The importance and position occupied by Cangrande in the world of
letters and amongst men of note must not however make us forgetful as to
the part he played as a politician. Tradition saw in him the rightful
heir of Imperial ideas; and many a writer has made it clear (at least
from his own point of view) that in the “Veltro” prophecy Dante intended
this lord of Verona, and that it was he who was to be the “Veltro”
(Greyhound) whose reign was to bring widespread good to Italy. (_Inf._
I. 101.) The controversy on that point, as is well known, has lasted for
centuries, and is by no means ended yet.
Nor is this Dante’s only allusion to Cangrande--assuming, that is to
say, that he is indeed the “Veltro” of the first Canto of the _Inferno_.
There is a fresh allusion to this lord of Verona in the thirty-third
Canto of the _Purgatorio_, V. 43, which, according to Scartazzini,
refers without doubt to Cangrande. The passage is one of those mystic
allusions which have puzzled the great poet’s commentators in all ages,
and whose enigma is yet unsolved. Dante says how that--
“Verily I see, and hence narrate it,
The stars already near to bring the time,
From every hindrance safe, and every bar,
Within which a Five-hundred, Ten, and Five,
One sent from God, shall slay the thievish woman
And that same giant who is sinning with her.”[25]
“To decipher the number given by Dante,” says Mr Vernon,[26] “one ought
to know whether he was thinking of the symbolic value of the Latin
letters, or only thinking of the letters themselves, D.X.V., which
transposed, give the word D.V.X., _i.e._ a leader or captain.” Whichever
way one takes it, the passage evidently implies the hope that a
personage would shortly appear, who would reform the Church, and
re-establish the Imperial authority. It is also clear from the context
that Dante is pointing to some well-known contemporary personage, on
whom he could found his hopes. Scartazzini feels assured, moreover, that
if this passage is compared with the prophecy of the Veltro (_Inf._ I.
100-102), it will be distinctly proved by evidence that the D.X.V. and
the Veltro are one and the same person. Again, the context proves that
the person foretold by Dante can only be a captain, or secular leader,
and not by any means a pope or a churchman. Let us look at history. On
the 16th December 1318, Cangrande della Scala, lord of Verona, was
elected by the congregation of the Ghibelline Chiefs, as Captain of the
League against the power of the Guelfs. It was then he actually received
the standard of the Eagle, as the Leader in Italy of all the followers
of the Empire. And (according to Scartazzini), it was just at the end of
1318 and at the beginning of 1319, that Dante was putting the last
finishing touches to the Cantica of the _Purgatorio_. Hence Scartazzini
feels quite clear that it was Cangrande della Scala who is the D.V.X.
foretold by Dante. Giuseppe Picci (I luoghi più oscuri e controversi
della Divina Commedia, page 158 _et seq._), observes: “If we write down
the name and qualifications of Cangrande as Kan Grande de Scala Signore
de Verona,” and compute numerically the initials and propositions, we
have the following result:--
K 10
G 7
d 4
e 5
S 90
S 90
d 4
e 5
V 300
---
515
“All things therefore concur in making it intelligible and probable that
the D.V.X. is Cangrande della Scala--an opinion adopted by the majority
of ancient commentators.”
This is not the place to enlarge on the question, but the fact that
Cangrande is considered by many Dante scholars to have been present
twice over in the poet’s mind as the ideal ruler of a united Empire in
Italy shows how high he ranks in the opinion of thoughtful men.
There is a legend that Cangrande was among the princes present at the
deathbed of Henry VII. at Buonconvento (1313), and that the dying
monarch confided his empire to “lo Scaligero,” “Constituens
vicarium--Fidelem commissarium--Canem de Verona.”
Cane tried in vain to repudiate this charge, but overcome by the
pressure put on him by the other princes ... admittit--Augusti
desiderium.[27]
Cangrande did not accompany Henry VII. on his progress through Italy
beyond Genoa, nor was he present at his death. The legend is therefore
historically impossible; “although under a mythical form,” says Cipolla,
“it places before us the unbiassed judgment that the Ghibellines had of
the life and character of Cangrande della Scala.”[28]
It was on this expedition into Italy that the Emperor conferred the
office of Vicar Imperial in Verona on the Scaliger brothers, an office
that owing to the death of Alboino soon after (1311) was held and
exercised by Cangrande alone. On the death of Henry of Luxemburg (1313)
the hopes of the Ghibellines in Italy centred round the lord of Verona;
and his hopes again were set on forming a large state in the Peninsular
free from suzerain lord or Emperor, and holding in his own hands the
destinies of the greater part of Italy. With this object in view he
asked leave of the new Emperor, Louis of Bavaria, to build a bridge over
the Po at Ostiglia whereby to facilitate communication and commerce from
Italy into Germany. The leave was granted, but the bridge was never
built.
This scheme of Cangrande’s is dwelt on by all his biographers without
however arousing at the same time any accusations of ambition against
the Scaliger. And this is as it should be. Cangrande’s views for his
country’s good were of too pure and lofty a nature to be prompted by
personal ambition. The greatness of soul which Dante recognised in him,
and which in spite of small differences between them made the poet rank
him ever as a friend, rose to visions of grandeur for his country’s weal
which had in them nothing sordid or self-seeking. His desire to rule
over the state which in his mind’s eye foreshadowed the glory of Italy
was but natural, and was altogether void of any touch of
self-aggrandizement. Who indeed but he could have carried out the
schemes which were in his mind? Or how could another execute the designs
which had originated in his brain, and that his brain alone could cope
with successfully? Before however these visionary glories could take
shape Cangrande died. His end came quickly and unexpectedly at Treviso
on the 22nd July 1329, when he was only about thirty-eight years of
age,[29] and at the very height of his glory. It is supposed that his
death was brought about by an illness caused by the heat, and the
fatigue consequent on his unending labours. He died, entrusting his
friend and brother-in-law Bailardino Nogarola with the care and
education of his two nephews Mastino and Alberto, the sons of his
brother Alboino, he himself having no legitimate heirs. His body was
taken to Verona, and buried in the beautiful tomb erected for him
outside the church of Sta. Maria Antica, close beside the parcel of
ground which forms the cemetery of the Scaliger family. Cipolla speaking
of this greatest of the della Scala family says: “more fortunate than
Uguccione (della Faggiuola) who lost in a moment all that he had gained,
less fortunate than Matteo Visconti, who left to his valiant sons a
state firmly established, Cangrande, by daily and continual wars
acquired an extensive lordship, but one without stability; based only on
the valour of him who formed its head. The Scaliger power disappeared
rapidly in a few years after it had been founded.” And again a little
further on the same writer says of Cangrande: “On the field of battle
brave and almost reckless as to his person, he exposed himself to every
danger; he was his own general in all his warfares; though eager to rule
he was faithful to his promises, and persevering in political aims. He
was humane, even at times generous to the conquered; and a Paduan
chronicler tells us how from having been a hard foe to the Paduans, he
was as their father when he had conquered them. He coveted glory as well
as dominion; and while other lords had not yet learned to hold in esteem
the gifts of learning, he--not from political motives alone--received
those who, through factions, had been forced to abandon their countries,
and opened with splendour his palace to Dante, to Giotto, to Ferreto of
Vicenza, to Sagacio Muzzio Gazzata, to Albertino Mussato. In his gilded
halls he entertained with princely hospitality poets, theologians,
musicians. The exile Alighieri, who had already visited Verona when
Bartolomeo was lord thereof, returned under Cangrande, and although he
went away thinking how
... sa di sale--
Lo pane altrui, e come è duro calle
Lo scendere e il salir per l’altrui scale, ...
he preserved all the same an ever grateful memory of the “magnifico e
vittorioso signore di Verona,” to whom he dedicated the third of his
Canticles”[30] (_i.e._ the _Paradiso_).
The character of Cangrande is an extremely attractive one. His valour,
his consideration for his foes, his hospitality to all who needed it,
his patronage of art and learning, make him not only an admirable but a
loveable figure. Nor should his labours for the good of his people and
for his native town be forgotten. He revised the Statutes that Mastino
I. had caused to be compiled for the government of Verona, and added
another book to the five which already existed. His love of building--a
love shared by well-nigh every member of his house--took shape in a
fresh circuit of walls, which he caused to be erected round the city in
1324, when wars and wranglings throughout the greater part of Lombardy
made the outlook threatening for Verona, and persuaded Cangrande of the
advisability of protecting his city from any possible invasion. His
early death must ever be deplored; and there can be no doubt that had it
not been for that catastrophe many of his schemes for the greatness of
Italy would have been effected, and the state of the country for one or
two successive centuries materially altered. The chief stain on his
memory is the share he had in the murder of Passerino Bonaccolsi, lord
of Mantua (1327), from which not even his warmest panegyrists can
entirely exonerate him. It can only be pleaded that considering the
times in which he lived, and the habits and customs of his
contemporaries, he was remarkably
[Illustration: THE BACK OF CASA MAZZANTI, ONCE INHABITED BY ALBERTO
DELLA SCALA]
free from the crime--only too common in those days--of murdering every
suspected foe, and that with this one exception his hands were never
dyed with the blood of his neighbours.
Ruskin sums up Cangrande’s doings in the following words: “He fortified
Verona against the Germans; dug the great moat out of its rocks; built
its wall and towers; established his court of royal and thoughtful
hospitality; became the chief Ghibelline Captain in Lombardy, and the
receiver of noble exiles from all other states; possessed himself by
hard fighting of Vicenza also, then of Padua; then, either by strength
or subtlety, of Feltre, Belluno, Bassano; and died at thirty-seven--of
eating apples when he was too hot--in the year 1329.”[31]
The successors of Cangrande were men of a different and entirely
inferior order. Mastino, the elder of his two nephews, had certainly
much of his uncle’s ambition; but he had none of his greatness and
loftiness of mind, still less of his talents and intellect. Alberto
cared only for a life of pleasure, and was but too ready to leave the
cares of office and government to his brother, provided he might follow
his vicious, frivolous existence undisturbed. Verona at that moment was
at the very apogee of her glory. Cangrande’s victories over the
neighbouring towns were bringing in rich interest as to money and
position; and the Florentine historian Villani, writing of the
Scaligers, says: “The rents which accrued to them from those ten towns
and from their castles were more than 700,000 florins of gold, which no
other Christian king possesses, unless it be the King of France. Apart
from the following and the friendship of the Ghibellines, never were
there tyrants in Italy possessed of such power.”
The ten towns alluded to were Verona, Padua, Vicenza, Treviso, Brescia,
Feltre, Belluno, Parma, Modena, and Lucca, and had Mastino but been
contented with this ample heritage, his dominion would in all
probability have been more firmly established. His craving to add to his
state, and convert it into a united kingdom, led however to the downfall
of his house. The jealousy of one or two powerful neighbours was
aroused; and a sense of the danger about to spread from Verona and
envelop the North of Italy became patent to all. The Florentines and the
Venetians were the first to stir in the matter, and to unite against the
common foe. Florence was not only afraid of an invasion of the Veronese
troops, but she also wished to regain possession of Lucca, which had
been wrested from her at a very inopportune moment. The Venetians had a
grievance, and that a serious one, though of a different nature, against
Mastino. He had built a salt factory between Padua and Chioggia, where
every Venetian vessel as it passed along the Brenta was called on to pay
a tax. The Venetians were not disposed to accept quietly an affront
offered them on territory which they considered as strictly their own,
and they at once put in a claim for redress. No notice being taken of
this appeal, Venice gladly threw in her lot with Florence, and the
league between the two Republics was soon after joined by the houses of
Este, Visconti, and Gonzago. The league was further strengthened in a
strange and unexpected way by Marsilio da Carrara’s desire to unite
himself with the other allies against the lord of Verona. This son of
the former lords of Padua was keen to expel the Scaligers from his
native town, where Alberto della Scala had been appointed governor by
his brother Mastino. Alberto, as has been said, lived only for pleasure.
He had outraged the wife of Ubertino da Carrara, Marsilio’s cousin, but,
far from imagining that such an insult could rankle in the husband’s
mind, he placed blind confidence in him and in Marsilio, never dreaming
that they were determined to avenge the outrage which he for one had so
completely forgotten. Marsilio was well aware of the enmity felt towards
the della Scalas at Venice, and determined to turn it to his own
account. Chance also favoured him. Mastino sent him on an errand to
Venice, where the legend goes that one night at supper sitting next to
the Doge, Francesco Dandolo, Mastino whispered to him, “I wish to speak
to you.” Upon this the Doge dropped his napkin, and both men bent down
to pick it up. “What will you give to him who gives Padua to you?” asked
Marsilio. “The lordship thereof,” was the reply; and when the two heads
reappeared above the board the bargain was struck, and the league which
was to end in Mastino’s overthrow was formed.
Marsilio returned to Padua, and set to work at once to put his schemes
into execution. Mastino’s fears were aroused, and hints of what was
brewing found their way to his ears. Again and again he wrote to Alberto
warning him against the Carraresi, and bidding him be on his guard.
Alberto gave no heed; and Mastino finally wrote a letter ordering him to
arrest them and arrange for their execution. This letter arrived with
instructions that it was to be given into no hands save Alberto’s; but
he, absorbed at the moment in a game of chess, handed it to Marsilio,
and bade him read it. Marsilio did so, and in answer to Alberto’s
queries as to its contents, replied that it was only a request from
Mastino to send him some more falcons. He then left the room, sent
directions to the allied force under the ill-fated and peerless Pietro
de’ Rossi to march upon Padua when he would admit them through one of
the gates into the city. These directions were all successfully carried
out. Padua was lost to the Scaligers; Alberto was sent as a prisoner to
Venice, and Mastino’s power received a shock from which it never
recovered. He had presently to cede Belluno to Charles, King of Bohemia,
who had also joined the league against him; and shortly afterwards that
monarch possessed himself of Feltre, Cividale, and the Cadere as well.
Brescia and Bergamo surrendered to the Visconti; and in December 1338
Mastino was glad to make peace with the allies and content himself with
a state reduced to the four towns of Verona, Vicenza, Parma, and Lucca.
It was not long however before the two latter cities were also wrested
from him.
These concessions and humiliations exasperated Mastino past all bearing.
He became suspicious and irascible, a prey to doubts and fears, and in
August of that same year in a fit of ungovernable fury he transfixed
Bishop Bartolomeo della Scala with his own sword. This murder brought
down on him the thunders of the Church. He was excommunicated by Pope
Benedict XI., and it was not till after much negotiation and the payment
of a fine that the ban was removed. There is a legend in Verona that
after the murder of the Bishop and the Papal excommunication Mastino II.
never shewed his face again even to his faithful and beloved wife Taddea
da Carrara. This legend may arise from the fact that the equestrian
statue over his tomb is represented with the visor drawn--a proof, it is
said, of the desire he had to veil himself from every eye, and to
prevent everyone, even after death, from gazing on his features.
Before Mastino’s death two brilliant marriages took place in his family;
the first being that of his daughter Caterina with Barnabŏ Visconti,
the heir to the duchy of Milan. The bride’s name, originally Caterina,
was changed to Beatrice, to denote her worth and
[Illustration: TOMB OF MASTINO II. DELLA SCALA]
merits; and then on account of her queenly bearing it was turned again
to Regina.[32] The other marriage was that of Cangrande II., Mastino’s
eldest son, with Elizabeth, daughter of Louis of Bavaria. Mastino lived
but a short time after these marriages. He died in 1351, leaving three
legitimate sons: Cangrande II., Cansignorio, and Paolo Alboino. His
brother Alberto did not survive him long. He gave over the cares of
office absolutely to his three nephews, and died in the month of
September of the following year.
Cangrande II. who now succeeded to the chief power was neither a great
nor a good man. He was nicknamed “Canis rabidus,” though who gave him
the name, or why it was given, has not come to light. He loaded his
people with taxes, and made his rule so unpopular that a rebellion
raised against him by his natural brother, Fregnano, met with ready
support from Cangrande’s subjects and almost proved his undoing.
Cangrande had gone from Verona to Botzen to confer with his
brother-in-law the Margrave of Brandenburg, leaving the town in the
charge of Fregnano and Azzone di Correggio. Fregnano roused the citizens
to revolt; the Gonzagos of Mantua--to whom every rebuff given to the
Scaligers meant a gain to them--joined the rebels; and it is generally
supposed that Barnabŏ Visconti, lord of Milan, was not as opposed to
the rising as in his capacity of a loyal brother-in-law he ought to have
been. Fregnano, according to Giovanni Villani, was “beloved by the
people of Verona and Vicenza,” and his cause was warmly espoused by the
great mass of the populace. Cangrande however retraced his steps as
soon as he heard of the rebellion; he entered Verona with haste, and at
once attacked and defeated Fregnano, who fell fighting at the head of
his troops on the Ponte delle Navi.
The danger was averted, but Cangrande’s confidence in his so-called
allies of Milan and Mantua was destroyed for ever. His plans for
insuring his personal safety at all events against any further peril
took shape in the erection of the “Old Castle,” the Castel Vecchio,
which he now caused to be built beside the Adige, adding to it that fine
bridge which spans the river, and across which he could receive aid from
Germany whenever he required it. The building took three years to
complete, and when it was finished Cangrande removed into it and passed
the rest of his life there. He also introduced a special bodyguard of
soldiers from Brandenburg, who have left traces of their sojourn in
Verona in the shape of the little church of St Peter Martyr, said to
have been founded by these Knights of Brandenburg.
Cangrande II., who was neither loved nor respected by his people, died a
violent death on December 14, 1339, being put to death by his brother
Cansignorio, who slew him with his own hand. Cangrande left three sons:
Tebaldo, Guglielmo, and Fregnano, none of whom reigned as lords of
Verona, and of whom history has no stirring deeds to relate.
Cansignorio was proclaimed lord of Verona and Vicenza together with his
younger brother Paolo Alboino. The latter however was never admitted to
any share in the government; and after a few years Cansignorio, fearing
the young man’s ever-increasing popularity in Verona, caused him to be
imprisoned. Opinions as to the character of Cansignorio are not
invariably unanimous. Some writers, among them our
[Illustration: PONTE SCALIGERI. BRIDGE OF CASTEL VECCHIO]
own Ruskin, have been carried away by a fictitious glamour concerning
this last legitimate ruler of the Scaligers which facts and history
cannot altogether support. Others see in him only a fratricide, stained
whenever it suited his purpose with the blood of his brothers, with no
redeeming virtues save that of an interested solicitude for the welfare
of his people and for his native town. As usual in such judgments, there
is doubtless a good deal of truth on both sides, though few, perhaps,
can be found to agree altogether with Ruskin, who speaks of him as “a
prince who had in every way beautified and cared for the city; and among
other minor gifts, bestowed on it one by which it profits to this day,
the fountain of the great Square. He was deeply religious; meditated
constantly on his death, and believed that he should be entirely happy
in the next world if only he were assured of the prosperity and secure
reign of his children in this one.”[33]
Cansignorio, in common with all the princes of his house, had an
insatiable love of building, and many an edifice in Verona bears witness
to his taste and munificence in this respect. The greatest proof of it
is to be seen in the magnificent tomb which he caused to be erected for
himself during his lifetime, and of which mention will in time be made.
He also embellished and improved the town in every possible way,
spending with a lavish hand, and with a recklessness which almost
savoured of extravagance. He rebuilt the Ponte delle Navi; he laid out
the public gardens near his palace; he added to the frescoes in his own
house; and the many statues and adornments that he caused to be set up
in Verona gained for the town the surname of “Marmorina.” The greatest
public benefit he ever conferred was that mentioned by Ruskin of
bringing drinkable water into the city. This he did by means of leaden
pipes laid down to the Piazza delle Erbe, where the beautiful fountain
in the middle stands as a record to this day of the good deed wrought
for the city by Cansignorio della Scala. He also did all that lay in his
power to alleviate the sufferings of his people, when from the years
1369 to 1371 they were stricken with famine; and in many ways he shewed
himself a wise and considerate ruler.
His love for his two natural sons however blinded him as to all sense of
right and wrong; and his eagerness to secure the succession for them
after his death made him absolutely unscrupulous, and a murderer. These
sons, Bartolomeo and Antonio, were Cansignorio’s only children, but
their illegitimacy barred their right to reign after their father, and
made Paolo Alboino, Cansignorio’s youngest brother, the rightful heir.
Cansignorio however was determined that his sons, and they only, should
be lords of Verona when he died. Though still a young man--he was not
yet thirty-six--he knew that his end was approaching, and he laid his
plans accordingly. A few years previously, as has been said, he had
imprisoned Paolo Alboino at Peschiera. The unfortunate youth, who was
much beloved by the people, was now put to death at the instigation of
his brother, it is generally supposed, though some writers lay the
murder at the door of Cansignorio’s sons. The most honourable and
exalted of the citizens were then called on to take the oath of
allegiance to Bartolomeo and Antonio; the youths were entrusted to the
care of Cansignorio’s most faithful councillors and friends; and on
October 19, 1375, this last great lord of Verona died.
Bartolomeo and Antonio reigned for a few years conjointly. Bartolomeo,
the elder, and who was generally acknowledged as the best of the two,
was treacherously
[Illustration: FOUNTAIN IN THE PIAZZA DELLE ERBE
(Statue said originally to be of the 3rd century)
]
murdered July 12, 1381, and his brother was declared to be the
murderer.[34] As sole ruler of Verona Antonio strove to protect himself
from the perils which were fast gathering up against him from the lords
of Milan and of Padua. He entered into an alliance with Venice, little
foreseeing that the great maritime republic had no idea of protecting
him, but dreamt only of increasing those possessions on the mainland
which it was now her ambition to add to her dominions. The doom of the
Scaligers was sealed. Antonio had alienated the two friends, Guglielmo
Bevilacqua and Giacomo del Verme, whose wisdom and prowess in the
council-chamber or on the battle-field could yet have upheld his power.
His extravagance, joined to that of his wife, Samaritana da Polenta, was
hastening to exhaust a failing exchequer; the power of the Visconti, and
of the Carraresi was every day assuming proportions of a threatening and
overwhelming nature; and help was nowhere to be looked for nor obtained.
Antonio endeavoured to restore his fallen fortunes by resorting to arms,
and more than one important engagement took place between his forces and
those of Padua under the famous English condottiere John Hawkwood, and
Giovanni d’Azzo. The Veronese troops were commanded first by Cortesia
Serego, and after the first defeat when he was taken prisoner, Guglielmo
degli Ordelaffi and Ostasia da Polenta were appointed as generals. They
met with no better fate: the armies of Verona were again routed, and
Antonio without a friend to stand by him or advise him, stole secretly
away from Verona the night of the 18th November 1387, handing his town
over to the ambassador of Wenceslaus, king of the Romans. Verona was
apportioned to the duchy of Milan, and the day after Antonio’s flight
the banner of the Visconti waved over the town. Antonio fled to Venice,
but he did not give up all hope of returning to Verona and resuming his
sway there. The following year he opened negotiations with Carlo
Visconti, a son of Barnabŏ’s, and he also essayed to gain the Pope
Urban VI. over to his cause. He died though before any of these dealings
could be concluded (August 1388) leaving his wife and family in such
straits that they had no choice but to accept the bounty that the
Venetian Republic vouchsafed to bestow upon them. Antonio left one only
son, Can Francesco, who died in 1392, only four years after his father,
and in him the male line of the Scaligers came to an end.
Several years later an effort was made to restore the rule of the della
Scalas in the person of Guglielmo, one of the illegitimate sons of
Cangrande II. The plot however failed; Guglielmo died a few days after
he had been proclaimed lord of Verona, and the hopes of restoring the
dynasty of the Scaligers were at an end for ever. Their rule had lasted
for one hundred and twenty-eight years, and it certainly comprised the
brightest, most stirring period in the annals of the town of Verona.
[Illustration: OLD SHIELD OF THE SCALIGERS]
[Illustration: VERONA]
CHAPTER V
_From the Fall of the Scaligers to the Present Day_
The head of the house of Visconti at the moment when Verona was added to
the duchy of Milan was Gian Galeazzo, one of the most treacherous and
ambitious tyrants of his age. In the league formed between him, the
Republic of Venice, and the Carraresi of Padua, it had been arranged
that Verona should be ceded to the Visconti, and Vicenza to Padua. This
compact was now carried out, though Gian Galeazzo by guile and force
soon after wrested Vicenza from its destined owner. At Verona the
princely system of building carried on so grandly by the Scaligers was
still maintained. The fortifications already existing round the town
were renewed; the castles of S. Pietro and S. Felice (this latter
sometimes known as Castelnuovo) were erected by order of the lord of
Milan, who doubtless hoped in this way to ingratiate himself with the
Veronese besides providing for his own safety. Gian Galeazzo did not
however win the love of his new subjects, who, though they had hated
Antonio della Scala, hated still more the man who had stepped into his
rights and usurped all the power of the Scaligers. The lord of Padua, as
was natural, had also little cause to love the Visconti, who had failed
in keeping his engagements towards him and tricked him out of his right
to possess Vicenza. A plot was organised to reinstate Can Francesco,
Antonio della Scala’s only son in his father’s rights; and da Carrara
and his son lent their services on the understanding that in case of
success Vicenza should be restored to them. The plot failed however and
Ugolotto Biancardo, who governed Verona in the Visconti’s name, ordered
the town to be given over to fire and the sword, and for three whole
days a hideous pillage went on.
Can Francesco died in 1394, and no further revolts for the restoration
of the Scaliger dynasty disturbed the rest of Gian Galeazzo’s reign. His
life however was not a long one, he died aged only fifty-five years on
September 3, 1402, leaving his sons too young to administer his vast and
scattered states and appointing his widow, Catherine Visconti (who was
also his cousin), regent of the duchy.
The confusion that ensued on the duke’s death spread throughout the
greater part of Italy, and raised the hopes of those lords who had been
dispossessed by him of their states to regain their own again. Each one
in turn thought the moment had come for this purpose, and that no time
should be lost in bringing about so laudable an object. The Carraresi
thought it advisable for them to further the cause of the della Scalas,
and help them to regain the lordship of Verona, seeing that in such an
act many advantages would accrue to them. Francesco di Carrara
consequently persuaded Nicolŏ III. of Este to unite with him in
advancing the claims of Guglielmo the illegitimate son of Cangrande II.,
on Verona, and for a short while success attended their schemes. The
attention of the Visconti party was exclusively absorbed by affairs in
Lombardy; the allies were free to march upon Verona, where the
inhabitants greeted Guglielmo with enthusiasm, and shouts of “Scala,
Scala,” echoing throughout the town proved what a hold the once loved
dynasty still had on the hearts of the citizens. Guglielmo was however a
dying man when he entered Verona; weariness and disease had almost done
their work on his exhausted frame, excitement and emotion doubtless did
the rest. He died the very day after his joyful entry into the home of
his ancestors, leaving two sons, Brunoro and Antonio, who for a few days
remained in Verona under the delusion that they would succeed to the
honours which had seemed to be within their father’s very grasp.
Guglielmo’s death has been laid at Francesco da Carrara’s door, but
there is no evidence to prove this accusation, though the fact that the
Carraresi seized on the persons of Guglielmo’s sons and carried them off
prisoners, does not altogether help to lighten the charge. Francesco da
Carrara was then proclaimed lord of Verona, though his enmity with
Venice ought to have made him wary as to the acquisition of power and
territory which he knew were coveted by her. The great Republic, ever
since she had become possessed of Treviso, had watched with a jealous
eye any increase of dominion on the part of her neighbours. In an
ill-advised moment for herself, she coveted property on the mainland,
forgetful that her strength and wealth sprang from the sea, and in that
quarter only should she have concentrated all her energies. The
proclamation of the Carraresi as lords of Verona filled the Venetians
with envy, and determined them to secure so fair a possession for
themselves. They despatched an army under Jacopo del Verme into the
Veronese territory, but the first engagements were won by the troops of
Jacopo da Carrara, Francesco’s son. This was early in 1405, and in the
spring the fighting began again. The Veronese however were tired of this
condition of things: they were not anxious to own the house of Carrara
as their lords; and they willingly consented to place themselves under
the Venetian rule. Verona accordingly passed under the dominion of
Venice, and the act testifying to this surrender was signed, June 22,
1405.
The Venetian yoke cannot be said to have pressed heavily on Verona. Her
independence, it is true, no longer existed, but the blessing of peace
was hers; the conditions as to the forms of government were honourably
maintained, and though Venice studied the preservation of the city for
her own advantage more than for that of the inhabitants, this
self-interest did not fail to benefit all concerned. The Republic of St
Mark busied itself with the completion of the walls and fortresses which
the Visconti had begun; and also made good the damage done to those
buildings in the past days of insurrection and pillage.
A slight demonstration in favour of the Scaligers took place early in
the fifteenth century when Brunoro, the son of Guglielmo della Scala,
prevailed on the Emperor Sigismund (with whom he was a great favourite)
to plead for him with Venice, and obtain some at least of his ancestral
rights in Verona. The Venetian Republic refused however to listen to
this appeal, and Brunoro aware of the hopelessness of his cause
dedicated himself entirely to the service of the Emperor, and died at
Vienna, November 21, 1434, without leaving any lawful issue.
The wars waged by Venice against Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan,
brought reflected suffering upon Verona; and the honour--as far as it
went--of receiving such famous generals as Francesco Sforza, and
Gattamelata was poor compensation for the sums of money the town had to
give the “condottieri” of the Republic in order that they might keep
their troops from pillaging the city.
The effects of the League of Cambray were also fraught with momentous
issues for Verona. This league, formed with the object of compassing
the overthrow of Venice, was supported by most of the crowned heads of
Europe. The jealousy aroused by the “insatiable cupidity,” the ambition,
and the prosperity of Venice was felt principally by the King of France,
the Emperor of Germany, and the Pope. In the distribution that these
potentates had made of the Venetian territories on the mainland Verona
was allotted to Germany; and Maximilian I., who was then Emperor, had
already formed visions of an extended empire into Italy, of which he had
settled that Verona was to be the capital. The condition of Venice was
indeed critical. The combination of forces destined to crush her was
colossal, and she was in need of all her statecraft and ingenuity to
avert a catastrophe that seemed bound to overwhelm her. She took a
desperate resolution which has in turn been ascribed to the subtlest
heights of diplomacy, and to the very depths of despair and terror. She
released all her subjects on the mainland from their oath of allegiance,
setting them free to meet the emergency of the moment in the way they
judged most expedient, and absolving them from any after reproach of
infidelity should they elect to bow to the on-coming storm. Up till now
Verona had always stood loyally by Venice in her warfares and struggles
with other states, but the present danger was of a kind involving risks
which she would not and could not run. The upper classes had not become
enamoured of Venetian rule, and the remembrance of the Scaligers had
left its hold fondly in their hearts. The populace on the other hand
were wholly Venetian in their thoughts and affections, but they were not
strong enough to maintain their opinions unaided, and had to succumb to
the inevitable. Their attitude however to the Venetian forces, when
after their defeat at Ghiarraddada they presented themselves
discomfited and weary outside the gates of Verona was hardly that of
subjects who had lived for years under a just and liberal rule. A modern
writer,[35] himself a Veronese and an ardent patriot, admits that not
only should they have allowed the armies of their countrymen to find
shelter within the walls, but they should gladly and courageously have
shared with them in the discomforts and chances of a siege. The
population, as we have seen, was divided: one part holding for the
Venetians, the other for the Imperial cause. To this latter faction
known as that of the Marani, from the name of their leader and captain,
the famous painter Falconetto belonged. He himself lived in the
neighbourhood of S. Zeno, and he persuaded a large number of the
inhabitants of that district to side with him. One reason of this strong
feeling for the Imperialist cause is to be found in the traditions of
Veronese history. Verona was essentially a Ghibelline city; her
brightest era was associated with Ghibelline rulers; she was the
metropolis in Italy of the Emperors of Germany, the capital of their
vicars, and when the days of her splendour were over, then, and then
only, had she become a provincial town of the Republic of Venice. Her
sympathies were for the Empire as opposed to the Republic, and at a
solemn meeting convened on May 30, 1509, in the church of St
Anastasia--when the entire population was present--the Emperor
Maximilian was unanimously accepted as sovereign lord of Verona.
The Venetian governors and commandants withdrew quietly and without
uttering one word of protest, and in October of the same year the Bishop
of Trent (George of Neudeck) entered the town in his capacity of
Imperial lieutenant. The Emperor himself arrived in Verona a day or two
after, in full pomp and state, under a panoply of cloth of gold, his
raiment being of the same costly material and his appearance, according
to the Venetian chronicler, Sanudo, being that of a “Cæsar of the days
of old.”
He at once issued a Proclamation, which is a quaint bit of reading, now
full of loving words and phrases, now reminding his new subjects of the
vileness of their former masters, and insidiously hinting that they had
better remember their duty and allegiance to the Cæsar of to-day. This
Imperial decree also congratulates the Veronese on their good fortune in
having escaped from “the intolerable servitude and the cruel tyranny of
the Venetians.” It holds out the happiness that is in store for them,
the first they will enjoy under the shadow of the Just and Puissant Lord
who they now obey. They are not to be deluded nor deceived, but must
persevere in the faith and devotion and observance towards this Liege
Lord. If they will but confide absolutely in him they shall be embraced
with that benignity, favour, and grace with which that same Lord
embraces all his faithful subjects ever ready as he is to succour them,
to load them with increase, honour, and comfort. To prove still more his
goodwill to the town, the Emperor restored the mint which had fallen
into disuse since the days of the Carraresi, and went so far as to cause
some coins to be struck with the proud motto, “Verona Civitas
Metropolis.” How these flattering and caressing promises were to be kept
Time soon showed! The town was reduced to the state of a vast and
disorderly barrack. German, French, Spanish, Italian soldiers, without
discipline, without pay, rampaged through the streets bent only on
booty, and reckless as to their way of securing it. Many a house and
shop, the abode till then of quiet citizens and honest burghers, was
ruthlessly sacked and ruined, and many a one who, rightly or wrongly,
was suspected of favouring the Venetian party, was wantonly murdered in
the streets without more ado. Money was also exacted on all sides in
order to furnish the vast sums needed for the expenses of the war, and,
as the writer above quoted justly remarks, the luckless city was indeed
the “civitas metropolis” of every public and private misfortune. The
internal divisions became daily more accentuated under this condition of
things. The aristocracy upheld the authority of the Emperor in the hope
that by so doing they would augment their own; the lower classes in the
meanwhile sighed for the quiet they had enjoyed under the Venetian
Republic. Nor were these divisions and tumults the only trials that
overtook Verona at that time, for a terrible pestilence fell on the city
in the years 1511 and 1512, filling up the cup of woe that seemed
already full to overflowing. Another burden was however about to be
added to those that had gone before. In 1516 the Venetians besieged the
town, assisted by the French, who but a few years previously had been
their deadliest foes, but were now their allies and friends. The treaty
of Brussels at the close of the year fortunately put an end to the
siege, and Verona was soon after restored to Venice. A series of forms
had to be gone through before the transfer was effected. Verona was
handed over first to Spain, then passed on to the French general
Lautrec, who received it in the name of his master Francis I., and from
him again it was restored to Venice. The act of restitution was
accompanied by a great religious function in the Cathedral: high mass
was celebrated, and a general pardon was proclaimed on the part of the
Signory of Venice to all at Verona. It is strange to read how that here
and there some stone lions of St Mark, which had been stowed away during
Maximilian’s reign in Verona, were now brought out from their
[Illustration: THE PIAZZA DELLE ERBE, WITH THE VENETIAN COLUMN]
hiding-places covered with decorations, and set up with every sign of
rejoicing. Peals of bells rang out cheerily, cries of “Marco, Marco,”
re-echoed through the streets, fireworks and illuminations lit up the
darkness of the winter night, and the French invaders could not contain
their surprise over the kindly feeling entertained by the people of
Verona for Venice. To mark still further the satisfaction felt by the
people over the restoration of the Venetian rule, the beautiful column
that stands at the northern end of the Piazza delle Erbe was erected in
1523. It is a magnificent block of white Veronese marble, and the year
following the winged lion was placed on the top, that emblem of the
wavering Evangelist whom the great Republic took for its Patron and its
Saint.
That wary Republic, fully alive to the dangers through which she had
passed, was resolved to provide against any which might assail her in
the future. The fortifications around Verona were consequently ordered
to be put into a condition to meet the modern requirements of war; old
fortresses were to be demolished, and new ones put in their stead with
bastions, moats, and all the contrivances then considered requisite to
render the town impregnable. The old walls were only retained on the
side towards the hills, where assaults were considered unlikely, or at
the most harmless. It was while these works were in construction that
new entrances into the town were voted necessary, and the following were
therefore erected, namely--the Porta Nuova (1541-42), that of the Palio
(1542-57), Porta Vescovo (1520), Porta S. Zeno (1541-42), and the far
less well-built one of S. Giorgio (1525). These works were done by
Michele San Micheli, a native of Verona, and one of the greatest
architects Italy ever produced. His fame chiefly rests on all buildings
connected with military matters, though in other edifices, whether of a
religious or a lay nature, his work ranks very high.
An insurrection was set on foot in 1522 to stir up the Veronese against
the dominion of Venice, and to restore, in the person of a pretender,
the line of the Scaligers. The wars between Francis I. of France and
Charles V. of Spain had let loose a great number of restless, turbulent
spirits, whose aim was to attain to some position of eminence and honour
by the upsetting of the existing forms of government. One of these
intriguers, a Spaniard it is supposed, gave himself out as Bartolomeo
della Scala, and managed so far as to secure a promise of provisional
support from Spain, and from the House of Gonzaga. The Venetian Republic
was fully aware of the intrigue. She just waited for the moment when it
suited her best to strike, and then she did so effectively. She accepted
the offer of a hired assassin to remove the pretender from her path, and
when he was soon after poignarded in the streets of Mantua (1529), she
clenched matters by condemning the dead man’s son, Brunoro, to be
imprisoned for life in the fortress of Famagosta.
For over two centuries no movement of political importance stirred the
even tenor of life at Verona. A terrible plague in 1630 swept away more
than half the population, and reduced the number of inhabitants, it is
said, from over 50,000 to barely 20,000. Another misfortune overtook the
town in 1757, when the Adige overflowed its banks (September 2), swept
away two arches of the Ponte delle Navi, and wrought untold damage.
Greater and graver disturbances were, however, in store for Verona at
the close of the eighteenth century. It was then that, after a sojourn
of twenty months, Louis XVIII., under the assumed name of Count de
Lille, left the town owing to the political intrigues gathering on all
sides, and threatening to involve every state which harboured him.
Bonaparte’s victories were now bringing that great general every day
nearer to the Veronese district; and after his victory over the
Austrians at Borghetto di Valeggio he feigned great indignation against
Verona for harbouring the royal fugitive. He announced his intention to
possess himself of the town, and the Venetian Republic, now too weak to
claim an authority it was unable to exercise, had quietly to acquiesce
in Bonaparte’s occupation of Verona on June 1, 1796.
The following digression as to the Comte de Lille’s sojourn in Verona,
taken from a “Raccolta ... di Documenti[36] Mediti” belonging to the
diplomatic story of the Revolution and Fall of the Venetian Republic may
prove of interest here. The Comte de Provence (to give him his real
name) had fixed his abode in Verona towards the end of the year 1794,
under the incognito of “Comte de Lille.” His mode of life was quiet and
private, and though his suite recognised him as Louis XVIII., King of
France, he himself avoided every outward semblance of majesty so as not
to compromise the Venetian Republic, which had afforded him an asylum
and hospitality in its territory. The nobles of Verona took no heed of
him; and even the French emigrants in the city abstained from paying
their court to him, keeping themselves prudently in the background. The
Count was lodged in the palace of the patrician family of the Gazzola,
and while there, with the help of his most trusted followers, he set to
work to prepare some despatches, which he intended eventually to send to
the sovereigns of Europe, in order to ascertain their measures with
regard to him. In the meantime he meant to remain quietly at Verona, and
there to await the tide of events. Several persons of note came
expressly to Verona to greet him, among them being the Count
d’Entragues, the Prince of Nassau, and the Spanish Ambassador, the
Chevalier de Las Casas. That he had received every courtesy from Venice
is evident by a letter that he wrote to Alvise Mocenigo the Venetian
envoy, on the expiration of that nobleman’s term of office in Verona, to
thank him for the civilities that had been extended to him, and begging
him likewise to convey his gratitude to the Doge. This letter bears date
June 18, 1795. The Comte de Lille however wrote other letters, which
were not altogether of so simple an order. The very next month it was
discovered that he had despatched two letters to the King of Sardinia,
the first of these being to announce his succession to the throne of
France, and written as though he were actually a king; the other in a
confidential strain, implored the King of Sardinia to continue his
hospitality to the writer’s wife, Marie Josephine of Savoy, Countess of
Provence. The King of Sardinia took notice only of the second of these
letters, though explaining at the same time that he could take no line
of action about it till he knew what would be the conduct of the Allied
Courts, especially those of Vienna and London. The Countess of Provence
was allowed to stay on at the Royal palace, where but a few Frenchmen
went to pay their homage to their so-called queen.
Early in August of this same year a slight Royalist movement was known
to be on foot, and the suspicions of M. Lallement, the French
Plenipotentiary from Paris in Verona, began to be aroused. The Venetian
Government shared the uneasiness clearly shown by the Frenchman at the
state of affairs, the more so, as they were strangely, not to say
nervously anxious, to maintain scrupulously the terms of armed
neutrality on which they stood with regard to other nations. Their
uneasiness was in no way lessened at M. Lallement’s objection to the
residence in Verona of His Royal Highness the Count of Provence, whom
the French journalists styled derisively “the King of Verona.” In the
meantime the French army was preparing to invade Italy, a measure that
was frustrated for a short while by the opposition offered to such a
step by the joint action of the Piedmontese and Austrian forces. The
Venetian Government all this time remained passive, making no
preparation to meet the on-coming danger, and careful only not to
infringe the neutrality to which they considered themselves exclusively
bound. This attitude of theirs, and their apathy as to the suspected
plots on behalf of the Comte de Lille at Verona, provoked the
indignation of the French powers in Paris. A ministerial note was
addressed to Alvise Querini, the Venetian ambassador in the French
capital, to remonstrate. It dwelt on the harmony to be desired and
maintained between the two Republics, a harmony however that could not
tolerate “so crying a scandal as that of the residence in Verona of
Louis Stanislaus Saverio, the so-called Louis XVIII., who proclaimed
himself, and acted as King of France.” It further stated that “since
Louis Stanislaus Saverio had not feared to compromise the Venetian
Republic in behaving while in Venetian territory as King of France, he
had forfeited all claim to the asylum which he had obtained ... and the
Minister of Public Affairs asked that he should be deprived thereof
throughout all the states of the Venetian territory.” A string of
complaints followed this verbose note, together with a remark couched in
a truly ironical spirit, as to the improbability of the French Republic
allowing so indiscreet a guest to be tolerated any longer, and the sad
dilemma in which the Venetian Government must doubtless find itself. The
agitation subsequent on the publication of this despatch in Venice was
great. The “Savii,” urged by M. Lallement to send a prompt answer,
invoked the assistance of the Inquisitors of State, and they again
despatched their secretary Giuseppe Gradenigo to Verona, while the Count
d’Entragues sent a special messenger to inform the Comte de Lille of the
turn things were taking. The Marchese Carlotti was deputed to present
himself to the Royal exile, and break to him that the Venetian
Government could not but carry out the injunctions laid on them by the
French rulers. The luckless Count could offer no opposition to this law
of the strongest, but he made an effort to maintain the dignity of the
House of Bourbon, and claimed the right to erase his family’s name from
the “Libro d’Oro” of Venice, and to take back the suit of armour
presented of old by Henry IV. to the Republic. He wrote to the Russian
ambassador in Venice, complaining of the treatment he had received at
the hands of the Venetians, and entrusting him with a power of attorney
to execute his commission as to the Libro d’Oro and the suit of armour.
His letter ran as follows:--“Louis, by the Grace of God, King of France
and of Navarre to Monsieur Mordino, Privy Councillor to H.M. the Emperor
of all the Russias, and his Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of
Venice, Chevalier of the Order of Vladimir, greeting.
“The Senate of Venice having notified in an offensive manner that the
asylum which We had elected to choose ceased from this instant, and that
they expected Us to leave Verona in the shortest possible time, We have
replied in these terms to the Marquis Carlotti, charged to deliver this
commission directly to Us:--I shall depart, but I exact two
indispensable conditions:--1st, that the Libro d’Oro, where the name of
my family is inscribed, be brought to me, that I may with my own hand
erase it therefrom; 2nd, that the suit of armour be restored to me which
was given by my ancestor Henry IV. as a token of friendship to the
Republic of Venice. The lawful impatience which We have to withdraw from
the Venetian states determines Us to empower you on Our part to execute
the fulfilment of these two conditions, to cancel the name of Our family
from the Libro d’Oro, and to receive in custody the suit of armour of
our ancestor Henry IV. of glorious memory.
“L.S. Given at Verona under Our sign and ordinary seal the 20th April,
year of grace 1796, and of Our reign the first.--Louis.”
These conditions of the would-be King of France could not however be
complied with. The reply to his demand was only arrived at after a long
correspondence had been carried on between the Venetian Republic and the
Court of St Petersburg, and was altogether unfavourable to the Count’s
wishes. The name of the Bourbons, it said, could not be erased from the
Libro d’Oro without causing dire offence to the sovereigns of Spain,
Naples, and Parma, all of whom belonged to the family of the Bourbons,
nor for the same reason could the armour presented by Henry IV. to
Venice, and jealously guarded by her, be now given back. Thus Venice
gained her point on all sides. The Count of Lille was banished from the
territory of the Republic, and on the 15th April 1796, at three o’clock
in the afternoon, he wended his way from Verona to seek in the direction
of the Tyrol for the shelter and safety that were no longer to be
afforded him beside the banks of the Adige, and where for twenty months
he had enjoyed a calm, if not a real home. Nor did Venice forego her
possession of the princely gift bestowed on her by Henry of Navarre.
That suit of armour is to be seen to this day at the arsenal at Venice,
though the sword which belonged to it was stolen in 1797, and not the
least clue exists as to where it is now to be found. To return however
to Verona.
The occupation of the town by the French was of short duration, for the
Austrian troops under General Wurmser swept down on the valley of the
Adige the very next month, and entered the town the 30th of July. Their
stay however was also brief. The French returned as conquerors on August
8, and the victories of Arcole and Rivole confirmed them in their
possession. They were not beloved by the people of Verona, of whom the
greater part considered themselves still subject to Venice, and resented
the military occupation foisted on them by Napoleon. What brought
matters to a climax is unknown, but on the evening of April 17, the
first shot was fired, and the Veronese rose up in arms against the
French. A very wholesale massacre ensued, though the assertion that the
inhabitants of Verona spared none of their foes, and even fired on the
hospitals, slaughtering both sick and wounded in their fury, is probably
an exaggeration. Fighting, firing, cannonading, the ringing of bells to
call to arms went on for three whole days. French troops came hurrying
in to the defence of the French, who poured a ceaseless rain of bullets
on to the town from the forts, till the Veronese had no choice but to
surrender. The Venetian authorities commenced the negotiations for
ceding the town, and on April 27 the French again took possession of
Verona without--and to their honour be it said--this time insulting the
vanquished or abusing of their victory. The “Pâques Véronaises,” the
Veronese Vespers, as this rising and massacre has been styled, may be
considered in a twofold light. It may either be looked upon as the only
effort made to uphold the dying power of Venice; or it may be reckoned
as a useless waste of blood and treasure. It certainly did not tend to
conciliate the French towards the inhabitants of Verona; and it gave
Bonaparte an excuse for avenging the blood of his soldiers--an excuse he
was not the man to forget. Heavy taxes were laid on the city; citizens
of renown and high degree were executed; and wherever tyranny and
oppression were possible they were indulged in freely.
The French yoke became so obnoxious that when in 1798 the town was
handed over to the Austrians it seemed to the Veronese as though a
stroke of good fortune had befallen them. The Austrian possession this
time lasted till the peace of Luneville, early in 1800, when the city
was divided between the French and Austrians, the French retaining the
half on the right bank of the Adige, the Austrians reserving that on the
left bank. This condition of affairs lasted till 1805, when the whole
town was declared to be French, and when Napoleon caused himself to be
proclaimed king of Italy, appointing Eugène de Beauharnais as his
viceroy. In 1814 Verona again changed hands, being placed once more
under the Austrian dominion, after Napoleon was fallen from his high
estate, and when the might and determination of England had stopped him
from enslaving and oppressing the greater part of Europe.
For many years Verona belonged to Austria. The Lombard-Veneto kingdom,
ruled over by the Archduke Rainer, brought outward peace to the country
from which it took its name, though the longing to expel the foreigner
and create a united and independent kingdom of Italy was growing and
developing in the heart of every true patriot throughout the Peninsula.
This longing took shape in 1848, when the war of independence was begun.
The hopes of freedom and unification centred round Charles Albert and
the small kingdom of Piedmont, and at the outset fortune smiled on the
gallant undertaking. The Austrians however were not to be driven lightly
out of the country; they reconquered Milan; possessed themselves anew of
the “Veneto”; and inflicted a severe defeat on the Piedmontese army at
Novara (March 23, 1849). No sooner were they firmly established again in
Verona than they set to work to restore the fortifications and build new
ones all around and about the town. They converted it into a fortress of
the very first rank, and made certain that from the great
quadrilateral--formed of Verona, Mantua, Legnano, and Peschiera--they
had a base of operations which would render them impregnable against any
attack. And indeed it seemed as though Austrian rule was fixed for all
time in the North of Italy. Plots and intrigues, it is true, were
constantly being formed, but they collapsed without accomplishing their
aim, and were never sufficiently serious to unsettle the ruling powers.
It was not till the year 1859 that the patriotic hopes which had dawned
more than eleven years previously began again to see the light, though
the perfect day was not to be reached even then. Napoleon III., Emperor
of the French, did all that in him lay at that period to help his ally
Victor Emanuel II. to the possession of his entire realm. The peace of
Villafranca, however, put to flight the hopes that Solferino and S.
Martino had formed, and though a part of the Veronese territory was
restored to Italy, the town itself and much of the province remained
subject to Austria. This state of things lasted till 1866, when the
Prussians became the allies of Italy, and the Austrians were finally
driven out of the Peninsula. The great battle of Sadowa, resulting in
the peace of Vienna (October 3, 1866), settled definitely the vexed
question as to the rights of ownership, and on the 16th of the same
month the Italian army entered Verona in triumph. Far different must
have been the feelings with which the Austrians quitted it. True, the
town did not stand on their native soil, nor was the language spoken
therein their mother tongue. But years of possession had endeared it to
them; they had guarded it with unceasing love and care; they had made it
one of the finest fortresses of Europe. Now all was to be changed. They
must hand it over to the young and newly-formed kingdom of Italy, and
who could assure them that all would be well with the town in other and
inexperienced hands? Time alone was to furnish the answer.
On November 18th, 1866, King Victor Emanuel II. and his sons Humbert and
Amedeus of Savoy came to Verona. The day following they were present at
a great concourse of people held in the amphitheatre. An enthusiastic
welcome awaited them; the national joy burst spontaneously from
thousands of spectators, proving the affection of the Veronese for their
rightful princes, and convincing the king and his children of the love
and loyalty that existed for them in the grand old city of Verona la
Degna.
CHAPTER VI
_Men of Letters_--_School of Painting_
A love of letters and a regard for men of learning has ever been a
marked characteristic throughout the history of Verona, and stamped the
early and after days of her existence with a special and distinctive
note.
The first name on a long and honoured roll is that of Valerius Catullus,
who was born at Verona about B.C. 84. As all classical students know he
owned a villa at Sirmione, where the ruins of an old mansion are pointed
out as the abode of the “tenderest of Roman poets nineteen hundred years
ago”--the poet who might well be called the Heine of his age.
The province of Verona claims Cornelius Nepos as one of her sons, though
the actual town in which he was born has never been satisfactorily
determined. Cornelius Nepos was the contemporary and friend of Catullus,
who addressed some of his poems to him, and together they passed most of
their lives in Rome, where Cicero formed one of their circle.
Æmilius Macer, a well-known poet and philosopher, the friend of Virgil
and of Ovid, was also a Veronese. There is a work in verse “treating of
the virtues of herbs and of the qualities and instincts of reptiles and
birds,” by one Macer, but opinions are divided as to whether the author
hailed from Verona or was another writer of the same name.
During the Augustan age in which the above named
[Illustration: PALAZZO DEL CONSIGLIO. ARCHITECT FRA GIACONDO.]]
authors lived, Verona also claimed among her citizens the celebrated
architect Vitruvius Cerdone; a claim not always, nor very generally,
recognised. His statue however stands among those of her greatest men
outside the Palazzo del Consiglio, and perpetuates the fame of the man
who designed the once glorious Arco de’ Gavi, that arch which formed one
of Verona’s greatest monuments up till 1805, when it was wantonly taken
down. Other writers who were natives of Verona, or of the surrounding
province, were Pomponius Secundus (a writer of tragedies, and who, in
his capacity of Veronese consul at Rome, gave a great supper to the
Emperor Titus, when according to Pliny who was one of the guests, some
wine one hundred and sixty years old was drunk); Cassius or Catius
Severus; Pliny the Elder, the famous naturalist whose misplaced zeal led
him to meet with his death by too close and too curious an investigation
of the eruption of Vesuvius, A.D. 81. Pliny the younger, though born at
Como, may almost rank as a Veronese. His mother was the elder Pliny’s
sister, his uncle looked upon him and loved him as his own son, and much
of his time was spent at or near Verona.
Verona too was early endowed with a University, or as it was termed in
those days, a “Cathedral School.” The great impetus given by Charlemagne
to public instruction in Italy is one of the traits which redounds most
to his honour, and Verona which had always been considered as a spot
where learning had met with encouragement, was one of the first towns to
profit by the French monarch’s generosity. Indeed it is declared that
she has done more for Italy with regard to learning than ever Greece or
Athens did. This assertion can easily be believed when we read that only
nine years after Charlemagne’s death an Imperial decree ordained that a
public school or college should be founded there, a decree that was
endorsed by the Emperor Louis XI. in 824. A bull of Pope Benedict XI. in
1339 sanctions this “University,” or more properly, public school, and
confirms to it the right of conferring degrees in law, in medicine, and
in the arts.
A goodly list could be given of several other writers, many of them
bishops and men of saintly lives, whose erudition added to the fame of
Verona and spread her renown as a centre of learning into ever-widening
circles. Nor were minstrels and troubadours excluded from the list,
especially at the beginning of the twelfth century. We read of singers
known in the history of minstrelsy, such as Hugues de St Cyr, Pietro
Villems, and Sordello, all coming to Verona and finding a welcome there.
All names however pale before that of Dante Alighieri, who, though in no
sense a Veronese, found here a haven in his day of adversity and exile,
and whose acknowledgment of the hospitality accorded him is of
world-wide renown. The causes that brought Dante to Verona have been
much discussed. It may be that the strong Ghibelline feelings which
predominated in the city made the Florentine exile certain of being
understood there--at least as far as his political sentiments were
concerned. The renown too possessed by Verona as to the encouragement
given within her walls to learning and men of letters may have attracted
him. Or more probably still, the knowledge that at the court of the
Scaligers he would find not a welcome only, but also a home where his
talents would be recognised and appreciated, may have induced him to
come to Verona. This last hypothesis may to some extent be borne out by
the opening words of the “epistola” written by Dante to Cangrande della
Scala at the time he dedicated the _Paradiso_ to him. This letter,
whose authenticity has given rise to much discussion, but which in these
latter times is generally accepted as being his, begins by saying: “I
heard the praise of your celebrated magnificence; I came to Verona to
assure myself of the same. There I saw your magnanimous doings; I saw, I
experienced your benefactions; and while I had at first believed that
the fame of them was superior to the deeds, I became convinced that the
deeds were superior to the fame.”
Dante’s choice of Verona was a wise one; and he found there a reception
and a refuge that must have soothed to some extent the angry wounded
susceptibilities of that “spirito sdegnoso.”
The first of the princely house of della Scala to receive Dante was
Bartolomeo, who, though he is not mentioned by name by the poet, was
without doubt the “grand Lombard” spoken of by Dante’s ancestor
Cacciaguida in _Paradiso_, canto xvii. 70. For Bartolomeo and Cangrande
della Scala Dante has only words of praise; but some other members of
their family come in for the full force of the poet’s wrath, and he
speaks in scathing terms of Alberto and Alboino, the former the
predecessor, the latter the successor of Bartolomeo. Nor is he less
bitter against an illegitimate son of Alberto della Scala, whom his
father had made abbot of S. Zeno, and who exercised that office from
1291 to 1314. Speaking of this deformed priest he says,
“ ... in his whole body, sick
And worse in mind, and who was evil born”
( ... mal del corpo intero--E della mente peggio, e che mal nacque.
_Purg._ xviii. 124, etc.), and how his father “with one foot in the
grave” (con un piè dentro la fossa) had “put him in the place of the
true pastor” (ha posto in loco di suo pastor vero).
The reason of Dante’s dislike for Alboino, who he must have known
intimately, has never come to light. The man’s want of energy, his
indifference as to the Ghibelline cause, his inefficiency as a warrior,
may perhaps have aroused that contempt for him which Dante expresses
most openly in the _Convito_, iv. 16. Cangrande on the other hand calls
forth his admiration; and that Dante dedicated to him the last part of
the _Divine Comedy_ is proof enough of the esteem and affection in which
he held him. Another proof too is forthcoming in the fact adduced by
Boccaccio and Giovanni Querini that Dante was wont to send the cantos of
the _Paradiso_ as he wrote them, and before submitting them to any other
eye, to the lord of Verona. The poet recognises too the renown of
Cangrande’s deeds by putting into the mouth of Cacciaguida the prophecy
as to “how notable his works shall be” (che notabile fien l’opere sue);
words so concise and so forcible in their depth and truth that they are
introduced in the epitaph above Cangrande’s tomb in a Latin form.
“Little is known for certain of Dante’s actual residence in Verona,”
says Cipolla; though he quotes from Ampère’s _Voyage Dantesque_ to show
the favourable impression that the town made on this pilgrim not
generally prone to be satisfied, nor minded to refrain from a sharp and
unfriendly criticism. “Here at last is an Italian city of which Dante
has said nothing injurious. She owes this almost unique exception to the
hospitality which she offered him.”
Dante alludes several times to the town itself in his writings. He
speaks so graphically of the game of the Palio (_Inf._ xv. 121) as to
make one fancy he must have witnessed it in person. It has been said
that his idea of the “bolgie” of the _Inferno_ came to him from the
shape of the arena at Verona, and that standing on the summit of that
vast building he conceived the notion of creating his Hell on the same
lines as those presented before his eyes. Whether this is really so or
not cannot be definitely affirmed, but it is certain that no other poet
has mapped out an Inferno on the same lines as that of Dante, while the
form he has given it resembles very closely that of the amphitheatre of
Verona.
Other memories than those which spoke to him only of the town were also
present to Dante’s mind when he was writing his great poem. The country
in the heart of the valley of the Adige is depicted by him at the
opening of the twelfth canto of the _Inferno_; and the surroundings of
the Lake of Garda are spoken of equally in the _Inferno_ at canto XX.
64, etc.
It was at Verona that the remarks as to Dante’s powers of visiting the
Infernal regions first arose. As his “melancholy, pensive” form walked
silently through the streets and byeways of the city, the women of the
lower classes pointed him out one to another as “he who went to Hell and
returned when he listed, and brought news up above of those who were
there below.” It may be that such unsolicited fame would bring a smile
to the solemn, set features, and prove more acceptable than the applause
vouchsafed by Cangrande’s herd of courtiers.
Another distinguished poet came to Verona in 1348, and indeed visited
the town several times. This was no other than Petrarch; and it was on
the occasion of his first visit to his friend Guglielmo da Pastrengo
that he dreamed the dream which came only too true, of Laura’s death
(April 6). This does not seem however to have given him a distaste for
Verona, where he had many friends, and from where he wrote in ecstasies
of the beauty of the Lake of Garda and of the country around.
The wives of the lords of Verona, with but one exception, were not
given to literature or the arts. The only one who endeavoured in any way
to attract men of letters to her court was Samaritana, wife of Antonio
della Scala. This daughter of the house of da Polenta of Ravenna was in
reality too vain and frivolous to care for learning for its own sake.
She thought it would redound to her glory to collect round her men whose
studies or writings would add to the lustre of her name, and for this
cause it came to pass that late in the fourteenth century the court of
the Scaligers was again frequented by “litterati.” The most conspicuous
among them was Gidino da Somma Campagna, who dedicated a book entitled
_Trattato dei Ritmi Volgari_ to Antonio della Scala. The original
manuscript of the _Trattato_ is preserved in the Biblioteca Capitolare,
and the beautiful designs and scrolls that adorn the margins of its
pages are an example of the miniature drawing of the day, deserving both
of study and admiration. Besides Gidino da Somma Campagna, mention may
be made of Leonardo da Quinto, a learned jurisconsult, astrologer, and
man of letters. He was, as Guglielmo da Pastrengo had been before him,
an ardent bibliophile, and both men were possessed of libraries as fine
as any which existed in private houses at that time. When Antonio della
Scala was in straits for money in 1386, Leonardo da Quinto was one of
the two emissaries whom he sent to Venice to sell his jewels. Marzagaia
and Matteo da Orgiano can also be added to the above literary set; the
former was Antonio’s tutor; and the latter, really of Vicenza, was a
Humanist of high repute who became chancellor at the court of Verona.
The possession of a fine library in those days was by no means the
privilege of the few. Not only did many of the churches own libraries of
no mean order, but most of the private individuals of note in Verona had
collections that were at once numerous and costly. The noble houses of
Ottolini, Trevisani, Pelligrini, Pindemonte, Moscardo, Maffei, and
Muselli had all famous libraries, while English readers will be
interested to learn that the great Ashburnham collection had its origin
in Verona. This collection was begun by the Marchese Giovanni Saibante
of Verona, who devoted many years of arduous and loving devotion to the
formation of this unique library. In 1734 it contained 5189 volumes, and
1321 manuscripts, of which 102 were Greek and 70 were Hebrew. The larger
part of this collection was sold in Paris; from there it passed into the
Earl of Ashburnham’s hands, and in 1884 the Italian Government bought it
back for the sum of £23,000.
To set down here the names of the Veronese whose fame in connection with
letters has added to the glory of their native land would be beside the
mark. Suffice it for the present purpose to mention the
following:--Guarino dei Guarini, the student of Greek and of Greek
science; Girolamo Fracastoro, whose statue by Danese Cattaneo in the
Loggia of the Palazzo del Consiglio, set up only two years after his
death, shows how generally his talents were recognised as a poet, a
philosopher, and an astronomer; Fra Giocondo, whose fame as an architect
was widely spread through France and Italy, and was so great as to leave
but little room wherein to speak of him as a writer and a scientist;
Giovanni Antonio Panteo, an author of various works in Latin, and a
friend of all the learned men of his day; Torello Saraina, whose book
_De Origine et amplitudine Urbis Veronæ_, published in folio at Verona
in 1540, and printed in 1586, is one of the first histories of Verona
both as to date and merit; Onofrio Panvinio, a finished Latin scholar,
and an elegant writer on all the Roman remains in his native town;
Giulio Cesare Bordoni, surnamed Scaligero, as famous as a doctor as he
was as a writer and man of science, who is universally known by the name
which he added to his own, and which was taken for the purpose of
deluding those who knew no better that he was a descendant of the
Scaligers. He was without doubt one of the most learned and scientific
men of his age, and was honoured and welcomed in every country in which
he set foot.
This list must not draw to its close without including the name of
Scipione Maffei, whose work _Verona Illustrata_, in eight volumes, and
often consulted in the construction of these pages, is one of the most
trustworthy and complete histories of Verona as far as it goes. Other
writings by Maffei confirmed his celebrity, and his fellow-citizens gave
expression to his merits, and to the esteem and affection in which they
held him, when they set up, during his lifetime, his statue in the
Piazza de’ Signori, where it stands to this day close to the Volto
Barbaro. Among modern writers, or rather poets, mention must be made of
Girolamo Pompei, Ippolito Pindemonte, and Aleardo Aleardi, all poets of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and all of them belonging to
patrician families of Verona. Pompei and Pindemonte were apt translators
of the great classic poets of Rome; while Aleardi’s muse was attuned to
songs of love and patriotism.
The rôle of notable writers and men of letters is by no means exhausted
in this list, which has no pretence to do more than give an idea of
Verona’s chief literary sons, and to raise her renown in the scholastic
world, as well as in that of art and history.
* * * * *
The school of painting in Verona dates from the reign of Cangrande.
There were it is true paintings and frescoes in the town prior to the
Scaligers, but they could not come under the classification of a
“school,” and are of too remote and uncertain a character to be placed
as pertaining to a given date. The patronage bestowed by Cangrande on
learning and letters was extended also to painting, and Vasari tells how
that “Giotto did some pictures for Messer Cane in his palace; and
specially the portrait of that lord.” That Giotto came to Verona at the
bidding of this greatest of the Scaligers is well known, as it is also
known that he worked there to a considerable extent. Nothing remains,
however, of his work in the “Big Dog’s” Palace; and only small and
generally “restored” examples are to be found in a few of the churches.
The influence of Giotto is felt though markedly in Verona, where the
strong impetus given to painting by Cangrande developed steadily under
the rule of his descendants. A German critic (Jules von Schlosser) has
indeed said that Verona at that period was the centre of pictorial art
in Northern Italy; and were all else wanting, the wonderful miniature
painting of that time testifies in itself to the truth of such a
statement.
The actual founder of the Veronese school was Altichiero, born about
1300, and of whom some frescoes are to be seen in the church of St
Anastasia, and in that of S. Fermo Maggiore, though on this latter point
there is some doubt. Together with Altichiero must be mentioned his
friend and contemporary Jacopo d’Avanzo, for they frequently worked
together, and their dual work on the same picture is not easy to
dissever. It cannot be denied that they were greatly inspired by Giotto
but, on the other hand, they were by no means blind followers or even
pupils of the Florentine master, for they maintained a character in all
ways distinct from him, and portrayed their art in fuller, deeper,
richer colouring. They were also superior as draughtsmen, conveying too
a greater sense of life and movement in their figures, and presenting
all through their work a strong and marked individuality. Both artists
can really be studied better at Padua than in their native city where
little exists that can give a true idea of their talent.
With them may also be mentioned Martini of Verona; who though inferior
to Altichiero and d’Avanzo, lived and worked at the same time, and
prepared the way for the far greater Vittor Pisano or Pisanello, who was
born at S. Vigilio near the Lake of Garda in 1380. The doubt as to who
was Pisanello’s master remains unsolved to the present day. Morelli
inclines to the opinion that he was a pupil of Altichiero--an opinion
not shared by Crowe and Cavalcaselle. He doubtless derived much from a
study of Altichiero’s work, and from drawing from the antique; but his
own personality is revealed in his paintings, and more still in his
medals and in his treatment of portraits where he represented his
sitters “en profile,” and obtained a striking and lasting success from
this style of portraiture--till then untried and absolutely original.
His skill as a medallist caused him to find patrons in almost every
court in Italy and to be welcomed at them all in turn. He worked too in
conjunction with Gentile da Fabriano in the Ducal Palace at Venice,
decorating and restoring that princely building, and imbibing probably
much of Gentile’s feeling for finish, colour, and brilliancy. “But it is
in Verona,” says Mr Selwyn Brinton,[37] “that the best of his work in
fresco remains--damaged, almost ruined, but attesting to his vigorous
art, to his wonderful grasp of animal life.” This latter trait is very
marked in Pisanello, and shows that his love of animals, his study of
them, as well as of nature
[Illustration: MADONNA AND CHILD, VITTOR PISANELLO, MUSEO CIVICO]
in every possible form, was deep and true. He introduces some phase of
animal life into most of his pictures, and in the care and finish
bestowed on every bird or beast that he sets before us, we feel we have
to do with an artist who loves and understands his subject.
Pisanello is perhaps even more famous as a medallist than as a painter,
and speaking of his medallions, the author quoted above says: “They are
a gallery of contemporary portraits, priceless to the student of
Renaissance history. Leonello d’Este (who was his special friend and
patron), lord of Ferrara, with his strong, ugly face; Cecilia Gonzaga,
the delicate, refined head poised on the long swan-like neck; Inigo
d’Avalos, Marquis of Pescara; Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta, the lord of
Rimini, the cultured tyrant, the lover of the fair Isotta degli Atti
...; Filippo Maria Visconti, so conscious of his appearance that he
lived hid in secret chambers, the last of the Visconti tyrants, his
brocaded cap pressed down on the coarse, heavy face; Alfonso of Aragon,
the patron of the Humanists; Gian Francesco Gonzaga, the Marquis of
Mantua; Johannes Palæologus, with pointed beard and strange Eastern head
attire--all these move before us; names of which Italian history is
full, and show in the living bronzes their very life and character. And,
lastly, the artist himself, a strong, good-tempered, square-set face,
clean shaved and cap on head, his broidered jacket just showing; he is
proud of his position as painter, and inscribes almost every
medal--‘Opus Pisani Pictoris.’ ”[38]
Pisanello was followed by pupils, who though never attaining to their
master’s height, were good painters, and have left some beautiful and
valuable work in the churches and gallery of Verona. The chief of these
were Stefano da Zevio (born 1393); Giovanni Oriolo; Giovanni Badile;
Girolamo, and Francesco Benaglio. In these painters the feeling for
religious art as interpreted from the Veronese point of view was
maturing ever more and more till it reached its consummation in the
works of Francesco Morone; Girolamo dai Libri; Paolo Morando or
Cavazzola; Liberale da Verona; and in those of Liberale’s great pupils:
Francesco Bonsignori; Gian Francesco Caroto; Francesco Torbido; and
Domenico del Riccio, or Brusasorci.
Francesco Morone, the son of Domenico Morone, surnamed Pelacani
(dogskinner) himself a painter of considerable merit, was born at Verona
in 1473. His work bears the impress of deep religious feeling, rendered
always with marvellous sweetness and refinement, and set in tones of
fine rich colouring. His frescoes in the Sacristy of Sta. Maria in
Organo are declared by Vasari to be among the most beautiful in Italy.
In the same church stands his famous Madonna and Child, with S.
Augustine and S. Martin below; a very beautiful composition, with its
graceful details of canopy flowers and angels. Morone, who died at
Verona in 1529, is best studied in his native town, though examples of
his work are to be found in the Brera at Milan, and in the National
Gallery in London.
Girolamo dai Libri, born at Verona in 1474, was a friend of Morone and a
fellow-worker with him at Sta. Maria in Organo. He was brought up, as
his father had been before him and as his son was after him, as a
miniaturist. This art followed by three generations gave its name to the
family, and this surname “of the books” might well be assumed by those
whose work had lain so constantly among them. Girolamo’s pictures often
abound with fruits, flowers, festoons, and backgrounds with
architectural details, while through
[Illustration: MADONNA, SS. ZENO AND LORENZO GUISTINIANI, GIROLAMO DAI
LIBRI
CHURCH OF ST GEORGE IN BRAIDA]
them all runs the soft rich colouring peculiar to the Veronese school
and which was inspired largely by the great miniature painters who
helped to form that school. The faces in his pictures breathe a spirit
of glad yet sober serenity, and the finished detail of trellis-work,
lemon trees heavy with their golden fruit, and blossoming flowers which
often surround the Madonna and Child bear witness to the training and
taste of a skilled miniaturist. Many of his miniatures are in the
Picture Gallery of Verona, where there are besides several of his
pictures, others being in the churches of that town, others in London,
in Berlin, and at Hamilton Palace in Scotland. Girolamo dai Libri died
in 1556.
Liberale da Verona, born in Verona in 1451, was like Girolamo dai Libri
educated as a miniaturist. Endowed perhaps with greater power than
Girolamo he does not always possess such poetic feeling, nor is his
colouring so harmonious and pleasant. His manner however underwent a
marked change when he came under the influence of Andrea Mantegna. A
broader and more forcible tone of feeling then makes itself apparent,
and though intense finish and detail are still evident they are
subservient to the subject represented in the picture, and in no way
detract from the grand lines and colours that now employ his brush. The
greater number of his paintings are to be found at Verona; but there is
a grand S. Sebastian--perhaps his masterpiece--in the Brera, and other
works by him in London, in several towns in Germany, and at Vienna.
Liberale had also the merit of forming a goodly array of followers or
pupils, whose talents carried on to all time the fame and honour of
their master.
Before enlarging on them however it would be well to pause for a moment
to speak of Paolo Morando, better known as Cavazzola, who was absolutely
distinct from Liberale and Girolamo dai Libri, though living and
working at the same time and in the same city. He was born at Verona in
1486, and died when only thirty-six years old. His early death cut short
a career of great promise, for Cavazzola had little in common with the
simple grave manner of the early Veronese masters, he moved along lines
of his own creating, and showed as Burckhardt says in speaking of him a
“transition from the realism of the fifteenth century to the noble free
character of the sixteenth.” As a colourist Cavazzola is cold and hard;
and though his tints are glowing as to brilliancy there is little in
them that delights the eye or excites pathos or devotion. His drawing
though is vigorous, his touch free, untrammelled and broad, with a power
and grasp of treatment that caused his contemporaries to speak of him as
the Veronese Raphael. Very fine are a series of his pictures, five in
number, which treat of the Passion of our Lord in the gallery at Verona.
There is in them a serious conception as to composition and vigour in
the technique that cause one to realise a master’s thought and
execution, and to feel what possibilities lay within his grasp when
death cut short his career. Nearly all Cavazzola’s work is in Verona,
though the National Gallery possesses two examples, and one is to be
found at Dresden.
To return to Liberale’s pupils, Francesco Bonsignori, also called
Francesco da Verona, is one of the first, being born at Verona in 1455.
His early education, begun in his native town, was continued at Mantua,
where he was patronised by the Gonzaghi, and where Mantegna’s influence
developed his style considerably. He is chiefly known as a portrait
painter, a fact that impressed Cosmo Monkhouse, who, ignoring or
forgetting Torbido’s work in the same direction, speaks thus of
Bonsignori: “At Verona, alone almost of all the cities of Italy, there
seems to have been little demand for portraits. It produced no portrait
painter of eminence, and though the fact does not prove much, it may be
noted that the only fine portrait by a Veronese in the National Gallery
(that by Bonsignori), is of a Venetian Senator.”
Most of his work is at Verona, though some is in Florence, some at
Milan, and as already stated one fine portrait is in London. Crowe and
Cavalcaselle’s criticism on Bonsignori is as follows: “We are reminded
of Masaccio by the breadth of the modelling, of Ghirlandajo by the
precision of form, of Mantegna there is no trace.” This judgment,
slightly modified at the close, is endorsed by Morelli who says: “Let
anyone study the signed work of Bonsignori (in the churches of S. Fermo,
S. Bernardino, S. Paolo and the Municipal Gallery of Verona), and I have
no doubt that every connoisseur will see therein the influence of Gian
Bellini, and of Alvise Vivarini, but certainly not of Mantegna. Later,
no doubt, when at Mantua, Bonsignori learned a good deal from his great
colleague.” Bonsignori died at Mantua in 1519.
Gian Francesco Caroto, another of Liberale’s pupils though influenced
besides by Fr. Morone and Mantegna, was born in 1470. He is a delightful
and graceful painter, recalling Luini at times; and Morelli speaking of
his early works (cir. 1500) writes thus: “The student of the early works
of Caroto in the galleries of Modena, of Maldura at Padua, and at
Frankfort, will admit that these small Madonnas of his in drawing and
modelling recall quite as much his master Liberale as Mantegna.”
Caroto is a forcible and striking master; his colouring is warm and soft
and harmonious, his drawing powerful. To show in what category his
pictures were ranked it is enough to relate how the fine Madonna and
Child with angels carrying large lilies, by him at Dresden was received
at that gallery with a forged signature of Leonardo. It passed as such
for years, though Morelli first, and now the director of the gallery
have restored it to Caroto. Selwyn Brinton considers this picture to be
“one of the loveliest paintings which all Italian art has bequeathed to
us.”[39]
Some traces of his fresco painting may yet be seen on the exterior of
several Veronese palaces, especially in the neighbourhood of St Thomas
of Canterbury, but much of that style of decoration--in which Liberale
and Morone also delighted--has perished beneath the ravages of time. In
common with the majority of his colleagues, the greater part of Caroto’s
paintings exist at Verona (his masterpiece there being at S. Fermo),
while Modena, Padua, Frankfort, Dresden and London all possess examples
of his skill. Gian Francesco had a brother Giovanni Caroto, who was not
only a painter but also an engraver. He is though very inferior to his
brother.
Francesco Torbido, surnamed Il Moro, is no whit inferior to Liberale’s
other pupils. Vasari has it that Torbido went first to Venice to study
under Giorgione, but that master and pupil did not get on together. From
words they came to blows, and Torbido left Venice, and at the same time
abandoned his art. He withdrew to Verona, where Liberale not only
persuaded him to resume his brush, but he taught him, loved him, and
finally made him his heir. His time in Venice had not however been
fruitless. Torbido combines a Giorgionesque feeling in his paintings
that has sometimes led his work to be ascribed to the great master
himself. He maintains at the same time the Veronese manner which he
knows how to blend in a most effective way with the Venetian, or as
Crowe and Cavalcaselle expresses it, “the double character of Venetian
art engrafted on the Veronese.” The much discussed portrait in the
Uffizi Gallery at Florence, called alternately a “Knight of Malta,” and
“Gattamelata and his Esquire,” and assigned generally to Giorgione, is
pronounced by the art-critics cited above as the unmistakable work of
Torbido. These same critics say: “This is the unmistakable work of
Torbido, illustrated by his strong and unmannered outline, effective
enough in chiaroscuro, but sharp in contrast of tints ... wanting the
power and modulation of the Venetian.” That this portrait hails from
Verona there can be little doubt, for besides Torbido, it has sometimes
been put down to Caroto, while Morelli assigns it to another and less
famous pupil of Liberale, Michele da Verona. Morelli though states that
Torbido has not received his lawful meed of praise from Vasari and later
writers, and speaks of him as “a personality that deserves to be more
closely studied.” He recognises how Torbido was influenced by Giorgione
and the elder Bonifazio, but adds, that in spite of all “he remained
faithful to his first master, Liberale.”
The last of Liberale’s greater pupils is Domenico del Riccio, whose
quaint surname of Brusasorci (burner of rats) has so far met with no
explanation. This artist’s love of rich glowing colour, of pageants, of
gorgeous robes and draperies was ever leading the way--soon to be
followed by Paolo Veronese--to the fusion of the art of Verona into that
of Venice. His paintings are nearly all at Verona, where the most
celebrated is the great fresco in the Palazzo Ridolfi, which has for its
subject the meeting of the Emperor Charles V. with Pope Clement VII. at
Bologna in 1530. Lanzi, speaking of this painting, says: “One could not
see a finer sight.... A great mass of people, effective grouping of
figures, animated faces, beautiful movements of men and of horses,
variety of raiment, pomp, splendour, dignity, and the joyousness
befitting the occasion.”
A drawing that Morelli considers to have been the preparatory sketch for
this fresco is in red chalk in the Dresden Gallery, and with regard to
it he remarks: “Before this drawing one easily discovers how many things
Paolo Veronese may have learned from his elder countryman.”
Domenico had a son, Felice Brusasorci, of whom several paintings exist
in the churches of Verona, and some are also in Milan and at the Louvre;
but he is inferior to his father who was at the same time his master.
A short account must be given of a few of Liberale’s lesser pupils, who
while far from equalling those already mentioned yet deserve to be
included among the painters of the Veronese school. One of these is
Giovanni Maria Falconetto, whose love of architecture is apparent in
nearly all his pictures, for he introduces buildings wherever it is
possible to do so, bestowing ever much care on this evident labour of
love. He lived to a good old age, and as years drew on he renounced
painting and became an architect.
Niccolŏ and Paolo Giolfino, who were brothers were also Liberale’s
pupils. They were friends of Mantegna who lodged with Niccolŏ (the
elder brother and the better painter) when he came to Verona, and
decorated the exterior of the house (close to the Porta de’ Borsari)
with frescoes, few of which have withstood the ravages of time.
Paolo Farinato and Antonio Badile, though influenced by Liberale were
not under his tutelage, but they belonged to the great school which he
founded, and they helped to the best of their ability to carry it on
worthily. Farinato can generally be recognised by the snail which he
introduces into his pictures, and which he would seem to adopt as his
badge. Badile’s glory lies almost exclusively in having been the uncle
and master of Paolo Cagliari, surnamed “Il Veronese.” This great genius
belongs so absolutely to Venice, where he lived and worked and where all
his masterpieces are to be found, that he cannot be included in the
Veronese school of painting. His surname though reminds everyone that
Verona gave him birth, and that he himself was proud to own his sonship,
and to subscribe himself to all time as “Paul of Verona.”
Speaking of the Veronese school Layard says of it: “No school in Italy,
except the Florentine, shows so regular and uninterrupted a development,
and none is consequently more deserving of the attention of the student
who seeks in art a phase of the human intellect, influenced by local and
special circumstances. Nowhere can this school be better studied and
understood than in the public gallery and churches of Verona.”[40]
[Illustration: THE ARMS OF VERONA]
CHAPTER VII
_The Duomo_--_S. Giovanni in Fonte_--_Biblioteca
Capitolare_--_Vescovado_--_St Anastasia_--_Piazza delle Erbe_
The cathedral church of Verona is said to date from between the eighth
and ninth centuries. The period of its erection cannot be stated with
certainty, and beyond the fact that it was first dedicated to Sta. Maria
Matricolata nothing definite relating to it can be affirmed. It was
nearly completed in its primitive state in 806 under Bishop Rathold,
though it was considerably heightened in after years. The building
itself is a mixture of the Lombard style with Gothic and Italian
introduced--a mixture eminently satisfactory in its results
notwithstanding the divergence of style. Ruskin speaks of it as follows,
when, after six months’ close study of Byzantine work in Venice, he came
again to the Lombard work of Verona and Pavia. “(Verona)--Comparing the
arabesque and sculpture of the Duomo here with St Mark’s, the first
thing that strikes one is the low relief, the second the greater motion
and spirit, with infinitely less grace and science. With the Byzantines,
however rude the cutting, every line is lovely, and the animals or men
are placed in any attitudes which secure ornamental effect, sometimes
impossible ones, always severe, restrained, or languid. With the
Romanesque workmen all the figures show the effort (often successful)
to
[Illustration: SOUTH DOOR OF THE DUOMO]
express energetic action; hunting chiefly, much fighting, and both
spirited; some of the dogs running capitally, straining to it, and the
knights hitting hard, while yet the faces and drawing are in the last
degree barbarous ... the Lombard building is as sharp, precise and
accurate as that of St Mark’s is careless. The Byzantines seem to have
been too lazy to have put their stones together; and, in general, my
first impression on coming to Verona, after four months in Venice, is of
the exquisitely neat masonry and perfect _feeling_ here; a style of
Gothic formed by a combination of Lombard surface ornament with Pisan
Gothic, than which nothing can possibly be more chaste, pure, or
solemn.”[41]
A temple dedicated to Minerva is said to have stood here originally, and
traces of this can yet be seen, though in point of size there is no
difference whatever between the Pagan temple of the past and the
Christian church of to-day. The outside decoration of the apses is very
beautiful, and is formed of a frieze of carved and decorated work
running along the upper lines, and giving an idea of care and finish to
the exterior that is very effective. The chief entrance in some ways
recalls that of St Zeno. It consists of a beautiful canopied porch, with
two columns resting on colossal griffins, while around are scrolls, and
carvings, and devices, not of such interesting workmanship as those at
St Zeno, though from some lines on the archivolt they claim to be the
work of the same man, one Niccolŏ of the eleventh century. Those
lines are as follows:--
“Artificem quarum qui sculpserit haec Nicolaum
Hunc concurrentes laudent per saecula gentes.”[42]
On each side of the door, and close to it, stand the figures of Roland
and Oliver, the paladins of the Carlovingian age, who stamp alike their
romance and epoch in lasting forms of stone on the grand façade of the
Duomo of Verona. Around them are grouped Old Testament saints, while in
the architrave above are the medallions of three crowned women, who were
once supposed to represent Faith, Hope and Charity. They are however
three queens who gave generously to the church, namely Bertranda,
Charlemagne’s mother; one of his wives; and Ermengarda, the wife of
Desiderio, the last of the Lombard kings. The façade, with its rows of
small columns set so as to show to advantage the noble proportions of
the building, is very impressive, and it is interesting to follow the
traceries of former windows and speculate over the effect which this
west front was once intended to have shown.
The lateral door on the south side is wonderfully fine, and belongs to
the earlier and purer date of the building. The polychrome marbles about
this doorway prepare the eye for some frescoes of a very early date in
the lunette above, while yet higher up and of a still earlier date is a
statuette of the Virgin, which may rank as one of the finest of that
period in Verona.
The interior of the Duomo is Gothic in its character, and is a very good
example of how that style of architecture was then treated in Italy. The
ceiling is ugly in its mistaken intention to represent “the starry
firmament on high” here set forth in a painted blue curtain meant for
the vault of Heaven with gilt stars upon it. The shape of the building
is cruciform, and supported by columns and capitals of different forms
all made of marble either from Verona or from the East. In the first
altar to the left on entering is a picture by Titian of the Assumption.
It is a grand painting, and has evidently gained a certain value in the
eyes of the Veronese by having been carried off to Paris by Napoleon I.,
and restored to Verona after that grand pilferer had left Europe and
most of his selected goods behind him. The frescoes above the high altar
were designed by Giulio Romano, and executed by Torbido in 1534. The
rounded colonnaded screen in front of the high altar forms one of the
chief features of the church and is extremely beautiful in its way. It
was designed by San Micheli, but is not altogether in keeping with its
Gothic surroundings, being essentially classic in its plan and
execution.
[Illustration: SIDE DOOR OF CATHEDRAL, VERONA. DETAIL OF COLUMN]
On the top of the screen is a beautiful bronze crucifix by Giambattista
da Verona, whereon are the arms of Bishop Ludovico Canossa, in whose
episcopate it was set up. There is evidently some fine work both as to
marbles and paintings on the altar immediately to the proper right of
the high altar, but an ugly, modern erection (said to be temporary) in
front of the organ shuts out all the light and leaves the fancy free to
speculate over glories that perhaps do not exist. The organ itself, a
good specimen of “barocco” work, is richly decorated, and its doors are
painted by Felice Brusasorci. Close to it, but lost and hidden by the
stand above mentioned, is the Cappella Maffei, with some good, though
small paintings by Francesco Morone; and some frescoes by
Falconetto--indeed the best work done by this latter, signed by him and
bearing the date 1503, is to be found among these frescoes.
The altar beyond the high altar and to its proper left, is known as that
of St Agatha (1353), and contains a lovely tomb partly Gothic, partly
Renaissance. A few of the bones of the saint are buried here, the rest
are interred at Catania. Below these relics again lies the body of Sta.
Maria Consolatrice, a sister of St Annone (bishop of Verona in the
fourth century), who was brought here in 1807 when the church which was
named after her, and where till then her body had rested, was
suppressed.
The last altar to the left coming out of the church contains part of a
picture by Liberale having for its subject the Adoration of the Magi. Mr
Selwyn Brinton says of this picture: “He (Liberale) was living between
1489 and 1490 in Verona, when he painted the Adoration of the Kings in
the Duomo, with a rich landscape. Here he is still the miniaturist in
feeling; his drawing careful, but unsound; his action quaint and
startling; his bright colours thrown together without harmony; his
background exuberant in detail.”[43]
Leaving the church by a small door in the left hand corner we come into
all that is left of the first church of Sta. Maria Matricolare, from
which the cathedral actually took its name and which it retained till it
was sunk in that of Duomo. The remains of this church consist now of
only six columns with capitals of Lombardo-Byzantine style; and from
here we pass into the adjoining small church of S. Giovanni in Fonte,
which served in past times as the Baptistery. It has a magnificent
octagonal font in the centre, carved out of a single block of Verona
marble, on which a series of bas-reliefs, well worth studying, represent
in humorous and quaintly primitive carving scenes from the early life of
our Lord. Within the octagonal font is a smaller one in quatrefoil
shape, wherein the priest was wont to stand and submerge the catechumens
who presented themselves for baptism. A painting by Paolo Farinato,
representing the baptism of Christ, stood formerly over the high altar,
but has now been moved to a side wall, where other works by Giovanni
Caroto, Falconetto, and an unknown pupil of Brusasorci, are all
hung--and hung too high. Falconetto’s picture is an extremely fine one,
recalling in composition, feeling and colouring--at least, as far as can
be made out at such a distance--the school of Gian Bellini and the great
early Venetian masters.
From the little church of S. Giovanni in Fonte we turn away to the left,
and keeping always in that direction, having gone round a corner or two,
we reach the cloisters of the cathedral. They recall in some way those
of St Zeno, though not altogether similar in arrangement. Here the bases
and capitals are united, each pair as at St Zeno being cut out of a
single block, while on the side nearest the church the pillars are
double--an effect that is remarkably beautiful and striking.
[Illustration: DETAIL OF SIDE DOOR OF DUOMO, VERONA]
The Duomo forms a centre around which clusters much that is interesting,
though the time for investigating these various sights will not in
reality take long. In the Piazza on the left hand side facing the chief
portal stands the Biblioteca Capitolare, a library belonging to the
Duomo, and containing some 18,000 volumes in all. The date of some of
the treasures contained here is what constitutes the value of this
library, and enhances its worth and interest to an untold extent. It is
said to be even superior to the Vatican as to the number of the old
codexes which it possesses; and which--not including fragments of the
fourth century--date from the fifth to the ninth centuries. It was here
that Petrarch discovered the letters of Cicero. Niebuhr brought to
light the institutions of Gaius, compiled in the reign of Caracalla; and
men of letters of all nations and languages find scope here for research
and labour. The value of these codexes is incalculable. The greater part
are membranous, many of them being palimpsests, others being written in
purple having the sacred names inscribed in gold and silver, and all of
them offering fields of discovery whereof students (many from England
but more still from Germany) are not slow to take advantage. This
library contains besides treasures of varied sorts, for here may be seen
the baptismal certificate of Prince Charles Edward, the young pretender,
dated “Roma, ultima Dicemb. 1720.” A most friendly and learned
custodian, Don Antonio Spagnolo, is only too pleased to show the
treasures committed to his charge and to explain everything relating to
his priceless and loved books to all who are interested in such matters.
Opposite this library stands the old disused church of S. Pietro in
Cattedra, with a statue of St Peter over the doorway, and some graceful
windows of the cusped arched order belonging to the fourteenth century.
Close to the Duomo again is the church of St Elena, containing some
pictures by Falconetto, Felice Brusasorci, and Niccolŏ da Verona; but
the chief interest attaching to this church is the tradition that Dante
held here the conference in Latin in which he treated “of the elements
of earth and water” (De duobus elementis terrae et acquae); if indeed
that much disputed treatise is by him, a point much questioned in these
days.
Passing round by the east front of the Duomo, and gazing again with
admiration on the frieze running round the apse, a work which speaks so
plainly of an earlier date than the interior of the church, we come to
the Vescovado, or the Bishop’s Palace. This has been altered and
rebuilt at various epochs, chiefly about the year 1356; and within its
walls Bishop Ognibene received Pope Lucius III. who died here in 1185
when his successor Urban III. was immediately named in his stead. The
doorway leading to the palace is a very beautiful bit of work, having
the date MD.II. inscribed on it and said to be by Fra Giocondo of
Verona. It is of a later date than the walls which support it on either
side; and leads in its turn into a striking courtyard with columns and
arches of the fanciful Cinquecento style. Inside the Episcopal Palace
there is a beautiful predella in the chapel by Liberale consisting of
three paintings which represent the Adoration of the Magi, the Nativity
of our Lord, and the passing of the Blessed Virgin. There is also said
to be a picture by Caroto in the palace, but this is kept in a room not
generally shown to visitors.
Several palaces belonging to the old patrician families of Verona are to
be found in the neighbourhood of the Duomo. In the Via Pigna stands the
Palazzo Miniscalchi, the work of the great architect Michele San
Micheli, and adorned externally with frescoes. These latter which have
suffered outrageously at the hands of would-be restorers were originally
by Torbido, and ranked as some of the best work he ever did in that way.
The rest are by Giambattista Zeloti.
Not far from the Duomo stands the church of St Anastasia, a church that
owes its being to the Dominicans, to Guglielmo da Castelbarco, to
Alberto della Scala, and to Pietro Scaligero, bishop of Verona. This
church is a beautiful example of the brick and marble work that abounds
to such a remarkable extent in Verona, and dates from the second half of
the thirteenth century. The façade of unfinished brickwork is rich in
mouldings and decorations--equally of brick--and sets off the fine
portal which leads into the
[Illustration:
CHURCH OF ST ANASTASIA FROM THE ADIGE SHEWING THE HOUSES WHICH
STOOD THERE BEFORE THE _muraglioni_, BUILT TO DEFEND THE TOWN
AGAINST THE INUNDATIONS OF THE ADIGE, WERE ERECTED
]
church, and which is bilateral. The great wooden double doors are very
fine, and the carvings in marble, together with the frescoes in the
lunettes above, give a sense of great richness and finish to this
principal entrance of the church, in spite of the incomplete condition
of the façade. The original plan was evidently to have faced it all with
slabs of marble, or more probably with panels in relief, to some extent
no doubt like those now seen at the side representing scenes from the
life of St Peter Martyr. These latter however are of a later date than
the brickwork of the façade, as is also the Renaissance ornamentation
round the doors.
The interior is dignified and fine, consisting of a nave and two narrow
side aisles, separated by twelve columns, and terminating in an apse of
five divisions. The eye is at once caught, though not perhaps attracted,
on entering by the holy water stoups, which consist of two humpbacked
figures, grotesque in the extreme, and that stand one on each side
immediately under the two first columns. The one to the left was carved
by Gabriel Cagliari, the father of Paolo Veronese; the other on the
right is the work of Alessandro Rossi, the father of the humpbacked
painter, Giambattista Rossi known as “Gobbino,” and on it is inscribed
the date of 1591. The Gothic vaulting of the building is fine, and had
the frescoes that once covered it but remained to this day, the effect
of colour and symmetry (which is striking even now when many of the
frescoes have disappeared) would have been enhanced a hundredfold.
Several fine altars are ranged on either side of the church, many of
them raised on classic lines; others again being a mixture of classic
and Renaissance. The first altar on the right hand side, that of the
Fregoso family, is Corinthian, and is reckoned by
[Illustration: HOLY WATER BASIN IN ST ANASTASIA
FIGURE CARVED BY GABRIEL CAGLIARI, FATHER OF PAUL VERONESE]
Vasari as one of the finest in Italy. It was both designed and
sculptured in 1565 by Danese Cattaneo. The second altar is adorned with
a good deal of “finto bronzo,” and is a mixture of Renaissance and
classical work that harmonises very happily. High up and hardly to be
seen even with glasses is a fresco attributed to Mantegna. It is said to
have been “executed with the utmost care”; but no judgment is possible
in this case from below. The third altar is again one of those
successful blendings of the Renaissance and classical styles, where rich
carvings in marble and stone are shown off to untold advantage in their
setting of severe lines. Here again we have to take on faith the
statements as to some frescoes of Caroto of the date of 1470, though too
high up for mortal sight or sense to presume to criticise. There is also
here an entombment ascribed to Liberale. The fourth altar is built on
the lines of the Arco de’ Gavi, and is of interest and service as
setting before us, with very slight deviations, a model of that famous
arch as it once stood close to Castel Vecchio. This altar was erected by
Fiorio Pindemonte in the year 1539, and has a fine picture of St Martin,
one of the last works of Gian Francesco Caroto.
The chapel known as that of the Crucifix is particularly interesting. It
is entered under a beautiful archway of rich Lombardesque carving in red
marble, and over the altar hangs a wooden image of our Lord on the
Cross, of a very remote date, and by an unknown artist. On the left
facing this crucifix is a most curious painted terra-cotta
representation of the Entombment. The expression on the faces of all who
are taking part in the sad and sacred task is marvellously given, and is
full of character and feeling. Over the next altar belonging to the
Centrago family is a picture, in a lovely frame of the same date, of the
Madonna and Child, enthroned with St Augustine and St Thomas Aquinas, by
Francesco Morone (1474). It is also ascribed sometimes to Girolamo dai
Libri. Very beautiful too is the decorative festoon of carved flowers
round the altar. The Gothic tomb and the frescoes at the side belong
probably to the same family; and no doubt the very attractive old couple
whose portraits are at the bottom of the painting were the donors of
all in that chapel. This same chapel, which stands in a kind of transept
of the church, leads into one of the divisions of the apse where the
Cappella Cavalli is. It is decorated with frescoes of a very early date,
which have been in turn ascribed to Altichiero, Giotto, Morone, and
Liberale, and representing knights of the Cavalli family kneeling before
the Virgin and Child, with other warriors in attendance. Below the
frescoes is the mausoleum of the knight Federigo Cavalli. There is also
here a fine tryptich of our Lord in the centre, with St Jerome on one
hand and St Gemignano on the other. In the niches are carved figures,
with paintings in between by Liberale.
By the side of the Cavalli chapel stands that of the Pellegrini family,
panelled with terra-cotta reliefs, the work of a German, in 1400, whose
name is unknown. There is a fine figure of a pilgrim (a play upon the
family name, and emblematical of their badge), who kneels in the corner
with his hands clasped fast in prayer. The most precious thing in this
chapel was a fresco by Pisanello, which fortunately is now being removed
from a position where it could not be seen, and, worse still, where it
was suffering from damp, to a place of safety in the sacristy. It
represents St George about to mount his steed after he has slain the
dragon and freed the princess.[44]
On the proper right of the high altar is a large equestrian statue of
Cortesia Serego (1432), who was the brother-in-law of Antonio della
Scala, and also his general. The florid decorations around the statue
are of carved wood. The frescoes round that again are probably by
Francesco Bonsignori, while those still higher up are sometimes ascribed
to Stefano da Zevio
[Illustration: MADONNA AND SAINTS. ST ANASTASIA
ASCRIBED ALTERNATELY TO FRANCESCO MORONE AND GIROLAMO DAI LIBRI]
(1332). The adjoining chapel owned by the Lavagnoli family, though also
known as that of St Anna, contains some frescoes, unfortunately much
injured, in the style of Mantegna. The next chapel, that of the Salerno
family, where there is a fine Gothic monument to Giovanni Salerno, is
used as the belfry. What with the mass of hanging ropes, and the storage
of church furniture that lumbers up most of this chapel, it is not easy
to form a right opinion of some fine old frescoes said to belong to the
first half of the fourteenth century, or to do more than lament the bad
condition in which they are kept. In the sacristy stands the rescued
fresco of St George by Pisanello, and a fine picture by Felice
Brusasorci, while outside the sacristy are some frescoes by an unknown
hand sadly retouched with startling colours. In the Capella del Rosario
is a picture of the Madonna and Child between St Dominic and St Peter
Martyr, with the portraits of Mastino II. della Scala and his wife,
Taddea da Carrara, kneeling at the base of the picture on either side.
The tradition that once ascribed this picture to Giotto has now been
completely done away. The Flagellation here is by Ridolfi. The next
chapel, that of the Miniscalchi family, is rich in Renaissance and
classical decoration, and possesses a good picture by Giolfino of the
Descent of the Holy Spirit (1518).
The remaining altars in the church have no objects that claim any
special attention, and after a study of so much that is beautiful and
absorbing, it is almost a relief to wander away, noting only once again
the glory of the entire church, and observing with pleasure the very
effective and simple design of the pavement at our feet in its threefold
pattern of grey and red and white marble.
Immediately outside the church on the right hand side stands the tomb of
Guglielmo da Castelbarco, the friend and councillor of Cangrande della
Scala--and a friend too to Verona, in that it was his largess that
contributed chiefly to the building of St Anastasia and of that of S.
Fermo as well.
[Illustration: TOMB OF GUGLIELMO DA CASTELBARCO]
This munificent patron of Verona (who was besides its Podestă
deserved to have what has been justly termed the most perfect monument
in the city where the finest monuments existing in Italy are to be
found. Ruskin indeed has pronounced it to be, “the most perfect Gothic
monument in the world”; and again he alludes to it as “pure and lovely,
my most beloved throughout all the length and breadth of Italy--chief as
I think among all the sepulchral marbles of a land of mourning.”
Four columns of white marble surmounted by sculptured capitals bear the
canopy, which is formed of a simple Gothic arch, richly cusped and
adorned with a decorative piece of carving in harmony with the purity of
style which marks the whole of the monument. Under the canopy lies the
effigy of the dead magistrate, a recumbent figure laid on the top of a
red marble sarcophagus, which rests in its turn on the backs of two
couchant lions. The whole is bound together by bars of iron along whose
surface a delicate tracery is outlined. An effect is thus obtained of
wonderful strength and grace: for besides the sense of security given by
these bars, the eye is carried along their linear decoration to observe
still more forcibly the perfect symmetry and proportion of the monument.
No name exists as to the author of this masterpiece, but in this case
surely it may be asserted that the good he did is not interred with his
bones, but that it lives after him, a beauty and a joy for ever.
Three other tombs stand beyond that of Guglielmo da Castelbarco and
immediately outside the adjoining church of St Peter Martyr. The first
is that of Guinicello de’ Principi of a noble family of Bologna, and
bears the date of 1273; the next is that of Leonardo da Quinto, the
learned jurisconsult alluded to in chapter vi., and one of the witnesses
to Cansignorio’s will in 1375; the last is to a member of the Dussaimi
family. Speaking of these tombs Ruskin says: “Whose they are is of
little consequence to the reader or to me, and I have taken no pains to
discover; their value being not in any evidence they bear respecting
dates, but in their intrinsic merit as examples of composition. Two of
them are within the gate, one on the top of it, and this latter is on
the whole the best, though all are beautiful; uniting the intense
northern energy in their figure sculpture with the most serene classical
restraint in their outlines, and unaffected, but masculine simplicity of
construction.”[45]
The small church of St Peter Martyr close by was once a part of the
convent of St Anastasia. It was endowed by the Knights of Brandenburg,
whom Cangrande II. summoned to his assistance in 1353, and of whom his
special body-guard was formed. Some of the portraits of these knights
can be seen in the paintings of their gracefully proportioned church,
which was also enriched by several frescoes, the most remarkable being
that of Falconetto above the high altar. This is a strange rendering
under symbolical emblems of the Incarnation: the Blessed Virgin being
seated in an enclosure with all manner of quaint beasts around her,
while the Babe descends from Heaven in a halo of light. A crucifix said
to be by Giotto, but of a far earlier date, hangs above Falconetto’s
painting, and around are other frescoes by Badile. In front of the
church of St Anastasia and at the side of that of St Peter Martyr is a
statue in white Carrara marble to Paul Veronese; designed by Della Torre
and executed by Romeo Cristiani. It was erected in 1888.
Following the Corso St Anastasia we come to the Piazza delle Erbe, the
market-place of Verona, where chatter and merry gossip together with the
sale of flowers, vegetables, plants, owls, birds, and other strange
wares go on in as picturesque and original a setting as can be found
anywhere. The whole of the
[Illustration: PIAZZA DELLE ERBE]
Piazza is spread with large white umbrellas, that look like unfinished
tents, and that contrast admirably with the sea of colour which flows
beneath, and which varies from the many tints worn by the chattering
vendors to the hues of the fruits and flowers it behoves them to sell.
In the early morning the bustle and stir is at its height; trade is
brisker than at any other time, and the life and movement then going on
give a character to the place, hardly to be imagined by those who see it
for the first time in the afternoon, when the folded umbrellas, the
silence and tidiness where all was business and animation, give no real
or correct idea of the Piazza. The historical interest which centres
round the Piazza delle Erbe is as great as its picturesque attraction.
In the days of the Romans the Forum stood here, and the shape of the
Piazza is still that of a circus, though the modern houses around have
somewhat narrowed the “periferia.” Before the Amphitheatre was built it
was here that the gladiatorial fights were held. At the northern end
stands the column of St Mark, which was placed there as has been said at
the period of the League of Cambray at the moment when Verona was
restored to the rule of Venice. It is formed of a single block of
marble, bearing aloft the winged lion, which represented for so many
years the dominion of Venice over the town of Verona. This mark of
supremacy, raised in 1524, was destroyed at the moment of “Les Pâques
Véronaises” in 1797; but in 1888 it was replaced, no longer as a sign of
thraldom or submission but a graceful homage to “the days that are no
more.” Below the column stands the fountain erected according to some by
King Alboin, according to others by King Pepin in 807, and for which
Berengarius introduced the water supply in 916. Its use as a fountain
was not however really brought about till Cansignorio in 1370 rearranged
it on thoroughly working and practical lines. This water supply is
probably obtained from one of the great thermae or baths of the Romans,
and is surmounted by a statue in Greek marble known as “Madonna Verona.”
According to an inscription now preserved in the Museo Lapidario this
statue was placed in its present position in the days of the Emperor
Theodosius (380) by the Consul Valerius Palladio. The motto in “Madonna
Verona’s” hands is: “est justi latrix urbs haec, et laudis amatrix,” and
was put there after the peace of Constance in 1183, the year in which
Verona was declared free.
A little further down is the Tribune or “Berlina,” set up in 1207, from
where public decrees were formulated and sentences of death were
pronounced. Here too in the days of the Scaligers was the spot where
they took their oath of office. The buildings around are for the most
part of interest. Immediately to the north of St Mark’s column is the
Palazzo Trezza (formerly Maffei) a fine block of masonry though of
Barocco style--the upper part is very inferior--and containing inside a
curious spiral staircase. Close by this palace stands the “Torre del
Gardello” set up by Cansignorio, where in 1370 he placed the first clock
that struck the hours in Verona. To the left looking down the Piazza,
stands the Casa dei Mazzanti, where Albertino della Scala lived (1301),
and decorated externally with frescoes by Alberto Cavalli of Mantua in
the style of Guilio Romano. On the other side of the Piazza are houses
with frescoes by Liberale and Girolamo dai Libri; and beyond them is the
old house of merchandise, the Casa dei Mercanti of the year 1301, in red
marble, now restored and still used as a Chamber of Commerce. Almost
opposite it rises the grand tower of the Lamberti, or as it is sometimes
called of the Municipio, to a height of 273 feet. There is hardly a
guide-book to Verona that does not say that this tower was built by the
Lamberti family; a statement however that has no confirmation in any of
the archives or city documents, where no mention of even a family of the
name of Lamberti belonging to Verona is to be met with.
CHAPTER VIII
_Piazza dei Signori_--_Sta. Maria Antica_--_Tombs of the Scaligers_
Under the archway known as that of “La Costa,” from the thigh bone of
some antidiluvian monster which hangs from it, the way leads from the
Piazza delle Erbe to the Piazza dei Signori, or Piazza Dante as it is
frequently called, a name it takes from a statue of the poet by Ugo
Zannoni, placed there in 1865. This Piazza teems with every personal
association relating to the Scaligers. Their public and private life
centred round this spot; for while it was here that their
dwelling-houses were built and their seat of government set up, it was
also close by here that the little church of Sta. Maria Antica stood
where they worshipped, and beside whose walls are grouped the tombs that
glorify them in death.
Entering from the Piazza delle Erbe the first building on the right is
the Palazzo della Ragione, now used, as in days of yore, for government
offices, and where the traces of old and former windows are still to be
seen. On the outside wall a tablet records that “Guglielmo dall’Ossa,” a
Milanese, being “Podestă of the Comune, this palace known as that
Della Ragione was built in 1183 for the public offices.” Below this
tablet is an archway leading into a courtyard built chiefly of brick and
marble, with fine rounded arches all much restored, and from whose midst
rises a
[Illustration: PIAZZA DEI SIGNORI]
glorious outer staircase leading to the first floor of the building
where an exhibition of modern works of art is kept. The outline of a
huge lion of St Mark is to be seen on the outside of the Palazzo della
Ragione, which shared the same fate as the one of the column in the
Piazza delle Erbe at the moment of “Les Pâques Véronaises.” The whole
exterior of the palace bears marks of having undergone much restoration,
most of which was done in the sixteenth century. Indeed there is not
much in this Piazza which has not been repaired or altered at one time
or another, and now and again it requires much care and study to make
out the original design and material once used for the construction of
this historic spot.[46]
On the other side of the Via Dante stands the battlemented tower of the
Scaligers flanking the Palazzo Tribunalizio, where a tablet states that
“Cansignorio della Scala, Podestă and Captain of the people from
December 14, 1359, to October 10, 1375, when he died, built and
inhabited this palace, which was remodelled in the sixteenth century
into rooms for the Venetian Captaincy.” This tower with its forked
battlements was at one time a handy prison-house for any who fell under
the displeasure of the Scaligers. A doubtful legend runs that no less
than four hundred prisoners (one writer says they were only fifty-three)
were once confined within its walls, and that to the surprise of all who
were not in the secret
[Illustration: OUTSIDE STAIRCASE, PUBLICO PALAZZO
It is interesting to compare these two sketches. The first shows
the staircase as it stood some four years ago with an upper
colonnade of fine “Cinquecento” work. The second shows that work
swept away, under the delusion that it was better to see the
staircase in its original form.
]
the whole number died “naturally” in one day! The further statement that
they had all died of the same complaint gave a momentary alarm as to an
outbreak
[Illustration: THE OUTSIDE STAIRCASE, PALAZZO DELLA RAGIONE]
of the plague, but as no further victims succumbed this alarm also died
away.
A doorway by the great architect, San Micheli leads into a courtyard
where traces of lovely but fast vanishing frescoes show what glories
once reigned around, and remind one that barbarous and cruel in many
ways as the rulers of Verona were, they were not indifferent to the
beautifying of their town, nor to that patronage of art which rightly or
wrongly we associate with a noble nature.
On one side of the courtyard are some arches of pointed brick-work
supported by stone columns with slightly decorated capitals, a work
which was executed under the Venetian rule. Opposite is seen the Porta
dei Bombardieri, an ugly erection of stone cannons, drums and implements
of war which was set up in 1687. Inside this courtyard is a striking
inscription in honour of Zaccaria Barbaro, who was the Podestă
appointed by Venice over Verona during the latter half of the fifteenth
century. It is recorded of him that he restored three castles in the
city and several in the country, as well as changing the prætor’s house
from wood to stone. His special claim to admiration, however lies in the
fact that at a moment of scarcity of corn “he saw to relieving hunger,
that he governed with integrity, administering equal rights to all, so
that at the close of his office the people remembered him with tears,
1476.”
A way was opened out from this courtyard by the Commune in 1817, so as
to give employment to the work people of the town, it being then a time
of dire want. This way leads to a small public garden, used as a
Botanical School, and that was formerly the garden of Cansignorio della
Scala.
The next building of the Scaligers in the Piazza dei Signori is that
built by Mastino I. (1272) and where
[Illustration: FIFTEENTH CENTURY WELL IN VIA MAZZANTI]
he and his descendants actually lived. It is now used as the Prefettura,
and as in the Tribunale Guidiziario (built by Mastino’s brother,
Alberto), little of the old buildings remain, and less still of the
frescoes and decorations that once adorned them. It is known, and has
been mentioned, that at Cangrande’s orders Giotto decorated much of this
home of the Scalas, that portraits of Dante, of Uguccione della
Faggiuola, and other illustrious men were drawn by him here. No trace
however remains either of his work, or of that of Altichiero who is also
said to have worked here, to convey even an idea of what was once to be
seen.
At right angles with this former residence of the lords of Verona stands
the Palazzo del Consiglio, or old Town hall, more often called La Loggia
di Fra Giocondo, though critics are not agreed as to whether he designed
the Loggia or whether it is the work of Antonio Riccio, or Rizzo, a
Veronese. It is generally attributed to Fra Giocondo, and is a most
perfect and beautiful example of Renaissance style. It was erected by
order of the Venetian Republic in 1497, and is reckoned as one of the
loveliest buildings of that time in the North of Italy. It is a pity
that a good deal of unnecessary gilding was added in 1873 when the
building underwent some restoration. High up on the corner pillar to the
left is to be seen a figure in a monk’s dress, which without sufficient
warrant is accepted as that of Fra Giocondo; while above are statues of
the men who by their learning or deeds have brought celebrity to
themselves and to Verona--Catullus; Cornelius Nepos; Pliny the younger;
Vitruvius Cerdo; and others. Within the Loggia are two figures in bronze
by Girolamo Campagna, which formerly stood outside and which represent
the Annunciation. Around are busts of men who have deserved well of
their town in modern days. The original design to carry on the
Renaissance work of this Palace all along the same side of the square
was never fulfilled, and the archway which carries on its topmost height
a statue of Fracastoro, the eminent poet and physician, closes the line
of marked and beautiful architecture. The building on the other side of
this beautiful archway leads to another archway in brick over which is a
statue of the Marchese Scipione Maffei, the historian (d. 1755).
Passing under this archway into the Via Mazzanti is a lovely old
fountain bearing the date of 1478 on the architrave. It is composed
chiefly of the red marble from Sant’ Ambrogio (a few miles outside
Verona), and is as good and perfect a specimen of its kind as can be
seen anywhere. Almost opposite this fountain or well in the Via Rosa is
a strange Latin inscription which records an important gift to the town
by a member of the grand old Roman family de’ Gavi. It tells how this
noble patrician brought an acqueduct through Verona right over to the
left bank of the Adige; an undertaking for which he had to pay the sum
of 500,000 sertices. A noble and generous gift when we reflect that such
a sum would nowadays represent some £5000. Between the Volto Barbaro and
the Via la Costa is a fine brick building, now much defaced by
decorations of the seventeenth century. It was originally designed in
1273 as a palace for “i Giudici assessori,” but an earthquake in 1511
partly ruined it and modern alterations have reduced it to its present
condition.
Crossing the Piazza again past the Palace of the Tribunes, we come at
once to the church of St Maria Antica and the Tombs of the Scaligers. It
is well to enter for a moment into the small, dim Lombardic church of St
Maria Antica, the church used by the Scaligers as their private chapel,
and around which they elected to have their burial ground. The church
was built originally by the monks of St Oliveto, and dates from about
the year 1000. Its restoration done in recent times, though it has left
probably little of the original building, has been carried out with
taste and judgment. The stern, simple lines of the arches, the stone
capitals and pillars are effective and dignified, and act as a fitting
preparation for the grand monuments which stand outside, and which
merit
[Illustration: EFFIGY OF CANGRANDE]
the closest study. The first is that of Francesco della Scala, better
known as Cangrande, whose rule as sole lord after his brother Albono’s
death lasted from 1311 to 1329. His monument stands over the entrance to
the church, and is surmounted by a gracefully cusped canopy, on the top
of which is placed an equestrian statue of the greatest of the Della
Scala family. A marble sarcophagus rests under the canopy, upheld by
four lovely columns with Corinthian capitals, and on the sarcophagus is
stretched a recumbent figure of Cangrande, “with hands clasped fast as
if still in prayer.” His effigy above on horseback is that of a knight
in armour; his horse clad too for battle. He holds a huge sword in his
hand, his helm is flung far back behind his shoulders. The rider turns
his face towards you and smiles, an indication it may be that Death, for
whom he had no fear while yet in this life, has equally no dread for him
now that he is to meet him face to face. The tomb rests on the figures
of two great mastiffs, apt emblems of the “Cangrande” who sleeps above,
and who support with doglike fidelity the shields emblazoned with
ladders (_scala_) committed to their charge.
The other tombs all stand in a piece of enclosed ground round the
church, and are fenced in with a railing of beautiful wrought ironwork,
buckled together so as to be shaken easily by the hand, and adorned at
every point with the family device of the ladder. The first tomb inside
this small cemetery is that of Mastino I., the founder of the family,
who rests under a plain marble sarcophagus, whereon is carved a cross,
and where are engraved not only the Scala arms, but those too of Antonio
Nogarola, who was with Mastino at the moment when he was assassinated,
and who shared the same fate, and evidently the same grave. Beyond that
is the tomb of Mastino’s brother, Alberto I., who died in 1301. This too
is of red marble, but much more ornamented than the first, where besides
a relief of Alberto kneeling before the Blessed Virgin, are other
reliefs of palm branches, heraldic devices, griffins, birds, and so
forth. But the monuments which claim especial attention after that of
Cangrande I., are those of Mastino II., and of his son Consignorio.
These are likewise formed of three stories, having the equestrian statue
above the apex, and the recumbent figure laid upon the sarcophagus. Each
however is in its turn more decorated, richer in design and carving, and
more elaborate both as to conception and execution than that of the
“Great Dog.” The tomb of Mastino II. is by one Perino of Milan, and the
bold, fine way in which the architect has planned and carried out his
work proves him to have been a master of his art. His plan of placing
the pyramid or apex with the horse and his rider on the four pillars of
Verona marble is very striking; while the perfect way in which these
shafts bear the weight laid on them is a model of skill and of beauty.
On the façades of the arches are high reliefs representing Old Testament
characters; and the bas-reliefs on the stone coffin are equally taken
from Old Testament stories. Mastino is shown with his vizor drawn and
his features completely hidden from view. As has been seen in Mastino’s
history, his actions were not always honourable, nor his expeditions
always successful. The legend (alluded to in chapter iv.) as to his
never having shown his face again, even to his wife Taddea da Carrara,
after the murder of the bishop Bartolomeo della Scala (1338), would seem
to have taken shape in his monument, and his desire as to concealing his
features even after death was evidently respected to the end.
In the north-east corner of the little cemetery stands the most gorgeous
of the Scaliger tombs. It is that of Cansignorio, and was raised by him
during his lifetime, the architect and sculptor being Bonino da
Campiglione. This monument far exceeds that of Cangrande I. and Mastino
II. in exuberance of ornamentation and in richness of detail.
Cansignorio was evidently determined to atone for the lack of godliness
and goodness in his nature by an ostentatious display of saintly
characters and saintly actions about his tomb. As has been shown, he was
cunning, ambitious, and cruel, and a fratricide twice told. He had
nevertheless no hesitation in causing himself to be represented as being
received by our Lord and His mother in an
[Illustration: MONUMENT OF GIOVANNI DELLA SCALA, VERONA]
attitude of devotion, and probably had no misgivings as to the eventful
fulfilment of the scene thus given. The monument is hexagonal, supported
on six columns; the canopy and apex are of Verona marble, of the kind
known as “mandolato,” while the inside dome of the canopy is painted
with gold stars on a blue ground. Six figures of warrior saints on
square pilasters keep watch over this lord of Verona (who some writers
say was neither a saint nor a warrior) and are St Quirinus, St
Valentine, St George, St Sigismund, St Martin, and St Louis. Above them
again are the figures of Faith, Hope, Charity, Prudence, Justice, and
Fortitude; while to crown the whole is the effigy of Cansignorio himself
on horseback, with his vizor raised and the “scala” on his breast. This
badge of the family is brought in at every possible
[Illustration: TOMB OF CANSIGNORIO DELLA SCALA]
opportunity, and is always here shown surmounted by the Cross.
Very beautiful also is the tomb of Giovanni della Scala, an illegitimate
member of the family, and Vicar-General of Vicenza. His remains, first
buried in the church of St Fermo Minore, were afterwards brought here,
and laid to rest with every honour, and in a manner befitting such
impressive surroundings. These monuments are Gothic in style, and may
justly rank among the finest things that the fourteenth century has
produced in this way. It must be borne in mind that they were fashioned
before Verrocchio and Donatello had executed the works which were to
astonish the world, and model for after generations the types of
equestrian statues which were to serve as guides for all ages to come.
It will be well to refresh our memories with Ruskin’s beautiful words as
to these tombs, words which were poured forth in all the glow of
admiration and enthusiasm over objects he loved so well, and which he
describes in language which cannot be heard too often.
“At Verona, where the great Pisan school had strong influence, the
monumental sculpture is immeasurably finer than at Venice; and so early
as about the year 1335, the consummate form of the Gothic tomb occurs in
the monument of Cangrande della Scala at Verona. It is set over the
portal of the chapel anciently belonging to the family. The sarcophagus
is sculptured with shallow bas-reliefs representing (which is rare in
the tombs with which I am acquainted in Italy, unless they are those of
saints), the principal achievements of the warrior’s life, especially
the siege of Vicenza and battle of Piacenza; these sculptures, however,
form little more than a chased and roughened groundwork for the fully
relieved statues representing the Annunciation, projecting boldly from
the front of the sarcophagus. Above, the lord of Verona is laid in his
long robe of civil dignity, wearing the simple bonnet, consisting merely
of a fillet bound round the brow, knotted and falling on the shoulder.
He is laid as asleep; his arms crossed upon his body, and his sword by
his side. Above him, a bold arched canopy is sustained by two projecting
shafts, and on the pinnacle of its roof is the statue of the knight on
his war-horse; his helmet, dragon-winged and crested with the dog’s
head, tossed back behind his shoulders, and the broad and blazoned
drapery floating back from his horse’s breast,--so truly drawn by the
old workman from the life, that it seems to wave in the wind, and the
knight’s spear to shake, and his marble horse to be evermore quickening
its pace, and starting into heavier and hastier charge, as the silver
clouds float fast behind it in the sky.
“Now observe, in this tomb as much concession is made to the pride of
man as may ever consist with honour, discretion, or dignity. I do not
enter into any question respecting the character of Can Grande, though
there can be little doubt that he was one of the best among the nobles
of his time; but that is not to our purpose. It is not the question
whether his wars were just, or his greatness honourably achieved; but
whether, supposing them to have been so, these facts are well and
gracefully told upon his tomb. And I believe there can be no hesitation
in the admission of its perfect feeling and truth. Though beautiful, the
tomb is so little conspicuous or intrusive that it serves only to
decorate the portal of the little chapel, and is hardly regarded by the
traveller as he enters. When it is examined, the history of the acts of
the dead is found subdued into dim and minute ornament upon his coffin;
and the principal aim of the monument is to direct the thoughts to his
image as he lies in death, and to the expression of his hope of
resurrection; while, seen as by the memory, far away, diminished in the
brightness of the sky, there is set the likeness of his armed youth,
stately, as it stood of old in the front of battle, and meet to be thus
recorded for us, that we may now be able to remember the dignity of the
frame, of which those who once looked upon it hardly remembered that it
was dust.
“This, I repeat, is as much as may ever be granted, but this ought
always to be granted to the honour and affection of men. The tomb which
stands beside that of Can Grande, nearest it in the little field of
sleep, already shows the traces of erring ambition. It is the tomb of
Mastino II., in whose reign began the decline of his family. It is
altogether exquisite as a work of art; and the evidence of a less wise
or noble feeling in its design is found only in this, that the image of
a virtue, Fortitude, as belonging to the dead, is placed on the
extremity of the sarcophagus, opposite to the Crucifixion. But for this
slight circumstance, of which the significance will only be appreciated
as we examine the series of later monuments, the composition of this
monument of Can Mastino would have been as perfect as its decoration is
refined. It consists, like that of Can Grande, of the raised
sarcophagus, bearing the recumbent statue, protected by a noble
four-square canopy, sculptured with ancient scripture history. On one
side of the sarcophagus is Christ enthroned, with Can Mastino kneeling
before Him; on the other, Christ is represented in the mystical form,
half-rising from the tomb, meant, I believe, to be at once typical of
His passion and resurrection. The lateral panels are occupied by statues
of the saints. At one extremity of the sarcophagus is the Crucifixion;
at the other, a noble statue of Fortitude, with a lion’s skin thrown
over her shoulders, its head forming a shield upon her breast, her
flowing hair bound with a narrow fillet, and a three-edged sword in her
gauntleted right hand, drawn back sternly behind her thigh, while in her
left, she bears high the shield of the Scalas.
“Close to this monument is another, the stateliest and most sumptuous of
the three; it first arrests the eye of the stranger, and long detains
it--a many pinnacled pile, surrounded by niches with statues of the
warrior saints.
“It is beautiful, for it still belongs to the noble time, the latter
part of the fourteenth century; but its work is coarser than that of the
other, and its pride may well prepare us to learn that it was built for
himself, in his own life-time, by the man whose statue crowns it, Can
Signorio della Scala. Now observe, for this is infinitely significant.
Can Mastino II. was feeble and wicked, and began the ruin of his house;
his sarcophagus is the first which bears upon it the image of a Virtue,
but he lays claim only to Fortitude. Can Signorio was twice a
fratricide, the last time when he lay upon his death-bed: his tomb bears
upon its gables the images of six Virtues--Faith, Hope, Charity,
Prudence, and (I believe) Justice and Fortitude.”[47]
Not far from “le Arche degli Scaligeri,” and going towards the Piazza
Indipendenza is a beautiful example of an old house, dating perhaps from
the year 1000. Though it is in a dreadful state of neglect and dirt (it
is now used for stabling humble vehicles and ponies), the beauty of the
brickwork and of different styles of arches--some round, some
pointed--is very apparent. The old wooden forked battlements are very
uncommon and interesting; and a legend which says that the house was
once that of Romeo is so apposite we would fain believe it to be true
even while knowing it to be altogether impossible.
CHAPTER IX
_Via Cappello_--_San Fermo_--_Museo Civico and Picture Gallery_
From out the active stirring Piazza delle Erbe runs the narrow quiet
street of the Via Cappello. The tramway which traverses all Verona from
the Porta Nuova to the Porta Vescovo passes at a foot’s pace along it,
and almost touches an old mediæval house that tradition points out as
the house of the Capulets, and where Juliet is said to have lived and
loved. A tablet[48] over the door records the legend, though no romance
attaches to the use to which the house is now put--a stable for carriers
and their vans--and probably few who pass under the archway ever think
of the ill-starred lovers or consider their story as aught but a myth.
A little further down the street and on the same side stands the
Biblioteca Comunale, where precious volumes and manuscripts are stored
in laudable order, and where the kindness and courtesy of the officials
makes it a pleasure to study and hunt among the treasures so freely
placed at one’s disposal. Close beside it is the disused church of St
Sebastian; and but a short way further on is the Arco dei Leoni, a Roman
ruin, said to have been part of Gallienus’s wall, and worthy of a better
place and surrounding. A tinsmith’s shop is all around it, and zinc
baths and tin wares and utensils hang beside the fine columns and
architraves that are lost in so incongruous a setting. That this grand
old ruin was once one of the gateways into the town seems probable; but
archæologists are divided as to its exact origin and purpose, and only
agree in claiming for it without hesitation a very remote antiquity.
Other houses in this street, now called Via Leoni, have traces of Roman
architecture, often stowed away in inner courtyards, and evidently
proving of more interest to the passing prying stranger than to the
owner and inhabitant.
The church of S. Fermo Maggiore is close at hand; one of the four finest
churches of Verona, and beautiful from whichever side we approach it. It
is another example of the blending of brick and marble peculiar to
Verona; and while studying the harmonious fusion of these materials it
is interesting to observe the different periods of building and the
different dates that have left their mark on the construction of this
noble edifice. The façade, the presbytery, and the belfry are fine
examples of the Lombard-Gothic style; and the approach to the principal
entrance up a flight of stairs, with tombs, niches, windows around, and
a deep portal above is very impressive. To the left of the entrance is
the tomb of Aventino Fracastoro, the physician of Cangrande (1350). This
monument, of great beauty, consists in true Veronese fashion of the
sarcophagus supported on brackets, placed under a canopy. On the other
side is another canopy, looking as though intended for a tomb, but of
smaller dimensions than the one above-mentioned, and placed there
[Illustration: JULIET’S HOUSE (traditionally)]
for no reason that has yet been discovered. The actual church of S.
Fermo dates from about the year 1065, but the oldest part of it is the
crypt which boasts of a very great antiquity. From the archæologist’s
and historian’s point of view the chief interest attaching to S. Fermo
centres round this crypt, and they ascribe some portions of it to at
least the second half of the eighth century. The different styles of
architecture and of fresco-painting in this subterranean church are of
all-engrossing matter; and hours might be spent here pondering over the
ascendancy of Greek, Roman, Lombard, and Christian art, and deciphering
the unmistakable signs that tell how, even in the ninth century, this
lower church was decorated with the crude and primitive paintings then
coming into vogue. The carvings representing in rude outline the cross
in various shape, the fish, and other allegorical symbols point, as far
as date is concerned, to a very early period of Christianity, and
confirm the generally accepted belief that the crypt was the work of the
very first Christians, and built at the moment of the suppression of
paganism.
To return however to the church. The interior is striking and beautiful.
It consists of a single nave; no aisles are included in the plan, and it
is crowned by a magnificent roof made of larch, and shaped like the
ribbing of a ship, with paintings and carvings introduced at every
possible coign of vantage. The church was first built for the
Benedictines in the eleventh century as has been said. Two hundred years
later it was transferred to the Franciscans, and it underwent
considerable additions and alterations both at their hands, and again in
the early part of the fourteenth century. These works were largely
helped on by the piety and generosity of Daniele Gusman, the prior of S.
Fermo, and by Guglielmo da Castelbarco who, as has been seen, did so
much for St Anastasia, and whose tomb standing outside that church has
already been described. Here too his memory has been perpetuated in a
fresco over the archway to the right and left of the high altar, where
he on one side, and Prior Gusman on the other are represented “offering
willingly to the Lord.” The doubt as to who is the author of these
frescoes is still unsolved. For a long time they were attributed to
Giotto; and though Crowe and Cavalcaselle say that none of his work done
in S. Fermo is left, they admit that the fresco of Castelbarco
presenting the church of S. Fermo is by a different hand to the other
frescoes in the church--these latter being all by Veronese masters.
Over the doorway of the main entrance--a door by the way very rarely
opened, and to get into the church one must go to the one on the left
hand side--is a fresco of the Crucifixion, ascribed first to Cimabue,
then to Giotto, and though by neither of them, is at the same time the
work of some very early master. To the left of this entrance, and above
an ugly mausoleum to the Brenzoni family, is a most beautiful fresco by
Vittore Pisanello, and according to Layard, his only fresco-painting,
besides the one at St Anastasia, yet remaining in Verona. The subject is
the Annunciation, very gracefully and effectively treated, and with some
very beautiful architectural drawing around the Madonna. Further on are
more frescoes of the fourteenth century, which have not been long
discovered, among them being a striking one of the Crucifixion. Close by
is the Chapel of the Sacrament, where hangs the masterpiece of Gian
Francesco Caroto. It is described as follows by Layard:--“His (Caroto’s)
best existing work is an altarpiece in the church of S. Fermo Maggiore
(Verona), representing the Virgin and Child and St Anne in glory, with
four saints
[Illustration: CHURCH OF S. FERMO MAGGIORE
THE MADONNA AND CHILD AND ST ANNE IN GLORY, WITH OTHER SAINTS BELOW
(G. FRANCESCO CAROTO)]
beneath, signed and dated 1528. It is grandly conceived, powerful in
colour, giving the impression that he had seen and been influenced by
Bernardino Luini; the Madonna is a beautiful woman with a tender and
gentle expression; the Child less pleasing; the heads of SS. Roch and
John are especially fine.”[49]
The fresco over a small door leading into the Torriani chapel is by
Francesco Bonsignori, signed and dated 1484; and inside the chapel is
the tomb raised by Girolamo della Torre, and said to be one of the most
precious works of art preserved in S. Fermo. This may doubtless be so
for those who first of all are fortunate enough to find some means
whereby they can obtain sufficient light to view this treasure; and who
secondly are content to be put off with copies of the original. For the
bronze bas-reliefs which once decorated this tomb were carried off to
Paris, where they are still preserved at the Louvre, and copies
supplement the place they once filled. What is left is however
pronounced by all who have seen it to be of great merit, and worthy of
the designer and artist, Andrea Riccio of Padua.
Several interesting examples of the Veronese school are to be found in
this church. In the chapel after that of the Delia Torre family is a
good “Adoration” by Orbetto, fine in tone and colour, though the
grouping is a little confused and overcrowded. In the chapel dedicated
to St Anthony is a picture by Liberale of “St Anthony in Glory,”
showing, according to Mr Selwyn Brinton, the improvement gained by him
after he came “under the influence of the mighty Mantegna, when a
greater conception of art seems to strike him.”[50] In one of the
chapels beside the high altar is a fine Crucifixion by Domenico
Brusasorci. The Alighieri chapel is more or less on the lines of the
Arco de’ Gavi, and was erected by Francesco, the last lineal male
descendant of Dante, who with two or three other members of the family,
is buried here. The picture over the altar is by Battista del Moro.
A fact that is of botanic interest is to be met with here in the
epigraph below the organ to Francesco Calceolari. He was the first
botanist who ever made his mark in Verona, and his name at all events
suggests some connection with the flower whose gaudy colours were once
in such request for the bedding-out garden.
Immediately below the sacristy is the marble sarcophagus erected by the
citizens of Verona to the memory of Torello Saraina, who, as has been
said, wrote the first printed history of the town, and whose opinion and
authority on Veronese antiquities and monuments is of great weight and
value. The Saraina chapel standing beside the tomb was erected by the
historian himself, and dedicated by him to the Trinity, to the Virgin,
and to the Archangel Raphael. It contains a fine painting by Torbido
over the altar, a Madonna and Child in the clouds, with the Archangel
and Tobias below. According to Morelli, this work makes Torbido worthy
to be compared with the elder Bonifazio. The coffin containing the ashes
of Saraina was probably removed to the side (where it stands resting on
two turrets of marble) when the chapel was arranged for the celebration
of the Mass. Saraina died May 8, 1550. That he was a patron of art as
well as a man of letters is proved by the fact that not only did he
order the fine picture painted by Torbido for the Saraina chapel, but
that the house he inhabited in the Via della Stella was also by his
desire decorated with frescoes by the same master.
The pulpit is a beautiful bit of fourteenth century work. It is rich in
marbles, and has many good designs surmounted with frescoes that for
many years were supposed to be the work of Stefano da Zevio. Recent
investigations, however, have proved them to be by Martini, whose
signature upon them has also come to light.
The patron saint of the church is S. Fermo, who together with S.
Rustico, suffered martyrdom early in the fourth century. Their bodies
first buried in the crypt were afterwards placed under the high altar in
the church, where they were at all events safe from those inundations of
the Adige that so often wrought havoc to the town, and that in their
impetuosity respected neither saint nor sanctuary. The festival of the
martyred saints is held on the 9th of August.
The beautiful exterior of the apse and belfry can be well seen and
studied on the way to the Palazzo Pompei. This palace contains the Museo
Civico and the Picture Gallery, and stands on the other side of the
Adige. The way to it lies across the Ponte delle Navi, a modern bridge
built to replace the one set up in 1373 by Cansignorio, which was swept
away in the inundation of 1757.
It must seem ungracious on the part of a visitor, and of one too who has
received much kindness and courtesy in the town, to complain of the
arrangements and methods customary in the public buildings of Verona.
But the way in which the works of art are kept and treated is lamentable
in the extreme, and the disregard and indifference as to those treasures
cannot but evoke feelings of surprise, indignation, and regret. The
Palazzo Pompei, a fine Doric building designed by San Micheli, was
bequeathed by its late owner to the city for a picture gallery; and that
it was never built or intended for the purpose to which it is now put
may perhaps serve as some excuse for its total inadequacy. The rooms
are small; the windows so placed that a great deal of light falls on
some pictures leaving others in darkness, and threatening besides to
ruin paintings exposed for hours on bright days to a flood of
unmitigated and uncurtained sunshine.
The ground-floor consists of a collection of the most varied kind: there
are Etruscan and Roman remains; prehistoric antiquities from the Lake of
Garda; marble vases and sculptures, coins, utensils belonging to the
prehistoric, bronze, and iron ages; mediæval statues in stone and in
bronze; a large array of capitals, columns, and fragments of buildings
and fortifications that have been dug up at recent excavations and
brought here, and casts of modern works. The great inundation of the
Adige in 1882, which is answerable for so much damage in Verona is also
held responsible for the state of disorder to which this heterogeneous
mass is reduced. The flood disarranged the Museum; and time and money do
not yet seem to have been found wherewith to repair the mischief then
caused.
The pictures are on the first floor, and are for the most part the works
of Veronese masters. The first room, known as the Sala Bernasconi, has a
fine but faded picture by Paolo Farinato (No. 13) of Christ shown to the
multitude. No. 32 is an early but graceful work by Titian of the Madonna
and Child and St John. No. 34, a Madonna and Child, and St John the
Baptist with two angels, is said to be by Perugino; and much of it
probably is by him, the rest by one of his pupils.
Room II. has several good pictures, though not all are by the artists to
whom they are ascribed. No. 86, for instance, is a lovely Presentation
in the Temple, with a forged signature of Gian Bellini. No. 88 is a Holy
Family by Andrea del Sarto, but so cleaned as
[Illustration: CAVAZZOLA’S DEPOSITION FROM THE CROSS]
to leave little of the original. No. 90 is a Madonna and Child that from
its likeness to the fresco in S. Fermo is said to be by Pisanello. No.
92 a Madonna, Francesco Caroto, restored and hard. No. 97, a powerful
and authentic portrait by Antonio Moro. No. 120, a Madonna and Child
with St Joseph by Perugino. No. 121, a graceful Annunciation by
Garofolo. No. 155, a Madonna and Child with two Saints by Francia; a
picture full of the charm that this Bolognese master rarely fails to
exercise. Nos. 112, 108, and 154, are all by Caroto, though in his
earlier rather than in his best and later manner. Other pictures in this
room are by good masters but hung so high that all effort to judge of
them is vain.
Room III. has no work in it which demands especial attention.
Room IV., No. 240, a Madonna by Giolfino; a hard and somewhat cold
picture though not lacking in expression. No. 243, a Madonna enthroned,
with saints and angels; an early work by Paolo Veronese. No. 244, a
Madonna and Saints by Antonio Badile; a good picture though hung too
high. No. 250, Christ washing the disciples’ feet by Bonifazio; a
picture full of the rich warm colouring of this master, and lacking--as
is often the case with him--in all sense of religious feeling. No. 252,
a Madonna enthroned with SS. Roch and Sebastian, by Girolamo dai Libri;
and also by him No. 253, the Baptism of Christ. No. 267, a portrait by
Paolo Veronese; the only really fine portrait to be found in Verona by
Verona’s greatest painter, and representing one of the Guarienti family
attired as a warrior. No. 271, a Madonna by Bonsignori.
Room V. This is the most interesting room in the gallery. No. 290 is a
Holy Family by Girolamo dai Libri, known as “la Vergine dei Conigli,”
or “of the rabbits.” Though somewhat faded and hung too high it is a
charming picture representing the Madonna, with St Joseph, St Jerome,
and St John the Baptist worshipping the Babe. The landscape is glowing
with colour and with rich detail, and the rabbits seated with due
solemnity give a humorous touch to the whole scene. There are several
important paintings in this room by Paolo Morando surnamed Cavazzola, of
whose works in this collection Mr Selwyn Brinton speaks as follows: “In
visiting Verona, I found the Public Gallery rich in his paintings; the
earnestness of his style, and his power in drawing and colour find
illustration in the series of five subjects from the Passion in that
gallery (brought there from S. Bernardino). Most of all among them I
gave my admiration to the most striking ‘Descent from the Cross,’
powerful, of great pathos, brilliant, and yet cold in colour.”[51]
Of the power of Cavazzola’s painting, and of the decorative value of his
work there can be no doubt, but he strikes one as being careful to
attain a correct form in his figures rather than to convey depth of
devotion, and to be merely affected when he would fain be pathetic. His
work at times though very hard and formal is yet often full of
expression; his backgrounds are interesting and to be liked; and his
vivid colouring is nearly always to be admired. A fine work of his, the
last he ever painted, and perhaps his masterpiece, is No. 335 in this
room. It is an altarpiece, showing the Madonna in glory with angels,
saints, and the donor, the Contessa di Sacco, at the bottom of the
picture. Nos. 292, 293, 294, 295 are the series alluded to above; No.
298 is St Thomas questioning our Lord’s resurrection by him. Nos. 302
and 303
[Illustration: THE VIRGIN AND CHILD ENTHRONED, WITH ST JOSEPH, THE
ARCHANGEL RAPHAEL AND TOBIAS (GIROLAMO DAI LIBRI)]
[Illustration: VIRGIN AND CHILD WITH SAINTS IN GLORY (PAOLO MORANDO
DETTO CAVAZZOLA)]
are also by him; and so too are Nos. 306 and 308. No. 329 is a pleasant
portrait by Domenico Brusasorci of himself as a musician. No. 330, the
Trinity by Francesco Morone. No. 333, a Madonna and Child with St Andrew
and St Peter, by Girolamo dai Libri. No. 334, a very fine Madonna and
Child with two saints by Cima da Conegliano. No. 339 is again by
Girolamo dai Libri, showing a lovely landscape with an enthroned
Madonna, the Child, St Joseph, Tobias, and the angel all in rich glowing
colour, and altogether delightful. There are also three pictures by
Caroto in this room: one of the three archangels with Tobias over the
door is particularly good. It is signed and is very worthy of notice. On
the wall coming into this room is a collection of fragments of
miniatures from liturgical books by Liberale, and Girolamo dai Libri.
They are all framed, and form as choice and rich a collection of such
works of art as exists anywhere.
Room VI. (No. 351), a fine picture of the Madonna and cherubs by Carlo
Crivelli showing the influence of the Paduan school. No. 355 is a
painting on wood in several compartments by one Turone in a frame of the
same date (fourteenth century) and representing divers saints. This
picture, dated 1360, is cited by Crowe and Cavalcaselle as a proof of
how the Veronese school held aloof from all Giottesque influence. Such
independence does not meet with the approval of the two art critics, who
refuse to see in this course of action an individuality which declined
to borrow even from a superior source--an attitude of originality that
was indulged in at a possible loss of increased technique and drawing,
but that is worthy all the same of respect.
No. 359 is a painting on wood by Stefano da Zevio: a youthful work,
signed and dated 1363, of the Madonna and St Catherine in a garden of
roses. No. 362, the Crucifixion by Jacopo Bellini, a grand solemn
picture even if somewhat retouched. Nos. 368 and 369 are small
altar-pieces by Girolamo Benaglio, in frames characteristic of the
period (fifteenth century) and in good taste. No. 376, the Resurrection,
attributed to Squarcione, and possibly containing some of his work. No.
377, a Deposition by Liberale, but hung too high to be seen well. Nos.
390, 392, 394, are far and away the gems of this room, and are all fine
works by Cavazzola. They represent Gethsemane, the Deposition, the
Bearing of the Cross. The Deposition is the most famous of this series,
which, as shown by the inscription, was painted in 1517, and in it is to
be seen the artist’s portrait to the left of the cross, while in the
background stand out the heights of Verona with the castle of San Pietro
and the Adige below.
Few of the other rooms have anything of interest or merit in them,
though in No. IX.--when not closed--are to be seen some of the medals of
Vittore Pisanello; and a fresco by Cavazzola, brought here from the
church of SS. Nazzaro and Celso. There is also a fine fresco in Room
XII. by Francesco Morone, of the Madonna with saints, that shows great
power of grouping. This was originally on the exterior of a house near
the Ponte delle Navi, and was brought here for preservation. Layard
says: “A charming specimen of his (Morone’s), warm, rich colouring, and
delicate and graceful sentiment was, until recently, to be seen in a
fresco of the Virgin and Child and saints, on the façade of a house near
the Ponte delle Navi at Verona, dated 1515, which added much to the
picturesque beauty of the site. It has unfortunately been transferred to
canvas, suffering irreparably in the process and by clumsy restoration,
and is now a mere wreck in the public gallery.”[52]
Here, too, are some frescoes by Martino da Verona, by Giolfino, and by
Caroto, and with a glance at them the visit to the picture gallery may
be brought to a close.
CHAPTER X
_S. Paolo di Campo Marte_--_SS. Nazzaro e Celso_--_The Grotto di S.
Nazzaro_--_St Thomas of Canterbury_--_Giardino Giusti_--_Sta. Maria
in Organo_--_S. Giovanni in Valle_--_Teatro Antico_--_SS. Siro e
Libera_--_Castle of Theodoric_--_S. Stefano_--_S. Giorgio in Braida_
THE left bank of the Adige lies in that part of the city known as
“Veronetta,” where several churches are scattered at no wide distances
the one from the other; some small and of but meagre interest, others
striking both from an historical and artistic point of view. After
passing the church of S. Paolo di Campo Marte, where Paolo Farinato lies
buried, and where are to be seen works by Girolamo dai Libri, by Paolo
Veronese and others; and leaving the little church of S. Giacomo in the
Via XX. Settembre, we eventually arrive at the church of SS. Nazzaro e
Celso. The external aspect of this church, dating from the eleventh
century, is more imposing than the interior which was restored in 1510.
Before visiting the church it will be well to go first to the Grotto of
S. Nazzaro, a small chapel excavated out of the “tufo,” and in which
the early Christians met to worship. The walls were evidently once all
covered with frescoes, and many traces yet remain which have given rise
to much discussion, and about whose date and execution opinions are
still divided. Some writers claim for these paintings an epoch as remote
as the sixth century, and ascribe them to the period when the Ostrogoths
ruled in Verona. Others again say that the very oldest of the paintings
are not prior to the year 996, while the latest belong to the eleventh
century. There is no doubt whatever that the church or grotto is of far
older date than the paintings on the walls; and the historical interest
centring around the spot can on no account be called in question.
Whatever the date of the frescoes they betoken different periods from
their style, the earliest being of a crude, primitive nature that make
one at first more inclined to smile than to admire. Those of the second
period--among them being our Lord’s Baptism in Jordan--have a less comic
appearance, while one and all bear traces of the Roman influence which
permeated into the works of art carried out by the invaders of Italy in
the land of their adoption.
The church of S. Nazzaro consisted originally of five aisles. The
restoration brought about in 1510 reduced it to three, and though not as
imposing as it must formerly have been, there is a dignified and
religious feeling in its present character which suits the traditions
that haunt its neighbourhood and hallow to this day the fine Renaissance
building. There are many good paintings in the church; in the transept
on the right are two panel paintings by Bartolomeo Montagna of St John
the Baptist, and of SS. Nazzaro, Celso and Benedict; and in the sacristy
there is a Pietà, and a S. Biagio and Sta. Giuliana also by him. (It is
impossible not to utter a protest against the state of neglect and
decay into which most of the frescoes in this church have fallen, and to
hope that some effort may be made to preserve them ere it is too late.)
In a beautiful old frame over the altar of S. Biagio is a grand work by
Francesco Bonsignori; while in the predella below are some lovely
miniatures by Girolamo dai Libri. The dome is decorated with frescoes,
all by Falconetto, except the “Annunciation” over the principal door
which is by Cavazzola--a fine bit of work. There are more works by this
master, as well as others by Brusasorci, Falconetto, Badile, Torbido,
and Farinata. Indeed most of the best known Veronese masters have left
some evidence of their work in this out-of-the-way church; would that
the Veronese of to-day would show themselves worthier of the treasures
bequeathed to them by their ancestors, and provide at least for their
preservation!
Not far from here after two or three turns to the left rises the church
of St Thomas of Canterbury. The doorway is a fine example of Italian
Gothic, and some interesting inscriptions beside it relate how the piety
of two women of the Stagnolo family contributed towards the work of the
façade. Inside the church are some frescoes by Brusasorci; and before
the altar of Sta. Maria Maddalena lie the mortal remains of the
architect San Micheli, to whom Verona owes so much, and whose work,
though so pre-eminently famed for fortified buildings and all relating
to military constructions, is admirable in secular and ecclesiastical
edifices as well.
Wandering through this part of Verona the eye is often arrested by
frescoed palaces and houses of marked architectural beauty and merit,
among them being the Casa Barbarani; the Seminario Vescovile; and other
houses belonging to private individuals. In the Via
[Illustration: WINDOW AND BALCONY IN VIA SEMINARIO]
Giardino Giusti stands the Palazzo Giusti, a handsome block of masonry,
decorated externally by Paolo Farinato, and leading through a pleasant
cortile to the beautiful and famous Giardino Giusti. The cypress trees
in this part of the garden form its chief glory and renown; and very
striking is the view on entering of these grand trees leading up in a
straight long avenue to the upper part of the grounds, while single ones
dotted about “stand like Druids of old” imparting a sense of solemnity
and grandeur to the scene. It is evident that this garden was well known
in the seventeenth century from the relation of a Cardinal Rossetti’s
journey from Cologne to Ferrara via Verona written by his secretary one
Vincenzo Armanni. He tells how they embarked at Bussolengo the evening
of Friday, July 8, 1644, and came in the space of an hour in a straight
course down the Adige to Verona, where they were courteously entertained
by the Dominicans. “Saturday the 9th,” he writes, “we remained incognito
in Verona, and went to see a most beautiful garden of the Signori
Giusti, and many places in that city which in sooth is possessed of
conditions so estimable as to cause it to rank among the best in Italy.”
The age of the cypresses is remarkable, some being no less than four
hundred, others again five hundred years old; while only a short time
ago a patriarchal giant died at the age of seven hundred years. The lie
of the land is also well suited to show off these noble trees to
advantage; the ground slopes upwards to the walls of the city till it
stops close to where the church of S. Zeno in Monte once stood, and
where the tower still stands marking the site of the former monastery.
No words can better describe the magnificent view over the town of
Verona than those used by Ruskin when he depicts this view, and in
language of equal force and beauty presents the panorama, instinct with
life and loveliness, to all who have eyes to see and to read. He wrote,
it is true, from another spot, but he might have been standing on the
upper terrace of the Giardino Giusti when he penned the following lines
so
[Illustration: GIARDINO GIUSTI]
admirably does the description tally with the scene here laid before us.
“There is, first, this blue Lombardic plain, wide as the sea, and in the
very centre of it, at about twelve miles away from you, a little cluster
of domes and towers, with a gleam of white water round them. That is
Mantua. Look beyond its fretted outline, and you will see that in that
direction the plain, elsewhere boundless, is ended by undulations of
soft hills. Those are the Apennines above Padua. Then look to the left,
and just beyond the roots of the Alps, you will see the cluster of the
cones of the Euganean hills, at the space at their feet in which rests
Padua, and the gleam of the horizon beyond them in which rests Venice.
Look then, north-eastward, and touched into a crown of strange rubies as
the sun descends, there is the snowy cluster of the Alps of Friuli. Then
turn to the north-west, and under the sunset itself you will see the
Adige flow from its enchanted porch of marble, and in one strong and
almost straight stream, blanched always bright by its swiftness,
reflecting on its eddies neither bank nor cloud, but only light, stretch
itself along the vines, to the Verona lying at your feet; there first it
passes the garden wall of the church of S. Zeno, then under the
battlements of the great bridge of the Scaligers, then passes away out
of sight behind the hill on which, though among ghastly modern
buildings, here and there you may still trace a grey fragment of tower
and wall--the remnants of the palace of Theodoric of Verona--Dietrich of
Bern.
“Now I do not think that there is any other rock in all the world, from
which the places and monuments of so complex and deep a fragment of the
history of its ages can be visible, as from this piece of crag, with its
blue and prickly weeds. For you have thus beneath you at once, the
birthplaces of Virgil and of Livy; the homes of Dante and Petrarch; and
the source of the most sweet and pathetic inspiration of your own
Shakespeare; the spot where the civilization of the Gothic kingdoms was
founded on the throne of Theodoric, and where whatever was strongest in
the Italian race redeemed itself into life by its league against
Barbarossa. You have the cradle of natural science and medicine in the
schools of Padua; the central light of Italian chivalry in the power of
the Scaligers; the chief stain of Italian cruelty in that of Ezzelin;
and, lastly, the birthplace of the highest art; for among these hills,
or by this very Adige bank, were born Mantegna, Titian, Coreggio, and
Veronese.”[53]
Beyond the Garden Street of the Giusti lies the tract of the “Acqua
Morte,” formed by the branch or canal of the Adige, which once flowed
here but was filled in in 1895 when the great works of the “muraglioni”
were executed which have confined the river into bounds which it cannot
pass, nor break the limits now imposed upon it. In this quarter is the
church of Sta. Maria in Organo, another of the Veronese churches of
special interest and individuality. The date of the church is uncertain,
but of its antiquity there can be no doubt, some writers placing it even
as far back as the sixth century. The foundation of the monastery of
Sta. Maria in Organo is ascribed to the piety of the Lombard Duke Lupone
and his wife Ermelinda in the year A.D. 615. The actual building was
erected on the site of an older one in 1131. It was committed to the
monks of Monte Oliveto in 1444; shortly after that date the campanile
was added, and San Micheli began the façade which for some unknown
reason was never completed. The interior of the church is rich in
paintings and frescoes, every chapel having its picture over the altar,
and the
[Illustration: THE GIUSTI GARDEN]
sides being decorated as well. There are some fine frescoes in the nave
from Old Testament scenes, which are probably by Brusasorci, though
occasionally ascribed to Francesco Morone. A great deal of Morone’s work
is to be found here both in the church and sacristy, and speaking of
this latter Layard says: “He (Morone) excelled as a painter in fresco,
as he has shewn in the decoration of the sacristy of the church of Sta.
Maria in Organo in Verona, in which he has introduced half-length
figures of popes, monks, and nuns, of the Olivetan order.”[54]
Over the third altar on the left facing the high altar is “the most
lovely Madonna and Child under a canopy adorned with flowers; on each
side an angel sings and plays. Below, the stately figures of SS.
Augustine and Martin. A very fascinating work. Signed work (1503),
painted apparently on silk backed by canvas.”[55] The detail of this
picture is exquisite; the composition powerful, and the grace and
dignity of each figure in turn is striking. There are fine paintings
throughout the church all by Veronese masters, the most marked among
them being by Brusasorci, Giolfino, Farinato, Caroto, Balestra, Zavoldo,
Torbido. The chapel in the right transept contains a Sta. Francesca
Romano by Guercino, with paintings on the side by Cavazzola. In the
chapel to the left of the choir is a picture of St Benedict by Brentana.
This picture serves as a screen, and is sometimes removed when a quaint
mediæval statue is revealed of our Lord seated on the ass’s colt. The
statue, of a great age, is known as “La Muletta,” and is an object of
great veneration. It is shown to the public on Palm Sunday when no doubt
the gaudy colours--for the figure and animal though of wood are
painted--impress each gazer’s eye with wonder and admiration. Above the
seats of the high altar are frescoed landscapes by Cavazzola and
Brusasorci.
The centre of interest in this church culminates however in the sacristy
which Vasari rightly pronounced to be one of the most beautiful in
Italy. On the right hand side are some lovely intarsia panels by Fra
Giovanni da Verona, one of the monks belonging to the monastery of this
church. “The rich play of fancy shown by this illustrious brother
deserves a volume and a pen of gold to describe it,” says an Italian
writer; “festoons of fruit and flowers, sphinxes, chimeras, birds,
perspective--all is wrought with a perfect and exquisite sense of art,
all has succeeded in producing an unparalleled harmony of line and
colour in a calm outpouring of inspiration, in a continuous and
marvellous freshness.”[56] The richness of design employed is indeed
wonderful, and is only equalled by the execution of the work. The
carving is as perfect and delicate as it is bold and crisp; and it is
not difficult to believe that this intarsia possesses the renown of
being the most perfect of its kind in Italy. Above these lovely panels
are frescoes by Morone of the Olivetan monks in their white garbs; while
again in the lunettes overhead are portraits of the popes who were
elected out of the order to fill the Papal See. In a corner by the door
leading into the choir and almost concealed by a cupboard is the
portrait of Fra Giovanni himself, the friar who as has been said did
this intarsia work, the greatest master of the kind that Italy has ever
produced. He died in 1520. The frescoes are all by Morone, and it has
well been said that this sacristy is a masterpiece of Veronese art.
There is also here a lovely picture by Girolamo dai Libri, the “Madonna
del Limone,” of the Blessed Virgin enthroned, with
[Illustration: DOORWAY OF CARVED WOOD IN THE SACRISTY OF S. MARIA]
St Stephen and St Catherine below, a delightful setting of leaves,
fruit, and architectural detail, all in a flood of sunlight which
enhances the effect a hundredfold.[57]
The choir of the monks opens out from the sacristy, and here again are
treasures of carving and of inlaid woodwork also by Fra Giovanni,
possessing a topographical value as well as an artistic one in that they
represent views of the city of that date and place before us scenes
which no longer exist. There are here views of Rome also; and the value
of such abiding testimony as to “the days that are no more,” is enough
in itself to make one linger in the church of Sta. Maria in Organo, and
muse in delight and wonder over the industry and talent that prompted
this labour of love so many centuries ago. In the choir there is also a
magnificent candelabrum equally by Fra Giovanni, carved in walnut wood;
and the carving and inlay work testify anew to the craft and power of
this frate, and prove him to have been indeed a consummate master of his
art. The inundation of 1882 did frightful damage to the woodwork in this
church; and though the damage has been remedied to a great extent traces
of it yet remain and show to what an extreme peril these treasures were
exposed.
Beyond the church of Sta. Maria in Organo the winding narrow by-way of
S. Giovanni in Valle leads to the little church of the same name. Its
antiquity is great seeing that it dates from the fifth century; and its
plan of erection, its crypt, and all its accessories point to its being
one of the earliest churches in Verona. There are frescoes by
Brusasorci, and Giolfino, inside, and traces of paintings of a far
earlier date than these are being discovered under the whitewash and
plaster that cover the walls. Fragments of Roman remains are to be
found near the tower and the cloisters, and here too is the peculiar
sort of column similar to the one in the Piazza delle Erbe and in the
Piazza Brà, and which gives evidence that a market-place once stood
there. In the beautiful crypt are two sarcophagi of Greek marble, dating
from the very earliest days of Christianity. One of them is supposed to
contain the bones of St Simon and St Jude; and both of them have
bas-reliefs of great interest and originality. The fresco over the
principal entrance is by Stefano da Zevio, and close beside are two
modern windows that sadly deface the pure early style of the façade.
The next point of interest that we come to is the “Teatro Antico,” the
old theatre of the Romans, which is said to have been built in the age
of Augustus. In true Roman fashion it is posted on the side of a hill;
this plan for saving labour together with increased convenience in the
construction of a theatre being often resorted to in days of old. Nor
was the hill at the back the only natural adjunct to the theatre. The
river was also turned on to aid in whatever scenery required water
effects, and above all for the naval displays that formed a part in the
representations which were given in the theatre. The excavations made
here in 1836 by Cav. Andrea Monga have brought to light almost all that
remains of this ruin, and revealed what has so far escaped the
destroying hand of Time. There is not however a great deal to be seen,
for one thing after another has combined to wreck this archæological
relic. An earthquake in the year 793 damaged it to a great extent; and
rather more than a century later tradition says that Berengarius I.,
under the impression that its stability was of so insecure a nature as
to threaten every habitation in its neighbourhood, issued a decree that
anyone who chose might demolish it and carry away the materials to use
as they saw fit. How
[Illustration: CHOIR STALL OF INTARSIO WORK IN S. MARIA]
many a building in Verona may not have been enriched with stones, or
capitals, or columns from this mighty ruin! It is interesting to see
among the recent excavations some of the seats where the spectators once
sat in rows, together with what is said to have been the box with the
name over its entrance of a private family, and part of the stage, and
to wander among the ruins of what must certainly have been one of the
finest theatres of antiquity.
At no distance from the “Teatro Antico” rises the little church of SS.
Siro and Libera, built over a part of the theatre, and deriving a
legendary interest from the tradition that Christianity was introduced
into Verona by S. Siro, and that the first time mass was ever celebrated
in the town it was celebrated by the saint in the church now dedicated
to him and to Sta. Libera.
The ground around and about here is replete with associations of Roman
and Gothic times, and with the very earliest existence of Verona as a
town; for the hills above this left bank of the Adige--the hills of S.
Pietro and S. Felice--are the sites where the first inhabitants of the
city had their dwelling. On the “colle di S. Pietro” stood the castle of
Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, of whom Carlo Cipolla (the most
trustworthy of Verona’s modern historians) says: “He embellished Verona
with baths, with palaces, with covered ways; he fortified it with new
walls, and renewed the aqueduct thereof. Considerable traces of his
palace on St Peter’s hill still remain in the walls which encircle the
summit, and which are built on the Roman system.... Less numerous and
less evident are the vestiges of his real and own palace which stood on
the part of the hill overlooking the river, and it is not always easy to
distinguish between what actually belonged to the palace of Theodoric
and what were fragments appertaining to the theatre that stood below.”
On a previous page speaking of Theodoric the same writer says: “In the
poetic legends of Germany the king is called Theodoric of Verona,
Dietrich von Bern! The last chapters of the _Nibelungenlied_ are filled
with tales of his heroic deeds and with those of his warriors. Likewise
in Germany up to the time of Frederick II. of Swabia, and maybe even
after Verona was known as ‘Dietrich’s Bern.’ The mountaineers of Giazza
to this day never speak of Verona save as ‘Bearn,’ which is nothing
after all but the Latin name turned into German.”[58]
The king of the Ostrogoths, as has been said, spent his time gladly in
Verona; but little remains of his buildings or fortifications, imposing
as they must have been. The walls he set up have been built over by
Cangrande, who erected those with forked battlements which remain to
this day, a token of picturesque strength to the town, stamping it for
ever as a city whose bulwarks can defy every foe, and laugh to scorn
every invader.
The Castel di S. Pietro is now a fortress, so too is the Castel di S.
Felice, which stands on the hill above it; and from both these forts
magnificent views can be had over the city.
Beyond the Ponte di Pietra, and almost at the very bend of the river,
stands the church of S. Stefano, for many years the Cathedral of Verona,
and linked with all its early history, and with days of persecution and
trouble. This church, standing on the foundations of a former one
destroyed by King Theodoric, was rebuilt in the eleventh century, though
the crypt and choir are of an earlier period, and are both beautiful and
interesting in the character and originality of their conception.
[Illustration: CHURCH OF S. GIORGIO IN BRAIDA, MARTYRDOM OF ST GEORGE
(PAOLO VERONESE)]
The whole plan--though on far smaller and simpler lines--recalls that of
S. Zeno, for here again is the nave and two side aisles, as well as the
three floors formed by the crypt, the central building, and the raised
choir. This latter forms a striking feature in S. Stefano; and very
remarkable indeed it is with its rough-hewn bishop’s throne--recalling
the one in the cathedral church of Torcello, erected there in 1008--and
leading to another and older choir beyond, both of which are decorated
with frescoes. From the older choir a passage communicates with the
crypt, a most unusual contrivance, and one that serves perhaps to
demonstrate that those parts of the building date from the same epoch.
The crypt is in the form of a Latin cross, and has rows of columns
disposed somewhat in the same fashion as those in the crypt of S. Fermo,
save that at S. Stefano the columns are of Oriental marble. Many of the
bishops of Verona lie buried in this crypt, together with forty martyrs
who were done to death in the reign of Diocletian. Here too is the tomb
of Galla Placidia, the daughter of the Emperor Valentinian, and wife of
Olibrius, Emperor of the East. An ancient statue of St Peter stands in
the church, and there are besides several paintings by Brusasorci,
Farinato, Giolfino, and other Veronese painters. The façade of the
church is impressive, dating probably from the eleventh century, though
a careful study will detect traces of a still earlier date; and were it
possible to remove two or three additions made in more recent times, the
original frontage would stand out in all its simplicity and beauty.
A little further on is the church of S. Giorgio in Braida, or S. Giorgio
Maggiore, as it is also called, a building partly raised by San Micheli.
This church contains some very fine pictures, for the most part by
Veronese masters. Behind the high altar is a grand painting by Paolo
Veronese, of peculiar value, as few of his works are to be met with in
his native town, most of them having found a home in Venice, the scene
of his labours, and where he lived and worked and died. The subject is
the martyrdom of St George; and apart from the fine treatment of the
figures, the boldness of outline and depth of colour, the picture is
intensely interesting as showing the artist’s own portrait in the person
of the warrior on horseback in the left hand corner. On either side of
this picture are two good paintings, the one on the right by Felice
Brusasorci, of the giving of the manna in the desert, fine in tone and
in conception, though finished by his pupils; the other by Paolo
Farinato in extreme old age, when perhaps his hand had lost some of its
cunning. Farinato’s portrait is to be seen in a group of his own family
painted in a corner of the picture. The altar below the organ, the first
on the right coming down the church, contains a beautiful work by
Alessandro Bonvicini of Brescia, known as “Il Moretto,” of St Cecilia
between St Catherine, St Lucy, and other saints, with the Virgin above.
This picture bears the inscription, “Alexandro Morettus Brix. MDXC.”
Just beyond is a most lovely Virgin and Child by Girolamo dai Libri,
also signed by the author, and dated 1526. The Virgin, who is enthroned,
has S. Lorenzo Giustinian on her right, and S. Zeno on her left; below
are three exquisite angels, two of whom are singing, while the third
accompanies them on the lute. The detail of the picture is of the same
lovely and finished order in which this great miniaturist delighted and
excelled, and which he introduced into almost all his work. The third
altar has paintings, by Caroto, of SS. Roch and Sebastian; and by
Domenico Brusasorci, of the Apostles exorcising an evil spirit. Beyond
that is the martyrdom of Lorenzo
[Illustration: THE MADONNA WITH HOLY WOMEN (MORETTO DU BRESCIA)]
by Sigismondo da Stefano; and a not very beautiful St Ursula is in the
adjoining chapel by Caroto. In the second altar coming down the church
on the left are some angels by Brusasorci; and an Annunciation by
Caroto, in which the Archangel Gabriel is more beautiful to look on than
the Blessed Virgin. Above the main door is a picture of our Lord’s
Baptism by Tintoretto, but hung at so great a height it is not easy to
see.
The way back into the town leads either across the modern iron bridge
called after Garibaldi, or by that known as the Ponte della Pietra, a
magnificent example of Roman work, and one of the most picturesque
bridges in Verona. The two arches towards the hill are of recognised
Roman construction; the rest leading into the town and towards the tower
on that side erected by the Scaligers, is said to be the work of Fra
Giocondo in 1521. Soon after crossing the “Pons marmoreus,” as it was
also called, we come to an old house at the bend of the road and facing
the bridge which has a fresco painted under the eaves depicting the
wares sold in the shop below, among which may be seen a bunch of tallow
candles tied by their wicks and suspended on high--a practice familiar
enough among ourselves. The painting was done in the “cinque cento,” and
the trade of “wholesale grocer” goes on in the building to-day as it did
some five centuries ago.
In the Via Cappelletta, that opens out from the Via Ponte Pietra, is a
house which claims to have been that of the Capulets--a claim that has
no foundation, and that perhaps has only been raised in order to entice
the passer-by to go in to see a very pretty courtyard, which certainly
deserves a moment’s glance if the inspection of the many sights of
“Veronetta” has not exhausted all our powers of endurance.
CHAPTER XI
_Sant’ Eufemia_--_Porta dei Borsari_--_S.S. Apostoli_--_S.
Lorenzo_--_S. Bernardino_--_Sta. Trinità_--_Tomb of Romeo and
Juliet_--_Ponte Rofiolo_--_Piazza Brà_
The church of Sant’ Eufemia may be reached either by following the broad
open way of the Lungadige Panvinio, or by proceeding along the Corso
Porta Borsari and turning up to the right. The church, of Gothic style,
dates from the thirteenth century, but it is much spoilt internally by
modern restorations. The façade is imposing, and each side of the door
is flanked by a tomb: that on the right being a grand sarcophagus of the
fourteenth century of red Verona marble to the Cavalcani-Bandi family;
the one on the left, of the sixteenth century, by San Micheli, to the
Counts Lavagnolo. There is also some more of San Micheli’s work to be
seen close to a lateral door on the south side in the shape of a
monument to the Verită family; while over this same door is a fresco
by Stefano da Zevio. San Micheli was also the designer for the cloister
of this church. Inside, the building strikes one as cold and poor. There
are though some good frescoes by Caroto and Domenico Brusasorci, and an
altar-piece by this latter of the Madonna in glory may certainly rank
among his best works. In the Spolverini Chapel (to the proper left of
the high altar) are some very interesting frescoes by Caroto
“representing the story of Tobias, in which the compositions are
skilfully balanced, the personages natural in movement and expression,
and the colouring especially entitled to commendation.”[59]
[Illustration: BALCONY IN VIA S. EUFEMIA]
Returning to the Corso di Porta Borsari the ancient church of S.
Giovanni in Foro (so called because it was close to the old Roman Forum)
stands to the right, and claims a moment’s attention on account of its
Gothic wall decorations, and the fresco by Domenico Brusasorci of the
“Deposition from the Cross.” There is also here an inscription let into
the wall which tells that in the year A.D. 1172 a fire devastated the
town of Verona. Beyond the little church rises the Porta dei Borsari,
the famous Roman gateway, or, it may be, triumphal arch. It consists of
a double archway with two storeys of windows overhead, while the side
looking towards the Corso Cavour retains still the carvings and
ornamentations round the architraves and on the sides. The style is
Corinthian, having pediments over the archways as well as over the
windows on the upper storeys, while spiral fluted columns flanking these
windows bring in a style of architecture of a different character and
form an anomaly altogether unexpected. Opinions differ as to the date of
this archway, some placing it at the year A.D. 265 when Roman art was at
a low ebb, others maintaining that it shows evidence of a good period as
to style, and that an inscription which it bore in honour of the Emperor
Gallienus was not of the same date as the archway. This inscription was
formed of bronze letters fastened in relief upon the stone. These
letters were removed at a very early date, but the marks they left
served for deciphering the words originally placed on the archway. The
conclusion generally arrived at as to the age of the building is that it
was probably erected at the time of Vespasian, or of the Antonines--a
good period as far as the art of building was concerned--and that in
spite of its inconsistencies it is a remarkable and grand piece of
architecture, forming a link of consummate interest between the Verona
of to-day and the great Roman Empire of more than fifteen hundred years
ago.
Immediately beyond the “Porta” the street opens out into the Corso
Cavour, and some interesting houses and palaces spring up around. There
is first the house of the painter Nicolò Giolfino, where some restored
[Illustration: CORSO CAVOUR]
and damaged frescoes are all that is left of the decoration once
lavished on this house by Andrea Mantegna. Opposite in the little square
of S. Micheletto stands a column surmounted by a lamb, placed there to
mark that at one time the Guild of Wool--“Arte della Lana”--whose device
was a lamb bearing a banner, had their offices there. Immediately beside
the column stands the Palazzo Carlotti, a handsome though somewhat heavy
edifice of the decadent period, with an ornate door set in a colonnade.
This is followed by the Casa Pozzoni, a palace of Venetian Gothic of the
fourteenth century, fine and well preserved. Facing it is a still finer
building, the Palazzo della Banca Nazionale, with beautiful balconies,
windows, and decorations, all good specimens of the best Renaissance
date. Further on is the Piazza dei S.S. Apostoli, where a statue to the
poet and patriot Aleardi (born in Verona in 1812) was put up in 1878,
the very year in which he died. The sculptor was Ugo Zannini, the same
who executed the statue to Dante in the Piazza dei Signori. Behind
Aleardi’s statue is the church of the S.S. Apostoli, with that of Sta.
Fosca and Sta. Teuteria annexed to it. These churches date from very
early times, that of the S.S. Apostoli being prior to the eleventh
century, and they bear to this day traces of the construction carried
out at so remote an epoch. The apse and the belfry are Romanesque; and
at the side of the belfry are some primitive stone sarcophagi that
belonged of old to three patrician families of Verona. The interior of
the church contains some fine Lombard-Byzantine decorations, and some
later ones of the Renaissance epoch. The Virgin Saints Sta. Fosca and
Sta. Teuteria--(and might one without undue levity or irreverence
venture to inquire if this latter were the patron saint of toy
terriers?) lie buried in the little church that bears their names. This
church is of even earlier date than that of the S.S. Apostoli, being
said to belong to the eighth century, and to have been consecrated in
751. There are tombs within it of the Bevilacqua family, whose palace
close by was designed by San Micheli, and is looked upon as one of his
masterpieces.
Opposite Aleardi’s statue and on the other side of the Corso Cavour is
the church of S. Lorenzo, which stands off from the street, and is
reached under an archway, which bears a figure of the saint aloft
holding his gridiron, and through a picturesque courtyard. It is said
that this church is built on the ruins of a Roman basilica dedicated
presumably to Venus, and that it dates from the fifth century. The plan
is altogether on the lines of the Roman basilicas, and consists of two
tiers, the upper one having been set apart for the use of the women.
This again was split up into compartments, one being for the virgins,
another for the widows, and another for the matrons. The style of this
church is Roman-Lombardesque, and in spite of a good deal of misdirected
zeal and modern renovation there is much to admire in the building. The
plans for restoring it to its original condition are also to be admired
and encouraged, and one can but wish success to Don Pietro Scapini, the
worthy vicar of the church, for his schemes for lowering the floor to
its former level, and for other designs calculated to add to the beauty
and interest of the old church of S. Lorenzo. The round towers at the
west front are striking and characteristic. They led up formerly to the
women’s gallery, and have curious circular basements, not often to be
seen, though similar ones exist in one or two other places in Verona.
The round arches in the interior of S. Lorenzo are very fine; and the
alternate columns and pillars are of Veronese and foreign marbles and
have all differently ornamented capitals. The material of which the
church is chiefly built--“tufo” and brick--is very effective, and the
layers of alternate red and yellow form a mixture of colour at once
harmonious and peculiar. The discovery of frescoes on the walls points
strongly to the probability that once the church was all covered with
paintings; many doubtless having still to come to light, while others
have disappeared irretrievably. Above the high altar is a Madonna and
Child in the clouds by Domenico Brusasorci, with S.S. John and Lorenzo
below (1566).
Emerging again into the Corso Cavour, and on this same right hand side,
is the Palazzo Portalupi, with an Ionic front of the eighteenth century,
but “barocco” as to style, and over-ornamented. A little higher
up--always on the same side--is the Palazzo Canossa, by San Micheli, one
of the finest palaces in this Corso, and commanding an extensive view
over the Adige and the country beyond it. The next point of interest is
the Castel Vecchio, built as we have seen by Cangrande II. between the
years 1353 and 1358. It will also be remembered that this second
Cangrande della Scala built too the bridge across the river opening out
from the castle, whereby he could receive help from Germany, and over
which it may be that the hosts of Brandenburg marched to his assistance
into the city. A third arch was added to the bridge in later times in
order to strengthen it against the impetuous rush of the Adige; and the
whole surmounted with the forked battlements wherewith the Scaligers
usually crowned their buildings is a marked addition to the beauty of
this mediæval stronghold. It is now used as a barrack, but carts and
wagons cross under the archway over the bridge, and foot passengers may
go in and out as their business or fancy leads them. It is well to stand
for a while on the bridge to ponder over the days of yore and to watch
the rapid, swirling river as it rushes along, oblivious of Past and
Present, and seeking only in headlong fashion to reach the home which
awaits it in the far off distant sea.
From the Castel Vecchio the “Stradone di S. Bernardino” leads away to
the left till it reaches the church of that name. The entrance into the
church is through a cloister, to which some courteous monks open the
door, and show the way into the building itself. This is of the
fifteenth century, and belongs to the Franciscan brotherhood. The rood
screen and organ loft are worthy of notice, but the object of special
interest is the beautiful “Cappella Pellegrini,” a gem in its way, and
the masterpiece--in so far as a religious edifice is concerned--of San
Micheli. It is a circular chapel in Renaissance style, and was erected
by Margherita Pellegrini to the memory of her husband. The decorations
and classical severity of the pediments, cornices, and pilasters are
considered almost faultless as to symmetry and design. The fact that San
Micheli did not superintend its completion may account however for some
blemishes, and for the falling away from the absolute purity of style
which would otherwise have doubtless been preserved. In spite of this it
is an exquisite piece of graceful refined work, unique in its way, and
an abiding proof of the versatility and power of Verona’s greatest
architect. It must be owned that there is no picture of extraordinary
renown in this church, those that possessed any special merit having
been transferred to the Public Gallery, and copies placed in their
stead. There is however a good Crucifixion, by Francesco Morone in the
interesting Cappella di Sta. Croce, and other fair work by Nicolò
Giolfino and Caroto. To the left of the altar is a good picture by
Benaglio of the Madonna and saints, “inscribed with his name, with an
architectural background and festoons of fruit and flowers, such as
[Illustration: FRESCO BY DOMENICO MORONE IN THE LIBRARY OF S.
BERNARDINO]
painters of the (Veronese) school were fond of introducing into their
pictures.”[60] The pictures in S. Bernardino are for the most part by
the less famous of the Veronese masters, and the celebrity of the church
rests mainly on the classical architectural merits of the Pelligrini
Chapel. The cloisters are lined with tablets and mortuary records, for
the cemetery of the town existed for some twenty years here before it
was transferred, nearly a century ago, to the site which it now occupies
on the other side of the Adige just below the iron bridge, the Ponte
Aleardi.
The Library of S. Bernardino (now a boys’ school) contains a striking
fresco by Domenico Morone, which is rarely seen by the traveller though
well worth a visit on account of its individuality and interest. The
fresco--a large composition divided into three parts by classical
columns, represents Franciscan saints and dignitaries. In the centre is
placed the Madonna and Child enthroned, with numerous saints around
them, among them being the donors of the painting under the form of St
Francis and Sta. Chiara. The effect of the background, giving as it does
the idea of a distant and most lovely landscape, is beautiful, and goes
far to redeem the stiffness of outline evident in the drawing and the
awkward treatment of the figures and drapery.
Following the road which runs beside the grand wall of bastions set up
by the Viscontis, we gain a small height on which stands the church of
Sta. Trinità. On the right going up the slope is the former church of
Sta. Maria degli Angeli, now used as a college for girls of good
families, but containing no treasures of art. The little hill is known
as the “clivo del Monte Oliveto” from the Olivetan monks who came from
Vallombrosa to settle here, and to build the church of Sta. Trinità,
which was consecrated in 1117. The façade of the church is lovely, with
beautiful arches severe in their simplicity, and in the grace and
evenness of their design. In fact simplicity is the keynote of the front
and vestibule of this church, and in spite of the alterations and
restorations now going on, this characteristic has been successfully
maintained. The building is in sad need of funds, and it is easy to see
how beautiful the church could again become once many an arch, now
filled in, were opened out, and the original scheme adhered to and
executed. This scheme was symbolical as well as beautiful, for not only
is it clear that the steps which led down into the church were meant to
be so to show that man should humble himself when about to enter the
house of God, but also the right transept (the church is cruciform) has
a curved irregular shape, intended to represent the pressure made on the
cross by our Lord’s right shoulder weighing more heavily on that side of
it. There are some fine frescoes above the principal arch that have only
just been uncovered, but their authorship is unknown. The exterior of
the east end of the church is very interesting and well worth
inspecting. To arrive there one must go through a side corridor and the
sacristy, and then one comes upon as fine an apse and belfry as can well
be seen. Here is some remarkable Roman masonry with the oft-repeated
layers of “tufo,” and brick, together with dentellated work, now in
brick and now in stone, which is very effective and shows off forcibly
some carved heads placed immediately under a succession of arches. Two
shapeless and ugly windows have been opened out on both sides of the
apse, and wanton sacrilegious hands have ruthlessly broken through a
large portion of the beautiful work of Roman days. The belfry too is a
grand specimen of Roman building, combining the force and beauty of
vigour and stability with all the grace and loveliness of proportion
and elegance; and this out-of-the-way unknown bell-tower may certainly
rank as one of the loveliest among the many lovely ones here in Verona.
Below the church of Sta. Trinità and now leading past a huge barrack
built by the Austrians, runs the old Roman road which led out towards
Ostiglia on the Po, and into the town through the gate formerly known as
that of Sta. Croce. It was along this road that the race was run to
which Dante alludes in the _Inferno_--
... “e parve di coloro
Che corrono a Verona il drappo verde
Per la campagna; e parve di costoro
Quegli che vince e non colui che perde.”[61]
--(_Inf._ xv. 121, etc.)
Mr Vernon says:[62] “During his sojourn at Verona Dante would often have
witnessed the foot race that took place annually on the first Sunday in
Lent for the _Pallio_, or green mantle, in which race Boccaccio says the
runners were naked.... Scartazzini says this popular spectacle was
instituted to celebrate the victory that was won on the 29th September
1207, by Azzo d’Este, Podestà of Verona, over the adherents of the Conte
di San Bonifazio and the Conte Montecchi. The statutes of Verona state
that four prizes were to be exhibited for competition, the first of
which was to be run for by virtuous women, even if _only one_ could be
found.”
Soon after the Palazzo Gazzalo, which boasted a fine garden now only
kept as a nursery garden, is the old church of the Cappucines, with
traces here and there of Roman masonry. It is now given up to the
manufacture of torpedo boats. A few paces further on (going always
towards the town) we come to a large enclosure where a horse fair is
held twice a year, and where a brisk trade is done in that line, horses
to the number of about a thousand coming from Italy, Hungary and other
countries to be bought and sold. Through this modern commercial part of
Verona we pass to the garden of the Orfanotrofio, where the made-up tomb
of Romeo and Juliet has been placed. The tomb is of red Verona marble,
but before it was put to this use it served as a washing-trough. A
feeling of pity and disdain cannot but be felt over the fraud here
practised to arouse false sentimentality. The story of the two lovers,
as is well known, had no foundation, and was taken by Shakespeare from
one of the tales of Luigi di Porto, a novelist of the sixteenth century.
The enmity between the two houses of Montagu and Capulet was indeed a
fact historically true, and a fact also whose effect made itself felt in
the civil wars and dissensions that had so often disturbed the internal
life of Verona. This enmity has also been noticed by Dante, who speaks
of it in the _Purg._ vi. 107. But the very silence maintained by the
great Tuscan over the story of the lovers is proof enough that so
touching a romance had no foundation. Had there been one we may be sure
that the master-hand at whose touch Paolo and Francesca have been
endowed with immortal fame, and who in six short lines has sketched for
us the tragedy of _La Pia_, would not have left “unwept, unhonoured and
unsung” the memory of the lovers of Verona. Romeo and Juliet lived only
in the imagination of our great dramatist, who has bestowed on them a
fame and immortality which they could never have gained for themselves,
and which has endeared them to every heart.
The bridge called “Rofiolo” leads into the wide Via Pallone, and close
beside it is to be seen a tablet with some heads carved on it in high
relief. The story of this tablet and of the strange name of “Rofiolo”
has been explained as follows: some “guilty sons” (_rei figli_, hence
_rofiolo_) murdered their parents and threw them into the canal which
flows hard by. The name of these “guilty sons” has consequently been
affixed to the spot where their iniquity was perpetrated, and their
effigies have been placed near at hand. Such at least is the tradition,
into whose absolute veracity it were perhaps well not to inquire too
closely.
The Via Pallone leads into the Piazza Vittorio Emanuele, or Piazza Brà
(from Preatum, a meadow) where on one side is an equestrian statue of
Victor Emanuel by Borghi, placed there in 1883. The Arena on the east
side of the Square forms naturally enough the chief object of interest,
but there are also some buildings and palaces around for which a
moment’s notice may be claimed. The double archway which leads out of
the Piazza into the Corso Vittorio Emanuele dates from the epoch of the
Scaligers, or more probably from that of the Visconti, as does also the
pentagonal tower beside it. Close to this again is the Palazzo della
Gran Guardia Vecchia, a huge massive building ascribed to one Curtoni
(1609), a pupil of San Micheli. It was built for public meetings,
concerts, lectures and the like, and serves for such purposes still. On
the other side of the archway, or as it is called, the Portone della
Brà, is the Museo Lapidario, which stands inside the courtyard of the
Philharmonic Theatre. It was founded and organised by the historian
Scipione Maffei, and contains a large amount of precious lapidary relics
among which are to be discovered runic, Latin, Greek, Arabic, Egyptian,
Persian and Hebrew inscriptions. The most fashionable cafés are also to
be found in this Piazza, and in hot weather those inhabitants of Verona
who cannot escape for change of air and scene to the country wend their
way thither to court the fresh breeze of the wide open square at
even-time.
CHAPTER XII
_San Zeno_
The road to S. Zeno leads straight past the Castel Vecchio; and away
from the noise and bustle of the town we approach one of the finest
examples of a Romanesque church to be found in the whole of Northern
Italy. A quiet dignity and simplicity may be said to be the
characteristics of this glorious basilica both within and without; while
the blending of pagan antiquity and Christian feeling has brought about
a harmony in expression and construction that is very impressive.
Tradition has it that King Pepin, Charlemagne’s son, was the founder,
but no document exists to prove this, though the belief that it was
begun about the year 900, and that its erection was gone on with for two
succeeding centuries, has much to support it. It is certain that the
Emperor Otho I. of Germany on his way to Rome through Verona sojourned
for a while at the monastery of S. Zeno, and left a large sum of money
with the Bishop Rathold towards the fund for the completion of the
church. There is not a corner of S. Zeno that is not of interest, and
this begins with the west front, with the portals, and with the doors,
each one claiming in turn its meed of praise and admiration. The church
has been enlarged and restored, but nevertheless it retains its noble
proportions intact, and modern works have done little to injure the
plan and construction of the building. The façade is embellished with
bas-reliefs, carved in the yellow stone of the country, and taken from
legendary and sacred subjects. In the right hand corner the legend of
King Theodoric is represented, for it is supposed that he is the warrior
here at the chase, pursuing the stag which cannot be caught, and in
whose pursuit the hunter rides on till he reaches the gates of hell. The
sculptures are rough and uncouth, but full of life and movement, and
were executed in the year 1139 by Wiligelmus and Nicolaus, this latter
being the same artist whose work has already been noticed at the Duomo.
The round window above the portal stands for the wheel of fortune, with
figures in different attitudes to express the moods of the changeable
goddess. On the outer circle is engraved in leonine lines:--
“En ego Fortuna moderor mortalibus una,
Elevo, depono, bona cunctis vel mala dono.”
which may be loosely rendered--
“Behold, I, Fortune, I alone bestow on mortals,
I raise, depose; to all I give or good or evil gifts.”
On the inner circle is written:--
“Induo nudatos, denudo veste paratos,
In me confidit si quis, derisus abibit.”
“I clothe the naked, despoil from those in garments clad,
If anyone in me confides, derided will he go from hence.”
The portal below is borne on two columns resting on lions of red marble
placed on each side of the door like couchant sentinels, and above is
seen the divine hand held up in blessing with the words “Dextra Dei
gentes benedicit sacra petentes” (God’s right hand blesses those who
sacred sites do haunt). On the portal are also scenes from the Bible and
from the life of S. Zeno, the one in the centre being supposed to
[Illustration: S. ZENO MAGGIORE. CHOIR SCREEN AND ENTRANCE TO THE
CRYPT]
represent the deputation sent to him by the Emperor Gallienus. The doors
are covered with panels of carved bronze reliefs (perhaps the oldest
specimens of that form of metal decoration to be found in the country),
and are said to belong to the ninth century. The scenes they represent
are forty-eight in number, and are taken from the Old and New Testament.
They are quaint and archaic to a degree, but the work is that of a bold
and cunning craftsman, and the grotesque yet forcible attitudes of some
of the personages (as, for example, Salome dancing before Herod) show
the skill and humour that worked and lived in these men of old, hundreds
of years ago. Within the doors a flight of steps leads down into the
church, and one’s impulse on entering is to stand at the head of those
steps and gaze in silent admiration and reverence at the scene before
one. It is so grand, so calm, so severe, so solid, and yet so graceful
in the perfect proportion of lines, arches, columns, shafts. The nave
extends between two side aisles in a line of faultless symmetry till it
reaches in the centre to a double flight of stairs, the one flight
leading down to the crypt, the upper and smaller one leading to the high
altar and choir. To the right on entering is the baptismal font, formed
from a single piece of marble, and designed by Brioletto, who was also
the author of the window known as the Wheel of Fortune. On the other
side is the famous “Coppa,” or cup of S. Zeno, with the following legend
attached to it: S. Zeno had freed a daughter of the Emperor Gallienus
from an evil spirit which possessed her. The grateful father thereupon
wished to present the saint with a crown of gold, but S. Zeno refused
this and asked instead for a porphyry vase, which the demon, exorcised
from the maiden, was ordered to carry from Rome to Verona. Crossing the
Tiber the demon dropped the pedestal and arrived at Verona with the
vase only. “Hie back,” said S. Zeno, when the demon appeared with only
half his burden, “and bring hither the other part as well.” The order
was obeyed, and that, too, in one moment of time, and only the crack in
the vase bears witness to the small mishap which befel the precious cup
in its transit from Rome to the place where it now stands.
The columns in the nave are of different sizes and styles, and the
capitals, most of them of pure Corinthian, are nearly all varied. The
richness of originality and design shows to great advantage amidst the
simplicity which exists on every side, and the freedom from an abundance
of side-altars and--on the whole--from tawdriness of ornaments and paper
flowers adds to the effect and dignity of the scene in a most grateful
manner. A fine side-altar is to be noticed on the right going up the
church, with four columns of reddish-brown marble all carved out of a
single block, and resting on a lion and an ox, and dating from the
fourteenth century. The walls are all of brick and of that picturesque
stone known as “tufo” which we have had occasion to remark in nearly all
the principal buildings in Verona. This “tufo” must be cut from the
quarries in summer, when it hardens into such solidarity as to make it
well-nigh everlasting. Should it be cut in winter its porous qualities
remain and assert themselves, and it perishes and crumbles away in a
short while. There can be little doubt that at one time the walls were
all covered with frescoes, and even now many a one remains to testify to
the piety and art that marked the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries. Layard points this out in his valuable work so often referred
to in these pages. He says:[63] “Like other Italian cities, Verona
possessed, from a
[Illustration: CHURCH OF S. ZENO, VERONA]
very early period, and before the revival of the arts in the thirteenth
century, artists who decorated churches and public buildings with rude
wall-paintings. Such early works are still to be seen in the ancient
church of S. Zeno. They have no particular character or style to
distinguish them from other productions of a similar kind.” The
balustrade that divides the nave from the choir and that stands above
the arches over the crypt has on it a fine row of figures of our Lord
and the twelve Apostles, a work that probably belongs to the end of the
thirteenth century, or to even earlier days.
The archways leading into the crypt are formed of perfect semicircles
(of Roman as opposed to Byzantine shape) and contribute largely to the
effect by which this low-lying and generally concealed portion of the
church is brought into prominence. The pillars and columns in the crypt
support a vaulted roof, through which some of them pierce into the choir
above and carry on here the work begun on the lower floor. Some of these
columns are very graceful, and would almost seem like feathers rising
from the blocks of solid stone and masonry which are placed at limited
intervals about the crypt. The capitals of these columns differ one from
another; here and there they are quaint, not to say grotesque; others
again are plain and classical, while one and all are in keeping with
their surroundings, and bear witness to the love and skill that planned
and placed them there. There are frescoes too upon the walls and about
the columns, some very Byzantine in feeling and execution, some
approaching again to the Giottesque period. Several saints and bishops
are buried here--a solemn burial-place, and fitting for those who were
the first to toil in the vineyard of souls at Verona, and whose earthly
remains now rest from their labours in the beautiful crypt of S. Zeno.
The sense of religion and devotion is enhanced by hanging lamps which
cast an uncertain flickering light on the scene, and intensify the
effect of shadow and shade that is thrown by the “shafts of shapely
stone” clustering on every side. In the middle of the crypt stands the
tomb of S. Zeno. The body lies in a bronze coffin, a fine piece of
modern work by the brothers Spazzi (1889), guarded by seated figures of
Faith, Hope, Charity and Religion. The whole is enclosed in the same
kind of beautiful iron work such as has already been noticed round the
tombs of the Scaligers, which was erected by order of Mastino II. della
Scala.
Coming up from the crypt to the choir, the great picture by Andrea
Mantegna hanging behind the high altar claims a careful study. The
painting is on wood, in a lovely Renaissance frame which harmonises well
with the decorative architectural detail in the picture. It was
originally in six compartments, three above and three below, but was
carried off to Paris by Napoleon, whence it was returned without the
predella, which remained in the Salon carré of the Louvre (the present
one at S. Zeno is a copy). The Blessed Virgin sits enthroned in the
centre, holding the Child in the tender reverential manner to be found
in the Bellini school, and supported by angels and cherubs. A lovely
festoon of fruit and foliage is carried through the upper three
compartments, caught up with red tassels, while the accessories of
carpet, drapery, and hangings are extremely rich and glowing. St Peter,
St Roch, St Paul, St John, and St Augustine are on the left of the
picture; on the right are St John the Baptist, St Gregory, St Lawrence,
and St Benedict; all the figures possessed of dignity and individuality,
and expressing by their action or their attitude the characteristic
peculiar to each one of them. “The Virgin is in a classic portico,” says
Mr Selwyn Brinton, “adorned with bas-reliefs, with festoons of fruit and
coral. Eight robed child-angels of wonderful beauty play lutes, and sing
beneath and beside her throne. She looks up, holding the beautiful
Christ-child poised upright on her left hand; her expression and
attitude seem full of quiet dignity. A masterpiece of his (Mantegna’s)
earlier style.”[64]
The picture unfortunately is hung so high it is not easy to see, but a
good view can be gained by clambering up the steps at the back of the
altar where one is more on a level with it.
In the choir are some old carved walnut seats of the fourteenth century,
and in an apse is a fresco of S. Zeno with his right hand raised in
blessing. He is dressed in full episcopal robes, with a gorgeous dress
of red, edged with gold, and lined with green, and with medallions of a
particularly pretty shape studded about it. On the right hand of the
choir is a quaint Giottesque fresco of St George, with his spear through
the dragon’s head, while the Princess stands by with a look which seems
to imply that she would fain escape from knight and dragon alike did she
but know how. St George’s mantle flies in the breeze and reveals a
beautiful lining of ermine; on his shield the Cross stands boldly out on
a field of red, in harmonious keeping with the ermine-lined red cloak.
The steed stands quietly by, and shows no apparent concern at the way in
which his hind legs are encircled with coils of the dragon’s body.
Another fresco close by represents the raising of Lazarus, where most of
the spectators hold their noses, remembering evidently Martha’s caution
as to the four days that her brother had spent beneath the sod! This
fresco which is Byzantine in character is supposed to date from the
eleventh century. Of the same, or maybe even an earlier date is a statue
of S. Zeno, where his face is painted black (to remind us of his Eastern
origin) and having a fish attached to his pastoral rod, a token of his
profession as a fisher of souls.
Opening out from the church on the left hand side are the cloisters, of
striking and original beauty. They were built in the twelfth century,
and consist of twisted columns of red Verona marble, cut from a single
block, and ingeniously held above and below by
[Illustration: CLOISTERS, S. ZENO MAGGIORE]
short pieces of marble. These were not added for the purpose but cut,
together with the columns, out of the one solid bit of marble which
served to form the whole. On the further side from the church the arches
open out into a square form of arcading, the pillars here being larger
than those of the actual cloisters. They were supposed to have stood
round a sort of lavatory used probably by the monks either for
themselves or for the vessels they required for their service.
Some fine tombs are placed here in the cloisters, resting on brackets on
the wall, and belonging to the great families of Verona. There is a
quaint saying as to some of these families that lie buried here, and
that declares that they were: “Bevilacqua, che mai la bevero; Conti
Verità, che mai la dissero; Conti Giusti che mai lo furono.”
(Bevilacqua--or Drink-water--who never drank it; Counts Verită--or
Truth--who never said it; Counts Giusti--or Just--who never were it.)
This saying certainly speaks better for the wit of the Veronese (which
be it observed is known to be pithy and cutting) than for the manners of
the gentry.
Here too is the tomb of Giuseppe, illegitimate son of Alberto della
Scala, whom his father made Abbot of S. Zeno, and of whose appointment
to that post notice has already been made.[65] Lana in his Commentary on
the _Divina Commedia_ speaking of the allusion made by Dante in the
_Purgatorio_[66] to this transaction says: “Messer Alberto della Scala,
who was aged had committed a great sin, in that he had made his son
Abbot of S. Zeno, who was unworthy of such an episcopate; firstly,
because he was infirm in the body; secondly, that he was defective in
mind as in body; thirdly, that he was a natural son; so that he had
these three great defects.”[67]
Before leaving the church, and its pleasant well-informed custodian, one
Lodovico Marchiori, whose family have carried on that office for one
hundred and eighty-seven years, some attention must be given to the
campanile of S. Zeno, which is one of the finest in Verona, if not in
Italy. It was begun in 1045, and finished in 1178, and is a grand square
tower surmounted with a spire which has four corner turrets set on a
double row of arches. A quaint Latin inscription on the north side of
the belfry, and dating from the beginning of the fifteenth century tells
how there rests here one Henry of Tearen,[68] whose only claim to
celebrity seems to have been that he was the husband of Gertrude! Who
Gertrude was does not transpire, but the evidence that even in those
days a man could be no more than the husband of his wife would seem to
imply that the “new woman” was not so much a creation of these days as a
continuation of a state of things recognised centuries ago and worthy to
be recorded for all time.
To the left side of the façade of S. Zeno rises a square brick tower
with forked battlements. This is all that remains of the actual
monastery that belonged to the church, and within whose walls kings and
emperors had found hospitality when in days of old they sojourned for a
while in the fair city of Verona la Degna.
CHAPTER XIII
_Verona and its Crown of Castles_
There is another side of Verona to be studied apart from that connected
with her glorious churches and other buildings. To wander through the
squares and streets, studying the battlements and towers, and noting the
outdoor existence, so to speak, of the town is necessary to a thorough
understanding and enjoyment of the place. In this way we shall realise
the balconies which form so beautiful and special a feature in the
picturesque loveliness of the town, and of which Ruskin speaks as
follows: “The chief city of Italy, as regards the strict effect of the
balcony, is Verona; and if we were once to lose ourselves among the
sweet shadows of its lonely streets, where the falling branches of the
flowers stream like fountains through the pierced traceries of the
marble, there is no saying whether we might be able to return to our
immediate work.”[69]
Nor must the doorways be overlooked, those grand old arches of red
Verona marble--generally of Renaissance style--denoting the entrance to
many a noble palace, and often, alas! being the only trace now left of
some once princely residence. The acquaintance thus gained of the
exterior of the town will lead us on maybe to more outlying places, and
tempt us to make expeditions to some of the old castles which stand
around Verona. Of these castles mention will only be made of those which
still boast of standing walls, or of ruins which are sufficiently
imposing to be worth a visit, and whose beauty or historic merit will
reward the trouble taken to reach them. Four of such castles, Montorio,
Illasi, Tregnano, Soave, stand on the left bank of the Adige; on the
right bank the castles--five in number--are Villafranca, Valeggio,
Nogarole, Sanguinetto, Sirmione.
There is little to be said about some of these castles from an historic
point of view. Their origin is lost in the remote past; and in cases
such as those of Montorio and Tregnano it can only be said that they
formed strong fortresses in the line of defence above Verona, and were
additional gems in the crown poised above the city, and which
contributed at once to her beauty and security. Montorio would certainly
seem to have dated from the time of the Romans, were it only for the
amount of coins and inscriptions belonging to that period which have
been found there. Tregnano, lying in the valley of Illasi, is of an
older date, according to Cipolla, than Soave, though of smaller
proportions. The chief point of interest yet remaining is a grand old
pentagonal tower. From this a wall branches out which surrounds the
castle and which has small towers at intervals, all of a most simple
form. More than one fine castle stands in this same valley of Illasi,
but the best known is the one which takes its name from the valley. It
was presented to the Scaligers by Pope Nicholas III., and, with the
other possessions of the della Scalas, shared the same fate that made
the lords of Milan, and of Padua, and the Venetian Republic, owners in
turn of their goods and wealth. In the sixteenth century Illasi passed
into the hands of the Veronese patricians, the Counts Pompei; and their
villas and houses form one of the
[Illustration: RUINS OF THE VILLA OF CATULLO]
chief features of the site, situated as they are at the foot of the hill
on which is perched the castle, and from where Ruskin wrote the
beautiful description of the view obtained from here, and which is given
in chapter x., p. 229.
In 1885 Count Antonio Pompei, the last direct descendant of this great
family, died. These Counts of Illasi, who had received their title from
the Venetian Republic early in the sixteenth century (with the
obligation of offering every year a wax taper of the value of a ducat to
the Church of St Mark in Venice), received many and lasting honours from
other states and sovereigns. The Emperor Charles V. conferred the rights
of citizens of Milan on them; the same privilege with regard to the town
of Mantua was granted by Duke Ferdinand Charles; and Henry IV. allowed
them to quarter the lilies of France on their shield. This last Count of
Illasi (whose family is now merged in that of the Counts Perez) was a
worthy descendant of a long line of jurisconsults, lawyers, writers,
poets, ambassadors, generals and knights. He was himself an
archæologist, and a writer too on such matters. He had been present in
his youth at the demolition of an old wall of the Castle of Illasi, and
on that occasion came across a sad and undoubted evidence of a tragedy
that had occurred in his family many hundreds of years previously. The
skeleton of a woman was found in this wall, heavily laden with chains,
and the story goes that it was certainly that of the Countess Ginevra,
the wife of Count Girolamo Pompei, whose infidelity to her husband had
been avenged in this awful way. No hope of escape for the wife whom he
knew false! No mercy for her who had proved unfaithful! Only the chains
weighing heavily on her young and lovely limbs; the wall slowly closing
in upon her; the lingering death of agony and starvation; the remorse
when alone she faced her doom;--can a fate more terrible be imagined? or
a vengeance more complete have been exacted?
The last castle on the left bank of the Adige, that of Soave, is without
doubt the most interesting of all these strongholds, and should
certainly not be left unvisited. The tramway which starts just outside
the Porta Vescovo takes one there in a good hour. The journey lies
through a flat country, fertile with corn, maize, and vines, and leading
up to the hills which rise “on and always on” till they are lost in the
distant horizon. A short walk under an avenue of “Paulownia Imperialis”
leads to the old town, which is girt with a circuit of brick
battlemented walls, perfect both as to condition and construction. A
grand double archway, on which is carved the arms of the Scaligers,
opens into the town, while at its further end is a stone pathway which
leads up a steep incline to the castle perched on the top. The position
is splendid, overlooking miles of plain, and bounded on the northern
side by the heights of Monte Lessini. The building takes us back in
fancy to some of our old Norman fortresses, for here too is the moat,
the drawbridge, the portcullis, and all that goes to form a feudal
stronghold. The moat though is now dried up and overgrown with
vegetation, and the walls are of brick as opposed to stone, albeit of
such beautiful masonry as to arouse no sense of disparaging comparison.
Crossing the drawbridge under a grand archway with the portcullis set in
the brickwork, we gain the first courtyard, which opens again through
another doorway into a second and inner courtyard. The banqueting hall
probably stood here of old, or it may be the kitchen, to judge from the
outline of a huge chimney which can yet be traced clearly and which
evidently once towered high up into the air. From here, stooping low
under a small archway, we come into an enclosed square, not large as to
circumference, but shut in to the extent of some sixty feet in height.
Prisoners or criminals were thrown down into this hold, and those who
did not die of the shock or fall (and they would be the exceptions) were
left to linger till death released them from their sufferings. A fine
old well stands in the last and inner courtyard, its edges worn away
inside with the marks of the ropes which for centuries have performed
their office of drawing water--and very good water too--from the old
well. On the ground floor of this portion of the castle is a vaulted
chamber said to have been the guard-room, and from there a narrow
staircase leads up to the only part of the building that would be
habitable did its owner choose to live in it. The rooms, consisting of a
bedroom, sitting-room and dining-room, are kept though more for show
than for use; and from the dining-room one passes through a small
anteroom up a narrow stone staircase on to the battlements. An excellent
view is had from here of the castle itself, its turrets, inner courts,
grass slopes, and steep parapets, to the little town sheltering in true
feudal fashion at the foot of the castle. The city walls are also
clearly discernible from this height, forming as they do an
uninterrupted square of turreted walls, each turret or tower equidistant
from its neighbour, and presenting as perfect an example of a mediæval
stronghold as can well be seen anywhere. The good woman who acts as
“custode” has a ready story of how the Scaligers who built and owned
this fortress existed long before the birth of Christ, and had indeed
inhabited it in those far-off ages. The real tale is that the name of
Soave came from a colony of Swabians (Svevi or Suabi) who came into
Italy, with Otho I. of Germany, and settled there. It is also very
probable that the Romans had once built on those heights and laid the
foundations of the citadel which the Scaligers perfected in after times.
Such an hypothesis gains ground from the number of Roman coins, pins,
fibulæ, inscriptions, stones, and so forth that have been found in and
around Soave, and that are all collected and kept in the old castle. Its
present state of preservation is owing to the Senator Camuzzoni, whose
one thought and care has been to restore the castle on its original
lines and guard it intact from injury or decay.
Soave is also celebrated for an excellent white wine which hails from
there; by no means feeble as to character, and as famous in its way as
its red neighbour from the Val Policella. Another white wine, also very
good, is made at Soave, called Vino Santo. This however is sweet, and
commends itself more as a liqueur than as a beverage. The little town
too is full of interest, and many an hour might be whiled away in this
mediæval hamlet did the castles lying on the right bank of the Adige not
claim a passing notice in their turn.
The first of these in geographical order is the castle of Villafranca
Veronese, so called to distinguish it from the other seven and twenty
Villafrancas which are said to lie scattered over the face of the globe.
It lies between Verona and Mantua, and owes its fame in modern days to
the peace signed here, 12th July 1859, between the Emperors of Austria
and France, when Lombardy was ceded to Italy, and a very forward step
taken in the events which culminated in Italian unity and independence.
The cause that led originally to the erection of the fortress was as
follows:--The Veronese had built a castle at Ostiglia on the Po, a
castle that was of all-important moment to them from a military and
commercial point of view. The frequent
[Illustration: CASTLE OF SIRMIONE]
inundations of the river had damaged the fort, and the Veronese saw fit
to repair it. The inhabitants of Mantua were annoyed that this frontier
town should be put into a condition to resist their incursions, and they
determined to molest the works, or if possible to prevent them
altogether. This resolution annoyed the Veronese not a little. The
Mantuans however persisted, and finally both parties resorted to arms.
The Veronese were victors in the fight; but the Mantuans only prepared
for further action, and resolved on being revenged. To guard against any
surprises the Veronese set to work to erect a fort in an advanced and
advantageous spot, and chose Villafranca for the purpose. The works were
at once begun; in 1202 the castle was finished, and a good body of
soldiers were placed in it to guard against any attack or invasion from
the south. The walls and bastions are of remarkable solidity and
thickness, and the fortress of Villafranca may certainly rank as one of
the strongest and most imposing to be seen in Italy. The sole object of
its erection was for defence, and it has fulfilled its purpose
absolutely. Scenes of violence, of siege, and of fire have occurred
within its walls, but no tales of love or romance, which for the most
part lighten the story of many a gloomy massive pile, are forthcoming
from the sombre stronghold of Villafranca. It was closely besieged in
1233 by Ezzelino da Romano, when several Guelph leaders from Verona and
the neighbourhood defended it. The people of Mantua at that epoch
supported the Guelph faction and took the part of Riccardo da
Sambonifacio against the Ghibellines. To strengthen themselves against
these incursions of the Mantuans, the people of Verona aided their
Podestă Enrico d’Egna to add to the fortress of Villafranca, and a
massive tower (such as is to be seen in well-nigh every mediæval
fortress of importance) was built, together with a moat. The love of
building possessed to such a remarkable degree by the Scaligers was
brought into play by them at Villafranca; and Mastino II. wishing to
protect himself still further against Mantua, began the erection of the
great wall known as the “Serraglio,” and leading from Villafranca
towards the enemy’s territory. The outbreak of a pestilence in Verona in
1349 (the very year in which the “Serraglio” was begun) stopped the
work, which was finished under Cangrande II., the son and successor of
Mastino II. This stupendous work, consisting of towers at stated
intervals with ditches and moats behind which to shelter the peasants
with their flocks and herds, brought Villafranca almost into touch with
Valeggio (another castle soon to be mentioned) and acted as a mighty
rampart between the territory belonging to Verona, and that owned by the
lords of Mantua.
In 1404 the inhabitants of Mantua took refuge within the fortress of
Villafranca to protect themselves against the forces of Galeazzo
Gonzaga, who was determined to become lord of Mantua, and whose rule met
with bitter opposition. The men of Mantua set fire to their houses and
fled with their wives and children and chattels to the rock of
Villafranca. Gonzaga irritated at this opposition resolved to quell it
and assaulted the fort with violence. In vain he tried every artifice
that strength and ingenuity could suggest. His forces were driven back
at every point. He lost heavily, and retired at length after three days
of uninterrupted attack to Vigasio, resolved to return with renewed
forces and take vengeance on the bold defenders of their homes and
hearths. Other sieges took place at Villafranca often and again in the
course of the fifteenth century, but neither then nor in later times
were its strongholds or towers destroyed by foe or fire, and it stands
to this day a marvel of strength and resistance, its sternness softened
by the nursery gardens kept within its courtyards where the grace and
beauty of vegetable life contrast in soft and gentle harmony with the
solidity and masonic craft of bygone ages.
At a distance of five miles from Villafranca is the castle of Valeggio
on the banks of the Mincio. It was either built or rebuilt by Cangrande
II. della Scala, and may very probably have been set up by that prince
as the complement to the great wall of the “Serraglio” which was
finished during his reign. It boasts a number of subterranean passages,
vaults, and dungeons, and together with Borghetto, which stands on the
opposite height, occupies an important military position, commanding the
passage of the Mincio. The view from the castle terrace is not only
grand, but full of interest and association for every lover of Italian
history and of Italian independence. On one side is to be seen a stately
old square tower, which stands above the memorable field of Solferino.
On another side is the Tower of San Martino, and again to the West rises
high in the distance the column that marks where the bones of the dead
were laid to rest after the “day of pride and sorrow” of Custozza.
Valeggio is celebrated too for the marvellous stone bridge constructed
by Gian Galeazzo Visconti, duke of Milan at the close of the fourteenth
century to strengthen himself against Francesco Gonzaga, lord of Mantua.
To relate all the intrigues and quarrels which led to the erection of
this bridge over the Mincio would be out of place here; suffice it to
say that it was laid on a Roman substructure, and had high gateways with
towers at each end, while the arches of the bridge spanned the river.
Only one arch remains now, but the ruin shows what a colossal work it
was, worthy even in its decay of the titles of “famous,” “gigantic,”
“most noble,” and “magnificent” that have been lavished on it by
different writers. The ulterior purpose of the bridge is yet a matter of
discussion, and historians are still at variance as to whether Gian
Galeazzo built the bridge with the intent to alter the course of the
river, or to raise for himself a causeway into the Veronese territory.
History and tradition have alike little to say about Nogarole, beyond
the fact that it was built by Mastino II. della Scala against the
Mantuans. The old castle, situated at no great distance from
Villafranca, no doubt derived its name at some time or other from the
family of Nogarola, a family which figured so often and so honourably in
the story of Verona, and of whom the last remaining member died only a
few years ago.
Sanguinetto is one of the few castles under discussion that has no
associations with the great house of the Scaligers beyond the fact that
Bartolomeo and Antonio della Scala gave over the castle in 1376 to their
general Jacopo del Verme. It has, in common with all the villages and
towns in the province of Verona, many and evident traces of Roman life
and habits. The castle was the scene of much fighting in the Middle
Ages, and that it was used also as prison is clearly proved by the
discovery made there some fifty years ago of a skeleton in armour which
was found enclosed in the walls. The grand old castle was sadly damaged
in 1800, and what has escaped the ravages of time and the destroying
hand of man is now preserved with care by the municipality, and used for
public offices.
It only remains now to speak of Sirmione, the most interesting perhaps
after Soave, of the sites around Verona, and which the traveller should
on no account omit to visit. The Peninsula of Sirmione on the Lake of
Garda was famed in Roman times, and is a spot whose praises have been
sung by bards in all ages and tongues. Covered with olive and bay trees
it would seem to invite poets to inhabit its groves, and to chant of the
soft balmy air that floats round its shores. Hills and gentle slopes
alternate with the level swards on which villages and villas are dotted
at intervals, bringing life and movement to the scene and imparting a
spirit of animation to this otherwise secluded spot. In the days of the
Romans it was prosperous and active. They surrounded it with walls and
entered it on their maps as a strategical point, possessing besides a
secure camp and a strong station. There were also many luxurious villas
here inhabited by nobles of wealth and position, among them being the
one owned by Catullus’s father, a man whose fortune allowed of his
entertaining Julius Cæsar, and whose habitation at the northern
extremity of the peninsula must have been splendid judging from the
ruins which are pointed out to this day as those of the Grotto of
Catullus.
One of the chief objects that catches the eye on alighting at the
southern end is the castle of the Scaligers. Their heraldic badge of the
ladder (scala) is on the door, and the manifestation of their might and
power is alike visible in the great wall which surrounds the castle, and
which fortifies it on the side sloping down to the lake as well as on
the land side. A moat runs below this outer wall, and in front of the
chief entrance are evidences of a drawbridge which must once have stood
there. The entrance has two approaches, one by which carriages and
wheeled vehicles could pass, the other for foot passengers. The actual
plan of the castle is a quadrangle, but there are inner walls and
courtyards of different heights and elevations, and towers at stated
distances break up the effect of evenness presented to the eye, and
result in a picturesque and formidable-looking citadel. The castle had
three entrances, two by land, and one on to the lake, both those by land
being approached by drawbridges. The interior of the castle was formed
of two divisions, and the masonry of these courts is as perfect as it
can be, and fit to be compared with the finest and best Roman work.
“Out upon Time! who for ever will leave
But enough of the Past for the Future to grieve!”
These walls are now in ruin; decay is over a building which would seem
to have once defied even Time itself; the owl and the bat haunt the
chambers that rang with mirth and joyaunce when “high dames and mighty
earls” held court there, and when the chase and the dance followed each
other in quick succession, and all seemed made for merriment and
happiness.
There was prosperity for the inhabitants of the land in the Scaligers’
time, but there was sorrow and mourning too, for the lords of Verona
were not always mild rulers, and any opposition to their ideas or wishes
was apt to meet with a severity of the harshest kind. Such was the case
when the sect known as the Patarins (Patarini, or Catari) set up their
religious tenets against those of their liege lords. These tenets (which
the historians of Sirmione confess frankly have never met with an
exponent who has clearly revealed them) appear to have resembled in some
way the doctrines of the Manichæans. They were persecuted, outlawed, and
burnt by popes, emperors, and kings. Their courage, or (as their enemies
called it) their audacity, made them assert themselves again and again,
and, when possible, turn the arm of persecution on their persecutors.
They had however need of some spot where they could be safe from their
foes, and Sirmione seemed to them a haven where they could retire and
pursue their worship unmolested. They reckoned without their host.
Mastino I. della Scala, then lord of Verona, and consequently of
Sirmione as well, was made aware of the heresy which infected his lands,
and which was spreading rapidly round his castle. A commission was
formed to inquire into the evil, and to extirpate it if possible.
Remonstrance however failed to do much, though a few acknowledged the
error of their ways, and were received afresh into the true fold with
many injunctions and admonitions, all, we are told, of a most benign and
fatherly nature. We can hardly say as much for the punishment meted out
to the obdurate. They were condemned to be burnt to death, and no less
than a hundred (some say 150, and some 75) men and women were brought to
Verona and there suffered at the stake in the Arena (1276). Mastino’s
zeal met with a handsome recompense, for the Pope, Nicholas III.,
bestowed on him the castle of Illasi with its feudal rights and
privileges.
It is not stated definitely if Dante visited Sirmione, but his knowledge
of the country around, of the Benaco, and so forth, may be taken as
evidence that he had been there, and spoke of these places from his
personal knowledge of them.
Sirmione followed the fortunes of Verona. After the fall of the
Scaligers (all of whom were liberal and generous patrons of the place),
it became subject to the Visconti, then to the Carraresi, and finally it
came under the rule of the Venetian Republic.
Its condition for many years was that of extreme poverty and misery. A
few fishermen carried on a hard and unprofitable trade; no travellers
halted at a spot that boasted only bad accommodation; and the outlook
for a while was deplorable. All that however is now changed. The
discovery of some hot sulphur springs has brought doctors and strangers
in abundance to the place. Baths and hotels are already set up, and
though the quiet, picturesque past is threatened with an overflow of
modern buildings, fashions, and elegance (so-called), let us hope that
the inhabitants at all events will profit by these innovations, even if
the artist and archæologist may sigh over them.
CHAPTER XIV
_Plan for seeing the Town_--_Hotels_
The length of a traveller’s sojourn in Verona is generally a short one,
and the outside of his visit is at the most from three to four days. The
time is short for seeing and understanding the town, and the following
plan is sketched out so as to include the principal sights and to lay
before the passer-by as good an idea as can be had in a limited time of
the chief centres of interest in Verona:--
(1) The Church of Sant’ Anastasia, beside which stands the famous
tomb of Guglielmo da Castelbarco (p. 160, etc.); along the Via
Liceo and down the Via Duomo to the Duomo; S. Giovanni in Fonte;
the Vescovado, and by by-ways to the Piazza delle Erbe (which can
never be seen too often) into the Piazza dei Signori, or Piazza
Dante, to the tombs of the Scaligers and the little Church of Sta.
Maria Antica (chapters vii. and viii.).
(2) Through the Piazza delle Erbe, down the Via Cappello and the
Via S. Sebastiano, etc., to the Church of S. Fermo. Then across the
Adige by the Ponte delle Navi to the Museo Civico, or Picture
Gallery (chapter ix.).
(3) By the Corso Cavour (see St Eufemia, Porta dei Borsari, and
Castel Vecchio on the way--chapter xi.) to the Church of S. Zeno
(chapter xii.), and from there to S. Bernardino, driving round
through the Porta Palio and Porta Nuova to the Arena (chapter ii.).
(4) Across the Ponte di Pietra to the chief churches on the other
side of the Adige, S. Giorgio in Braida; S. Stefano, Sta. Maria in
Organo; and, if time allows of it, a visit to the Giardino Giusti
(chapter x.).
A delightful expedition, occupying a good four hours, can be had by tram
or carriage, to Soave, but a little walking is required to go right up
to the Castle of the Scaligers, perched above the old walled-in town
(chapter xiii.).
The best hotel in Verona is the Hôtel de Londres, also known as that of
the Deux Tours. Part of the building is said to have once formed part of
the Palace of the Scaligers, a statement that may well be the case,
given its position and proximity to the house once inhabited by the
lords of Verona. Here too is a good guide, one Illuminato Veronesi, who
speaks English and knows his Verona well.
The Hôtel S. Lorenzo is pleasantly placed near the banks of the Adige.
The Hôtel Colomba d’Oro stands in the Via Colomba, and is not far from
the Piazza Vittorio Emanuele and the Arena.
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE SCALIGERS.
Mastino, d. 1277--Alberto I. m. Verde da Salizzori, d. 1301.
|
+--------------------------+---+--------------------+
| | |
Cangrande I. Bartolomeo I. Alboino I. m. (1) Catherine Visconti of
m. Joanna of Swabia, m. Constance of Swabia, | Milan.
dau. of Conrad of Antioch, dau. of Conrad of Antioch. | (2) Beatrice of Correggio,
Count of Alba and gd.-dau. | d. 1311.
of the Emperor Frederick II. |
+---------------------------------------------+------------------------+
| |
Mastino II. m. Taddea of Carrara, d. 1351. Alberto II. d. 1352.
|
+---------+------------+-----------------+-----------------+------------------------+
| | | | | |
Fregnano Verde Beatrice Paolo Alboino Cangrande II. Cansignorio
(natural m. Niccolò surnamed Regina, murdered by (murdered in 1359 by m. Agnes, dau. of
son) d’Este, m. Barnabò order of order of Cansignorio). Charles of Anjou,
lord of Visconti, lord Cansignorio. He married in 1350 duke of Durazzo,
Ferrara. of Milan. (Some Elizabeth dau. of Louis d. 1375, leaving
of Beatrice’s of Bavaria. After the only two illegitimate
descendants are death of her husband sons, Bartolomeo II.
to be found to Cansignorio had the and Antonio, the
this day in the audacity to offer her latter the last lord
families of the his hand wet with her of Verona, who
Earls of Darnley husband and his brother’s married in 1382
in England, and blood. She retired to Samaritana da
of the Counts of Germany where she Polenta, dau. of
Lützow in Austria eventually married the lord of Ravenna.
and Bohemia.) Ulrich of Wurtemberg.
|
+-----------------------------------------+-----+---------------+
| | |
(all illegitimate) Tebaldo m. to a dau. of the House of Savoy. Guglielmo. Fregnano.
|
+-------------+-----------+------------+-------------+------------+-+----------+
| | | | | | |
Nicodemo. Antonio. Niccolò. Paolo. Fregnano. Bartolomeo. Brunoro.
left only daughters, this last of the Scalas
and through the died at Vienna in 1434
female line his leaving no lawful issue.
descendants flourished
many years.
[Illustration: FROM AN ENGRAVING OF THE YEAR 1535 IN THE BIBLIOTECA
COMUNALE OF VERONA SHOWING THE OLD WALLS ROUND THE TOWN]
[Illustration: VERONA, map]
INDEX
A
“ACQUA MORTA,” 230.
ADALBERT, 48.
ADELAIDE OF BURGUNDY, 48.
ADELCHI, 44.
ADIGE, 1, 8, 10, 14, 17 _et seq._, 57, 94, 209, 229, 230, 257.
ADRIAN I., Pope, 44.
ÆMILIAN WAY, 9.
AGATHA, St, 156.
AGILULF, Duke of Turin, 17.
ALARIC, 11.
ALBOIN, 16, 175.
ALEARDI, Aleardo, 134, 255.
ALEXANDER III., Pope, 54.
---- IV., Pope, 60.
ALFONSO OF ARAGON, 139.
ALIGHIERI Chapel, 207.
---- Dante, _see_ Dante.
---- Francesco, 208.
ALPS, 229.
ALSUINDA, 17.
ALTICHIERO, 135, 136, 166, 187.
AMBROSE, St, 13.
AMEDEUS OF SAVOY, 40, 123.
AMPÈRE, _Voyage Dantesque_, 130.
AMPHITHEATRE, _see_ Arena.
ANDREA DEL SARTO, 210.
ANNONE, St, 156.
ANOLINO, 28.
APENNINES, 229.
AQUILEJA, 8, 11, 13.
---- Patriarch of, 13.
ARCHE DEGLI SCALIGERI, 198.
ARCO DE’ GAVI, 41, 127, 165, 208.
---- DE’ LEONI, 200.
ARCOLE, 120.
ARENA, 3, 9, 23 _et seq._, 263, 295, 298.
ARMANNI, VINCENZO, 226.
ARRIVABENE, 74.
ASHBURNHAM LIBRARY, 133.
ATTILA, 12.
AUGUSTOLO, 14
AUTARI, King of the Lombards, 17.
AVALOS, Inigo d’, 139.
AVANZO, Jacopo d’, 135, 136.
AVOGADRI, family, 54.
AZZO, Giovanni d’, 101.
B
BADILE, Antonio, 148, 149, 172, 213, 224.
---- Giovanni, 140.
BALESTRA, 233.
BARBARIANS, 3, 9, 11.
BARBARO, family, 68.
---- Zaccaria, 185.
BASSANO, 73, 87.
BATTISTA DEL MORO, 208.
BEAUHARNAIS, Eugène de, 121.
BELLINI, Gian, 145, 157.
---- Jacopo, 220.
BELLUNO, 59, 61, 68, 73, 87, 88, 90.
BENAGLIO, Francesco, 140.
---- Girolamo, 140, 220, 258.
BENEDICT XI., Pope, 90, 128.
BENEDICTINES, 203.
BERENGARIUS I., 29, 47, 175, 238.
---- II., 48.
BERENSON, Mr, 237.
BERGAMO, 90.
BERTRANDA, 154.
BESTIARII, 26.
BEVILACQUA, family, 277.
---- Guglielmo, 101.
BIADEGO, Cav. Giuseppe, 69, 72, 73.
BIANCARDO, Ugolotto, 104.
BIBLIOTECA CAPITOLARE, 132, 158, 159.
---- Comunale, 199.
BLONDEAU, 42.
BOCCACCIO, 73, 130.
BOLOGNA, 58.
BONACCOLSI, Passerino, 84.
BONACCORSO DEL PALÙ, 61.
BONIFAZIO, the Elder, 147, 213.
BONINO DA CAMPIGLIONE, 191.
BONSIGNORI, Francesco, 140, 144, 145, 166, 207, 213, 224.
BONVICINO, Alessandro di Brescia, “il Moretto,” 246.
BORDONI, Giulio Cesare, 134.
BORGHETTO, 291.
---- DI VALEGGIO, 115.
BORGHI, 263.
BOTANICAL GARDENS, 185.
BOURBON, House of, 118, 119.
BRANDENBURG, Knights of, 94, 172, 257.
---- Marquis of, 93.
BRENTA, 88.
BRENTANA, 233.
BRENZONI, family, 204.
BRERA, Gallery at Milan, 140, 143.
BRESCELLO, 16.
BRESCIA, 10, 57, 88, 90.
BRINTON, Selwyn, 136, 139, 146, 156, 207, 214, 275.
BRIOLETTO, 269.
BRUSASORCI, Domenico Riccio detto, 140, 147, 148, 157, 207, 219, 224, 233, 234, 237, 245, 246, 249, 250, 251, 257.
---- Felice, 148, 156, 159, 169, 246.
BRUSSELS, Treaty of, 110.
“BUFFALO BILL,” 42.
BUONCONVENTO, 81.
C
CACCIAGUIDA, 70, 129, 130.
CADORE, 90.
CÆSAR, Augustus, 23.
---- Julius, 24, 295.
---- Tiberius, 25.
CAGLIARI, Gabriel, 163.
---- P., _see_ Veronese, Paolo.
CALCEOLARI, Francesco, 208.
CAMBRAY, League of, 106.
CAMPAGNA, Girolamo, 187.
CAMUZZONI, Senator, 288.
CANNÆ, battle of, 4.
CANOSSA, Bishop Lodovico, 155.
---- Cardinal, Marquis, Bishop of Verona, 40.
CAPPELLETTI, family, 55.
CAPUA, 23.
CAPULET, family, 199, 249, 264.
CARCERI, Pulcinella della, 66.
CARLOTTI, Marchese, 118, 119.
CAROTO, Gian Francesco, 140, 145-147, 160, 165, 204, 213, 219, 221, 246, 249, 251, 258.
---- Giovanni, 146, 157.
CARRARA, House of, 102-104, 297.
---- Francesco da, 104, 105.
---- Giacomo da, 73, 77.
---- Jacopo da, 105.
---- Marsilio da, 88, 89.
---- Taddea da, wife of Mastino II. della Scala, 90, 169, 191.
CASA DEI MAZZANTI, 176.
---- Mercanti, 69, 176.
CASSIUS, or Catius Severus, 127.
CASTELBARCO, family, 69.
---- Guglielmo da, 73, 160, 169, 203, 204.
CASTEL D’ARCO, 68.
---- S. Felice, 242.
---- S. Pietro, 242.
---- Vecchio, 94, 257, 258, 299.
CATANIA, 156.
CATTANEO DANESE, 133, 164.
CATULLUS, 124, 187, 295.
CAVALLI, Alberto, 176.
---- family, 166.
---- Federigo, 166.
CAVALCANI-BANDI, 250.
CAVAZZOLA, Paolo Morando, detto, 140, 143, 144, 214, 220, 224, 233, 234.
CELTS, 2.
CENTRAGO, family, 165.
CHARLEMAGNE, 43, 44, 127.
CHARLES ALBERT, 122.
CHARLES, King of Bohemia, 90.
---- V., Emperor, 114, 147, 285.
---- VII., Emperor, 34.
---- Edward, the young Pretender, 159.
CHIARA, Sta., 259.
CHIOGGIA, 54, 88.
CHRISTIANS, 13.
CHURCHES--
St Anastasia, 108, 135, 160-170, 299.
S. Bernardino, 145, 258, 259, 300.
of the Cappucines, 264.
Duomo, 110, 150-156, 299.
St Elena, 159.
St Eufemia, 250, 251, 299.
S. Fermo Maggiore, 29, 73, 135, 145, 146, 170, 200, 299.
S. Fermo Minore, 195.
S. Giacomo, 222.
S. Giovanni in Foro, 251.
---- in Valle, 237, 238.
S. Giorgio in Braida, or Maggiore, 141, 245, 246, 300.
S. Lorenzo, 256.
Sta. Maria Antica, 83, 188, 299.
---- degli Angeli, 259.
---- Matricolare, 150, 157.
---- in Organo, 140, 230-237, 300.
---- della Scala, 73.
SS. Nazzaro e Celso, 222-224.
S. Paolo, 145.
---- di Campo Marte, 222.
S. Peter Martyr, 94, 171, 172.
S. Pietro in Cattedra, 159.
S. Procolo, 44.
S. Sebastiano, 200.
SS. Siro e Libera, 241.
S. Stefano, 242, 245, 300.
Sta. Teuteria, 255.
S. Thomas of Canterbury, 146, 224.
S. Trinità, 259.
S. Zeno Maggiore, 15, 19, 55, 61, 153, 157, 267-280, 300.
---- in Monte, 226.
CICERO, 124.
CIMA DA CONEGLIANO, 219.
CIMBRI, Invasion of, 2-4.
CIPOLLA, Carlo, 65, 70, 81, 83, 130, 241.
CIVIDALE, 73, 90.
CLAUDIUS II., 9.
CLEMENT VII., Pope, 147.
COLISEUM, 23, 27.
COLLE DI SAN PIETRO, 1, 15, 44, 241.
COLUMN, Venetian, in Piazza delle Erbe, 113, 175.
COMMUNES IN ITALY, 51 _et seq._, 62.
CONRAD, son of Emperor Frederick II., 61.
CONRADIN of Swabia, 66.
CONSIGLIO, Palazzo del, 133.
CONSTANCE, daughter of Conrad IV., 69.
---- daughter of Matteo Visconti, 70.
CONSTANTINE, Emperor, 9, 10.
CONVITO, 130.
COREGGIO, 230.
CORNELIUS NEPOS, 124, 187.
CORREGGIO, Azzone di, 93.
CORSO CAVOUR, 252.
---- Porta Borsari, 250, 251.
COZONE, Judge, 54.
CREMONA, 66.
CRISTIANI, Romeo, 172.
CRIVELLI, Carlo, 219.
CROWE and CAVALCASELLE, 136, 145, 147, 204, 219.
CUNIMUND, 16.
“CURIA,” 69.
CURTONI, 263.
CUSTOZZA, 39, 293.
D
DANDOLO, Francesco, 89.
DANTE, 40, 55, 61, 62, 70, 72, 77, 78, 82, 83, 128-131, 159, 178, 186, 230, 263, 264, 297.
DECIUS, 8.
DELLA TORRE, 172.
---- family, 207.
---- Girolamo, 207.
DESIDERIA, 43.
DESIDERIUS, King, 43.
DIOCLETIAN, 13, 27.
DIVINE COMEDY, 130, 279.
DOMINICANS, 160, 226.
DRESDEN, 144, 146.
DUSSAIMI, family, 171.
E
EGNA, Enrico d’, 289.
ELIZABETH of Austria, wife of Cangrande II. della Scala, 93.
ELMICHO, 16.
ENTRAGUES, Count d’, 116, 118.
“EPISTOLA,” 128, 129.
ERBE, _see_ “Piazza.”
ERMELINDA, wife of Duke Lupone, 230.
ERMENGARDA, 154.
ESTE, 68, 88.
---- Azzo VI., 55.
---- Azzo d’, 261.
---- Bonifazio d’, 56.
---- Leonello d’, 139.
---- Marquis of, 58.
---- Obizzo d’, 69.
ETRUSCANS, 2, 23.
EUDONIUS, 14.
EUGANEANS, 2.
EUPREPIO, St, 12.
EZZELINO DA ROMANO, 230, 291.
F
FALCONETTO, Giovanni Maria, 108, 148, 156, 157, 159, 172, 224.
FAMAGOSTA, fortress of, 114.
FARINATO, Paolo, 148, 149, 157, 209, 222, 224, 225, 233, 245.
FAZIO DEGLI UBERTI, 78.
FELTRE, 59, 61, 68, 73, 87, 88, 90.
FERDINAND CHARLES, Duke, 283.
FERRARA, 57.
FERRETO OF VIGENZA, 73, 83.
FIDENA, 25.
FLAMBERT, 47.
FLAMINIAN WAY, 9.
FLAVIANS, 8.
FLORENCE, 88, 145, 147.
FRACASTORO, Aventino, 187, 200.
---- Girolamo, 133.
FRANCIA (Raibolini, Francesco), 213.
FRANCIS I., of France, 110, 114.
---- I., Emperor, 37.
FRANCIS, St, 259.
FRANCISCANS, 203, 258, 259.
FRANKFORT, 145, 146.
FRANKS IN NORTH ITALY, 43.
FREDERICK BARBAROSSA, 52, 230.
---- II., Emperor, 57, 59.
FREDERICK OF AUSTRIA, 67.
FREGOSO, family, 163.
FRIOLA, 60.
FRISINGEN, Otto von, 52.
G
GALLA PLACIDIA, 245.
GALLATTI, 42.
GALLIENUS, Emperor, 7, 9, 271.
GALVANI, 30.
GARDA, lake of, 9, 131, 136, 209.
GARIBALDO, Duke of Bavaria 17.
GAROFALO, 213.
GATTAMELATA, 106, 147.
GAULS, 2, 3.
GAVI, family, 41, 188.
GAZZATA, Sagacio Mazio, 74, 83.
GAZZOLA, family, 115.
“GENEROSO,” 27.
GENTILE DA FABRIANO, 136.
GEORGE, St, 192.
GERMANY, 7, 8, 11, 14, 16, 51, 94.
GHIARRADDADA, battle of, 107.
GHIBELLINES IN VERONA, 55, 56, 58, 60, 80.
GHIRLANDAJO, 145.
GIAMBATTISTA DA VERONA, 155.
GIARDINO GIUSTI, 225, 226, 300.
GILBERT, Duke of Verona, 17.
GIOCONDO, Fra, 133, 160, 187, 249.
GIOLFINO, Niccolò, 148, 169, 213, 221, 233, 237, 245, 252, 258.
---- Paolo, 148.
GIORGIONE (Giorgio Barbarelli), 146, 147.
GIOTTO, 74, 83, 135, 166, 172, 186, 204.
GIOVANNI, Fra, da Schio, 57, 58.
---- da Verona, 234.
GIROLAMO DAI LIBRI, 140, 143, 144, 165, 176, 213, 219, 222, 224, 246.
GIULIO ROMANO, 155, 176.
GIUSTI, family, 279.
GONZAGA, House of, 88, 93, 114, 144.
---- Cecilia, 139.
---- Galeazzo, 292.
---- Gian Francesco, 139, 293.
GOTHIC RULE IN VERONA, 14, 15.
GOTHS, 16.
GRADENIGO, Giuseppe, 118.
GREEKS IN VERONA, 15.
GREGORY VII., Pope, 51.
GROTTO OF S. NAZZARO, 223.
GUARINO DE’ GUARINI, 133.
GUELPHS IN VERONA, 54, 55, 58, 65, 80.
GUERCINO, 233.
GUIDO DI CASTEL DI REGGIO, 77.
---- Duke of Spoleto, 47.
GUINICELLO DE’ PRINCIPI, 171.
GUSMAN, Daniele, 203, 204.
H
HAWKWOOD, John, 101.
HENRY IV., of France (his armour in Venice), 118, 119.
---- of France, 283.
---- Emperor, 51.
---- VII., Emperor, 81.
HOTELS, 300.
HUGH, Duke of Provence, 48.
HUNGARIANS, 13.
HUNS, 12.
HUMBERT OF SAVOY, 40, 123.
I
ILLASI, 8, 280, 297.
---- Counts of, 282, 286.
INFERNO, 130, 131, 263.
INNSBRUCK, 8.
ISOTTA DEGLI ATTI, 139.
J
JOHN, Archduke of Austria, 37.
JOSEPH II., Emperor, 34.
JULIET, 71, 199, 264.
L
LALLEMENT, M., 116, 118.
LAMBERTI, Tower of, 176, 177.
LANZI, 147.
LAS CASAS, Chevalier de, 116.
LAUTREC, General, 110.
LAVAGNOLI, family, 169, 250.
LAYARD, Sir A. Henry, 149, 204, 220, 233, 259, 272.
LE CHIUSE DI SUSA, 43.
LEGNANO, 54, 122.
LENDINARA, Cosimo da, 66.
LEO, St, 12.
LEONARDO DA VINCI, 146.
LIBERA, Sta., 241.
LIBERALE DA VERONA, 140, 143-148, 156, 160, 165, 166, 176, 207, 219, 220.
LIBRARY OF ST BERNARDINO, 259.
“LIBRO D’ORO” (of Venice), 118, 119.
“LILLE, Comte de,” in Verona, 114-120.
LION OF ST MARK, 110.
LIVY, 229.
LOMBARD LEAGUE, 53, 57.
LOMBARDS or Longobards, 16, 17, 43.
LOMBARD-VENETO Kingdom, 121.
LOMBARDY, 59, 84.
LONGINUS, 17.
LOUIS OF BAVARIA, 74, 82.
---- FRANCE, 44.
---- XI., Emperor, 128.
---- XVIII., _see_ “Lille, Comte de.”
---- St, 192.
LOUVRE, 275.
LUCCA, 23, 78, 88, 90.
LUCILLO, St, 12.
LUCIUS III., Pope, 160.
LUINI, 145.
LUNEVILLE, peace of, 121.
LUNGADIGE PANVINIO, 250.
LUPONE, Duke, 230.
M
MACER, Æmilius, 124.
MAFFEI, Marchese Scipione, 12, 41, 133, 134, 187, 266.
MALASPINA, 30, 31.
---- SPINETTA, 78.
MALATESTA, Sigismondo Pandolfo, 139.
MALDURA GALLERY, at Padua, 145.
MANTEGNA, Andrea, 143, 145, 148, 164, 230, 255, 275.
MANTUA, 57, 58, 67, 68, 114, 122, 144, 145, 288, 291.
“MARANI,” faction of, 108.
MARCHIORI, Lodovico, 280.
MARIA, Sta. Consolatrice, 156.
MARIONI, family, 68.
MARTIN, St, 192.
MARTINI, 209.
MARTINO DA VERONA, 221.
MARZAGAIA, 132.
MASACCIO, 145.
MASSIMIANUS, 27.
MATILDA, Countess of Tuscany, 51.
MATTEO DA ORGIANO, 132.
MAXENTIUS, 9.
MAXIMILIAN I., Emperor, 107, 108, 110.
MICHELE DA VERONA, 147.
MINISCALCHI, family, 169.
MILAN, 9, 13, 61, 101.
MILO, Count of Verona, 48.
MINCIO, 291.
MOCENIGO, Alvise, 116.
MOCETTO, Girolamo, 237.
MODENA, 11, 57, 88, 145, 146.
MONGA, Cav. Andrea, 238.
MONKHOUSE, Cosmo, 144.
MONSELICE, 73.
MONTAGNA, Bartolomeo, 223.
MONTAGUE, 59.
MONTE OLIVETO, Monks of, 230, 234, 259.
MONTECCHI, family, 55, 59, 263, 264.
MONTORIO, 282.
MORANDO, _see_ Cavazzola.
MORDINO, M., 118.
MORELLI, 136, 145, 147, 148, 208.
MORO, Antonio, 213.
MORONE, Domenico, detto “Pelacani,” 140, 259.
MORONE, Francesco, 140, 145, 146, 156, 165, 166, 219, 220, 233, 234, 258.
MOSCARDO, 133.
“MULETTA, la,” 233.
MUNICIPAL GALLERY, or “Museo Civico,” 137, 139, 143, 145.
“MURAGLIONI,” 18, 230.
MUSELLI, 133.
MUSEO LAPIDARIO, 176, 265.
MUSSATO, Albertino, 73, 77, 83.
N
NAPOLEON I., the Great, 35-37, 115, 120, 121, 155, 275.
NAPOLEON III., Emperor, 38, 122.
NARSES, 16.
NASSAU, Prince of, 115.
NATIONAL GALLERY OF LONDON, 140, 143, 144, 145, 146.
NEUDECK, George of, Bishop of Trent, 108.
NICCOLÒ DA VERONA, 159.
NICHOLAS III., Pope, 282, 297.
NICOLAUS, 268.
NIEBUHR, 159.
NOGAROLA, Antonio, 67, 190.
---- Bailardino, 82.
---- Castle of, 280, 294.
---- family, 30, 31, 69.
NOVARA, battle of, 122.
O
ODOACER, 14.
OGNIBENE, Bishop, 54, 160.
OLIBRIUS, Emperor, 245.
OLIVER, 44, 154.
ORBETTO, 207.
ORDELAFFI, Guglielmo degli, 101.
ORFANOTROFIO, Garden of, 264.
ORIOLO, Giovanni, 140.
OSSA, Guglielmo dell’, 178.
OSTIGLIA, 33, 82, 288.
OTHO I., Emperor, 48, 267, 287.
---- II., Emperor, 48.
OTTOLINI, 133.
OVID, 124.
P
PADUA, 8, 57, 59, 61, 69, 73, 87-89, 101, 146, 229.
PALACES--
Barbarani, 224.
della Banca Nazionale, 255.
Bevilacqua, 256.
Canossa, 257.
Carlotti, 255.
Del Consiglio, 187.
Gazzola, 115, 264.
Giusti, 225.
della Gran Guardia Vecchia, 263.
of the Judges, 188.
Miniscalchi, 160.
Pompei, 209.
Portalupi, 257.
Pozzoni, 255.
della Ragione, 178.
Ridolfi, 147.
of the Scaligers, 300.
Trezza (once Maffei), 176.
Tribunalizio, 181, 188.
PALÆOLOGUS, Johannes, 139.
PALLADIO, Valerius, 176.
“PALLIO” RACE, 130, 261.
“PALLONE,” game of, 37.
PANTEO, Giovanni Antonio, 133.
PANVINIO, Onofrio, 41, 133.
PAQUARA, Peace of, 57.
PÂQUES Véronaises, les, 175, 181.
PARADISO, 70, 74, 84, 128, 129, 130.
PARMA, 57, 68, 88, 90.
PASTRENGO, Guglielmo da, 131, 132.
“PATARANI,” or Patarins, 30, 296.
PAUL, the Deacon, 17.
PAVIA, 67, 150.
PELLEGRINI CHAPEL, 258.
---- family, 133, 166.
---- Margherita, 258.
PEPIN I., 43.
---- II., 44, 175, 267.
PERINO OF MILAN, 191.
PEREZ, Counts of, 285.
PERUGINO, 209, 213.
PESCHIERA, 122.
PETER, St, 12, 26.
PETRARCH, 74, 77, 131, 158, 230.
PHILHARMONIC THEATRE, 265.
PHILIP THE YOUNGER, 8.
PHILIPPI, battle of, 7.
PIACENZA, 66.
PIAZZA--
S.S. Apostoli, 255.
Brà, or Vittorio Emanuele, 34, 265.
delle Erbe, 98, 172-176, 299.
Indipendenza, 198.
S. Micheletto, 255.
dei Signori, or Dante, 178, 299.
PICCI, Giuseppe, 80.
PICTURE GALLERY, 209-221, 299.
PIEDMONT KINGDOM, 122.
PIEDMONTESE FORCES IN ITALY, 117, 122.
PIER DELLA VIGNA, 61.
PIGOZZI, 67.
PINDEMONTE, House Of, 133.
---- Marchese, 42.
---- Florio, 165.
---- Ippolito, 134.
PISA, 78.
PISANELLO, Vittore, 204, 213, 220.
PIUS VI., Pope, 34.
PLINY, the Elder, 7, 127.
---- the Younger, 26, 127, 187.
POLA, 23.
POLENTA, Ostasio da, 101.
---- Samaritana da, 31-33, 101, 132.
POMPEI, Count Antonio, 287.
---- family, 282.
---- countess Ginevra, 285.
POMPEIUS STRABO, 7.
POMPONIUS SECUNDUS, 127.
PONTE--
Aleardi, 259.
delle Navi, 94, 97, 114, 209, 220, 299.
della Pietra, 242, 249.
Rofiolo, 38, 265.
PORTA--
dei Borsari, 8, 252, 299.
Bombardieri, 185.
Sta. Croce, 263.
S. Giorgio, 113.
Nuova, 39, 113, 299.
Palio, 113, 299.
Vescovo, 113.
S. Zeno, 113.
PORTO, LUIGI DI, 264.
PORTONE BRÀ, 265.
PREFETTURA, 186.
PROCOLO, St, 28.
PROVENCE, Comte de, _see_ Louis XVIII.
---- Comtesse Marie Josephine, 116.
PURGATORIO, 79, 80, 264, 279.
POZZUOLI, 23.
Q
QUERINI, Alvise, 117.
---- Giovanni, 130.
QUINTO, Leonardo da, 132, 171.
QUIRINUS, St, 192.
R
RAINER, Archduke, 121.
RATHOLD, Bishop, 150, 267.
RAVENNA, 13, 14, 17.
---- Archbishop of, 60.
REGGIO, 57, 68.
RHETIANS, 2.
RICCIO, Andrea, of Padua, 207.
---- or Rizzo Antonio, 187.
RIDOLFI, 169.
RISTORI, Adelaide, 38.
RIVA, 68.
RIVOLE, 120.
ROLAND, 44, 154.
ROMANO, Ezzelino da, 59-63, 73.
---- family, 58.
ROME, 4, 9, 12.
ROMEO, 71, 198, 264.
ROSAMUND, 16.
ROSSETTI, Cardinal, 226.
ROSSI, Alessandro, 163.
---- Ernesto, 38.
---- Giambattista, 163.
---- Pietro de’, 89.
RUDOLPH, Duke of Burgundy, 47, 48.
RURICIUS POMPEIANUS, 10, 11.
RUSKIN, John, 8, 87, 97, 150, 171, 195, 226, 281.
RUSTICO, St, 13, 27, 29, 209.
S
SACCO, Contessa di, 214.
SADOWA, 123.
SAIBANTE, Marchese Giovanni, 133.
ST CYR, Hugues de, 128.
SALERNO, family, 169.
---- Giovanni, 169.
SAMBONIFACIO, Riccardo da, 291.
SAN BONIFACIO, family, 55, 59, 61, 263.
---- Lodovico da, 66.
---- Sauro di, 54.
SANGUINETTO, 282, 294.
SAN MARTINO, 122.
---- Tower of, 291.
SAN MICHELI, Michele, 113, 155, 160, 185, 209, 224, 230, 242, 250, 256, 259.
SANUDO, 109.
SARAINA, Torello, 71, 133, 208.
SARDINIA, King of, 115.
SARDIS, Council of, 12.
SAVERIO, L. S., _see_ Louis XVIII.
“SAVII,” 118.
SCALA or Scaliger, House of, 162, 178, 230, 257, 282, 287, 295-297.
---- Albertino della, 176.
---- Alberto I. della, 30, 67-70, 129, 160, 190, 279, 294.
---- ---- II., della, 83, 87-91.
---- Alboino della, 69, 71, 72-74, 81, 83, 129, 130.
---- Antonio della, 30, 32-98, 101, 105-132, 166.
---- Bartolomeo I. della, 69, 71, 83, 129, 294.
---- ---- II. della, 30, 98.
---- ---- Bishop della, 90, 191.
---- Bocca della, 67.
---- Brunoro della, 105, 106, 114.
---- Can Francesco della (son of Antonio), 102-104.
---- Cangrande I., 69, 70, 72-87, 128-130, 134, 135, 170, 186, 189, 190, 195, 242.
---- Cangrande II., 93, 94, 172, 257, 292, 293.
---- Cansignorio, 30, 93, 94, 97, 175, 176, 181, 185, 190, 192, 198.
---- Caterina, B. Regina, wife of Barnabò Visconti, lord of Milan, 90, 93.
---- Constance, 69.
---- Fregnano, son of Mastino II., 93, 94.
---- Fregnano, son of Cangrande II., 94.
---- Giovanni, 192, 195-197.
---- Giuseppe, son of Alberto I., 279.
---- Jacopino, 62.
---- Mastino I., 30, 62, 65-68, 84, 185, 190, 297.
---- Mastino II., 83, 87-91, 93, 169, 190, 197-198, 275, 294.
---- Paolo Alboino, 93, 94, 98.
---- Pietro, Bishop, 160.
---- Tebaldo, 94.
SCALIGERO, _see_ Bordoni.
SCAPINI, Don Pietro, 256.
SCARAMELLI, 67.
SCARTAZZINI, 79, 80, 263.
SCHLOSSER, Jules von, 135.
SCORNAZANO, Vanne, 77.
SELVAGGIA, daughter of the Emperor Frederick II., 61.
SEMINARIO VESCOVILE, 224.
SEREGO, Cortesia, 101, 166.
“SERRAGLIO,” 292.
SFORZA, Francesco, 106.
SHAKESPEARE, 55, 59, 71, 230, 264.
SIGISMUND, Emperor, 106.
---- St, 192.
---- da Stefano, 249.
“SIGNORI,” 52, 62.
SIMON, St, and St Jude, 238.
SIRO, S., 241.
SIRMIONE, 124, 282, 294.
SISMONDI, 57.
SOAVE, 280, 286-288, 300.
SOLFERINO, 122, 293.
SOMMA CAMPAGNA, Gidino da, 132.
SONCINO, 61.
SORDELLO, 128.
SPAGNOLO, Don Antonio, 159.
SPAIN, 110.
SPAZZI, 274.
SQUARCIONE, 220.
STAGNOLO, family, 224.
STEFANO, S., 15.
SUETONIUS, 25.
SYMONDS, J. A., 59.
T
TACITUS, 7, 25.
“TEATRO ANTICO,” 238-241.
TEAREN, Gertrude of, 280.
---- Henry of, 280.
TEIAS, 16.
TEUTON INVASION, 4.
THEATRE, Roman, 3.
THEODOLINDA, Queen, 17.
THEODORIC, King, 14, 15, 29, 229, 241, 242, 268.
THEODOSIUS, Emperor, 176.
THEOPHANIA, Empress, 48.
TINTORETTO, 249.
TITIAN, 154, 209, 230.
TOMBS of Castelbarco, 169-171, 299.
---- of the Scaligers, 188-198, 299.
TORBIDO, Francesco, 140, 144, 146, 155, 160, 208, 224, 233.
TORCELLO, 245.
“TORRE DEL GARDELLO,” 176.
TOTILA, 15, 16.
TRAJAN, Emperor, 25.
TREGNANO, 282.
TRENT, 61, 66.
TRENTINO, 68.
TREVISANI, 133.
TREVISO, 57, 59, 73, 82, 88.
TRIBUNE in Piazza delle Erbe, 176.
“TUFO,” 223, 257, 262, 272.
TURONE, 219.
TURRISENDO, 54.
---- dei Turrisendi, 66.
U
UGUCCIONE DELLA FAGGIUOLA, 78, 83, 186.
URBAN III., Pope, 160.
---- VI., Pope, 102.
V
VALEGGIO, 282, 293.
VALENTIN, St, 192.
VALPANTENA, 40.
VALPOLICELLA, 4, 40.
VASARI, 140, 146, 164, 234.
VENICE, 54, 57, 72, 88, 101-103, 115, 150, 229, 297.
VENETIA, 10.
VERITÀ, family, 250, 279.
VERME, Giacomo del, 101.
---- Jacopo del, 105, 294.
VERNON, Hon. William Warren, 19, 26, 79.
VERONA: Origin and growth, 1;
fortifications, 52;
founders, 2;
subject to Rome, 3;
invaded by Teutons and Cimbri, 4;
Roman influence, 7;
constituted a Roman colony, 7;
important geographical position, 8;
part played by Verona in Roman wars, 8;
besieged by Constantine, 9;
invaded by Alaric, 11;
by Attila, 12;
Christianity in Verona, 12;
invaded by Odoacer, 14;
Theodoric at Verona, 14;
Verona possessed by the Greeks, 16;
Alboin and the Longobards in Verona, 16;
inundations in Verona, 18;
end of the Lombard rule, 43;
Carlovingians in Verona, 44;
Berengarius I., Duke of Friuli, in Verona, 47;
intercourse with Germany, 48-51;
sides with the Emperor Henry IV. against the Pope, 51;
takes part in the Crusades, 51;
joins the Lombard League, 53;
Guelph faction in Verona, 54, 55;
civil strife in the town, 56, 59;
Verona under the Scaligers, 62-102;
Verona under the Visconti, 103;
under the Carraresi, 105;
under the Venetian Republic, 106;
effect of the League of Cambray on Verona, 106, 107;
Imperial rule in Verona, 108, 109;
pestilence in Verona, 110;
Verona restored to Venice, 110-114;
plague and inundation in Verona, 114;
the “Comte de Lille” in Verona, 114-120;
insurrection against the French, known as “Les Pâques Véronaises” in Verona, 120, 121;
Verona handed over to Austria, 121;
half of it to France, then again to Austria, 121;
War of Independence, 122;
Austrian rule re-established, 122;
Verona restored to Italy, 123;
kingdom newly formed, 123;
Verona the home of letters, 124;
endowed with a University, 127;
men of letters in Verona, 128-134;
school of painting in Verona, 134-149;
churches, picture gallery, sights in and around Verona, 150-300.
VERONESE, Paolo Cagliari, detto Il, 147-149, 213, 222, 230, 246.
“VERONETTA,” 222, 249.
VESCOVADO, 159, 160, 299.
VESPASIAN, Flavius, 8.
VIA Gallica, 7.
---- Postumia, 8.
---- Cappello, 119, 299.
---- Cappelletta, 249.
---- Colomba, 300.
---- Corso Cavour, 257, 299.
---- Duomo, 299.
---- Giardino Giusti, 225, 230.
---- La Costa, 188.
---- Leone, 200.
---- Liceo, 299.
---- Mazzanti, 188.
---- Pallone, 38, 265.
---- Pigna, 160.
---- Ponte Pietra, 249.
---- Rosa, 188.
---- Della Stella, 208.
---- S. Sebastian, 299.
---- Stradone di S. Bernardino, 258.
---- Venti Settembre, 222.
VICENZA, 8, 57, 59, 61, 68, 69, 73, 87, 88, 90, 93, 103.
VICTOR EMMANUEL II., King, 38-40, 122, 123, 265.
VIENNA, 143.
---- Peace of, 123.
VIGASIO, 54, 292.
VIGILIO, S., 136.
VILLAFRANCA, 282, 288.
---- Peace of, 39, 122.
VILLANI, Giovanni, 59, 73, 87, 93.
VILLEMS, Pietro, 128.
VIRGIL, 124, 229.
VISCONTI, House of, 88, 90, 102.
---- Barnabò, 93.
---- Carlo, 102.
---- Catherine, 104.
---- Filippo Maria, 108, 139.
---- Gian Galeazzo, 102, 292, 293.
---- Matteo, 83.
VISIGOTHS, 11.
VITELLIANS, 8.
VITELLIUS, 8.
VITRUVIUS CERDONE, 41, 127, 187.
VIVARINI, Alvise, 145.
“Volto Barbaro,” 67, 134, 188.
---- “Marioni,” 68.
W
WENCESLAUS, King of the Romans, 101.
WILIGELMUS, 268.
WURMSER, General, 120.
Z
ZANNONI, Ugo, 178, 255.
ZAVOLDO, 233.
ZELOTI, Giambattista, 160.
ZENO, or ZENONE, St, 12, 13, 276, 300.
ZEVIO, Stefano da, 139, 166, 219, 238, 250.
PRINTED BY
TURNBULL AND SPEARS,
EDINBURGH
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Ruskin, _Verona and other Lectures_. Allen (1894).
[2] Gibbon, _The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_.
London, Murray, 1887, vol. ii., ch. xiv., p. 129.
[3] See chapter x.
[4] Benvenuti de Rambaldis de Imola, Comentum Super Dantis Aldighierij
Comoediam. Tr. by the Hon. William Warren Vernon: _Readings on the
Purgatorio_. London, Macmillan, 1897.
[5] “In an amphitheatre, ‘podium’ was the name for a railed basement
which ran like a high enclosure round the whole circumference of the
arena.” See Mollett, J. W., _An illustrated Dictionary of Words used
in Art and Archæology_. London, Sampson Low, 1883.
[6] The extravagance in which Samaritana indulged contributed in no
small degree to the decline and fall of her husband’s house. Her taste
for jewellery was of a most ridiculous--not to say vulgar order. She
heaped on jewels in profusion and would not put on her stockings
unless they too were decorated with precious stones! She also excited
the indignation of contemporary chroniclers by her insistance in
sending to Ostiglia for some special unguents which she deemed
necessary for beautifying her hair, and which were conveyed to this
port on the Po at great expense from distant towns.
[7] Zagata.
[8] Belviglieri, _Verona e Provincia_, p. 341.
[9] It may be well to remind the reader that this arch which was taken
down in 1805 stood originally near Castel Vecchio, and was the work of
the famous architect Vitruvius Cerdone, whose name was engraved on the
archway. The inscriptions formerly existing over the niches show that
the statues belonging to them were of the Gavii family. Panvinio is of
opinion that the arch was erected to the memory of that Gavius who was
consul B.C. 145. Maffei on the other hand says that it
was set up to the memory of the whole of the Gavii family.
[10] C. Cipolla, _Compendio della Storia Politica di Verona._ Verona,
1899.
[11] _Histoire des Républiques Italiennes_, Sismonde de Sismondi,
Bruxelles, 1838, vol. i., ch. xv., p. 507.
[12] Alexander IV. issued letters for this crusade in 1255. It was
preached next year by the Archbishop of Ravenna.
[13] J. A. Symonds, _Age of the Despots_. London, Smith, Elder & Co.,
1898, ch. iii., p. 83, &c.
[14]
“Tenne ambo le chiavi
Del cuor di Federigo.”--_Inf._ xiii. 58-59.
[15] “Tiranni Che diér nel Sangue e nell’ aver di piglio.”--_Inf._
xii. 104-105
[16] I am aware that I am destroying a legend that has found its way
into nearly every guide-book and even into some histories of Verona by
this assertion. But no Veronese of any culture or learning supports
the popular tradition, or admits that the deed aroused such horror
in the public mind as to brand the spot with a special name. The
“Volto Barbaro” simply took its name from the Barbaro family who lived
there, as the “Volto Marioni” in another part of the town did from the
Marioni family--a fact that no one versed in Veronese matters would
ever seek to gainsay or dispute.
[17] Giuseppe Biadego, _Dante e gli Scaligeri_, Venezia, 1899.
[18] _See_ Cipolla, _op. cit._ p. 208.
[19]
“Thine earliest refuge and thine earliest inn
Shall be the mighty Lombard’s courtesy,
Who on the ladder bears the holy bird,
Who such benign regard shall have for thee
That ’twixt you twain, in doing and in asking,
That shall be first which is with others last.
With him shalt thou see one who at his birth
Has by this star of strength been so impressed,
That notable shall his achievements be.”
_Paradiso_, canto xvii., 76, &c.
(Longfellow’s Translation).
[20] Giuseppe Biadego, _op. cit._, p. 12.
[21] _Op. cit._, p. 13.
[22] Boccaccio, Giornata I., Novella VII.
[23] Gio. Villani, _Istorie fiorentine_, lib. x., cap. 139.
[24] I have taken this translation from the Notes on the _Paradiso_,
given in Longfellow’s translation of the _Divine Comedy_ (London,
1877). From there, too, have I taken the extract from Petrarch, which
is to be found in Balbo’s _Life of Dante_, translated by Mrs Bunbury,
ii. 207.
[25]
Ch’io veggio certamente, e perŏ il narro,
A darne tempo, gia stelle propinque,
Sicure d’ogni intoppo e d’ogni sbarro;
Nel quale un cinquecento diece e cinque,
Messo di Dio, ancideră la fuja
Conquel gigante che con lei delinque.
[26] Vernon, Hon. William Warren, _Readings on the Purgatorio of
Dante_. London, Macmillan, 1889, vol. ii., p. 429, &c.
[27] _Rithmi de obitu Henrici VII._, _ed. Freher_, _Germanie-rerum
Scriptores_, i. 15, etc.
[28] Cipolla, C, _Storia delle Signorie italiani dal 1313 al 1350_.
Milano, 1881, lib. i. iv.
[29] I have not gone into the lengthy and vexed question of the date
of Cangrande’s birth. The year generally accepted is 1291, and that I
have followed as the most probable one, and the one most deserving of
acceptance.
[30] Cipolla, _op. cit. lib._ i. iv.
[31] _Verona and other Lectures._ Allen, Orpington, 1894.
[32] This is not the place to enlarge on the fine character and
qualities of Regina della Scala; but it is interesting to note that
one of the most famous theatres in Italy takes its name from her, and
that the “Scala” at Milan was so called in honour of this daughter of
Verona.
[33] _Op. cit._ p. 17.
[34] See pp. 30-31.
[35] P. Sgulmero.
[36] Published anonymously in 1799 by Cristoforo Tentori.
[37] Selwyn Brinton, _The Renaissance in Italian Art_, Part II., p.
37. Simpkin, London, 1898.
[38] _Op. cit._ p. 38, etc.
[39] _Op. cit._ p. 42.
[40] Handbook of Painting. The Italian schools--based on the handbook
of Kugler--thoroughly revised and in part rewritten by Sir A. Henry
Layard, London. Murray, 1887. Part I. p. 274.
[41] _The Stones of Venice._ John Ruskin, London. Smith, Elder & Co.,
1858. Vol. i., Appendix 8, p. 361.
[42]
The artificer Nicholas who carved these things,
The folk who here collect will praise for aye.
[43] _Op. cit._ p. 59.
[44] Since the above was written it has now (April 1902) been replaced
above the chapel; but so high up as to be seen with difficulty.
[45] Ruskin, _Stories of Venice_, vol. i. Appendix 19.
[46] In this courtyard much might be done were the Town Council of
Verona only as ready to lay out sums in guarding and preserving
their old treasures as they are in erecting modern houses and
“embellishments” to attract visitors to their city. Some fine arches
dating from the time of the Scaligers remain here blocked up; and some
lovely frescoes which ask only to be protected from sun and rain cry
aloud in this Cortile for an attention which is persistently denied
them.
[47] Ruskin, _Stones of Venice_, _op. cit._ vol. iii. p. 70, etc.
[48] The tablet runs as follows:--
Queste furono le case
Dei Capuleti
Onde uscì la Giulietta
Per cui
Tanto piansero i cuori gentili
E i poeti cantarono.
These were the houses
Of the Capulets
From whence sprang Juliet
For whom
So many gentle hearts have wept
And poets have sung.
[49] _Op. cit._ Part 1. p. 268.
[50] _Op. cit._ p. 59.
[51] _Op. cit._ p. 64.
[52] _Op. cit._ Part I. p. 264.
[53] Ruskin, _Verona and other Lectures_. Allen, 1894.
[54] _Op. cit._ p. 264.
[55] Selwyn Brinton, _op. cit._ p. 58, etc.
[56] _Spaventi-Guida di Verona_, p. 132.
[57] The authorship of this picture is open to doubt. It has been
attributed to different masters in turn. Mr Berenson is of opinion
that it is by Girolamo Mocetto, an opinion also held by Crowe and
Cavalcaselle.
[58] C. Cipolla, _Compendio della Storia Politica di Verona_. Verona
1899. pp. 46 and 44.
[59] Layard, _op. cit._ p. 268.
[60] Layard, _op. cit._ p. 263.
[61]
... “and seemed to be of those
Who at Verona run for the green mantle
Across the plain; and seemed to be among them
The one who wins, and not the one who loses.”
--(Longfellow’s Translation.)
[62] Readings on the _Inferno_ of Dante, Hon. William Warren Vernon
(London: Macmillan, 1894), vol. i. p. 532, etc.
[63] Layard, _op. cit._ Part I. p. 253.
[64] Selwyn Brinton, _op. cit._ p. 53.
[65] In chapter vi.
[66] _Purgatorio_, xviii. 124.
[67] _La Divina Commedia_, col commento di Jacopo della Lana, Bologna,
1866, 3 vols. 8vo.
[68] Hic reqviescit Heinricus de Tearen se maritus Gertrvdis.
[69] Ruskin, _op. cit._ vol. ii. ch. vii. p. 248.
* * * * *
Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:
where held=> were held {pg 13}
altri è piu tardo=> altri è più tardo {pg 71}
piu=> più {pg 80}
ftom Italy=> from Italy {pg 82}
returning to Verono=> returning to Verona {pg 102}
Ghiaraddada=> Ghiarraddada {pg 107}
Ghirlandjo=> Ghirlandajo {pg 145}
Charlemange=> Charlemagne {pg 306}
de’ Turrisendi, 66.=> dei Turrisendi, 66. {pg 313}
Piazza Bra=> Piazza Brà {pg 238}
Independenza=> Indipendenza {pg 198}
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Story of Verona" ***
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