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Title: A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499
Author: Gama, Vasco da
Language: English
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WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society
A JOURNAL
OF
THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
VASCO DA GAMA,
1497-1499.
FIRST SERIES. NO. XCIX-MDCCCXCVIII
[Illustration: signature: Vasco da Gama
(_From a Photograph by Sr. Camancho._)
This Portrait, now in the Hall of Honours of the Lisbon Geographical
Society, was presented by the Conde de Vidigueira to King D. Carlos.]
A JOURNAL
OF
THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
VASCO DA GAMA,
1497-1499.
Translated and Edited, with Notes, an Introduction and Appendices,
BY E. G. RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S., CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL
SOCIETY OF LISBON.
BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER NEW YORK, NEW YORK
Published by BURT FRANKLIN 514 West 113th Street New York 25, N. Y.
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT.
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT.
C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, ESQ., M.A.
COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH.
SIR MARTIN CONWAY.
ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.
ALFRED HARMSWORTH, ESQ.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD HAWKESBURY.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, ESQ., M.A.
ADMIRAL SIR ANTHONY H. HOSKINS, G.C.B.
J. SCOTT KELTIE, ESQ.
VICE-ADMIRAL ALBERT H. MARKHAM.
E. DELMAR MORGAN, ESQ.
CAPTAIN NATHAN, R.E.
E. J. PAYNE, ESQ.
CUTHBERT E. PEEK, ESQ.
E. G. RAVENSTEIN, ESQ.
HOWARD SAUNDERS, ESQ.
CHARLES WELCH, ESQ., F.S.A.
WILLIAM FOSTER, ESQ., B.A., _Honorary Secretary_.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction i
On the importance of Vasco da Gama’s voyage, p. xi; his
Life, p. xiii; a parallel between Vasco da Gama and Columbus,
p. xv; authorities on Vasco da Gama’s voyage, p. xix;
the MS. of the _Roteiro_, p. xxii; its author, p. xxv; Portuguese
editions, p. xxxii; French translations, p. xxxiv; the
present edition, p. xxxv.
A JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA IN 1497-99 1
The Voyage Out 1
Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, p. 1; across the
Southern Atlantic, p. 3; the Bay of St. Helena, p. 5;
rounding the Cape, p. 8; the Bay of S. Braz, 9; S. Braz
to Natal, p. 14; Terra da Boa Gente and Rio do
Cobre, p. 16; the Rio dos Bons Signaes, p. 19;
to Moçambique, p. 21; false start, and return to
Moçambique, p. 28; Moçambique to Mombaça, p. 31;
Mombaça, p. 34; Mombaça to Malindi, p. 39; Malindi,
p. 40; across the Arabian Sea, p. 46
Calecut 48
Arrival, p. 48; a description of Calecut, p. 49; at anchor
at Pandarani, p. 50; Gama goes to Calecut, p. 51;
a Christian church, p. 52; progress through the town,
p. 55. The King’s palace, p. 55; a royal audience,
p. 56; a night’s lodging, p. 59; presents for the
Zamorin, p. 60; a second audience, p. 61. Return to
Pandarani, p. 63; detention there, p. 64; the Portuguese
merchandise at Pandarani, p. 67; Diogo Dias
carries a message to the King, p. 70; the King sends
for Diogo Dias, p. 74; off Calecut, p. 75; Calecut and
its commerce, p. 77
The Voyage home 79
Santa Maria Islets and Anjediva, p. 80; the voyage across
the Arabian Sea, p. 87; Magadoxo, p. 88; Malindi,
p. 89; Malindi to S. Braz, p. 91; S. Braz to the Rio
Grande, p. 92; conclusion, p. 93
The Kingdoms to the South of Calecut 95
About Elephants 102
Prices at Alexandria 103
A vocabulary of Malayalam 105
APPENDICES.
A.—TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499 111
Letter to the King and Queen of Castile, July 1499 113
Letter to the Cardinal Protector, August 28, 1499 114
B.—GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS, 1499 119
Introduction, p. 119; First letter to a gentleman at
Florence, p. 123; Second letter, p. 137; a letter to his
brother, p. 141
C.—THREE PORTUGUESE ACCOUNTS OF VASCO DA GAMA’S
FIRST VOYAGE. 145
Jornal das Viagens dos Portuguezes ás Indias, 1608 145
Luiz de Figueiredo Falcão, 1612 147
Pedro Barretto de Rezende, 1646 149
D.—VASCO DA GAMA’S SHIPS AND THEIR EQUIPMENT 157
E.—MUSTER-ROLL OF VASCO DA GAMA’S FLEET 173
F.—THE VOYAGE 185
Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, p. 186; the Voyage
across the Southern Atlantic, p. 186; doubling the Cape,
p. 192; along the East Coast of Africa, p. 193; across
the Arabian Sea, p. 198; the voyage home, p. 199.
G.—EARLY MAPS ILLUSTRATING VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE 203
Henricus Martellus Germanus, p. 204; Juan de la Cosa,
p. 205; Dr. Hamy’s Chart, p. 206; The Cantino Chart,
p. 208; the chart of the “Mohit”, 209; Canerio, p. 210;
list of Place-Names, p. 214
H.—HONOURS AND REWARDS BESTOWED UPON VASCO DA GAMA,
1499-1524 226
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
_Portraits._
PAGE
Vasco da Gama, from a portrait in the Honour Hall of the
Lisbon Geographical Society _Frontispiece_
King Manuel 109
Vasco da Gama, from a contemporary medallion in the cloister
of Belem xii
Vasco da Gama, from the _Museu das Bellas Artes_ 116
Vasco da Gama, from the same, according to M. Morelet’s
version 171
Vasco da Gama as Viceroy, according to Barretto de Rezende 143
Vasco da Gama, from the _Palacio do Governo_, Goa 151
_Facsimiles._
Facsimile of the first paragraph of the MS. of the _Roteiro_ xxii
Facsimiles of Vasco da Gama’s signatures, _Frontispiece_ and 116
Facsimile of a Receipt given by Vasco da Gama 229
_Ships._
The supposed Armada of Vasco da Gama 160
The _S. Gabriel_ 155
The figure-head of the _S. Raphael_ 91
A Caravel 158
Native craft in the Harbour of Mombaça; from a photograph
by the late Capt. Foot, R.N. 35
_Other Illustrations._
Cão’s Padrão at Cape Cross 169
Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi, from a photograph by Sir
John Kirk 90
Coat-of-Arms of Vasco da Gama 223
A tower at Mombaça; from a photograph by Sir John Kirk 39
View of Calecut; from an original sketch by H. Johnson 183
A Siwa-blower; from a photograph by Sir John Kirk 43
Krishna nursed by Devaki; from Moor’s “Pantheon” 53
The Old Church at Vidigueira 238
LIST OF MAPS.
PAGE
I. A Chart illustrating the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama,
1497-99 1
II. The Cape to Natal _At end of volume_
III. Natal to Malinde ” ”
IV. The West Coast of India ” ”
V. South Africa, from an anonymous chart of
the world, first published by Dr. Hamy ” ”
VI. Africa, from the Cantino Chart ” ”
VII. Africa and India, from Canerio’s Chart ” ”
VIII. The Indian Ocean, according to the “Mohit” 209
ERRATA.
P. 3, note 3. The wrong date is not August 18, but August 22, which
ought to be October 22. See also p. 190, note 1.
P. 3, line 17. _Instead of_ “lower mainsail”, _read_ “mainsail”.
P. 4, note 2, to be read thus: “That is, towards Tristão da Cunha, Gama
being at that time 400 miles to the N.N.W. of these islands”.
P. 9, note 3. _Instead of_ “Antº”, _read_ “dentº” (dentro).
P. 15, note 1. _Instead of_ “Rio do Infante”, _read_ “Rio de Infante”.
P. 16, line 10. _Read_ “when setting a bonnet we discovered the mast
was sprung ... and ... secured it with lashings”.
P. 22, line 8. _Instead of_ “when putting the ship about”, etc., _read_
“in tacking towards the other ships, which were astern, Coelho”, etc.
P. 23, note 4. _Add_ “Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls”.
P. 73, line 17. _Instead of_ “August 23”, _read_ “August 24”.
P. 79, line 14. _Instead_ of “Biaquotte”, _read_ “Biaquolle”.
P. 80, note 1. For the identification of the Ilhas de S. Maria, see p.
200.
P. 92, line 13. _Add_ “and left at once”.
P. 148, line 20, and P. 175, line 60. The pilot was Pero Escolar, not
Escovar. A Pero Escovar is mentioned by Barros (t. I, part 1, p. 143)
jointly with João de Santarem, as having made discoveries on the Gold
Coast in 1471. He was a “cavalier” of the King’s household. Another
Pero Escovar went as pilot to the Congo in 1490. This latter may
possibly have been our man.
P. 161, line 24. _Instead_ of “D’Alberti”, _read_ “D’Albertis”.
P. 167, line 17. _Instead of_ “Rodriguez”, _read_ “Rodrigo”.
P. 167, line 29. _Instead of_ “Diogo de Vilhegas”, _read_ “Diogo Ortiz
de Vilhegas”.
INTRODUCTION.
The discovery of an ocean route to India, in 1497-98, marks an epoch
in the history of geographical exploration no less than in that of
commerce. It confirmed the hypothesis of a circumambient ocean, first
put forward by Hecataeus, but rejected by Ptolemy and his numerous
followers; and, at the same time diverted into a new channel the
profitable spice trade with the East which for ages had passed through
Syria and Alexandria. In consequence of this diversion Venice lost her
monopoly, and Lisbon became for a time the great spice-market of Europe.
But Portugal was a small country whose resources were hardly even equal
to the task of waging the continuous wars with the Moors in which
she had so unwisely been engaged for generations past. And when, in
addition to her African forces, she was called upon to maintain great
fleets in the distant East, in order to enforce her monopoly of the
spice trade, at first in the face only of the Moors, and afterwards in
that of powerful European rivals, her resources speedily came to an
end, and she found herself exhausted and helpless. It may well be asked
whether Portugal would not be happier now, and richer, too, had she
never had the opportunity of dwelling upon these ancient glories; had
the wealth of the Indies never been poured into her lap, only to breed
corruption; and had her strength not been wasted in a struggle to which
she was materially unequal, and which ended in exhaustion and ruin.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama.
(_From a Contemporary Medallion in the Cloister of Belem._)]
Portugal, however, notwithstanding the sad ending of her vast Eastern
enterprises, is still justly proud of the achievements of her “great”
Vasco da Gama, and boldly places him by the side of Magelhães and
Christopher Columbus, as one of a noble triad which occupies the
foremost rank among the great navigators of an Age of Great Discoveries.
Vasco da Gama was born, about 1460,[1] at Sines, of which coast-town
his father, Estevão, was alcaidemór. He was the youngest of three
brothers. Genealogists trace back his pedigree to a valiant soldier,
Alvaro Annes da Gama, who resided at Olivença in 1280, and greatly
distinguished himself in the wars with the Moors. The Gamas could thus
boast of gentle blood, though they neither belonged to the aristocracy
of Portugal, nor were they possessed of much worldly wealth.
We know next to nothing of Vasco da Gama’s youth. When King João,
after the return of Bartholomeu Dias, decided to fit out an armada to
complete the discovery of an ocean highway to India, he selected Vasco
da Gama as its captain-major, and this choice of the King was confirmed
by his successor, D. Manuel.[2] Such an appointment would not have
been made had not Vasco da Gama already been known as a man of energy,
capacity and competent knowledge. We ought therefore not be surprised
if Garcia de Resende, in his _Chronicle of D. João II_ (c. 146), tells
us that he was a man whom the King trusted, as he had already served
in his fleets and in maritime affairs, and whom he had consequently
charged, in 1492, with the task of seizing the French vessels lying in
the ports of Algarve, in reprisal for the capture by a French pirate of
a Portuguese caravel returning from S. Jorge da Mina with gold.[3]
Castanheda (I, c. 2) speaks of Vasco as having done good service in
the time of King João II, and as being experienced in the affairs of
the sea. Mariz (_Dial._, iv, c. 14; v, c. 1) calls him a young man
(_mancebo_), high-spirited and indefatigable, who had such a thorough
knowledge of navigation (_arte maritima_) that he would have been able
to hold his own with the most experienced pilots of Europe. We know,
moreover, from Barros and Goes that he landed at S. Helena Bay with
his pilots in order to determine the latitude. These extracts show,
at all events, that Vasco da Gama was not a mere landsman; nor is it
likely that the command of an expedition, the one object of which was
discovery, and not trade or war, would have been entrusted to such an
one.
He was, moreover, well qualified for his post in other respects. His
indomitable firmness made him shrink from no obstacle which opposed
itself to the success of his expedition; and notwithstanding the
unheard-of length of the voyage and the hardships endured, he retained
the confidence of his men to the very last.
The question whether Da Gama can fairly be ranked with Columbus and
Magelhães, has frequently been discussed.
The first place among these three undoubtedly belongs to Magelhães, the
renegade Portuguese, who first guided a ship across the wide expanse
of the Pacific. The second place is almost universally accorded to
Columbus, whose unconscious discovery of a new world, fit to become the
second home of the European races, was immensely more far-reaching in
its consequences than the discovery of an ocean highway to India, now
largely discarded in favour of the shorter route across the isthmus of
Suez.
It is maintained, in support of the claims of Columbus, that he was
the originator of the scheme the success of which covered him with
everlasting glory, whilst Vasco da Gama simply obeyed the behests of
his King, when he took the lead of an expedition which was to crown the
efforts made by little Portugal for generations past.
There is much truth in this contention. The scheme of reaching the
East by a westward course across the Atlantic had no doubt been
entertained in Portugal in the reign of Affonso the African [1438-81].
Fernão Martinz, the Royal Chaplain, had discussed its prospects with
Paolo Toscanelli, when in Italy, and had been instructed to apply for
further particulars to the Florentine physician, in response to which
he had received the famous letter of June 25th, 1474, and the chart
which accompanied it. But practically nothing was done, except that an
adventurer or two[4] were authorised to seek for the islands supposed
to lie to the west of the Azores. Prince Henry the Navigator would
perhaps have acted upon such a suggestion, had he been still alive,
but the King’s resources were devoted to Africa, or wasted in two
disastrous wars with Spain.
Columbus, on the other hand, made the discarded scheme his own; he,
too, applied to Toscanelli for counsel,[5] and found confirmation of
that physician’s erroneous hypothesis as to the small breadth of the
Atlantic by studying the _Imago Mundi_ of Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly,
and other writings. Nor did he rest until he found in Queen Isabella
the Catholic a patron who enabled him to put his theories to the test
of practical experience. It was his good fortune that Providence had
placed the new world as a barrier between him and Marco Polo’s Cipangu
(Japan), which was his goal, or he might never have returned to claim
the reward of his success.
On the accession of D. João II, in 1481, the discovery of Africa was
resumed with renewed vigour, and the councillors of that King acted
wisely when they advised him to decline the offers of Columbus,[6] for
the resources of Portugal were quite unequal to pursuing at one and the
same time a search for a western route and continuing the efforts for
opening a practical route around the southern extremity of Africa. And
thus it happened that Columbus “discovered a new world for Castile and
Leon”, and not for Portugal.
When, however, we come to consider the physical difficulties which
had to be overcome by these great navigators in the accomplishment of
their purpose, the greater credit must undoubtedly be awarded to Vasco
da Gama. Columbus, trusting as implicitly to the chart and sailing
directions of Toscanelli as did Vasco da Gama to those of Dias, and,
perhaps, of Pero de Covilhão, shaped a course westward of Gomera; and,
having sailed in that direction for thirty-six days, and for a distance
of 2,600 miles, made his first landfall at Guanahani, being favoured
all the while by the prevailing easterly winds. The task which Vasco
da Gama undertook was far more difficult of accomplishment. Instead
of creeping along the coast, as had been done by his predecessors,
he conceived the bold idea of shaping a course which would take him
direct through the mid-Atlantic from the Cape Verde Islands to the Cape
of Good Hope. The direct distance to be covered was 3,770 miles, but
the physical obstacles presented by winds and currents could only be
overcome by taking a circuitous course, and thus it happened that he
spent ninety-three days at sea before he made his first landfall to the
north of the bay of St. Helena. This first passage across the southern
Atlantic is one of the great achievements recorded in the annals of
maritime exploration.
Once beyond the Cape, Vasco had to struggle against the Agulhas
current, which had baffled Bartholomeu Dias, and against the current of
Mozambique; and it was only after he had secured a trustworthy pilot at
Melinde that the difficulties of the outward voyage can be said to have
been overcome.
In one other respect Vasco da Gama, or, perhaps, we ought to say his
pilots, proved themselves the superiors of Columbus, namely, in the
accuracy of the charts of their discoveries which they brought home
to Portugal. Accepting the Cantino Chart[7] as a fair embodiment of
the work done by this expedition, we find that the greatest error
in latitude amounts to 1° 40´. The errors of Columbus were far more
considerable. In three places of his Journal the latitude of the north
coast of Cuba is stated to be 42° by actual observation; and that this
is no clerical error, thrice repeated in three different places, seems
to be proved by the evidence of the charts. On that of Juan de la Cosa,
for instance, Cuba is made to extend to lat. 35° N. (instead of 23°
10´), and even on the rough sketch drawn by Bartolomeo Columbus after
the return from the Fourth Voyage, Jamaica and Puerto Rico (Spagnola)
are placed 6° too far to the north.[8]
Verily, the Portuguese of those days were superior as navigators to
their Spanish rivals and the Italians.
Posterity is fortunate in possessing a very full abstract of the
Journal which Columbus kept during his first voyage to the West
Indies.[9] No such trustworthy record is available in the case of Vasco
da Gama, whose original reports have disappeared. They were consulted,
no doubt, by João de Barros and Damião de Goes; but these writers, much
to our loss, dealt very briefly with all that refers to navigation.
The only available account written by a member of the expedition is
the _Roteiro_ or Journal, a translation of which fills the bulk of
this volume, and of which, later on, we shall speak at greater length.
The only other contemporary accounts, which we also reproduce, are at
second-hand, and are contained in the letters written by King Manuel
and Girolamo Sernigi immediately after the return of Vasco da Gama’s
vessels from India.
Apart from these, our chief authorities regarding this voyage are still
the _Decades_ of João de Barros and the _Chronicle_ of King Manuel, by
Damião de Goes. Both these authors held official positions which gave
them access to the records preserved in the India House. Castanheda
relied almost wholly upon the _Roteiro_, but a few additional
statements of interest may be found in his pages.
As to the _Lendas_ of Gaspar Correa, we are unable to look upon his
account of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage as anything but a jumble of
truth and fiction,[10] notwithstanding that he claims to have made use
of the diary of a priest, Figueiro, who is stated to have sailed in
Vasco’s fleet. Correa’s long residence in India—from 1514 to the time
of his death—must have proved an advantage when relating events which
came under his personal observation, but it also precluded him from
consulting the documents placed on record in the Archives of Lisbon.
This much is certain: that whoever accepts Correa as his guide must
reject the almost unanimous evidence of other writers of authority who
have dealt with this important voyage.[11]
A few additional facts may be gleaned from Faria y Sousa’s _Asia
Portuguesa_, from Duarte Pacheco Pereira and Antonio Galvão; but in the
main we are dependent upon the _Roteiro_, for recent searches[12] in
the _Torre do Tombo_ have yielded absolutely nothing, so far as we are
aware, which throws additional light upon Da Gama’s First Voyage, with
which alone we are concerned.
And now we shall proceed to give an account of the _Roteiro_.
_The Manuscript of the “Roteiro”._
In giving an account of the manuscript of this Journal, we entrust
ourselves to the guidance of Professors Kopke and Antonio da Costa
Paiva, the two gentlemen who first published it.
[Illustration: Signature of Fernam Lopes de Castanheda]
[Illustration: Water Mark]
That is:—
“Em Nome de Ds Amem// Na era de mill iiij LR vij
mamdou Ellrey Dom manuell o primo desde nome em portugall/
a descobrir/ quat
navios/ os quaes hiam em busca da especiaria/ dos quaees na
vios hia por capitam moor Vco da Gama e dos outros duũ
delles Paullo da Gama seu jrmaoo e doutro njcollao Coelho”.
The manuscript originally belonged to the famous Convent of Santa Cruz
at Coimbra, whence it was transferred, together with other precious
MSS., to the public library of Oporto.
It is not an autograph, for on fol. 64 (p. 77 of this translation),
where the author has left a blank, the copyist, to guard against his
being supposed to have been careless in his task, has added these
words: “The author has omitted to tell us how these weapons were
made”. This copy, however, was taken in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, as may be seen from the style of the writing as exhibited in
the facsimile of the first paragraph of the work, shown on preceding
page.
The MS. is in folio, and is rudely bound up in a sheet of parchment,
torn out of some book of ecclesiastical offices. The ink is a little
faded, but the writing is still perfectly legible. The paper is of
ordinary strength, and of rather a dark tint; the manufacturer’s water
mark is shown in the above facsimile. Blank leaves of more modern make,
and having a different water-mark, have been inserted at the front and
back, and the first of these leaves contains the following inscription
in a modern hand, which is still legible, although pains have been
taken to erase it:—
“Pertinet ad usum fratris Theotonii de Sancto
G ... Canonici Regularis in Cenobio
Scte Crucis”.
Immediately below this we read:—
“Dô Theotonio”,
and near the bottom of the page, in a modern hand, probably that of
one of the librarians of the convent:—
“Descobrimento da India por D. Vasco
da Gamma”.
Prof. Kopke suggests[13] that the copyist of this valuable MS. was
the famous historian Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, who was Apparitor
and Keeper of the Archives in the University of Coimbra, and was
engaged there during twenty years, much to the injury of his health
and private fortune, in collecting the materials for his _Historia do
Descobrimento e Conquista da India_. In support of this assumption
he publishes a signature (see the facsimile on page xxii) taken from
a copy of the first book of Castanheda’s history, published in 1551.
But A. Herculano,[14] whilst admitting this signature to be genuine,
points out that the cursive characters of the MS. are of a type
exceedingly common during the first half of the sixteenth century, and
that it would consequently not be safe to attribute it to any writer
in particular. Until, therefore, further evidence is forthcoming, we
cannot accept the Professor’s theory that we are indebted for this copy
to Castanheda; though, as we have already said, there can be no doubt
that in writing his account of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama he
depended almost exclusively for his facts upon the anonymous author of
this _Roteiro_.
_The Author of the “Roteiro”._
It is quite possible, as suggested by Prof. Kopke, that the title by
which the _Roteiro_ was known at the convent of Santa Cruz misled
certain bibliographers into a belief that Vasco da Gama himself had
written this account of his voyage.
Thus Nicoláo Antonio, in his _Bibliotheca Hispana Veta_ (1672), lib.
10, c. 15, § 543, says:—
“Vascus da Gama ... dedit reversus Emanueli suo Regi populari
Portugaliæ idiomate navigationis suae ad Indiam anno MCDXCVII
relationem, quae lucem vidit.”
The words “quae lucem vidit” need not, however, be understood as
conveying the meaning that this narrative was actually printed and
published, for the same author, in his _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_,
makes use of the same equivocal expression when describing another
voyage to India, expressly stated by him to be still in MS.
Moreri, in his _Dictionnaire_ (1732), quoting as his authority a
_Bibliotheca Portuguesa_ in MS., which he had from “a man of judgment
and of vast erudition”, states that Vasco da Gama is said to have
published an account of his first voyage to India, but that no copy of
it had up till then been discovered.
Similarly, Barbosa Machado, the author of the standard _Bibliotheca
Lusitana_ (t. iii, p. 775), 1752, accepting Nicoláo Antonio as his
authority, says that Vasco da Gama “wrote an account of the voyage
which he made to India in 1497”.[15]
We are quite safe in assuming that no such a narrative has ever been
published, although it is equally certain that Vasco da Gama furnished
official reports of his proceedings, which were still available when
João de Barros wrote his _Decades_, but are so no longer.
No one has yet succeeded in discovering the author of the _Roteiro_.
Prof. Kopke attempts to arrive at the name by a process of elimination,
and in doing so starts with several assumptions which we cannot accept.
First of all he assumes that Castanheda must have known the writer of
the MS. of which he made such excellent use in writing his history.
But Castanheda only became acquainted with this MS. after 1530, when
he took up his residence at Coimbra on his return from India, that
is, more than thirty years after it had been written. Of course, the
author might then have been still alive, notwithstanding the lapse of
years; but had this been the case, and had Castanheda been personally
acquainted with him, he would surely have obtained from him an account
of the termination of the voyage, instead of abruptly breaking off in
the same way as the _Roteiro_ does, with the arrival of the fleet at
the shoals of the Rio Grande (see p. 93), adding that he had been
unable to ascertain the particulars of the further voyage of the
captain-major, and only knew that Coelho arrived at Cascaes on July
10th, 1499.[16] It is probable, moreover, that if Castanheda had known
the name of the author to whom he was so greatly indebted, he would
have mentioned it in his book. Prof. Kopke assumes further that the
writer was a common sailor or soldier, and most probably the former:
first, because he frequently makes use of the expression “nós outros”
(we others) as if to draw a distinction between the officers of the
ships and the class to which he himself belonged; and, secondly,
because “the style of his narrative would seem to point to his humble
condition”. We can admit neither of these conclusions. The author by
no means uses the expression “we others” in the restricted sense in
which Prof. Kopke understands it. In proof of this we may refer to
such sentences as are to be found at pp. 57 and 61:—“When the King
beckoned to the captain he looked at us others”; “as to us others, we
diverted ourselves”—the “others”, in both these cases, including the
thirteen men who attended Vasco da Gama to Calecut, and among whom were
the three pursers, the captain-major’s secretary, and others who may
not have been “persons of distinction” but who nevertheless cannot be
classed with “common soldiers or sailors”. As to the literary style of
the Journal, we may at once admit that its author cannot take rank with
Barros, Castanheda or Correa, but this by no means proves him to have
been an uncultured man, or of “humble condition.” His spelling may not
have been quite in accordance with the somewhat loose rules followed
in the fifteenth century, but his narrative is straightforward and to
the point, and shows that he was a man of judgment perfectly able to
give an intelligent account of the many novel facts which came under
his observation. If he looked upon the Hindus as fellow-Christians, he
shared that opinion with the other members of the expedition, including
its chief. It only needs a perusal of such a collection of letters,
reports, and narratives as is to be found in _Alguns documentos do
Archivo nacional_ (Lisbon, 1892) to convince us that there were men
holding high positions in those days whose literary abilities fell
short of those which can be claimed on behalf of our author. Moreover,
it is not likely that access to the information required to enable
him to write a _Roteiro da Viagem_ would have been given to a “common
sailor or soldier”, even if such a person had been bold enough to ask
for it.
We shall now follow Prof. Kopke in his “process of elimination”:—
1. The author, in the course of his narrative, mentions a number of
persons by name, and these we must eliminate forthwith. They are:
Vasco and Paulo da Gama, Nicolau Coelho (p. 22), Pero d’Alenquer (p.
5), João de Coimbra (p. 30), Martin Affonso (pp. 12, 17), Sancho Mexia
(p. 6), and Fernão Veloso (p. 7).
2. We know further that the author served on board the _S.
Raphael_.[17] This disposes of Gonçalo Alvares and Diogo Dias[18] of
the _S. Gabriel_; and of Gonçalo Nunes, Pero Escolar, and Alvaro de
Braga, of the _Berrio_.
3. The author mentions certain things as having been done by persons
whose names he does not give. The name of one of these is supplied by
Castanheda and Barros. We thus learn from Barros that Fernão Martins
“was the sailor mentioned by the author (p. 23) as being able to speak
the language of the Moors; and from Castanheda (I, p. 51) that he was
one of the two men sent with a message to the King of Calecut (p. 50).
The convict who was sent to Calecut on May 21st (p. 48) was João Nunez,
according to Correa. The author states (p. 64, line 18, and p. 65, last
line) that the captain-major sent three men along the beach in search
of the ships’ boats. According to Castanheda (I, pp. 71 and 72), one of
these men was Gonçalo Pires.
We may therefore strike out all these names from the list of possible
authors.
4. Three members of the expedition are reported to have died during
the voyage, namely, Pedro de Covilhão, the priest; Pedro de Faria de
Figueredo, and his brother Francisco, all of them mentioned by Faria y
Sousa alone.
5. Lastly, there are four convicts whose names are given by Correa,
none of whom is likely to have been the author of the MS. The presence
of some of these convicts is, moreover, very doubtful.
We have thus accounted for all the members of the expedition whose
names are known, with the exception of eight.
Four of these—João de Sá, Alvaro Velho, João Palha and João de
Setubal—are stated to have been among the thirteen who attended Vasco
da Gama to Calecut (p. 51), and of these, João de Sá was clerk in the
_S. Raphael_, the author’s ship. He certainly might have been the
author. Prof. Kopke thinks not, first, because of the author’s supposed
humble position; secondly, because João de Sá, if we may credit an
anecdote recorded by Castanheda (I, p. 57),[19] had his doubts about
the people of India being Christians, whilst the author unhesitatingly
affirms them to be so. The only other person mentioned by Castanheda
as having been connected with the expedition is Alvaro Velho, a
soldier, who, according to Prof. Kopke, may “fairly be looked upon as
the author of this Journal.” He admits, however, that this conclusion
is acceptable only on the assumption that Castanheda knew the author: a
purely gratuitous assumption, in our opinion.
Castanheda only mentions six out of the thirteen who were present
at Vasco da Gama’s audience of the Zamorin. Correa mentions two
others—João de Setubal and João Palha. Five remain thus to be accounted
for; and, although these may have included servants and trumpeters, not
likely to have troubled about keeping a journal, our author may have
been among them. It will thus be seen that this process of elimination
has led to no result, and that we cannot even tell whether the author’s
name occurs in any single account of this expedition. Comparing his
“Journal” with the contents of Sernigi’s first letter, it almost seems
as if he had been the person from whom the Florentine derived the bulk
of his information. In that case his name may perhaps turn up some day
in the Italian archives. If our choice were limited to Alvaro Velho and
João de Sá, we should feel inclined to decide in favour of the latter.
Correa mentions three other persons as having been with Vasco da Gama:
namely, João Figueiro, whose diary he claims to have used, and who
cannot therefore have been the author of a “Journal” the contents of
which are so widely different; André Gonçalves and João d’Amoxeira.
Camões adds a fourth name, that of Leonardo Ribeyra. This exhausts the
muster-roll, as far as the names are known to us.
_The Portuguese Editions of the “Roteiro”._[20]
The _Roteiro_ was printed for the first time in 1838. The editors,
Diogo Kopke and Dr. Antonio da Costa Paiva, both teachers at the
_Academia Polytechnica_ of Oporto, furnished it with an introduction,
in which they give an account of the manuscript and discuss its
authorship, add sixty-nine notes, explanatory of the text, and append
King Manuel’s letters patent of January 10th, 1502 (see p. 230). The
illustrations include a map, the facsimile of a page of the MS., a
portrait, and an illustrated title-page of poor design. The book was
published by subscription. Three hundred and ninety-two copies were
subscribed for, including two hundred and thirty-seven by residents in
Oporto, among whom British wine-merchants figure prominently. Only five
copies went abroad, and three of these were subscribed for by Captain
Washington, R.N., the Royal Geographical Society, and the Geographical
Society of Paris.
A second edition appeared at Lisbon in 1861. Its editors, A.
Herculano, the famous historian, and Baron do Castello de Paiva,
claim to have “got rid of those imperfections in the text, as also in
the notes of the first edition,[21] which must be attributed to the
inexperience of the editors, and to their eagerness to bring before
the public so precious an historical document”. Their emendations,
however, are not of a kind to justify this somewhat brutal reference to
the work done by their predecessors. They consist, in the main, of a
modernisation of the spelling, the introduction of a few “philological”
notes of no particular interest, and a short preface in which Correa’s
_Lendas da India_ are spoken of in terms of eulogy. These _Lendas_
the editors consider to be “far superior in substance (_quanto á
substancia_) to the _Decades_ of João de Barros, and to the exuberant
but evidently honest narrative of Castanheda.” After praising Correa
“for depicting in firm contours and vivid colours” the human passions
brought into play by close companionship within the narrow limits of a
ship, they admit that as to “facts” “he is often vague, forgetful, or
ambiguous”. They conclude by saying that the author of the _Roteiro_
and the chronicle-writers mutually complement each other, and jointly
acquaint us with all the details of one of the great events in the
history of modern nations.[22]
_The French Translations of the “Roteiro”._
Two have been published. The first of these, by M. Ferdinand Denis,
will be found in the third volume of Charton’s _Voyageurs Anciens et
Modernes_, Paris, 1855. It is based upon the first Portuguese edition,
and ends with the arrival of the two vessels at the Rio Grande. The
notes by Professor Kopke are embodied in those of the translator, who
has added an introduction, giving a short but excellent biography of
Vasco da Gama, and a bibliography. The map of the original is retained,
and there are twenty illustrations, including two portraits of Vasco
da Gama, the one stated to be from Count Farrobo’s painting, as
published in the _Panorama_, the other from a Paris MS. of Barretto de
Rezende.[23]
For the second French translation[24] we are indebted to M. Arthur
Morelet. It is from the second Portuguese edition, and not a word of
either text or notes has been omitted. The translator has confined
himself to supplying a short introduction. The map is retained, but a
free rendering of Count Farrobo’s painting[25] has been substituted for
the poor portrait of Vasco da Gama in the original, and the portrait of
King Manuel has been omitted as being “flat, without relief and vigour,
and wanting even in that unaffected simplicity which marks the works
of that period.”[26]
_The English Translation._
In 1869 the Hakluyt Society published Lord Stanley of Alderley’s
translation of the _Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_, from the
_Lendas_ of Gaspar Correa, with numerous foot-notes indicating those
instances in which Correa differs from Barros, Goes, Castanheda and
other historians, as well as from the poetical version of this voyage
presented in the _Lusiadas_ of Camões.
It was intended at the same time to bring out an English version of
the _Roteiro_, but no definite arrangements were made, and thus the
matter was left in abeyance until the present Editor revived the idea,
and suggested that the volume proposed might prove acceptable as an
interesting though humble contribution to the literature of the Fourth
Centenary of Vasco da Gama’s arrival in India, which Portugal is about
to celebrate.
The translation of the _Roteiro_ itself is literal and complete. The
notes of the Portuguese editors have, however, been abridged, and only
the substance of what they say in their introductions has been retained.
On the other hand, the Editor has added translations of the letters
of King Manuel and Sernigi, and of three Portuguese accounts of the
voyage. He has, moreover, added Appendices, among which the one
dealing with early maps will, he hopes, prove of some interest.
In conclusion, the Editor fulfils an agreeable duty in acknowledging
the kindly help and advice extended to him by a number of gentlemen.
To Capt. E. J. de Carvalho e Vasconcellos and Senhor José Bastos, of
Lisbon, he is indebted for the fine portraits which ornament this
edition; to Prof. Gallois for a tracing of the unpublished portion of
Canerio’s chart; to Dr. M. C. Caputo for a photograph of the African
portion of the Cantino chart; to Prof. Biagi for a copy of Sernigi’s
letter in the _Biblioteca Riccardiana_; to Sir J. Kirk for several
illustrations and important notes; to the late Rt. Rev. Dr. J. M.
Speechley, and the Rev. J. J. Jaus, of the Basel Missionary Society,
for notes on Calecut; and for help in minor matters to Dr. Garnett, of
the British Museum; Baron Hulot, Secretary of the Paris Geographical
Society; M. Marcel, of the _Bibliothèque Nationale_; Prof. Dalla
Vedova, of Rome; Prof. Berchet, of Venice; and Capt. B. B. da Silva, of
Lisbon.
His special thanks are due to three members of the Hakluyt Society,
namely, Sir Clements Markham, the President; Admiral Albert H. Markham,
who acted as the Editor’s nautical adviser; and Mr. William Foster, the
Secretary, whose careful reading of the proofs kept this volume free
from many a blunder.
LONDON, _March, 1898_.
[Illustration:
A CHART
illustrating the First Voyage of
VASCO DA GAMA
1497-99
HAKLUYT. S. I. v. XCIX]
[Illustration: (Headpiece)]
A JOURNAL
OF THE FIRST
VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA
IN 1497-99.
[_Words and Dates not in the MS. have been placed within square
brackets._]
In the name of God. Amen!
In the year 1497 King Dom Manuel, the first of that name in Portugal,
despatched four vessels to make discoveries and go in search of spices.
Vasco da Gama was the captain-major of these vessels; Paulo da Gama,
his brother, commanded one of them, and Nicolau Coelho another.[27]
[_Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands._]
We left Restello[28] on Saturday, July 8, 1497. May God our Lord permit
us to accomplish this voyage in his service. Amen!
On the following Saturday [July 15] we sighted the Canaries, and in
the night passed to the lee of Lançarote. During the following night,
at break of day [July 16] we made the Terra Alta, where we fished for
a couple of hours, and in the evening, at dusk, we were off the Rio do
Ouro.[29]
The fog[30] during the night grew so dense that Paulo da Gama lost
sight of the captain-major, and when day broke [July 17] we saw neither
him nor the other vessels. We therefore made sail for the Cape Verde
islands, as we had been instructed to do in case of becoming separated.
On the following Saturday, [July 22], at break of day, we sighted the
Ilha do Sal,[31] and an hour afterwards discovered three vessels,
which turned out to be the store-ship, and the vessels commanded by
Nicolau Coelho and Bartholameu Diz [Dias], the last of whom sailed in
our company as far as the Mine.[32] They, too, had lost sight of the
captain-major. Having joined company we pursued our route, but the wind
fell, and we were becalmed until Wednesday [July 26]. At ten o’clock on
that day we sighted the captain-major, about five leagues ahead of us,
and having got speech with him in the evening we gave expression to our
joy by many times firing off our bombards[33] and sounding the trumpets.
The day after this, a Thursday [July 27], we arrived at the island
of Samtiago [São Thiago],[34] and joyfully anchored in the bay of
Santa Maria, where we took on board meat, water and wood, and did the
much-needed repairs to our yards.
[_Across the Southern Atlantic._]
On Thursday, August 3, we left in an easterly direction. On August
18,[35] when about 200 leagues from Samtiaguo, going south, the
captain-major’s main yard broke, and we lay to under foresail and
mainsail for two days and a night. On the 22nd of the same month,
when going S. by W., we saw many birds resembling herons.[36] On the
approach of night they flew vigorously to the S.S.E., as if making for
the land.[37] On the same day, being then quite 800 leagues out at sea
[_i.e._, reckoning from S. Thiago], we saw a whale.
On Friday, October 27, the eve of St. Simon and Jude, we saw many
whales, as also quoquas[38] and seals.[39]
On Wednesday, November 1, the day of All Saints, we perceived many
indications of the neighbourhood of land, including gulf-weed,[40]
which grows along the coast.
On Saturday, the 4th of the same month, a couple of hours before
break of day, we had soundings in 110 fathoms,[41] and at nine o’clock
we sighted the land.[42] We then drew near to each other, and having
put on our gala clothes, we saluted the captain-major by firing our
bombards, and dressed the ships with flags and standards. In the course
of the day we tacked so as to come close to the land, but as we failed
to identify it, we again stood out to sea.
[_The Bay of St. Helena._]
On Tuesday [November 7] we returned to the land, which we found to be
low, with a broad bay opening into it. The captain-major sent Pero
d’Alenquer[43] in a boat to take soundings and to search for good
anchoring ground. The bay was found to be very clean, and to afford
shelter against all winds except those from the N.W. It extended east
and west, and we named it Santa Helena.
On Wednesday [November 8] we cast anchor in this bay, and we remained
there eight days, cleaning the ships, mending the sails, and taking in
wood.
The river Samtiagua [S. Thiago][44] enters the bay four leagues to the
S.E. of the anchorage. It comes from the interior (sertão), is about
a stone’s throw across at the mouth, and from two to three fathoms in
depth at all states of the tide.[45]
The inhabitants of this country are tawny-coloured.[46] Their food is
confined to the flesh of seals, whales and gazelles, and the roots of
herbs. They are dressed in skins, and wear sheaths over their virile
members.[47] They are armed with poles of olive wood to which a horn,
browned in the fire, is attached.[48] Their numerous dogs resemble
those of Portugal, and bark like them. The birds of the country,
likewise, are the same as in Portugal, and include cormorants, gulls,
turtle doves, crested larks, and many others. The climate is healthy
and temperate, and produces good herbage.
On the day after we had cast anchor, that is to say on Thursday
[November 9], we landed with the captain-major, and made captive one of
the natives, who was small of stature like Sancho Mexia. This man had
been gathering honey in the sandy waste, for in this country the bees
deposit their honey at the foot of the mounds around the bushes. He
was taken on board the captain-major’s ship, and being placed at table
he ate of all we ate. On the following day the captain-major had him
well dressed and sent ashore.[49]
On the following day [November 10] fourteen or fifteen natives came to
where our ships lay. The captain-major landed and showed them a variety
of merchandise, with the view of finding out whether such things were
to be found in their country. This merchandise included cinnamon,
cloves, seed-pearls, gold, and many other things, but it was evident
that they had no knowledge whatever of such articles, and they were
consequently given round bells and tin rings. This happened on Friday,
and the like took place on Saturday.
On Sunday [November 12] about forty or fifty natives made their
appearance, and having dined, we landed, and in exchange for the
çeitils[50] with which we came provided, we obtained shells, which they
wore as ornaments in their ears, and which looked as if they had been
plated, and fox-tails attached to a handle, with which they fanned
their faces. I also acquired for one çeitil one of the sheaths which
they wore over their members, and this seemed to show that they valued
copper very highly; indeed, they wore small beads of that metal in
their ears.
On that day Fernão Velloso, who was with the captain-major, expressed
a great desire to be permitted to accompany the natives to their
houses, so that he might find out how they lived and what they ate.
The captain-major yielded to his importunities, and allowed him to
accompany them, and when we returned to the captain-major’s vessel to
sup, he went away with the negroes. Soon after they had left us they
caught a seal, and when they came to the foot of a hill in a barren
place they roasted it, and gave some of it to Fernão Velloso, as also
some of the roots which they eat. After this meal they expressed a
desire that he should not accompany them any further, but return to the
vessels. When Fernão Velloso came abreast of the vessels he began to
shout, the negroes keeping in the bush.
We were still at supper; but when his shouts were heard the
captain-major rose at once, and so did we others, and we entered a
sailing boat. The negroes then began running along the beach, and they
came as quickly up with Fernão Velloso[51] as we did, and when we
endeavoured to get him into the boat they threw their assegais, and
wounded the captain-major and three or four others. All this happened
because we looked upon these people as men of little spirit, quite
incapable of violence, and had therefore landed without first arming
ourselves. We then returned to the ships.
[_Rounding the Cape_].
At daybreak of Thursday the 16th of November, having careened our ships
and taken in wood, we set sail. At that time we did not know how far
we might be abaft the Cape of Good Hope. Pero d’Alenquer thought the
distance about thirty leagues,[52] but he was not certain, for on his
return voyage [when with B. Dias] he had left the Cape in the morning
and had gone past this bay with the wind astern, whilst on the outward
voyage he had kept at sea, and was therefore unable to identify the
locality where we now were. We therefore stood out towards the S.S.W.
and late on Saturday [November 18] we beheld the Cape. On that same
day we again stood out to sea, returning to the land in the course
of the night. On Sunday morning, November 19, we once more made for
the Cape, but were again unable to round it, for the wind blew from
the S.S.W., whilst the Cape juts out towards the S.W. We then again
stood out to sea, returning to the land on Monday night. At last, on
Wednesday [November 22], at noon, having the wind astern, we succeeded
in doubling the Cape, and then ran along the coast.[53]
To the south of this Cape of Good Hope, and close to it, a vast bay,
six leagues broad at its mouth, enters about six leagues into the
land.[54]
[_The Bay of São Braz_].[55]
Late on Saturday, November 25, the day of St. Catherine’s, we entered
the bay (angra) of Sam Brás, where we remained for thirteen days, for
there we broke up our store-ship and transferred her contents to the
other vessels.[56]
On Friday [December 1], whilst still in the bay of Sam Brás, about
ninety men resembling those we had met at St. Helena Bay made their
appearance. Some of them walked along the beach, whilst others
remained upon the hills. All, or most of us, were at the time in the
captain-major’s vessel. As soon as we saw them we launched and armed
the boats, and started for the land. When close to the shore the
captain-major threw them little round bells, which they picked up. They
even ventured to approach us, and took some of these bells from the
captain-major’s hand. This surprised us greatly, for when Bartholomeu
Dias[57] was here the natives fled without taking any of the objects
which he offered them. Nay, on one occasion, when Dias was taking in
water, close to the beach, they sought to prevent him, and when they
pelted him with stones, from a hill, he killed one of them with the
arrow of a cross-bow. It appeared to us that they did not fly on this
occasion, because they had heard from the people at the bay of St.
Helena (only sixty leagues distant by sea)[58] that there was no harm
in us, and that we even gave away things which were ours.
The captain-major did not land at this spot, because there was much
bush, but proceeded to an open part of the beach, when he made signs
to the negroes to approach. This they did. The captain-major and the
other captains then landed, being attended by armed men, some of whom
carried cross-bows. He then made the negroes understand, by signs, that
they were to disperse, and to approach him only singly or in couples.
To those who approached he gave small bells and red caps, in return
for which they presented him with ivory bracelets, such as they wore
on their arms, for it appears that elephants are plentiful in this
country. We actually found some of their droppings near the watering
place where they had gone to drink.
On Saturday [December 2] about two hundred negroes came, both young
and old. They brought with them about a dozen oxen and cows and four
or five sheep. As soon as we saw them we went ashore. They forthwith
began to play on four or five flutes,[59] some producing high notes and
others low ones, thus making a pretty harmony for negroes who are not
expected to be musicians; and they danced in the style of negroes. The
captain-major then ordered the trumpets to be sounded, and we, in the
boats, danced, and the captain-major did so likewise when he rejoined
us. This festivity ended, we landed where we had landed before, and
bought a black ox for three bracelets. This ox we dined off on Sunday.
We found him very fat, and his meat as toothsome as the beef of
Portugal.
On Sunday [December 3] many visitors came, and brought with them their
women and little boys, the women remaining on the top of a hill near
the sea. They had with them many oxen and cows. Having collected in
two spots on the beach, they played and danced as they had done on
Saturday. It is the custom of this people for the young men to remain
in the bush with their weapons. The [older] men came to converse with
us. They carried a short stick in the hand, attached to which was a
fox’s tail, with which they fan the face. Whilst conversing with them,
by signs, we observed the young men crouching in the bush, holding
their weapons in their hands. The captain-major then ordered Martin
Affonso, who had formerly been in Manicongo [Congo] to advance, and
to buy an ox, for which purpose he was supplied with bracelets. The
natives, having accepted the bracelets, took him by the hand, and,
pointing to the watering place, asked him why we took away their
water, and simultaneously drove their cattle into the bush. When the
captain-major observed this he ordered us to gather together, and
called upon Martin Affonso to retreat, for he suspected some treachery.
Having drawn together we proceeded [in our boats] to the place where
we had been at first. The negroes followed us. The captain-major then
ordered us to land, armed with lances, assegais, and strung cross-bows,
and wearing our breast-plates, for he wanted to show that we had the
means of doing them an injury, although we had no desire to employ
them. When they observed this they ran away. The captain-major, anxious
that none should be killed by mischance, ordered the boats to draw
together; but to prove that we were able, although unwilling to hurt
them, he ordered two bombards to be fired from the poop of the long
boat. They were by that time all seated close to the bush, not far
from the beach, but the first discharge caused them to retreat so
precipitately that in their flight they dropped the skins with which
they were covered and their weapons. When they were in the bush two of
them turned back to pick up the articles which had been dropped. They
then continued their flight to the top of a hill, driving their cattle
before them.
The oxen of this country are as large as those of Alemtejo, wonderfully
fat and very tame. They are geldings, and hornless. Upon the fattest
among them the negroes place a packsaddle made of reeds, as is done
in Castille, and upon this saddle they place a kind of litter made of
sticks, upon which they ride. If they wish to sell an ox they pass a
stick through his nostrils, and thus lead him.
There is an island in this bay, three bowshots from the land, where
there are many seals.[60] Some of these are as big as bears, very
formidable, with large tusks. These attack man, and no spear, whatever
the force with which it is thrown, can wound them. There are others
much smaller and others quite small. And whilst the big ones roar like
lions, the little ones cry like goats. One day, when we approached this
island for our amusement, we counted, among large and small ones, three
thousand, and we fired among them with our bombards from the sea. On
the same island there are birds as big as ducks, but they cannot fly,
because they have no feathers on their wings. These birds, of whom we
killed as many as we chose, are called Fotylicayos, and they bray like
asses.[61]
Whilst taking in water in this bay of Sam Brás, on a Wednesday,
we erected a cross and a pillar.[62] The cross was made out of a
mizzen-mast, and very high. On the following Thursday [December 7],
when about to set sail, we saw about ten or twelve negroes, who
demolished both the cross and the pillar before we had left.
[_São Braz to Natal._]
Having taken on board all we stood in need of we took our departure,
but as the wind failed us we anchored the same day, having proceeded
only two leagues.
On Friday morning, the day of the Immaculate Concepcion [December 8],
we again set sail. On Tuesday [December 12], the eve of Santa Lucia,
we encountered a great storm, and ran before a stern-wind with the
foresail much lowered. On that day we lost sight of Nicolau Coelho, but
at sunset we saw him from the top four or five leagues astern, and it
seemed as if he saw us too. We exhibited signal lights and lay to. By
the end of the first watch he had come up with us, not because he had
seen us during the day, but because the wind, being scant, he could not
help coming in our waters.
On the morning of Friday [December 15] we saw the land near the Ilhéos
chãos (Flat Islands). These are five leagues beyond the Ilhéo da Cruz
(Cross Island). From the Bay of Sam Brás to Cross Island is a distance
of sixty leagues, and as much from the Cape of Good Hope to the Bay
of Sam Brás. From the Flat Islands to the last pillar erected by
Bartholomeu Dias is five leagues, and from this pillar to the Rio do
Infante is fifteen leagues.[63]
On Saturday [December 16] we passed the last pillar, and as we ran
along the coast we observed two men running along the beach in a
direction contrary to that which we followed. The country about here
is very charming and well wooded; we saw much cattle, and the further
we advanced the more did the character of the country improve, and the
trees increase in size.
During the following night we lay to. We were then already beyond the
last discovery made by Bartholomeu Dias.[64] On the next day [December
17], till vespers, we sailed along the coast before a stern-wind, when
the wind springing round to the east we stood out to sea. And thus we
kept making tacks until sunset on Tuesday [December 19], when the wind
again veered to the west. We then lay to during the night, in order
that we might on the following day examine the coast and find out where
we were.
In the morning [December 20] we made straight for the land, and at ten
o’clock found ourselves once more at the Ilhéo da Cruz (Cross Island),
that is sixty leagues abaft our dead reckoning! This was due to the
currents, which are very strong here.[65]
That very day we again went forward by the route we had already
attempted, and being favoured during three or four days by a strong
stern-wind, we were able to overcome the currents which we had feared
might frustrate our plans. Henceforth it pleased God in His mercy to
allow us to make headway! We were not again driven back. May it please
Him that it be thus alway!
[_Natal._]
By Christmas Day, the 25th of December, we had discovered seventy
leagues of coast [beyond Dias’ furthest]. On that day, after dinner,
when setting a bonnet, we discovered that the mast had sprung ... and
... secured it with lashings below the top, and that the crack opened
and shut. We patched it up with backstays, hoping to be able to repair
it thoroughly as soon as we should reach a sheltered port.
On Thursday [December 28] we anchored near the coast, and took much
fish.[66] At sunset we again set sail and pursued our route. At that
place the mooring-rope snapped and we lost an anchor.
We now went so far out to sea, without touching any port, that
drinking-water began to fail us, and our food had to be cooked with
salt water. Our daily ration of water was reduced to a quartilho.[67]
It thus became necessary to seek a port.
[_Terra da boa Gente and Rio do Cobre._]
On Thursday, January 11th [1498][68] we discovered a small river and
anchored near the coast. On the following day we went close in shore in
our boats, and saw a crowd of negroes, both men and women. They were
tall people, and a chief (“Senhor”) was among them. The captain-major
ordered Martin Affonso, who had been a long time in Manicongo, and
another man, to land. They were received hospitably. The captain-major
in consequence sent the chief a jacket, a pair of red pantaloons, a
Moorish cap and a bracelet. The chief said that we were welcome to
anything in his country of which we stood in need: at least this is
how Martin Affonso understood him. That night, Martin Affonso and his
companion accompanied the chief to his village, whilst we returned to
the ships. On the road the chief donned the garments which had been
presented to him, and to those who came forth to meet him he said with
much apparent satisfaction, “Look, what has been given to me!” The
people upon this clapped hands as a sign of courtesy, and this they did
three or four times until he arrived at the village. Having paraded the
whole of the place, thus dressed up, the chief retired to his house,
and ordered his two guests to be lodged in a compound, where they were
given porridge of millet, which abounds in that country, and a fowl,
just like those of Portugal. All the night through, numbers of men and
women came to have a look at them. In the morning the chief visited
them, and asked them to go back to the ships. He ordered two men to
accompany them, and gave them fowls as a present for the captain-major,
telling them at the same time that he would show the things that had
been given him to a great chief, who appears to be the king of that
country. When our men reached the landing place where our boats awaited
them, they were attended by quite two hundred men, who had come to see
them.
This country seemed to us to be densely peopled. There are many
chiefs,[69] and the number of women seems to be greater than that of
the men, for among those who came to see us there were forty women
to every twenty men. The houses are built of straw. The arms of the
people include long bows and arrows and spears with iron blades. Copper
seems to be plentiful, for the people wore [ornaments] of it on their
legs and arms and in their twisted hair. Tin, likewise, is found in
the country, for it is to be seen on the hilts of their daggers, the
sheaths of which are made of ivory. Linen cloth is highly prized by
the people, who were always willing to give large quantities of copper
in exchange for shirts. They have large calabashes in which they carry
sea-water inland, where they pour it into pits, to obtain the salt [by
evaporation].
We stayed five days at this place, taking in water, which our visitors
conveyed to our boats. Our stay was not, however, sufficiently
prolonged to enable us to take in as much water as we really needed,
for the wind favoured a prosecution of our voyage.
We were at anchor here, near the coast, exposed to the swell of the
sea. We called the country _Terra da Boa Gente_ (land of good people),
and the river _Rio do Cobre_ (copper river).[70]
[_Rio dos Bons Signaes._][71]
On Monday [January 22] we discovered a low coast thickly wooded with
tall trees. Continuing our course we perceived the broad mouth of a
river. As it was necessary to find out where we were, we cast anchor.
On Thursday [January 25], at night, we entered. The _Berrio_ was
already there, having entered the night before—that is eight days
before the end of January [_i.e._, January 24.][72]
The country is low and marshy, and covered with tall trees yielding an
abundance of various fruits, which the inhabitants eat.
These people are black and well made. They go naked, merely wearing a
piece of cotton stuff around their loins, that worn by the women being
larger than that worn by the men. The young women are good-looking.
Their lips are pierced in three places, and they wear in them bits of
twisted tin. These people took much delight in us. They brought us in
their _almadias_[73] what they had, whilst we went into their village
to procure water.
When we had been two or three days at this place two gentlemen
(senhores) of the country came to see us. They were very haughty, and
valued nothing which we gave them. One of them wore a _touca_,[74] with
a fringe embroidered in silk, and the other a cap of green satin. A
young man in their company—so we understood from their signs—had come
from a distant country, and had already seen big ships like ours. These
tokens (signaes) gladdened our hearts, for it appeared as if we were
really approaching the bourne of our desires. These gentlemen had some
huts built on the river bank, close to the ships, in which they stayed
seven days, sending daily to the ships, offering to barter cloths which
bore a mark of red ochre. And when they were tired of being there, they
left in their _almadias_ for the upper river.
As to ourselves, we spent thirty-two days[75] in the river taking
in water, careening the ships,[76] and repairing the mast of the
_Raphael_. Many of our men fell ill here, their feet and hands
swelling, and their gums growing over their teeth, so that they could
not eat.[77]
We erected here a pillar which we called the pillar of St. Raphael,[78]
because it had been brought in the ship bearing that name. The river we
called Rio dos Bons Signaes (River of good signs or tokens).
[_To Moçambique._]
On Saturday [February 24] we left this place and gained the open sea.
During the night we stood N.E., so as to keep away from the land, which
was very pleasing to look upon. On Sunday [February 25] we still stood
N.E., and at vesper time discovered three small islands, out in the
open, of which two were covered with tall trees, while the third and
smallest was barren. The distance from one island to the other was four
leagues.[79]
On the following day we pursued our route, and did so during six days,
lying to at night.[80]
On Thursday, the 1st of March, we sighted islands and the mainland,
but as it was late we again stood out to sea, and lay to till morning.
We then approached the land, of which I shall speak in what follows.
[_Moçambique._][81]
On Friday morning [March 2] Nicolau Coelho, when attempting to enter
the bay, mistook the channel and came upon a bank. When putting about
ship, towards the other ships which followed in his wake, Coelho
perceived some sailing boats approaching from a village on this island,
in order to welcome the captain-major and his brother. As for ourselves
we continued in the direction of our proposed anchorage, these boats
following us all the while, and making signs for us to stop. When
we had cast anchor in the roadstead of the island from which these
boats had come, there approached seven or eight of them, including
_almadias_, the people in them playing upon _anafils_.[82] They invited
us to proceed further into the bay, offering to take us into port if we
desired it. Those among them who boarded our ships ate and drank what
we did, and went their way when they were satisfied.[83]
The captain thought that we should enter this bay in order that we
might find out what sort of people we had to deal with; that Nicolau
Coelho should go first in his vessel, to take soundings at the
entrance, and that, if found practicable, we should follow him. As
Coelho prepared to enter he struck the point of the island and broke
his helm, but he immediately disengaged himself and regained deep
water. I was with him at the time. When we were again in deep water we
struck our sails and cast anchor at a distance of two bowshots from the
village.[84]
The people of this country are of a ruddy complexion[85] and well
made. They are Mohammedans, and their language is the same as that of
the Moors.[86] Their dresses are of fine linen or cotton stuffs, with
variously coloured stripes, and of rich and elaborate workmanship.
They all wear _toucas_ with borders of silk embroidered in gold. They
are merchants, and have transactions with white Moors, four of whose
vessels were at the time in port, laden with gold, silver, cloves,
pepper, ginger, and silver rings, as also with quantities of pearls,
jewels,[87] and rubies, all of which articles are used by the people
of this country. We understood them to say that all these things, with
the exception of the gold, were brought thither by these Moors; that
further on, where we were going to, they abounded, and that precious
stones, pearls and spices were so plentiful that there was no need
to purchase them as they could be collected in baskets. All this we
learned through a sailor the captain-major had with him, and who,
having formerly been a prisoner among the Moors, understood their
language.[88]
These Moors, moreover, told us that along the route which we were about
to follow we should meet with numerous shoals; that there were many
cities along the coast, and also an island, one half the population of
which consisted of Moors and the other half of Christians,[89] who were
at war with each other. This island was said to be very wealthy.
We were told, morever, that Prester John[90] resided not far from
this place; that he held many cities along the coast, and that the
inhabitants of those cities were great merchants and owned big ships.
The residence of Prester John was said to be far in the interior, and
could be reached only on the back of camels. These Moors had also
brought hither two Christian captives from India.[91] This information,
and many other things which we heard, rendered us so happy that we
cried with joy, and prayed God to grant us health, so that we might
behold what we so much desired.
In this place and island of Moncobiquy [Moçambique] there resided
a chief [senhor] who had the title of Sultan, and was like a
vice-roy.[92] He often came aboard our ships attended by some of his
people. The captain-major gave him many good things to eat, and made
him a present of hats, _marlotas_,[93] corals and many other articles.
He was, however, so proud that he treated all we gave him with
contempt, and asked for scarlet cloth, of which we had none. We gave
him, however, of all the things we had.
One day the captain-major invited him to a repast, when there was an
abundance of figs and comfits, and begged him for two pilots to go with
us. He at once granted this request, subject to our coming to terms
with them. The captain-major gave each of them thirty mitkals[94] in
gold and two _marlotas_, on condition that from the day on which they
received this payment one of them should always remain on board if the
other desired to go on land. With these terms they were well satisfied.
On Saturday, March 10, we set sail and anchored one league out at sea,
close to an island,[95] where mass was said on Sunday, when those who
wished to do so confessed and joined in the communion.
One of our pilots lived on the island, and when we had anchored we
armed two boats to go in search of him. The captain-major went in
one boat and Nicolau Coelho in the other. They were met by five or
six boats (barcas) coming from the island, and crowded with people
armed with bows and long arrows and bucklers,[96] who gave them to
understand by signs that they were to return to the town. When the
captain saw this he secured the pilot whom he had taken with him, and
ordered the bombards to fire upon the boats. Paulo da Gama, who had
remained with the ships, so as to be prepared to render succour in case
of need, no sooner heard the reports of the bombards than he started in
the _Berrio_. The Moors, who were already flying, fled still faster,
and gained the land before the _Berrio_ was able to come up with them.
We then returned to our anchorage.
The vessels of this country are of good size and decked. There are no
nails, and the planks are held together by cords,[97] as are also those
of their boats (barcos). The sails are made of palm-matting.[98] Their
mariners have Genoese needles,[99] by which they steer, quadrants, and
navigating charts.
The palms of this country yield a fruit as large as a melon, of which
the kernel is eaten.[100] It has a nutty flavour. There also grow in
abundance melons and cucumbers, which were brought to us for barter.
On the day in which Nicolau Coelho entered the port, the Lord of the
place came on board with a numerous suite. He was received well,
and Coelho presented him with a red hood, in return for which the
Lord handed him a black rosary, which he made use of when saying his
prayers, to be held as a pledge. He then begged Nicolau Coelho for the
use of his boat, to take him ashore. This was granted. And after he had
landed he invited those who had accompanied him to his house, where he
gave them to eat. He then dismissed them, giving them a jar of bruised
dates made into a preserve with cloves and cumin, as a present for
Nicolau Coelho. Subsequently he sent many things to the captain-major.
All this happened at the time when he took us for Turks or for Moors
from some foreign land, for in case we came from Turkey he begged to be
shown the bows of our country and our books of the Law. But when they
learnt that we were Christians they arranged to seize and kill us by
treachery. The pilot, whom we took with us, subsequently revealed to us
all they intended to do, if they were able.
[_False Start and Return to Moçambique._]
On Sunday [March 11] we celebrated mass beneath a tall tree on the
island [of S. Jorge]. We returned on board and at once set sail, taking
with us many fowls, goats and pigeons, which had been given us in
exchange for small glass-beads.
On Tuesday [March 13] we saw high mountains rising on the other side
of a cape. The coast near the cape was sparsely covered with trees,
resembling elms. We were at that time over twenty leagues from our
starting-place, and there we remained becalmed during Tuesday and
Wednesday. During the following night we stood off shore with a light
easterly wind, and in the morning [March 15] found ourselves four
leagues abaft Moçambique, but we went again forward on that day until
the evening, when we anchored once more close to the island [of S.
Jorge] on which mass had been celebrated the preceding Sunday, and
there we remained eight days waiting for a favourable wind.
During our stay here the King of Moçambique sent word that he wanted to
make peace with us and to be our friend. His ambassador was a white
Moor and sharif,[101] that is priest, and at the same time a great
drunkard.
Whilst at this place a Moor with his little son came on board one of
our ships, and asked to be allowed to accompany us, as he was from
near Mecca, and had come to Moçambique as pilot of a vessel from that
country.
As the weather did not favour us it became necessary once more to enter
the port of Moçambique, in order to procure the water of which we stood
in need, for the watering place is on the mainland. This water is drunk
by the inhabitants of the island, for all the water they have there is
brackish.[102]
On Thursday [March 22] we entered the port, and when it grew dark we
lowered our boats. At midnight the captain-major and Nicolau Coelho,
accompanied by some of us, started in search of water. We took with
us the Moorish pilot, whose object appeared to be to make his escape,
rather than to guide us to a watering-place. As a matter of fact he
either would not or could not find a watering-place, although we
continued our search until morning. We then withdrew to our ships.
In the evening [March 23] we returned to the main land, attended by the
same pilot. On approaching the watering-place we saw about twenty men
on the beach. They were armed with assegais, and forbade our approach.
The captain-major upon this ordered three bombards to be fired upon
them, so that we might land. Having effected our landing, these men
fled into the bush, and we took as much water as we wanted. When the
sun was about to set we discovered that a negro belonging to João de
Coimbra had effected his escape.
On Sunday morning, the 24th of March, being the eve of Lady Day, a
Moor came abreast our ships, and [sneeringly] told us that if we
wanted water we might go in search of it, giving us to understand
that we should meet with something which would make us turn back. The
captain-major no sooner heard this [threat] than he resolved to go, in
order to show that we were able to do them harm if we desired it. We
forthwith armed our boats, placing bombards in their poops, and started
for the village [town]. The Moors had constructed palisades by lashing
planks together, so that those behind them could not be seen. They were
at the time walking along the beach, armed with assegais, swords,[103]
bows, and slings, with which they hurled stones at us. But our bombards
soon made it so hot for them that they fled behind their palisades;
but this turned out to their injury rather than their profit. During
the three hours that we were occupied in this manner [bombarding the
town] we saw two men killed, one on the beach and the other behind the
palisades. When we were weary of this work we retired to our ships to
dine. They at once began to fly, carrying their chattels in _almadias_
to a village on the mainland.
After dinner we started in our boats, in the hope of being able to make
a few prisoners, whom we might exchange for the two Indian Christians
whom they held captive and the negro who had deserted. With this
object in view we chased an _almadia_, which belonged to the sharif
and was laden with his chattels, and another in which were four
negroes.[104] The latter was captured by Paulo da Gama, whilst the one
laden with chattels was abandoned by the crew as soon as they reached
the land. We took still another _almadia_ which had likewise been
abandoned. The negroes we took on board our ships. In the _almadias_
we found fine cotton-stuffs, baskets made of palm-fronds, a glazed
jar containing butter, glass phials with scented water, books of the
Law, a box containing skeins of cotton, a cotton net, and many small
baskets filled with millet. All these things, with the exception of
the books, which were kept back to be shown to the king, were given by
the captain-major to the sailors who were with him and with the other
captains.
On Sunday [March 25] we took in water, and on Monday we proceeded in
our armed boats to the village, when the inhabitants spoke to us from
their houses, they daring no longer to venture on the beach. Having
discharged a few bombards at them we rejoined our ships.
On Tuesday [March 27] we left the town and anchored close to the islets
of São Jorge,[105] where we remained for three days, in the hope that
God would grant us a favourable wind.
[_Moçambique to Mombaça_].
On Thursday, the 29th of March, we left these islets of S. Jorge, and
as the wind was light, we only covered twenty-eight leagues up to the
morning of Saturday, the 31st of the month.[106]
In the morning of that day we were once more abreast of the land of
the Moors, from which powerful currents had previously carried us.[107]
On Sunday, April 1, we came to some islands close to the mainland.
The first of these we called _Ilha do Açoutado_ (“Island of the
flogged-one”), because of the flogging inflicted upon our Moorish
pilot, who had lied to the captain on Saturday night, by stating that
these islands were the mainland. Native craft take their course between
these islands and the mainland, where the water is four fathoms deep,
but we kept outside of them. These islands are numerous, and we were
unable to distinguish one from the other; they are inhabited.
On Monday [April 2] we sighted other islands five leagues off the
shore.[108]
On Wednesday, the 4th of April, we made sail to the N.W., and before
noon we sighted an extensive country, and two islands close to it,
surrounded with shoals. And when we were near enough for the pilots to
recognise these islands, they told us that we had left three leagues
behind us an island[109] inhabited by Christians. We manœuvred all
day in the hope of fetching this island, but in vain, for the wind was
too strong for us. After this we thought it best to bear away for a
city called Mombaça, reported to be four days ahead of us.
The above island was one of those which we had come to discover, for
our pilots said that it was inhabited by Christians.
When we bore away for the north it was already late, and the wind was
high. At nightfall we perceived a large island, which remained to the
north of us.[110] Our pilot told us that there were two towns on this
island, one of Christians and the other of Moors.
That night we stood out to sea, and in the morning [April 5] we no
longer saw the land. We then steered to the N.W., and in the evening
we again beheld the land. During the following night we bore away to
the N. by W., and during the morning-watch we changed our course to
the N.N.W. Sailing thus before a favourable wind, the _S. Raphael_,
two hours before break of day [April 6], ran aground on a shoal, about
two leagues from the land. Immediately the _Raphael_ touched bottom,
the vessels following her were warned by shouts, and these were no
sooner heard than they cast anchor about the distance of a gunshot from
the stranded vessel, and lowered their boats. When the tide fell the
_Raphael_ lay high and dry. With the help of the boats many anchors
were laid out, and when the tide rose again, in the course of the day,
the vessel floated and there was much rejoicing.
On the mainland, facing these shoals, there rises a lofty range of
mountains, beautiful of aspect. These mountains we called _Serras de
São Raphael_, and we gave the same name to the shoals.[111]
Whilst the vessel was high and dry, two _Almadias_ approached us. One
was laden with fine oranges, better than those of Portugal. Two of the
Moors remained on board, and accompanied us next day to Mombaça.
On Saturday morning, the 7th of the month, and eve of Palm Sunday,
we ran along the coast and saw some islands at a distance of fifteen
leagues from the mainland, and about six leagues in extent. They supply
the vessels of the country with masts. All are inhabited by Moors.[112]
[_Mombaça_].
On Saturday [April 7] we cast anchor off Mombaça, but did not enter
the port. No sooner had we been perceived than a _zavra_[113] manned
by Moors came out to us: in front of the city there lay numerous
vessels all dressed in flags.[114] And we, anxious not to be outdone,
also dressed our ships, and we actually surpassed their show, for we
wanted in nothing but men, even the few whom we had being very ill.
We anchored here with much pleasure, for we confidently hoped that on
the following day we might go on land and hear mass jointly with the
Christians reported to live there under their own _alcaide_[115] in a
quarter separate from that of the Moors.
[Illustration: Native Craft in the Harbour of Mombasa.
(_From a photograph by the late Capt. Foot, R.N._)]
The pilots who had come with us told us there resided both Moors and
Christians in this city; that these latter lived apart under their
own lords, and that on our arrival they would receive us with much
honour and take us to their houses. But they said this for a purpose
of their own, for it was not true. At midnight there approached us a
_zavra_ with about a hundred men, all armed with cutlasses (tarçados)
and bucklers. When they came to the vessel of the captain-major they
attempted to board her, armed as they were, but this was not permitted,
only four or five of the most distinguished men among them being
allowed on board. They remained about a couple of hours, and it seemed
to us that they paid us this visit merely to find out whether they
might not capture one or the other of our vessels.
On Palm Sunday [April 8] the King of Mombaça sent the captain-major a
sheep and large quantities of oranges, lemons and sugar-cane, together
with a ring, as a pledge of safety, letting him know that in case of
his entering the port he would be supplied with all he stood in need
of. This present was conveyed to us by two men, almost white, who said
they were Christians, which appeared to be the fact. The captain-major
sent the king a string of coral-beads as a return present, and let
him know that he purposed entering the port on the following day. On
the same day the captain-major’s vessel was visited by four Moors of
distinction.
Two men were sent by the captain-major to the king, still further to
confirm these peaceful assurances. When these landed they were followed
by a crowd as far as the gates of the palace. Before reaching the king
they passed through four doors, each guarded by a doorkeeper with a
drawn cutlass. The king received them hospitably, and ordered that they
should be shown over the city. They stopped on their way at the house
of two Christian merchants, who showed them a paper (carta), an object
of their adoration, on which was a sketch of the Holy Ghost.[116] When
they had seen all, the king sent them back with samples of cloves,
pepper and corn,[117] with which articles he would allow us to load our
ships.
On Tuesday [April 10], when weighing anchor to enter the port, the
captain-major’s vessel would not pay off, and struck the vessel which
followed astern. We therefore again cast anchor. When the Moors who
were in our ship saw that we did not go on, they scrambled into a
_zavra_ attached to our stern; whilst the two pilots whom we had
brought from Moçambique jumped into the water, and were picked up by
the men in the _zavra_. At night the captain-major “questioned” two
Moors [from Moçambique][118] whom we had on board, by dropping boiling
oil upon their skin, so that they might confess any treachery intended
against us. They said that orders had been given to capture us as
soon as we entered the port, and thus to avenge what we had done at
Moçambique. And when this torture was being applied a second time, one
of the Moors, although his hands were tied, threw himself into the sea,
whilst the other did so during the morning watch.
About midnight two _almadias_, with many men in them, approached. The
_almadias_ stood off whilst the men entered the water, some swimming
in the direction of the _Berrio_, others in that of the _Raphael_.
Those who swam to the _Berrio_ began to cut the cable. The men on watch
thought at first that they were tunny fish, but when they perceived
their mistake they shouted to the other vessels. The other swimmers had
already got hold of the rigging of the mizzen-mast. Seeing themselves
discovered, they silently slipped down and fled. These and other wicked
tricks were practised upon us by these dogs, but our Lord did not
allow them to succeed, because they were unbelievers.
[Illustration: A Tower at Mombasa.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
Mombaça is a large city seated upon an eminence washed by the sea. Its
port is entered daily by numerous vessels. At its entrance stands a
pillar, and by the sea a low-lying fortress.[119] Those who had gone on
shore told us that in the town they had seen many men in irons; and it
seemed to us that these must be Christians, as the Christians in that
country are at war with the Moors.
The Christian merchants in the town are only temporary residents, and
are held in much subjection, they not being allowed to do anything
except by the order of the Moorish King.
It pleased God in his mercy that on arriving at this city all our sick
recovered their health, for the climate (“air”) of this place is very
good.
After the malice and treachery planned by these dogs had been
discovered, we still remained on Wednesday and Thursday [April 11 and
12].[120]
[_Mombaça to Malindi._]
We left in the morning [April 13], the wind being light, and anchored
about eight leagues from Mombaça, close to the shore. At break of day
[April 14] we saw two boats (_barcas_) about three leagues to the
leeward, in the open sea, and at once gave chase, with the intention of
capturing them, for we wanted to secure a pilot who would guide us to
where we wanted to go. At vesper-time we came up with one of them, and
captured it, the other escaping towards the land. In the one we took we
found seventeen men, besides gold, silver, and an abundance of maize
and other provisions; as also a young woman, who was the wife of an old
Moor of distinction, who was a passenger. When we came up with the boat
they all threw themselves into the water, but we picked them up from
our boats.
That same day [April 14] at sunset, we cast anchor off a place called
Milinde (Malindi),[121] which is thirty leagues from Mombaça. The
following places are between Mombaça and Milinde, viz., Benapa, Toça
and Nuguoquioniete.[122]
[_Malindi._][123]
On Easter Sunday [April 15] the Moors whom we had taken in the boat
told us that there were at this city of Melinde four vessels belonging
to Christians from India,[124] and that if it pleased us to take them
there, they would provide us, instead of them, Christian pilots and
all we stood in need of, including water, wood and other things. The
captain-major much desired to have pilots from the country, and having
discussed the matter with his Moorish prisoners, he cast anchor off
the town, at a distance of about half a league from the mainland. The
inhabitants of the town did not venture to come aboard our ships, for
they had already learnt that we had captured a vessel and made her
occupants prisoners.
On Monday morning [April 16] the captain-major had the old Moor
taken to a sandbank in front of the town, where he was picked up by
an _almadia_.[125] The Moor explained to the king the wishes of the
captain-major, and how much he desired to make peace with him. After
dinner the Moor came back in a _zavra_, accompanied by one of the
king’s cavaliers and a sharif: he also brought three sheep. These
messengers told the captain-general that the king would rejoice to make
peace with him, and to enter into friendly relations; that he would
willingly grant to the captain-major all his country afforded, whether
pilots or anything else. The captain-major upon this sent word that
he proposed to enter the port on the following day, and forwarded by
the king’s messengers a present consisting of a _balandrau_,[126] two
strings of coral, three wash-hand basins, a hat, little bells and two
pieces of _lambel_.[127]
Consequently, on Tuesday [April 17] we approached nearer to the town.
The king sent the captain-major six sheep, besides quantities of
cloves, cumin, ginger, nutmeg and pepper, as also a message, telling
him that if he desired to have an interview with him he (the king)
would come out in his _zavra_, when the captain-major could meet him in
a boat.
On Wednesday [April 18], after dinner, when the king came up close to
the ships in a _zavra_, the captain-major at once entered one of his
boats, which had been well furnished, and many friendly words were
exchanged when they lay side by side. The king having invited the
captain-major to come to his house to rest, after which he (the king)
would visit him on board his ship, the captain-major said that he was
not permitted by his master to go on land, and if he were to do so a
bad report would be given of him. The king wanted to know what would be
said of himself by his people if he were to visit the ships, and what
account could he render them? He then asked for the name of our king,
which was written down for him, and said that on our return he would
send an ambassador with us, or a letter.
When both had said all they desired, the captain-major sent for the
Moors whom he had taken prisoner, and surrendered them all. This gave
much satisfaction to the king, who said that he valued this act more
highly than if he had been presented with a town. And the king, much
pleased, made the circuit of our ships, the bombards of which fired a
salute. About three hours were spent in this way. When the king went
away he left in the ship one of his sons and a sharif, and took two of
us away with him, to whom he desired to show his palace. He, moreover,
told the captain that as he would not go ashore he would himself return
on the following day to the beach, and would order his horsemen to go
through some exercises.
The king wore a robe (royal cloak) of damask trimmed with green satin,
and a rich _touca_. He was seated on two cushioned chairs of bronze,
beneath a round sunshade of crimson satin attached to a pole. An old
man, who attended him as page, carried a short sword in a silver
sheath. There were many players on _anafils_, and two trumpets of
ivory,[128] richly carved, and of the size of a man, which were blown
from a hole in the side, and made sweet harmony with the _anafils_.
[Illustration: A Siwa Blower.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
On Thursday [April 19] the captain-major and Nicolau Coelho rowed along
the front of the town, bombards having been placed in the poops of
their long-boats. Many people were along the shore, and among them two
horsemen, who appeared to take much delight in a sham-fight. The king
was carried in a palanquin from the stone steps of his palace to the
side of the captain-major’s boats. He again begged the captain to come
ashore, as he had a helpless father who wanted to see him, and that
he and his sons would go on board the ships as hostages. The captain,
however, excused himself.[129]
We found here four vessels belonging to Indian Christians. When
they came for the first time on board Paulo da Gama’s ship, the
captain-major being there at the time, they were shown an altar-piece
representing Our Lady at the foot of the cross, with Jesus Christ in
her arms and the apostles around her. When the Indians saw this picture
they prostrated themselves, and as long as we were there they came to
say their prayers in front of it, bringing offerings of cloves, pepper,
and other things.[130]
These Indians are tawny men; they wear but little clothing and have
long beards and long hair, which they braid. They told us that they ate
no beef. Their language differs from that of the Arabs, but some of
them know a little of it, as they hold much intercourse with them.
On the day on which the captain-major went up to the town in the boats,
these Christian Indians fired off many bombards from their vessels,
and when they saw him pass they raised their hands and shouted lustily
_Christ! Christ!_[131]
That same night they asked the king’s permission to give us a
night-fête. And when night came they fired off many bombards, sent up
rockets, and raised loud shouts.
These Indians warned the captain-major against going on shore, and told
him not to trust to their “fanfares”, as they neither came from their
hearts nor from their good will.
On the following Sunday, the 22nd of April, the king’s _zavra_ brought
on board one of his confidential servants, and as two days had passed
without any visitors, the captain-major had this man seized, and sent
word to the king that he required the pilots whom he had promised. The
king, when he received this message, sent a Christian pilot,[132] and
the captain-major allowed the gentleman, whom he had retained in his
vessel, to go away.
We were much pleased with the Christian pilot whom the king had sent
us. We learnt from him that the island of which we heard at Moçambique
as being inhabited by Christians was in reality an island subject to
this same King of Moçambique; that half of it belonged to the Moors and
the other half to the Christians; that many pearls were to be found
there, and that it was called Quyluee.[133] This is the island the
Moorish pilots wanted to take us to, and we also wished to go there,
for we believed that what they said was true.
The town of Malindi lies in a bay and extends along the shore. It
may be likened to Alcouchette.[134] Its houses are lofty and well
white-washed, and have many windows; on the landside are palm-groves,
and all around it maize and vegetables are being cultivated.
We remained in front of this town during nine days,[135] and all this
time we had fêtes, sham-fights, and musical performances (“fanfares”).
[_Across the Gulf—the Arabian Sea._]
We left Malindi on Tuesday, the 24th of the month [of April] for a city
called Qualecut [Calecut], with the pilot whom the king had given us.
The coast there runs north and south, and the land encloses a huge bay
with a strait. In this bay,[136] we were told, were to be found many
large cities of Christians and Moors, including one called Quambay
[Cambay], as also six-hundred known islands, and within it the Red Sea
and the “house” [Kaabah] of Mecca.
On the following Sunday [April 29] we once more saw the North Star,
which we had not seen for a long time.
On Friday, the 18th of May,[137] after having seen no land for
twenty-three days,[138] we sighted lofty mountains, and having all
this time sailed before the wind we could not have made less than 600
leagues. The land, when first sighted,[139] was at a distance of eight
leagues, and our lead reached bottom at forty-five fathoms. That same
night we took a course to the S.S.W., so as to get away from the coast.
On the following day [May 19] we again approached the land, but owing
to the heavy rain and a thunderstorm,[140] which prevailed whilst we
were sailing along the coast, our pilot was unable to identify the
exact locality. On Sunday [May 20] we found ourselves close to some
mountains,[141] and when we were near enough for the pilot to recognise
them he told us that they were above Calecut, and that this was the
country we desired to go to.
[_Calecut._]
[_Arrival._] That night [May 20] we anchored two leagues from the city
of Calecut, and we did so because our pilot mistook _Capua_,[142] a
town at that place, for Calecut. Still further[143] there is another
town called _Pandarani_.[144] We anchored about a league and a half
from the shore. After we were at anchor, four boats (_almadias_)
approached us from the land, who asked of what nation we were. We told
them, and they then pointed out Calecut to us.
On the following day [May 21] these same boats came again alongside,
when the captain-major sent one of the convicts[145] to Calecut, and
those with whom he went took him to two Moors from Tunis, who could
speak Castilian and Genoese.[146] The first greeting that he received
was in these words: “May the Devil take thee! What brought you hither?”
They asked what he sought so far away from home, and he told them that
we came in search of Christians and of spices. They said: “Why does not
the King of Castile, the King of France, or the Signoria of Venice
send hither?” He said that the King of Portugal would not consent
to their doing so, and they said he did the right thing. After this
conversation they took him to their lodgings and gave him wheaten bread
and honey. When he had eaten he returned to the ships, accompanied
by one of the Moors, who was, no sooner on board, than he said these
words: “A lucky venture, a lucky venture! Plenty of rubies, plenty of
emeralds! You owe great thanks to God, for having brought you to a
country holding such riches!” We were greatly astonished to hear his
talk, for we never expected to hear our language spoken so far away
from Portugal.[147]
[_A description of Calecut._] The city of Calecut is inhabited by
Christians. They are of a tawny complexion. Some of them have big
beards and long hair, whilst others clip their hair short or shave the
head, merely allowing a tuft to remain on the crown as a sign that they
are Christians. They also wear moustaches. They pierce the ears and
wear much gold in them. They go naked down to the waist, covering their
lower extremities with very fine cotton stuffs. But it is only the
most respectable who do this, for the others manage as best they are
able.[148]
The women of this country, as a rule, are ugly and of small stature.
They wear many jewels of gold round the neck, numerous bracelets on
their arms, and rings set with precious stones on their toes. All
these people are well-disposed and apparently of mild temper. At first
sight they seem covetous and ignorant.
[_A messenger sent to the King_]. When we arrived at Calecut the king
was fifteen leagues away.[149] The captain-major sent two men[150] to
him with a message, informing him that an ambassador had arrived from
the King of Portugal with letters, and that if he desired it he would
take them to where the king then was.
The king presented the bearers of this message with much fine cloth. He
sent word to the captain bidding him welcome, saying that he was about
to proceed to Qualecut (Calecut). As a matter of fact, he started at
once with a large retinue.
[_At Anchor at Pandarani_, May 27]. A pilot accompanied our two men,
with orders to take us to a place called Pandarani, below the place
[Capua] where we anchored at first. At this time we were actually in
front of the city of Calecut. We were told that the anchorage at the
place to which we were to go was good, whilst at the place we were
then it was bad, with a stony bottom, which was quite true;[151] and,
moreover, that it was customary for the ships which came to this
country to anchor there for the sake of safety. We ourselves did not
feel comfortable, and the captain-major had no sooner received this
royal message than he ordered the sails to be set, and we departed. We
did not, however, anchor as near the shore as the king’s pilot desired.
When we were at anchor, a message arrived informing the captain-major
that the king was already in the city. At the same time the king sent
a _bale_,[152] with other men of distinction, to Pandarani, to conduct
the captain-major to where the king awaited him. This _bale_ is like
an _alcaide_, and is always attended by two hundred men armed with
swords and bucklers. As it was late when this message arrived, the
captain-major deferred going.
[_Gama goes to Calecut._] On the following morning, which was Monday,
May 28th, the captain-major set out to speak to the king, and took with
him thirteen men, of whom I was one.[153] We put on our best attire,
placed bombards in our boats, and took with us trumpets and many flags.
On landing, the captain-major was received by the _alcaide_, with
whom were many men, armed and unarmed. The reception was friendly,
as if the people were pleased to see us, though at first appearances
looked threatening, for they carried naked swords in their hands. A
palanquin was provided for the captain-major, such as is used by men
of distinction in that country, as also by some of the merchants,
who pay something to the king for this privilege. The captain-major
entered the palanquin, which was carried by six men by turns. Attended
by all these people we took the road of Qualecut, and came first to
another town, called Capua. The captain-major was there deposited at
the house of a man of rank, whilst we others were provided with food,
consisting of rice, with much butter, and excellent boiled fish. The
captain-major did not wish to eat, and when we had done so, we embarked
on a river close by, which flows between the sea and the mainland,
close to the coast.[154] The two boats in which we embarked were lashed
together,[155] so that we were not separated. There were numerous other
boats, all crowded with people. As to those who were on the banks I say
nothing; their number was infinite, and they had all come to see us. We
went up that river for about a league, and saw many large ships drawn
up high and dry on its banks, for there is no port here.
When we disembarked, the captain-major once more entered his palanquin.
The road was crowded with a countless multitude anxious to see us. Even
the women came out of their houses with children in their arms and
followed us.
[Illustration: Krishna nursed by Devaki.]
[_Christian Church._][156] When we arrived [at Calecut] they took us to
a large church, and this is what we saw:—
The body of the church is as large as a monastery, all built of hewn
stone and covered with tiles. At the main entrance rises a pillar of
bronze as high as a mast, on the top of which was perched a bird,
apparently a cock. In addition to this, there was another pillar
as high as a man, and very stout. In the centre of the body of the
church rose a chapel,[157] all built of hewn stone, with a bronze door
sufficiently wide for a man to pass, and stone steps leading up to it.
Within this sanctuary stood a small image which they said represented
Our Lady.[158] Along the walls, by the main entrance, hung seven small
bells.[159] In this church the captain-major said his prayers, and we
with him.[160]
We did not go within the chapel, for it is the custom that only certain
servants of the church, called _quafees_,[161] should enter. These
_quafees_ wore some threads passing over the left shoulder and under
the right arm, in the same manner as our deacons wear the stole. They
threw holy water over us, and gave us some white earth,[162] which
the Christians of this country are in the habit of putting on their
foreheads, breasts, around the neck, and on the forearms. They threw
holy water upon the captain-major and gave him some of the earth,
which he gave in charge of someone, giving them to understand that he
would put it on later.
Many other saints were painted on the walls of the church, wearing
crowns. They were painted variously, with teeth protruding an inch from
the mouth, and four or five arms.
Below this church there was a large masonry tank, similar to many
others which we had seen along the road.
[_Progress through the Town._] After we had left that place, and had
arrived at the entrance to the city [of Calecut] we were shown another
church, where we saw things like those described above. Here the crowd
grew so dense that progress along the street became next to impossible,
and for this reason they put the captain into a house, and us with him.
The king sent a brother of the _bale_, who was a lord of this
country, to accompany the captain, and he was attended by men beating
drums, blowing _anafils_ and bagpipes, and firing off matchlocks. In
conducting the captain they showed us much respect, more than is shown
in Spain to a king. The number of people was countless, for in addition
to those who surrounded us, and among whom there were two thousand
armed men, they crowded the roofs and houses.
[_The King’s Palace._][163] The further we advanced in the direction
of the king’s palace, the more did they increase in number. And when
we arrived there, men of much distinction and great lords came out to
meet the captain, and joined those who were already in attendance upon
him. It was then an hour before sunset. When we reached the palace we
passed through a gate into a courtyard of great size, and before we
arrived at where the king was, we passed four doors, through which we
had to force our way, giving many blows to the people. When, at last,
we reached the door where the king was, there came forth from it a
little old man, who holds a position resembling that of a bishop, and
whose advice the king acts upon in all affairs of the church. This man
embraced the captain when he entered the door. Several men were wounded
at this door,[164] and we only got in by the use of much force.
[_A Royal Audience, May 28._][165] The king was in a small court,
reclining upon a couch covered with a cloth of green velvet, above
which was a good mattress, and upon this again a sheet of cotton stuff,
very white and fine, more so than any linen. The cushions were after
the same fashion. In his left hand the king held a very large golden
cup [spittoon], having a capacity of half an almude [8 pints]. At its
mouth this cup was two palmas [16 inches] wide, and apparently it was
massive. Into this cup the king threw the husks of a certain herb
which is chewed by the people of this country because of its soothing
effects, and which they call _atambor_.[166] On the right side of the
king stood a basin of gold, so large that a man might just encircle
it with his arms: this contained the herbs. There were likewise many
silver jugs. The canopy above the couch was all gilt.
The captain, on entering, saluted in the manner of the country: by
putting the hands together, then raising them towards Heaven, as is
done by Christians when addressing God, and immediately afterwards
opening them and shutting the fists quickly. The king beckoned to
the captain with his right hand to come nearer, but the captain did
not approach him, for it is the custom of the country for no man to
approach the king except only the servant who hands him the herbs, and
when anyone addresses the king he holds his hand before the mouth, and
remains at a distance. When the king beckoned to the captain he looked
at us others, and ordered us to be seated on a stone bench near him,
where he could see us. He ordered that water for our hands should be
given us, as also some fruit, one kind of which resembled a melon,
except that its outside was rough and the inside sweet, whilst another
kind of fruit resembled a fig, and tasted very nice.[167] There were
men who prepared these fruits for us; and the king looked at us eating,
and smiled; and talked to the servant who stood near him supplying him
with the herbs referred to.
Then, throwing his eyes on the captain, who sat facing him, he invited
him to address himself to the courtiers present, saying they were men
of much distinction, that he could tell them whatever he desired to
say, and they would repeat it to him (the king). The captain-major
replied that he was the ambassador of the King of Portugal, and the
bearer of a message which he could only deliver to him personally. The
king said this was good, and immediately asked him to be conducted to
a chamber. When the captain-major had entered, the king, too, rose and
joined him, whilst we remained where we were.[168] All this happened
about sunset. An old man who was in the court took away the couch as
soon as the king rose, but allowed the plate to remain. The king, when
he joined the captain, threw himself upon another couch, covered with
various stuffs embroidered in gold, and asked the captain what he
wanted.
And the captain told him he was the ambassador of a King of Portugal,
who was Lord of many countries and the possessor of great wealth of
every description, exceeding that of any king of these parts; that for
a period of sixty years his ancestors had annually sent out vessels to
make discoveries in the direction of India, as they knew that there
were Christian kings there like themselves. This, he said, was the
reason which induced them to order this country to be discovered, not
because they sought for gold or silver, for of this they had such
abundance that they needed not what was to be found in this country.
He further stated that the captains sent out travelled for a year
or two, until their provisions were exhausted, and then returned to
Portugal, without having succeeded in making the desired discovery.
There reigned a king now whose name was Dom Manuel, who had ordered him
to build three vessels, of which he had been appointed captain-major,
and who had ordered him not to return to Portugal until he should have
discovered this King of the Christians, on pain of having his head cut
off. That two letters[169] had been intrusted to him to be presented
in case he succeeded in discovering him, and that he would do so on
the ensuing day; and, finally, he had been instructed to say by word
of mouth that he [the King of Portugal] desired to be his friend and
brother.
In reply to this the king said that he was welcome; that, on his part,
he held him as a friend and brother, and would send ambassadors with
him to Portugal. This latter had been asked as a favour, the captain
pretending that he would not dare to present himself before his king
and master unless he was able to present, at the same time, some men of
this country.
These and many other things passed between the two in this chamber,
and as it was already late in the night, the king asked the captain
with whom he desired to lodge, with Christians or with Moors? And the
captain replied, neither with Christians nor with Moors, and begged as
a favour that he be given a lodging by himself. The king said he would
order it thus, upon which the captain took leave of the king and came
to where we were, that is, to a veranda lit up by a huge candlestick.
By that time four hours of the night had already gone.[170]
[_A Night’s Lodging._] We then all went forth with the captain in
search of our lodgings, and a countless crowd with us. And the rain
poured down so heavily that the streets ran with water. The captain
went on the back of six men [in a palanquin], and the time occupied
in passing through the city was so long that the captain at last grew
tired, and complained to the king’s factor, a Moor of distinction,
who attended him to the lodgings. The Moor then took him to his own
house,[171] and we were admitted to a court within it, where there was
a veranda roofed in with tiles. Many carpets had been spread, and there
were two large candlesticks like those at the Royal palace. At the top
of each of these were great iron lamps, fed with oil or butter, and
each lamp had four wicks, which gave much light. These lamps they use
instead of torches.
This same Moor then had a horse brought for the captain to take him to
his lodgings, but it was without a saddle, and the captain refused to
mount it.[172] We then started for our lodgings, and when we arrived
we found there some of our men [who had come from the ships] with the
captain’s bed, and with numerous other things which the captain had
brought as presents for the king.[173]
[_Presents for the King._] On Tuesday [May 29] the captain got ready
the following things to be sent to the king, viz., twelve pieces of
_lambel_,[174] four scarlet hoods, six hats, four strings of coral, a
case containing six wash-hand basins, a case of sugar, two casks of
oil, and two of honey. And as it is the custom not to send anything
to the king without the knowledge of the Moor, his factor, and of the
_bale_, the captain informed them of his intention. They came, and
when they saw the present they laughed at it, saying that it was not
a thing to offer to a king, that the poorest merchant from Mecca, or
any other part of India, gave more, and that if he wanted to make a
present it should be in gold, as the king would not accept such things.
When the captain heard this he grew sad, and said that he had brought
no gold, that, moreover, he was no merchant, but an ambassador; that
he gave of that which he had, which was his own [private gift] and
not the king’s;[175] that if the King of Portugal ordered him to
return he would intrust him with far richer presents; and that if King
Camolim[176] would not accept these things he would send them back to
the ships. Upon this they declared that they would not forward his
presents, nor consent to his forwarding them himself. When they had
gone there came certain Moorish merchants, and they all depreciated the
present which the captain desired to be sent to the king.
When the captain saw that they were determined not to forward his
present, he said, that as they would not allow him to send his present
to the palace he would go to speak to the king, and would then return
to the ships. They approved of this, and told him that if he would
wait a short time they would return and accompany him to the palace.
And the captain waited all day, but they never came back. The captain
was very wroth at being among so phlegmatic and unreliable a people,
and intended, at first, to go to the palace without them. On further
consideration, however, he thought it best to wait until the following
day. As to us others, we diverted ourselves, singing and dancing to the
sound of trumpets, and enjoyed ourselves much.
[_A Second Audience, May 30._] On Wednesday morning the Moors returned,
and took the captain to the palace, and us others with him. The palace
was crowded with armed men. Our captain was kept waiting with his
conductors for fully four long hours, outside a door, which was only
opened when the king sent word to admit him, attended by two men only,
whom he might select. The captain said that he desired to have Fernão
Martins with him, who could interpret, and his secretary.[177] It
seemed to him, as it did to us, that this separation portended no good.
When he had entered, the king said that he had expected him on Tuesday.
The captain said that the long road had tired him, and that for this
reason he had not come to see him. The king then said that he had told
him that he came from a very rich kingdom, and yet had brought him
nothing; that he had also told him that he was the bearer of a letter,
which had not yet been delivered. To this the captain rejoined that he
had brought nothing, because the object of his voyage was merely to
make discoveries, but that when other ships came he would then see what
they brought him; as to the letter, it was true that he had brought
one, and would deliver it immediately.
The king then asked what it was he had come to discover: stones or men?
If he came to discover men, as he said, why had he brought nothing?
Moreover, he had been told that he carried with him the golden image of
a Santa Maria. The captain said that the Santa Maria was not of gold,
and that even if she were he would not part with her, as she had guided
him across the ocean, and would guide him back to his own country. The
king then asked for the letter. The captain said that he begged as a
favour, that as the Moors wished him ill and might misinterpret him, a
Christian able to speak Arabic should be sent for. The king said this
was well, and at once sent for a young man, of small stature, whose
name was Quaram. The captain then said that he had two letters, one
written in his own language and the other in that of the Moors; that
he was able to read the former, and knew that it contained nothing but
what would prove acceptable; but that as to the other he was unable to
read it, and it might be good, or contain something that was erroneous.
As the Christian was unable to _read_ Moorish, four Moors took the
letter and read it between them, after which they translated it to the
king, who was well satisfied with its contents.
The king then asked what kind of merchandise was to be found in his
country. The captain said there was much corn, cloth, iron, bronze, and
many other things. The king asked whether he had any merchandise with
him. The captain replied that he had a little of each sort, as samples,
and that if permitted to return to the ships he would order it to be
landed, and that meantime four or five men would remain at the lodgings
assigned them. The king said no! He might take all his people with him,
securely moor his ships, land his merchandise, and sell it to the best
advantage. Having taken leave of the king the captain returned to his
lodgings, and we with him. As it was already late no attempt was made
to depart that night.
[_Return to Pandarani, May 31._] On Thursday morning a horse without
a saddle was brought to the captain, who declined to mount it, asking
that a horse of the country, that is a palanquin, might be provided, as
he could not ride a horse without a saddle. He was then taken to the
house of a wealthy merchant of the name of Guzerate,[178] who ordered a
palanquin to be got ready. On its arrival the captain started at once
for Pandarani, where our ships were, many people following him. We
others, not being able to keep up with him, were left behind. Trudging
thus along we were overtaken by the _bale_, who passed on to join the
captain. We lost our way, and wandered far inland, but the _bale_ sent
a man after us, who put us on the right road. When we reached Pandarani
we found the captain inside a rest-house, of which there were many
along the road, so that travellers and wayfarers might find protection
against the rain.
[_Detention at Pandarani, May 31 to June 2._] The _bale_ and many
others were with the captain. On our arrival the captain asked the
_bale_ for an _almadia_, so that we might go to our ships; but the
_bale_ and the others said that it was already late—in fact, the sun
had set—and that he should go next day. The captain said that unless
he provided an _almadia_ he would return to the king, who had given
orders to take him back to the ships, whilst they tried to detain him—a
very bad thing, as he was a Christian like themselves. When they saw
the dark looks of the captain they said he was at liberty to depart at
once, and that they would give him thirty _almadias_ if he needed them.
They then took us along the beach, and as it seemed to the captain
that they harboured some evil design, he sent three men in advance,
with orders that in case they found the ship’s boats and his brother,
to tell him to conceal himself. They went, and finding nothing, turned
back; but as we had been taken in another direction we did not meet.
They then took us to the house of a Moor—for it was already far in
the night—and when we got there they told us that they would go in
search of the three men who had not yet returned. When they were
gone, the captain ordered fowls and rice to be purchased, and we ate,
notwithstanding our fatigue, having been all day on our legs.
Those who had gone [in search of the three men] only returned in the
morning, and the captain said that after all they seemed well disposed
towards us, and had acted with the best intentions when they objected
to our departure the day before. On the other hand we suspected them
on account of what had happened at Calecut, and looked upon them as
ill-disposed.
When they returned [June 1] the captain again asked for boats to take
him to his ships. They then began to whisper among themselves, and said
that we should have them if we would order our vessels to come nearer
the shore. The captain said that if he ordered his vessels to approach
his brother would think that he was being held a prisoner, and that he
gave this order on compulsion, and would hoist the sails and return
to Portugal. They said that if we refused to order the ships to come
nearer we should not be permitted to embark. The captain said that King
Çamolin had sent him back to his ships, and that as they would not
let him go, as ordered by the king, he should return to the king, who
was a Christian like himself. If the king would not let him go, and
wanted him to remain in his country, he would do so with much pleasure.
They agreed that he should be permitted to go, but afforded him no
opportunity for doing so, for they immediately closed all the doors,
and many armed men entered to guard us, none of us being allowed to go
outside without being accompanied by several of these guards.
They then asked us to give up our sails and rudders. The captain
declared that he would give up none of these things: King Çamolin
having unconditionally ordered him to return to his ships, they might
do with him whatever they liked, but he would give up nothing.
The captain and we others felt very down-hearted, though outwardly we
pretended not to notice what they did. The captain said that as they
refused him permission to go back, they would at least allow his men
to do so, as at the place they were in they would die of hunger. But
they said that we must remain where we were, and that if we died of
hunger we must bear it, as they cared nothing for that. Whilst thus
detained, one of the men whom we had missed the night before turned
up. He told the captain that Nicolau Coelho had been awaiting him
with the boats since last night. When the captain heard this he sent
a man away secretly to Nicolau Coelho, because of the guards by whom
we were surrounded, with orders to go back to the ships and place
them in a secure place. Nicolau Coelho, on receipt of this message,
departed forthwith. But our guards having information of what was
going on, at once launched a large number of _almadias_ and pursued
him for a short distance. When they found that they could not overtake
him they returned to the captain, whom they asked to write a letter
to his brother, requesting him to bring the ships nearer to the land
and further within the port [roadstead]. The captain said he was quite
willing, but that his brother would not do this; and that even if he
consented those who were with him, not being willing to die, would not
do so. But they asked how this could be, as they knew well that any
order he gave would be obeyed.
The captain did not wish the ships to come within the port, for it
seemed to him—as it did to us—that once inside they could easily be
captured, after which they would first kill him, and then us others, as
we were already in their power.
We passed all that day most anxiously. At night more people surrounded
us than ever before, and we were no longer allowed to walk in the
compound, within which we were, but confined within a small tiled
court, with a multitude of people around us. We quite expected that
on the following day we should be separated, or that some harm would
befall us, for we noticed that our gaolers were much annoyed with us.
This, however, did not prevent our making a good supper off the things
found in the village. Throughout that night we were guarded by over
a hundred men, all armed with swords, two-edged battleaxes,[179]
shields, and bows and arrows. Whilst some of these slept, others kept
guard, each taking his turn of duty throughout the night.
On the following day, Saturday, June 2, in the morning, these gentlemen
[_i.e._, the _bale_ and others] came back, and this time they “wore
better faces.” They told the captain that as he had informed the king
that he intended to land his merchandise, he should now give orders to
have this done, as it was the custom of the country that every ship on
its arrival should at once land the merchandise it brought, as also the
crews, and that the vendors should not return on board until the whole
of it had been sold. The captain consented, and said he would write to
his brother to see to its being done. They said this was well, and that
immediately after the arrival of the merchandise he would be permitted
to return to his ship. The captain at once wrote to his brother to send
him certain things, and he did so at once. On their receipt the captain
was allowed to go on board, two men remaining behind with the things
that had been landed.[180]
At this we rejoiced greatly, and rendered thanks to God for having
extricated us from the hands of people who had no more sense than
beasts, for we knew well that once the captain was on board those who
had been landed would have nothing to fear. When the captain reached
his ship he ordered that no more merchandise should be sent.
[_The Portuguese Merchandise at Pandarani, June 2-23._]
Five days afterwards [on June 7] the captain sent word to the king
that, although he had sent him straight back to his ships, certain of
his people had detained him a night and a day on the road; that he had
landed his merchandise as he had been ordered, but that the Moors only
came to depreciate it; and that for these reasons he looked forward
to what he (the king) would order; that he placed no value upon this
merchandise, but that he and his ships were at his service. The king at
once sent word saying that those who acted thus were bad Christians,
and that he would punish them. He, at the same time, sent seven or
eight merchants to inspect the merchandise, and to become purchasers if
they felt inclined. He also sent a man of quality to remain with the
factor already there, and authorised them to kill any Moor who might go
there, without fear of punishment.
The merchants whom the king had sent remained about eight days, but
instead of buying they depreciated the merchandise. The Moors no longer
visited the house where the merchandise was, but they bore us no
good-will, and when one of us landed they spat on the ground, saying:
“Portugal, Portugal.” Indeed from the very first they had sought means
to take and kill us.
When the captain found that the merchandise found no buyers at that
place, he applied to the king for permission to forward it to Calecut.
The king at once ordered the _bale_ to get a sufficient number of men
who were to carry the whole on their backs to Calecut, this to be done
at his expense, as nothing belonging to the King of Portugal was to
be burthened with expenses whilst in his country. But all this was
done because it was intended to do us some ill-turn, for it had been
reported to the king that we were thieves and went about to steal.
Nevertheless, he did all this in the manner shown.
[_The Merchandise removed to Calecut, June 24._]
On Sunday, the 24th of June, being the day of St. John the Baptist,
the merchandise left for Calecut. The captain then ordered that all
our people should visit that town by turns, and in the following
manner:—Each ship was to send a man ashore, on whose return another
should be sent. In this way all would have their turn, and would be
able to make such purchases as they desired. These men were made
welcome by the Christians along the road, who showed much pleasure
when one of them entered a house, to eat or to sleep, and they gave
them freely of all they had. At the same time many men came on board
our ships to sell us fish in exchange for bread, and they were made
welcome by us. Many of them were accompanied by their sons and little
children, and the captain ordered that they should be fed. All this was
done for the sake of establishing relations of peace and amity, and to
induce them to speak well of us and not evil. So great was the number
of these visitors that sometimes it was night before we could get rid
of them; and this was due to the dense population of the country and
the scarcity of food. It even happened that when some of our men were
engaged in mending a sail, and took biscuits with them to eat, that old
and young fell upon them, took the biscuits out of their hands, and
left them nothing to eat.
In this manner all on board ship went on land by twos and threes,
taking with them bracelets, clothes, new shirts, and other articles,
which they desired to sell. We did not, however, effect these sales at
the prices hoped for when we arrived at Moncobiquy [Moçambique], for
a very fine shirt which in Portugal fetches 300 reis, was worth here
only two fanôes,[181] which is equivalent only to 30 reis, for 30 reis
in this country is a big sum. And just as we sold shirts cheaply so we
sold other things, in order to take some things away from this country,
if only for samples. Those who visited the city bought there cloves,
cinnamon, and precious stones; and having bought what they desired they
came back to the ships, without any one speaking to them.
When the captain found the people of the country so well disposed, he
left a factor with the merchandise, together with a clerk and some
other men.
[_Diogo Dias Carries a Message to the King, August 13._]
When the time arrived for our departure the captain-major sent a
present to the king, consisting of amber, corals, and many other
things. At the same time he ordered the king to be informed that he
desired to leave for Portugal, and that if the king would send some
people with him to the King of Portugal, he would leave behind him a
factor, a clerk and some other men, in charge of the merchandise. In
return for the present he begged on behalf of his lord [the King of
Portugal] for a bahar[182] of cinnamon, a bahar of cloves, as also
samples of such other spices as he thought proper, saying that the
factor would pay for them, if he desired it.
Four days were allowed to pass after the dispatch of this message
before speech could be had with the king. And when the bearer of it
entered the place where the king was, he (the king) looked at him with
a “bad face,” and asked what he wanted. The bearer then delivered his
message, as explained above, and then referred to the present which
had been sent. The king said that what he brought ought to have been
sent to his factor, and that he did not want to look at it. He then
desired the captain to be informed that as he wished to depart he
should pay him 600 xerafins,[183] and that then he might go: this was
the custom of the country and of those who came to it. Diogo Dias, who
was the bearer of the message, said he would return with this reply to
the captain. But when he left [the palace] certain men followed him,
and when he arrived at the house in Calecut where the merchandise was
deposited, they put a number of men inside with him to watch that none
of it was sent away. At the same time proclamation was made throughout
the town prohibiting all boats from approaching our ships.
When they [the Portuguese] saw that they were prisoners, they sent a
young negro who was with them along the coast to seek for some one to
take him to the ships, and to give information that they had been made
prisoners by order of the king. The negro went to the outskirts of the
town, where there lived some fishermen, one of whom took him on board,
on payment of three fanôes. This the fisherman ventured to do because
it was dark, and they could not be seen from the city; and when he
had put his passenger on board he at once departed. This happened on
Monday, the 13th August, 1498.
This news made us sad; not only because we saw some of our men in
the hands of our enemies, but also because it interfered with our
departure. We also felt grieved that a Christian king, to whom we
had given of ours, should do us such an ill turn. At the same time
we did not hold him as culpable as he seemed to be, for we were well
aware that the Moors of the place, who were merchants from Mecca and
elsewhere, and who knew us, could ill digest us. They had told the king
that we were thieves, and that if once we navigated to his country,
no more ships from Mecca, nor from Quambaye [Cambay], nor from
Imgros,[184] nor from any other part, would visit him. They added that
he would derive no profit from this [trade with Portugal] as we had
nothing to give, but would rather take away, and that thus his country
would be ruined. They, moreover, offered rich bribes to the king to
capture and kill us, so that we should not return to Portugal.
All this the captain learnt from a Moor of the country,[185] who
revealed all that was intended to be done, warning the captains, and
more especially the captain-major, against going on shore. In addition
to what we learnt through the Moor, we were told by two Christians
that if the captains went ashore their heads would be cut off, as this
was the way the king dealt with those who came to his country without
giving him gold.
Such then was the state of affairs. On the next day [August 14] no
boats came out to the ships. On the day after that [August 15] there
came an _almadia_, with four young men, who brought precious stones
for sale; but it appeared to us that they came rather by order of the
Moors, in order to see what we should do to them, than for the purpose
of selling stones. The captain, however, made them welcome, and wrote a
letter to his people on shore, which they took away with them. When the
people saw that no harm befell them, there came daily many merchants,
and others who were not merchants, from curiosity, and all were made
welcome by us and given to eat.
On the following Sunday [August 19] about twenty-five men came. Among
them were six persons of quality, and the captain perceived that
through these we might recover the men who were detained as prisoners
on land. He therefore laid hands upon them, and upon a dozen of the
others, being eighteen[186] in all. The rest he ordered to be landed
in one of his boats, and gave them a letter to be delivered to the
king’s Moorish factor, in which he declared that if he would restore
the men who were being kept prisoners he would liberate those whom he
had taken. When it became known that we had taken these men, a crowd
proceeded to the house where our merchandise was kept, and conducted
our men to the house of the factor, without doing them any harm.
On Thursday, the 23rd,[187] of the same month, we made sail, saying we
were going to Portugal, but hoped to be back soon, and that then they
would know whether we were thieves. We anchored about four leagues to
the leeward of Calecut, and we did this because of the headwind.
On the next day [August 24] we returned towards the land, but not being
able to weather certain shoals in front of Calecut, we again stood off
and anchored within sight of the city.
On Saturday [August 25] we again stood off and anchored so far out at
sea that we could scarcely see the land. On Sunday [August 26] whilst
at anchor, waiting for a breeze, a boat which had been on the lookout
for us approached, and informed us that Diogo Dias was in the king’s
house, and that if we liberated those whom we detained, he should be
brought on board. The captain, however, was of opinion that he had
been killed, and that they said this in order to detain us until they
had completed their armaments, or until ships of Mecca able to capture
us had arrived. He therefore bade them retire, threatening otherwise
to fire his bombards upon them, and not to return without bringing
him [Dias] and his men, or at least a letter from them. He added that
unless this were done quickly he intended to take off the heads of his
captives. A breeze then sprang up, and we sailed along the coast until
we anchored.
[_The King sends for Diogo Dias._]
When the king heard that we had sailed for Portugal, and that he
was thus no longer able to carry his point, he thought of undoing
the evil he had done. He sent for Diogo Dias, whom he received with
marked kindness, and not in the way he did when he was the bearer of
[Vasco’s] present. He asked why the captain had carried off these men.
Diogo Dias said it was because the king would not allow him and his to
return to the ships, and detained them as prisoners in the city. The
king said he had done well. He then asked whether his factor had asked
for anything,[188] giving us to understand that he was ignorant of the
matter, and that the factor alone was responsible for this extortion.
Turning to his factor, he asked whether he was unaware that quite
recently he had killed another factor because he had levied tribute
upon some merchants that had come to this country? The king then said:
“Go you back to the ships, you and the others who are with you; tell
the captain to send me back the men he took; that the pillar, which I
understood him to say he desires to be erected on the land shall be
taken away by those who bring you back, and put up; and, moreover,
that you will remain here with the merchandise.” At the same time he
forwarded a letter to the captain, which had been written for him by
Diogo Dias with an iron pen upon a palm-leaf, as is the custom of
the country, and which was intended for the King of Portugal. The
tenor[189] of this letter was as follows:—
“Vasco da Gama, a gentleman of your household, came to my
country, whereat I was pleased. My country is rich in cinnamon,
cloves, ginger, pepper, and precious stones. That which I ask of
you in exchange is gold, silver, corals and scarlet cloth.”
[_Off Calecut, August 27-30._] On Monday, the 27th of this month, in
the morning, whilst we were at anchor, seven boats with many people in
them brought Diogo Dias and the other [Portuguese] who were with him.
Not daring to put him on board, they placed him in the captain’s long
boat, which was still attached to the stern. They had not brought the
merchandise, for they believed that Diogo Dias would return with them.
But once the captain had them back on board, he would not allow them
to return to the land. The pillar[190] he gave to those in the boat,
as the king had given orders for it to be set up. He also gave up, in
exchange, the six most distinguished among his prisoners, keeping six
others, whom he promised to surrender if on the morrow the merchandise
were restored to him.
On Tuesday [August 28], in the morning, whilst at anchor, a Moor of
Tunis,[191] who spoke our language, took refuge on board one of our
ships, saying, that all he had had been taken from him, that worse
might happen, and that this was his usual luck. The people of the
country, he said, charged him with being a Christian, who had come to
Calecut by order of the King of Portugal; for this reason he preferred
going away with us, rather than remain in a country where any day he
might be killed.
At ten o’clock seven boats with many people in them approached us.
Three of them carried on their benches the striped cloth which we had
left on land, and we were given to understand that this was all the
merchandise which belonged to us.[192] These three came to within a
certain distance of the ships, whilst the other four kept away. We were
told that if we sent them their men in one of our boats they would
give our merchandise in exchange for them. However, we saw through
their cunning, and the captain-major told them to go away, saying that
he cared nought for the merchandise, but wanted to take these men to
Portugal.[193] He warned them at the same time to be careful, as he
hoped shortly to be back in Calecut, when they would know whether we
were thieves, as had been told them by the Moors.
On Wednesday, the 29th [of August], the captain-major and the other
captains agreed that, inasmuch that we had discovered the country we
had come in search of, as also spices and precious stones, and it
appeared impossible to establish cordial relations with the people,
it would be as well to take our departure. And it was resolved that
we should take with us the men whom we detained, as, on our return to
Calecut, they might be useful to us in establishing friendly relations.
We therefore set sail and left for Portugal, greatly rejoicing at our
good fortune in having made so great a discovery.
On Thursday [August 30], at noon, being becalmed about a league below
[that is, north of] Calecut, about seventy boats approached us.[194]
They were crowded with people wearing a kind of cuirass made of red
cloth, folded. Their weapons for the body, the arms and the head were
these[195].... When these boats came within the range of our bombards,
the captain-major ordered us to fire upon them. They followed us for
about an hour and a half, when there arose a thunderstorm which carried
us out to sea; and when they saw they could no longer do us harm they
turned back, whilst we pursued our route.
[_Calecut and its Commerce._]
From this country of Calecut, or Alta India,[196] come the spices which
are consumed in the East and the West, in Portugal, as in all other
countries of the world, as also precious stones of every description.
The following spices are to be found in this city of Calecut, being
its own produce: much ginger and pepper and cinnamon, although the
last is not of so fine a quality as that brought from an island called
Çillan [Ceylon],[197] which is eight days journey from Calecut. Calecut
is the staple for all this cinnamon. Cloves are brought to this city
from an island called Melequa [Malacca].[198] The Mecca vessels
carry these spices from there to a city in Mecca[199] called Judeâ
[Jidda], and from the said island to Judeâ is a voyage of fifty days
sailing before the wind, for the vessels of this country cannot tack.
At Judeâ they discharge their cargoes, paying customs duties to the
Grand Sultan.[200] The merchandise is then transshipped to smaller
vessels, which carry it through the Red Sea to a place close to Santa
Catarina of Mount Sinai, called Tuuz,[201] where customs dues are paid
once more. From that place the merchants carry the spices on the back
of camels, which they hire at the rate of 4 cruzados each, to Quayro
[Cairo], a journey occupying ten days. At Quayro duties are paid again.
On this road to Cairo they are frequently robbed by thieves, who live
in that country, such as the Bedouins and others.
At Cairo the spices are embarked on the river Nile, which rises in
Prester John’s country in Lower India, and descending that river for
two days they reach a place called Roxette [Rosetta], where duties have
to be paid once more. There they are placed on camels, and are conveyed
in one day to a city called Alexandria, which is a sea-port. This city
is visited by the galleys of Venice and Genoa, in search of these
spices, which yield the Grand Sultan a revenue of 600,000 cruzados[202]
in customs duties, out of which he pays to a king called Cidadym[203]
an annual subsidy of 100,000 cruzados for making war upon Prester
John. The title of Grand Sultan is bought for money, and does not pass
from father to son.
[THE VOYAGE HOME.]
I now again speak of our voyage home.
Going thus along the coast we kept tacking, with the aid of the land
and sea breezes, for the wind was feeble. When becalmed in the day we
lay to.
On Monday, September 10, the captain-major landed one of the men whom
we had taken, and who had lost an eye, with a letter to the Çamolin,
written in Moorish [Arabic] by one of the Moors who came with us.[204]
The country where we landed this Moor was called Compia,[205] and its
king, Biaquolle, was at war with the King of Calecut.
On the following day [September 11], whilst becalmed, boats approached
the ships, and the boatmen, who offered fish for sale, came on board
without exhibiting any fear.
[_Santa Maria Islands._][206]
On Saturday, the 15th of said month, we found ourselves near some
islets, about two leagues from the land. We there launched a boat
and put up a pillar on one of these islets, which we called Santa
Maria, the king having ordered three pillars (padrãos), to be named S.
Raphael, S. Gabriel, and Santa Maria. We had thus succeeded in erecting
these three, _scilicet_, the first, that of S. Raphael, on the Rio dos
bons signaes; the second, that of S. Gabriel, at Calecut; and this, the
last, named Santa Maria.
Here again many boats came to us with fish, and the captain made the
boatmen happy by presenting them with shirts. He asked them whether
they would be glad if he placed a pillar upon the island. They said
that they would be very glad indeed, for its erection would confirm
the fact that we were Christians like themselves. The pillar was
consequently erected in much amity.
[_Anjediva, September 20 to October 5._][207]
That same night, with a land breeze, we made sail and pursued our
route. On the following Thursday, the 20th of the month,[208] we came
to a hilly country, very beautiful and salubrious, close to which there
were six small islands.
There we anchored, near the land, and launched a boat to take in water
and wood to last us during our voyage across the Gulf, which we hoped
to accomplish, if the wind favoured us. On landing we met a young man,
who pointed out to us a spring of excellent water rising between two
hills on the bank of a river. The captain-major gave this man a cap,
and asked whether he was a Moor or a Christian. The man said that he
was a Christian, and when told that we too were Christians he was much
pleased.
On the following day [September 21] an _almadia_ came to us with four
men, who brought gourds and cucumbers. The captain-major asked whether
cinnamon, ginger, or any other spices were to be found in this country.
They said there was plenty of cinnamon, but no other kind of spice. The
captain at once sent two men with them to the mainland to bring him a
sample, and they were taken to a wood where a large number of trees
yielding cinnamon were growing, and they cut off two big branches,
with their foliage. When we went in our boats to fetch water we met
these two men with their cinnamon branches, and they were accompanied
by about twenty others, who brought the captain fowls, cow-milk and
gourds. They asked the captain to send these two men along with them,
as there was much dry cinnamon not far off, which they would show them,
and of which they would bring samples.[209]
Having taken in water we returned to the ships, and these men promised
to come on the ensuing day to bring a present of cows, pigs and fowls.
Early on the next morning [September 22] we observed two vessels close
to the land, about two leagues off, but took no further notice of
them. We cut wood whilst waiting for the tide to enable us to enter
the river to take in water, and being thus engaged it struck the
captain that these vessels were larger than he had thought at first. He
therefore ordered us into the boats, as soon as we had eaten, and sent
us to find out whether these vessels belonged to Moors or Christians.
After his return on board, the captain-major ordered a mariner to go
aloft and look out for vessels, and this man reported that out in the
open sea and at a distance of about six leagues he saw eight vessels
becalmed. The captain, when he heard this, at once gave orders to sink
these vessels. They, as soon as they felt the breeze, put the helm hard
a-lee, and when they were abreast of us, at a distance of a couple
of leagues, and we thought they might discover us, we made for them.
When they saw us coming they bore away for the land. One of them being
disabled, owing to her helm breaking, the men in her made their escape
in the boat, which they dragged astern, and reached the land in safety.
We, who were nearest to that vessel, at once boarded her, but found
nothing in her except provisions, coco-nuts, four jars of palm-sugar,
and arms, all the rest being sand used as ballast. The seven other
vessels grounded, and we fired upon them from our boats.
On the following morning [September 23], whilst at anchor, seven men in
a boat visited us, and they told us that these vessels had come from
Calecut in search of us, and that if they had succeeded in taking us we
should have been killed.[210]
On the following morning, having left this place, we anchored at a
distance of two bombard-shots from the place at which we had been at
first, and close to an island, where we had been told that water would
be found.[211] The captain-major at once sent Nicolau Coelho in an
armed boat in search for this watering place. He came there upon the
ruins of a large stone church which had been destroyed by the Moors,
with the exception of a chapel which had been roofed with straw. This,
at least, was told us by the natives of the country, who prayed there
to three black stones which stood in the middle of the chapel.[212]
Beside this church we discovered a tank of the same workmanship as the
church itself—that is, built of hewn stone—from which we took as much
water as we needed. Another tank, of large size and four fathoms deep,
occupied the highest part of the island. On the beach, in front of the
church, we careened the _Berrio_ and the ship of the captain-major. The
_Raphael_ was not drawn up on the beach, on account of difficulties
which will be referred to further on.
Being one day in the _Berrio_, which was drawn up on the beach, there
approached two large boats, or _fustas_,[213] crowded with people. They
rowed to the sound of drums and bagpipes, and displayed flags at the
masthead. Five other boats remained on the coast for their protection.
As they came nearer we asked the people whom we had with us who they
were. They told us not to allow them to come on board, as they were
robbers who would seize us if they could. The people of this country,
they said, carried arms and boarded vessels as if they came as friends,
and having succeeded, and feeling strong enough, they laid hands upon
them. For this reason they were fired upon from the _Raphael_ and
the captain-major’s ship, as soon as they came within range of our
bombards. They began to shout “Tambaram,”[214] which meant that they
were Christians, for the Christians of India call God “Tambaram.” When
they found that we took no notice of this, they fled towards the land.
Nicolau Coelho pursued them for a short distance, when he was recalled
by a signal flag on the ship of the captain-major.
On the following day, whilst the captain and many of our people were
on land, careening the _Berrio_, there arrived two small boats with
a dozen well-dressed men in them, who brought a bundle of sugar-cane
as a present for the captain-major. After they had landed they asked
permission to see the ships. The captain thought they were spies, and
grew angry. Just then two other boats, with as many people, made their
appearance, but those who had come first, seeing that the captain was
not favourably disposed towards them, warned these new-comers not to
land, but to turn back. They, too, re-embarked at once, and went away.
Whilst the ship of the captain-major was being careened there arrived
a man,[215] about forty years of age, who spoke Venetian well. He was
dressed in linen, wore a fine _touca_ on his head, and a sword in his
belt. He had no sooner landed than he embraced the captain-major and
the captains, and said that he was a Christian from the west, who had
come to this country in early youth; that he was now in the service
of a Moorish lord,[216] who could muster 40,000 horsemen; that he,
too, had become a Moor, although at heart still a Christian. He said
that, being one day at his master’s house, news was brought that men
had arrived at Calecut, whose speech none could understand, and who
were wholly clad; that when he heard this he said that these strangers
must be Franks, for this is the name by which we [Europeans] are known
in these parts. He then begged permission of his master to be allowed
to visit us, saying that a refusal would cause him to die of sorrow.
His master thereupon had told him to go and tell us that we might
have anything in his country which suited us, including ships and
provisions, and that if we desired to remain permanently it would give
him much pleasure. When the captain had cordially thanked him for these
offers, which appeared to him to have been made in good faith, our
visitor asked as a favour that a cheese be given him, which he desired
to take to one of his companions who had remained on the mainland, as a
token that all had gone well. The captain ordered a cheese and two soft
loaves to be given to him. He remained on the island, talking so much
and about so many things, that at times he contradicted himself.
Paulo da Gama, in the meanwhile, had sought the Christians who had come
with this visitor, and asked who he was. They said he was a pirate
(_armador_), who had come to attack us, and that his ships, with many
people in them, had remained on the coast. Knowing this much, and
conjecturing the rest, we seized him, took him to the vessel drawn
up on the beach, and there began to thrash him, in order to make him
confess whether he was really a pirate, or what was the object with
which he had come to us. He then told us that he was well aware that
the whole country was ill-disposed towards us, and that numbers of
armed men were around, hidden within the creeks, but that they would
not for the present venture to attack us, as they were expecting some
forty vessels which were being armed to pursue us. He added that he
did not know when they would be ready to attack us. As to himself
he said nothing except what he had said at first. Afterwards he
was “questioned”[217] three or four times, and although he did not
definitely say so, we understood from his gestures that he had come to
see the ships, so that he might know what sort of people we were, and
how we were armed.
At this island we remained twelve days, eating much fish, which
was brought for sale from the mainland, as also many pumpkins and
cucumbers. They also brought us boat-loads of green cinnamon-wood with
the leaves still on. When our ships had been careened, and we had taken
in as much water as we needed, and had broken up the vessel which we
had captured, we took our departure. This happened on Friday, October
5.[218]
Before the vessel referred to was broken up, its captain offered us
1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said that it was not for
sale, and as it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it.
When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we
had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past.
It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had
lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home;
that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture
us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing
and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he
would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed
within his territory we should have been completely in his power,
and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the
neighbouring kings. This reckoning, however, was made without the host.
[_The Voyage across the Arabian Sea._]
Owing to frequent calms and foul winds it took us three months less
three days to cross this gulf,[219] and all our people again suffered
from their gums, which grew over their teeth, so that they could not
eat. Their legs also swelled, and other parts of the body, and these
swellings spread until the sufferer died, without exhibiting symptoms
of any other disease. Thirty of our men died in this manner—an equal
number having died previously—and those able to navigate each ship were
only seven or eight, and even these were not as well as they ought to
have been. I assure you that if this state of affairs had continued
for another fortnight, there would have been no men at all to navigate
the ships. We had come to such a pass that all bonds of discipline had
gone. Whilst suffering this affliction we addressed vows and petitions
to the saints on behalf of our ships. The captains had held council,
and they had agreed that if a favourable wind enabled us we would
return to India whence we had come.
But it pleased God in his mercy to send us a wind which, in the course
of six days, carried us within sight of land, and at this we rejoiced
as much as if the land we saw had been Portugal, for with the help
of God we hoped to recover our health there, as we had done once
before.[220]
This happened on January 2, 1499.[221] It was night when we came close
to the land, and for this reason we put about ship and lay to. In the
morning [January 3] we reconnoitred the coast, so as to find out
whither the Lord had taken us, for there was not a pilot on board, nor
any other man who could tell on the chart in what place we were. Some
said that we must be among certain islands off Moçambique, about 300
leagues from the mainland;[222] and they said this because a Moor whom
we had taken at Moçambique had asserted that these islands were very
unhealthy, and that their inhabitants suffered from the same disease
which had afflicted us.
[_Magadoxo._]
We found ourselves off a large town, with houses of several stories,
big palaces in its centre, and four towers around it. This town faced
the sea, belonged to the Moors, and was called Magadoxo.[223] When we
were quite close to it we fired off many bombards,[224] and continued
along the coast with a fair wind. We went on thus during the day, but
lay to at night, as we did not know how far we were from Milingue
[Malindi] whither we wished to go.
On Saturday, the 5th of the month, being becalmed, a thunderstorm burst
upon us, and tore the ties of the _Raphael_. Whilst repairing these a
privateer came out from a town called Pate[225] with eight boats and
many men, but as soon as he came within reach of our bombards we fired
upon him, and he fled. There being no wind we were not able to follow
him.
[_Malindi._]
On Monday, the 7th [of January][226] we again cast anchor off Milindy,
when the king at once sent off to us a long boat holding many people,
with a present of sheep, and a message to the captain-major, bidding
him welcome. The king said that he had been expected for days past,
and gave expression to his amicable and peaceable sentiments.
The captain-major sent a man on shore with these messengers with
instructions to bring off a supply of oranges, which were much desired
by our sick. These he brought on the following day, as also other kinds
of fruit; but our sick did not much profit by this, for the climate
affected them in such a way that many of them died here. Moors also
came on board, by order of the king, offering fowls and eggs.
When the captain saw that all this attention was shown us at a time
when we stood so much in need of it, he sent a present to the king, and
also a message by the mouth of one of our men who spoke Arabic, begging
for a tusk of ivory to be given to the King [of Portugal], his Lord,
and asking that a pillar be placed on the land as a sign of friendship.
The king replied that he would do what was asked out of love for the
King of Portugal, whom he desired to serve; and, in fact, he at once
ordered a tusk to be taken to the captain and ordered the pillar to be
erected.[227]
He also sent a young Moor,[228] who desired to go with us to Portugal,
and whom he recommended strongly to the captain-major, saying that he
sent him in order that the King of Portugal might know how much he
desired his friendship.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
We remained five days at this place enjoying ourselves, and reposing
from the hardships endured during a passage in the course of which all
of us had been face to face with death.
[_Malindi to São Braz._]
[Illustration: The Figure-head of the _S. Raphael_.]
We left on Friday [January 11], in the morning, and on Saturday, which
was the 12th of the month, we passed close to Mombaça. On Sunday
[January 13] we anchored at the _Baixos de S. Raphael_,[229] where
we set fire to the ship of that name, as it was impossible for us to
navigate three vessels with the few hands that remained to us. The
contents of this ship were transferred to the two other ships. We
were here fifteen days,[230] and from a town in front of us, called
Tamugate,[231] many fowls were brought to us for sale or barter in
exchange for shirts and bracelets.
On Sunday, the 27th, we left this place with a fair wind. During the
following night we lay to, and in the morning [January 28] we came
close to a large island called Jamgiber [Zanzibar], which is peopled
by Moors, and is quite ten leagues[232] from the mainland. Late on
February 1, we anchored off the island of S. Jorge, near Moçambique and
left at once. On the following day [February 2], in the morning, we set
up a pillar in that island, where we had said mass on going out. The
rain fell so heavily that we could not light a fire for melting the
lead to fix the cross, and it therefore remained without one. We then
returned to the ships.
On March 3 we reached the Angra de São Braz, where we caught many
anchovies, seals and penguins, which we salted for our voyage. On the
12th we left, but when ten or twelve leagues from the watering-place
the wind blew so strongly from the west, that we were compelled to
return to this bay.
[_São Braz to the Rio Grande._]
When the wind fell we started once more, and the Lord gave us such a
good wind that on the 20th we were able to double the Cape of Good
Hope. Those who had come so far were in good health and quite robust,
although at times nearly dead from the cold winds which we experienced.
This feeling, however, we attributed less to the cold than to the heat
of the countries from which we had come.
We pursued our route with a great desire of reaching home. For
twenty-seven days[233] we had the wind astern, and were carried by it
to the neighbourhood of the island of São Thiago. To judge from our
charts we were within a hundred leagues from it, but some supposed we
were quite near. But the wind fell and we were becalmed. The little
wind there was came from ahead. Thunderstorms,[234] which came from the
land, enabled us to tell our whereabouts, and we plied to windward as
well as we could.
On Thursday, the 25th of April, we had soundings of 35 fathoms. All
that day we followed our route, and the least sounding we had was 20
fathoms. We nevertheless could get no sight of the land, but the pilots
told us that we were near the shoals of the Rio Grande.[235]
[Here the Journal ends abruptly. The succeeding events may be shortly
stated. Vasco da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm, according
to Resende. Coelho continued his voyage, arriving at Cascaes, below
Lisbon, on July 10, 1499. Vasco da Gama, having waited one day for
his consort, proceeded to the island of São Thiago, placed João de Sá
in charge of the _S. Gabriel_, and chartered a caravel in which he
conveyed his dying brother Paulo to the island of Terceira. João de
Sá arrived soon after Coelho, and certainly anterior to August 28th,
on which day the king addressed a letter to the Cardinal Protector of
Portugal (see Appendix). Paulo died a day after he had landed at the
Angra of Terceira, and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S.
Francisco.[236] A resident of Terceira, one Arthur Rodriguez, at once
started in a caravel to carry the news of Vasco da Gama’s arrival to
Lisbon.
The date of Vasco da Gama’s return to Lisbon is not known with
certainty. The commission appointed in 1871 to remove the remains of
Vasco da Gama from the church of Vidigueira to Belem made every effort
to ascertain the exact date, but in vain; and whilst Barros, Goes,
and Pero Barretto de Resende state that it happened on August 29th,
Castanheda fixes upon September 8th, and a MS. in the Torre do Tombo,
consulted by Texeira de Aragão, has September 18th. Herculano, in a
note to the second edition of the “Roteiro”, is content with saying
that it happened at the end of August or at the beginning of September.
Texeira de Aragão assumes (on the ground of a vague expression in De
Barros) that he reached Terceira on August 29th, arrived at Lisbon on
September 9th, and made his triumphal entry into the town on September
18th. This assumption is partly supported by the statement of Barros
that Vasco da Gama, after his arrival at Belem, on account of the loss
he had suffered in the death of a beloved brother, spent nine days in
retirement.[237]
I am myself inclined to believe that Vasco da Gama reached Lisbon on
August 29th, and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.]
[THE KINGDOMS TO THE SOUTH OF CALECUT.]
The following are the names of certain kingdoms on the coast to the
south of Calecut, together with the productions of each, and what they
are worth, all of which I have learnt in the most trustworthy manner
from a man who spoke our language and who had come to those parts from
Alexandria thirty years before.[238]
CALECUT, where we were. The articles of merchandise mentioned below
are sent to it, and the vessels of Mecca take their cargoes to that
city. The King, who is called Çamolim, can muster 100,000 fighting men,
including auxiliaries, for the number under his proper jurisdiction is
very small.
In the following we give the articles of merchandise brought thither
in the vessels of Mecca, and their value throughout this part of
India[239]:—
_Copper_, of which the frazila of nearly 30 pounds is worth 50 fanãos
or 3 cruzados.
_Stone of Baqua_,[240] which is worth its weight in silver.
_Knives_, worth one fanão each.
_Rosewater_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.
_Alum_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.
_Camlot_, worth 7 cruzados the piece.
_Red cloth_, worth 2 cruzados the _pequy_[241] of three spans (palmas).
_Quicksilver_, worth 10 cruzados the frazila.
QUORONGOLIZ [Corongolor][242] is a Christian country and the king is
a Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a favourable
wind, is 3 days. The king can muster 40,000 fighting men. There is much
pepper, the frazila being worth 9 fanãos, whilst at Calecut it is worth
14.
COLEU [Colam, Coulão][243] is Christian. Its distance from Calecut by
sea, and with a good wind, is 10 days. The king can muster 10,000 men.
There is much cotton-cloth in this country, but little pepper.
CAELL [Cael],[244] the king of which is a Moor, whilst the people are
Christians. Its distance from Calecut, by sea, is 10 days. The king can
assemble 4,000 fighting men, and owns 100 war-elephants. There are many
pearls.
CHOMANDARLA [Choramandel][245] is inhabited by Christians, and the king
is a Christian. He can muster 100,000 men. There is much lac here,
worth half a cruzado the frazila, and an extensive manufacture of
cotton cloths.
CEYLAM [Ceylon] is a very large island inhabited by Christians under a
Christian king. It is 8 days from Calecut, with a favourable wind. The
king can muster 4,000 men, and has moreover many elephants for war as
well as for sale. All the fine cinnamon of India is found here, as well
as many sapphires, superior to those of other countries,[246] besides
rubies, few but of good quality.
CAMATARRA [Sumatra] is Christian. It is 30 days from Calecut with a
favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 fighting men, and has 1,000
horsemen and 300 war-elephants. In this country much spun[247] silk is
found, worth 8 cruzados the frazila. There is also much lac, worth 10
cruzados the bahar of 20 frazilas [208 kilo.].
XARNAUZ[248] is Christian and has a Christian king. Its distance
from Calecut is 50 days with a good wind. The king can muster 20,000
fighting men and 4,000 horse, and owns 400 war-elephants. In this
country is found much benzoin,[249] worth 3 cruzados the frazila, as
also much aloes,[250] worth 25 cruzados the frazila.
TENACAR[251] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail
from Calecut, if the wind is favourable. The king can muster 10,000
fighting men and possesses 500 fighting elephants. In this country is
found much Brazil-wood[252] which yields a red dye, as fine as kermes,
and is worth 3 cruzados the bahar, whilst at Quayro [Cairo] it fetches
60. There is likewise a little aloes.
BEMGALA [Bengal].[253] In this kingdom there are many Moors and few
Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 20,000 fighting
men on foot and 10,000 horse. In this country there is much cloth made
of cotton and of silk, and much silver. The distance from Calecut is 40
days’ sail, with a favourable wind.
MELEQUA [Malacca] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’
sail from Qualecut [Calecut], with a good wind. The king can muster
10,000 fighting men, including 1,200 horse. All cloves[254] come from
here, being worth on the spot 9 cruzados the bahar,[255] as also
nutmeg, which is worth the like amount. There is also much porcelain,
much silk and much tin, of which last they coin money; but this money
is heavy and of little value, 3 frazilas being worth only 1 cruzado.
There are many big parrots in this country, whose plumage is red, like
fire.
PEGUO [Pegu] is Christian and has a Christian king. The inhabitants are
as white as we are. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men, _scilicet_
10,000 horse and the others on foot, besides 400 war-elephants. This
country produces all the musk[256] of the world. The king possesses an
island about four days’ sail, with a good wind, from the mainland. In
this island there are animals like deer, who have pouches containing
this musk, attached to their navels. At a certain period of each year
they rub themselves against trees, when the pouches come off. It is
then that the people of the country gather them. Their abundance is
such that they give you four large pouches, or ten to twelve small
ones, which would fill a large chest, for one cruzado. On the mainland
many rubies[257] and much gold are found. For ten cruzados as much gold
may be bought here as for twenty-five at Calecut. There is also much
lac and benzoin of two kinds, white and black. The frazila of white
benzoin is worth three cruzados, of black only a cruzado and a half.
The silver to be obtained here for ten cruzados is worth fifteen at
Calecut.
The distance of this country from Calecut is thirty days with a fair
wind.
BEMGUALA [Bengal][258] has a Moorish king, and is inhabited by both
Moors and Christians. Its distance from Calecut is thirty-five days
with a fair wind. There may be 25,000 fighting men, _scilicet_ 10,000
horse and the remainder on foot, as also 400 war-elephants. In this
country the following merchandise is found:—much corn and much cloth of
great value. Cloth which may be bought here for ten cruzados is worth
forty at Calecut. There is also much silver.
CONIMATA[259] has a Christian king and Christian inhabitants. It is
fifty days’ sail from Calecut, with a good wind.
The king can assemble five or six thousand men, and owns one thousand
fighting elephants. In this country there are many sapphires and much
brazil-wood.
PATER[260] has Christian inhabitants and a Christian king, and there is
not a single Moor. The king can assemble four thousand fighting men,
and has a hundred war-elephants. In this country is found much rhubarb,
the frazila on the spot being worth nine cruzados. There are also many
spinel rubies and much lac, a bahar of which is worth four cruzados.
The distance from Calecut is fifty days with a fair wind.
[ABOUT ELEPHANTS.]
_How the Elephants fight in this country._
They make a house of wood holding four men, and this house is put on
the back of the elephant with the four men in it. The elephant has
attached five naked swords to each of his tusks, being ten for the two
tusks. This renders him so redoubtable that none awaits his attack if
flight is possible. Whatever those seated on the top order to be done
is done as if he were a rational creature, for if they tell him “kill
this one, or do this thing or another”, he does it.
_How they capture Elephants in the Primeval Forests._
When they wish to capture a wild elephant they take a tame female, and
dig a large hole on the track frequented by elephants, and cover its
mouth with brushwood. They then tell the female “Go! and if you meet
with an elephant, entice him to this hole, in such a way that he falls
into it, but take care that you do not fall into it yourself.” She then
goes away, and does as she has been told, and when she meets one she
draws him on in such a way that he must fall into the hole, and the
hole is so deep that unaided he could never get out of it.
_How they are got out of the hole and broken-in._
After the elephant has fallen into this hole, five or six days are
allowed to pass before he is given anything to eat. When that time has
elapsed, a man brings him a very small supply of food, the supply being
increased from day to day until he eats by himself. This is continued
for about a month, during which time those who bring him food gradually
tame him, until at last they venture to descend into the hole. This
is done for several days until he permits the man to put his hands
upon his tusks. He then goes into the hole and puts heavy chains around
the legs, and whilst in this condition they train him so well that he
learns all but to speak.
These elephants are kept in stables like horses, and a good elephant is
worth 2,000 cruzados.[261]
PRICES AT ALEXANDRIA.[262]
[Value per
Pound.]
_£_ _s._ _d._
One quintal of cinnamon is worth 25 cruzados, 0 2 5
” ” cloves ” 20 ” 0 1 11
” ” pepper ” 15 ” 0 1 5
” ” ginger ” 21 ” 0 2 0
(At Calecut one bahar, equal to 5 quintals,
is worth 20 cruzados) 0 0 5
One quintal of nutmeg is worth 16 cruzados, 0 1 7
” ” lac ” 25 ” 0 2 5
” ” Brazil-wood ” 10 ” 0 1 0
One ratel of rhubarb ” 12 ” 5 16 0
One mitikal of musk ” 1 ” 50 5 4
One ratel of aloe-wood ” 2 ” 0 19 4
” ” benzoin ” 1 ” 0 9 8
One quintal of frankincense ” 2 ” 0 0 2½
(At Mecca the bahar is worth 2 cruzados) 0 0 0½
[Illustration]
[A VOCABULARY OF MALAYALAM.]
THIS IS THE LANGUAGE OF CALECUT.[263]
See, look! nocane [nōkka].
Hearest thou? que que ne [kēlka].
Take him away criane.
To draw balichene [walikkān].
Rope coraoo [kayara].
Largely lacany.
Give me cornda.
To drink carichany [kutippān].
Eat tinane [tinmān].
Take y na.
I do not wish to totenda.
To go mareçane.
Go away! poo [pō].
Come here! baa [bā or wā].
Be silent! pote.
Rise! legany.
To throw carecane [karikkān].
To speak para ne [parane, speak thou].
Mad, silly moto.
Serious monday decany.
Lame mura call [murakāl].
To fall biamçe.
Many, much balidu [walare].
Bad betall [chītta].
Wind clarle [kātta].
Little chiredu [chiratu?].
Give him criane.
Timber, wood mara [maram].
Stone calou [kallu].
Teeth faley.
Lips çire [chīra?].
Nose muco [mūkka].
Eyes cana [kanna].
Forehead necheim [nīcha?].
Hair talanay [talla].
Head tabu.
Ears cadee [chewi].
Tongue naoo [nākka].
Neck caestez.
[Breast] mulay [mula].
Breasts nane.
Arms carit.
Stomach barri [wayara].
Legs cali [kāla].
— canay.
— seyrim.
— cudo.
Hands lamguajem [kai].
Fingers beda.
— cula.
Fish miny [mīna].
Mast mana.
Light, fire tiir [tī].
To sleep teraquy.
Man amoo [āna].
Women pena [penna].
Chin, beard tari.
Lobster xame.
Parrot tata [tatta].
Doves cayninaa.
— baly.
To kiss mucane.
To bite canchany [katikkān].
To see, look noquany [nokkuwān].
To hear çegade [kēlkawān].
To beat catane.
Wound morubo.
Sword batany.
Shield cutany.
Bow cayny.
Arrow ambum [anpa].
Spear concudoo.
To shoot with a bow heany.
Sun nerara.
Moon neelan.
Heaven mana.
The earth caraa.
The sea caralu.
Ship capell [kappal].
Boat çambuco.
Night erabut.
Day pagalala.
Eat tinane [tinmān].
— matara.
To mount arricany.
To be on foot anicany.
To go, travel narecane.
To embrace traigany.
Blows talancy.
To mourn, wail que ne.
To raise alagany.
To dance canechane.
To throw with stones
or wood ouriany.
To sing fareny.
Rain ma jaa [mara].
Water tany [tanni].
Blind curuge [kurutan, _blind man_].
Maimed of a hand muruquay [murukai].
— panany.
Take! ennay.
Let us go! pomga [pomka].
East careçache [kirakka].
West mecache [patinynyara].
North barcangache [watakka].
South tycamgarche [tekka].
Dog naa [nāya].
Bitch pena [pennāya].
Young man hum nee.
Girl co poo.
House pura [pura].
Needle cu doo.
Rod parima.
Oar tandii [tandu].
A great gun ve dii.
Top-sail talii.
Halyard anguaa.
Anchor napara.
Flag çoti [koti].
Rudder, helm xoca.
Pilot cu pajaoo.
Shoe cacu paja.
Cap tupy [topi].
_The following are some of the Names [of Persons]._
Tenae. Aja paa. Anapa.
Pumi. A rreco. Canapa.
Paramganda. A xirama. Gande.
Uja pee. Cuerapa. Rremaa.
Quilaba. Cutotopa. Mamgala.
Gouaa.
[Illustration]
APPENDICES.
[Illustration: DOM MANUEL THE FORTUNATE, KING OF PORTUGAL, 1495-1521.
_From “Leitura nova” (1º de Alemdouro) in the Torre do Tombo._
The signature is that of the King:—“Rey.”]
APPENDIX A.
TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499.
The first of these letters is addressed to King Ferdinand and Queen
Isabella, of Castile, whose daughter, Doña Isabella, King Manuel had
married in October 1497.[264] The letter is dated July 1499, and may
have been written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel on
July 10.
The draught, or copy, of this letter in the Torre do Tombo[265] has
been published by A. C. Texeira de Aragão in the _Boletim_ of the
Lisbon Geographical Society, VI, 1886, p. 673. It was published a
second time in _Alguns Documentos do Archivo National da Torre do
Tombo_, Lisbon, 1892, p. 95. There are several omissions in the latter
version, due probably to the illegibility of the manuscript. In our
rendering of this valuable document, all passages omitted in _Alguns
Documentos_ are printed in italics, while attention is directed to
other differences by means of foot-notes.
The draught of the letter addressed to the “Cardinal Protector” also
exists in the Torre do Tombo,[266] but is evidently very illegible,
for the text published by Texeira de Aragão is full of blanks. The
original, as also the letter to Pope Alexander VI, to which reference
is made, may possibly be discovered in Rome. The letter is dated August
28, 1499, that is, the day before Vasco da Gama’s supposed return
to Lisbon. It was certainly written _after_ the arrival of the _S.
Gabriel_, for it refers to the “Moor of Tunis” or Monçaide, to the
“Jew”, who subsequently became known as Gaspar da Gama, and to the men
carried off from Calecut, none of whom is likely to have been on board
Coelho’s small vessel.[267]
The “Cardinal Protector” can be identified with D. Jorge da Costa, a
man of mean extraction, whom Doña Catharina, the virgin daughter of
King Duarte, and sister of King Afonso IV, appointed her chaplain, and
who subsequently rose to high dignities in the Church, until, finally,
the Pope bestowed upon him a cardinal’s hat. King John took a dislike
to the cardinal, who went to reside at Rome; but King Manuel had a
high opinion of his wisdom, and soon after his accession, in 1495,
he invited him, through Pedro Correa,[268] his special ambassador to
the Court of Rome, to return to Lisbon. The cardinal declined this
invitation, pleading his great age and infirmities as an excuse, but
ever afterwards attended most faithfully to the King’s business with
the Pope.
I.—KING MANUEL’S LETTER TO THE KING AND QUEEN OF CASTILE, JULY 1499.
Most high and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady!
Your Highnesses already know that we had ordered _Vasco da Gama,
a nobleman of our household, and his brother Paulo da Gama, with_
four vessels to make discoveries by sea, and that two years have now
elapsed since their departure. And as the principal motive of this
enterprise has been, with our predecessors, the service of God our
Lord, and our own advantage,[269] it pleased Him in His mercy to
speed them on their route. From a message which has now been brought
to this city by one of the captains,[270] we learn that they did
reach and discover India and other kingdoms _and lordships_ bordering
upon it; that they entered and navigated its sea, finding large
cities, large edifices and rivers, and great populations, among whom
is carried on all the trade in spices and precious stones, which are
forwarded in ships (which these same explorers saw and met with in
good numbers and of great size) to Mecca, and thence to Cairo, whence
they are dispersed throughout the world. Of these [spices, etc.] they
have brought a quantity, including cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg,
_and pepper_, as well as other kinds, together with the boughs and
leaves[271] of the same; also many fine stones of all sorts, such as
rubies and others. And they also came to a country in which there are
mines of gold, of which [gold], as of the spices and precious stones,
they did not bring as much as they could have done, for they took no
merchandise with them.[272]
As we are aware that your Highnesses will hear of these things
with much pleasure and satisfaction, we thought well to give this
information. And your Highnesses may believe, in accordance with what
we have learnt concerning the Christian people whom these explorers
reached, that it will be possible, notwithstanding that they are
not as yet strong in the faith or possessed of a thorough knowledge
of it, to do much in the service of God and the exaltation of the
Holy Faith, once they shall have been converted and fully fortified
(confirmed) in it. And when _they shall have thus been fortified in
the faith there will be an opportunity for destroying the Moors of
those parts. Moreover, we hope, with the help of God, that_ the great
trade which now enriches the Moors of those parts, through whose
hands it passes without the intervention of other persons or peoples,
shall, in consequence of our regulations (ordenanços) be diverted _to
the natives and ships of our own kingdom_, so that henceforth all
Christendom, _in this part of Europe_, shall be able, _in a large
measure_, to provide itself with these spices and precious stones.
This, with the help of God, who in His mercy thus ordained it, will
cause our designs and intentions to be pushed with more ardour
[especially as respects] the war upon the Moors _of the territories
conquered by us in these parts_, which your Highnesses are so firmly
resolved upon, and in which we are equally zealous.
And we pray your Highnesses, in consideration of this great favour,
which, with much gratitude, we received from Our Lord, to cause to be
addressed to Him those praises which are His due.[273]
Most high _and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady, may the Lord our God ever hold your persons and kingdoms in His
holy keeping_.
_Written at Lisbon, July 1499._
II.—KING MANUEL TO THE CARDINAL PROTECTOR, AUGUST 28TH, 1499.
Most Reverend Father in Christ, whom we love much as a brother!
We, Dom Manuel, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and of the
Algarves on this side of and beyond the sea, in Africa, Lord of
Guinea and of the Conquest the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia,
Arabia, Persia and India, We send to recommend to your Reverence
... very great news ... Our Lord having ended our labours in the
exploration of Ethiopia and India, of other countries, and eastern
islands ... we inform you with pleasure ... and in order that you may
know the progress of events we enclose the draught of a letter which
we wrote to the Holy Father ... Beyond what we wrote to his Holiness,
your Reverence must know that those who have just returned from this
investigation and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a
city called Qualicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves ... the
King looks upon himself and the major part of his people as Christian
... throughout the year there are found there cucumbers, oranges,
lemons and citrons ... there are great fleets ... The island of
Taprobane, which is called Ceilam,[274] is 150 leagues from Qualicut
... Our people brought five or six Indians from Qualicut ... moreover
a Moor of Tunes ... and a Jew,[275] who turned Christian, and who is
a merchant and lapidary, and well acquainted with the coasts from
Alexandria to India, and beyond with the interior (_sertão_) and
Tartary as far as the major sea.... As soon as we had these news
we ordered general processions to be made throughout our kingdom,
returning many thanks to Our Lord ... His Holiness and your Reverence
must (_deve_) publicly rejoice no less and give many praises to God.
Also, whereas by Apostolical[276] grants we enjoy very fully the
sovereignty and dominion of all we have discovered, in such manner
that little or nothing else seems needed, yet would it please us, and
we affectionately beg that after you shall have handed our letters
to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, it may please you,
speaking in this as if from yourself, to ask for a fresh expression
of satisfaction with reference to a matter of such novelty and great
and recent merit, so as to obtain His Holiness’s renewed approval and
declaration, in such form as may appear best to you, most Reverend
Father, whom Our Lord hold in his keeping.
Written at Lisbon, August 28, 1499.
The King.
APPENDIX B.
[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.
(_From the Portrait in the Museu das Bellas Artes at Lisbon._)]
This portrait formerly belonged to the Conde de Farrobo, who had it
from the Casa de Niza. It was presented to the Museu in 1866 by King
D. Ferdinand. It dates back, apparently, to the first quarter of the
sixteenth century. In 1845 it was restored by Luiz Tirinanzi. The above
is taken from a photograph kindly forwarded by Senhor José Bastos, of
Lisbon. The signature attached (Ho Conde Almyrante) is that of Vasco da
Gama.
The portrait in the possession of the Conde de Lavradio, which was
published in Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da
Gama_, is a copy of the above.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS ON VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE.
Girolamo Sernigi was born in Florence in 1453. His father, Cipriano di
Chimenti, was a member of the Clothiers’ Guild, and was held in high
respect by his fellow citizens. The family became extinct in 1680.[277]
Girolamo was residing at Lisbon, where he had settled as a merchant,
when Vasco da Gama’s expedition returned from India. He remained there
for many years afterwards, and in 1510 commanded a vessel which went
out to Malacca with the fleet of Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos.[278]
In addition to the letters giving an account of the voyage of Vasco
da Gama, he wrote others dealing with the trade between Portugal and
India. Some of these will be found in the _Diari_ of Marino Sanuto.
Manuscript copies of these letters exist in the Biblioteca Riccardiana,
Florence (Codices 1910, f. 61, and 2112b), in the library of Mr. Ralph
Sneyd, of Newcastle-under-Lyne, and possibly elsewhere. I am indebted
to the mediation of Dr. R. Garnett and the kindness of Professor
Biagi, chief librarian of the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenciana, at
Florence, for a careful copy of Codex 1910. The MS. in the library
of Mr. Sneyd formerly belonged to Count Soranzo of Venice, and Prof.
Guglielmo Berchet of that city quotes passages from it in his valuable
contribution to the “Raccolta Colombiana”.[279] I regret to say that I
failed in my endeavours to secure a copy of this valuable manuscript.
Fortunately, to judge from the few extracts given by Prof. Berchet,
there seems to be no reason to suppose that it differs in any essential
respect from the other documents of which I was able to avail myself.
The two letters addressed to a gentleman at Florence were published for
the first time in Fracanzio di Montalboddo’s famous _Paesi novamente
retrovati_, Vicenza, 1507. This seems to be a faithful reproduction of
the original, except that a few passages have been omitted, and that
the letters have been divided into chapters, each with a distinctive
heading. Ramusio,[280] who republished these letters in 1550, has taken
much greater liberties with their writer. He has not merely improved
his literary style, but has also condensed many passages, not always
very happily, and suppressed others altogether. The more important of
these omissions, and occasional additions, have been pointed out by me
in the notes appended to the present translation.
The writer’s name is not mentioned by Fracanzio or Ramusio.
Bandini[281] rashly suggested it was Amerigo Vespucci, who addressed
these letters to Dr. Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici. Professor
Kopke[282] devotes several pages to a refutation of this untenable
hypothesis. It suffices to state that Vespucci was away with Alonzo de
Hojeda in the West Indies, from May 1499 to February 1500, and cannot
consequently have been at Lisbon in July 1499, when the first vessel of
Vasco da Gama’s fleet came back from India.[283]
To Baldelli Boni is due the credit of having first made known the name
of the actual writer, and of having directed attention to the copy of
the first letter existing in the Riccardian library.[284]
The first of these letters was undoubtedly written immediately after
the arrival of Coelho’s vessel, on July 10th. The information it
conveys was obtained from various members of the expedition, and there
is at least one passage in it which shows that it was not all written
on the same day.
The second letter was written some time afterwards, for it embodies
information obtained from the “pilot”, Gaspar da Gama, who had not come
back when the first letter was written (see p. 136). This intelligent
informant reached Lisbon on board the flag-ship, the _S. Gabriel_, the
command of which had been entrusted by Vasco da Gama to his clerk, João
de Sá, when he himself left São Thiago in a caravel for Terçeira.
Both these letters are addressed to a gentleman at Florence with whom
the writer was not on terms of familiarity, and whom he consequently
addresses as “Vossignoria”. This need not, however, be translated as
“your Lordship”, for that style of address was customary in the case of
persons of much humbler degree.
The third letter is undoubtedly by the same writer. An abstract of
it, in German, was discovered among the papers of Conrad Peutinger,
of Augsburg, the antiquarian, and at one time the owner of the famous
_Tabula Peutingeriana_. It was first published, together with other
documents dealing with early voyages to the New World and to India, by
Dr. G. Greiff, in 1861.[285]
Peutinger[286] was shown this letter during a temporary visit to
Rome, and made the abstract thus published. He states explicitly that
the letter was addressed to the author’s _brother_. Covering the same
ground as the preceding letters, and written about the same time, it is
only natural that there should occur many similar passages; and this
would in all probability be even more apparent if we were in a position
to collate the letter seen by Peutinger at Rome with that preserved in
the “Riccardiana”. But the letter, notwithstanding, is quite distinct
from the letters addressed to a gentleman in Florence. The arrangement
of the subjects dealt with is different, and whilst we meet with
paragraphs not to be found in either of the other letters, there are
numerous omissions. Among these latter we may direct attention to the
speculation about the Chinese being Germans, which would most certainly
not have been passed over by a German.
The Peutinger letter was written after the captain had come back “_a
salvamento_” to Lisbon with the “one vessel” of 90 tons, not previously
accounted for. This definite statement is rather puzzling, for if Vasco
da Gama really came home in his flagship, we are either compelled to
reject the statements of such well-accredited historians as De Barros,
Goes, and Castanheda, who affirm that the captain-major ordered João de
Sá to take his flagship, the _S. Gabriel_, to Lisbon, whilst he himself
chartered a swift caravel which conveyed himself and his dying brother
to the Azores; or we must assume that João de Sá, having refitted the
_S. Gabriel_ at São Thiago, joined his chief at Terçeira, and returned
with him to Lisbon.[287] We are inclined to believe that we have before
us an inaccurate statement made by the writer of the letter, or else
an erroneous rendering of his meaning by Peutinger. The letter was
certainly written after the arrival of João de Sá in the _S. Gabriel_,
but Vasco da Gama himself, coming direct from Terçeira, may have
reached Lisbon a day or two later: these two distinct events becoming
thus blended, as it were, in the mind of a man not thoroughly informed
of the matter.
We have contented ourselves with printing a few extracts from
Peutinger’s letter.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S FIRST LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN AT FLORENCE.[288]
[_The Start._]
The most illustrious Lord Manuel of Portugal sent 3 new vessels to
discover new countries, namely 2 vessels[289] (balonieri) of 90
tons each, and one of 50 tons, in addition to which there was a
ship (navetta), of one hundred and ten tons, laden with provisions.
Between them they took away cxviij men,[290] and they left this city
of Lisbon on July 9 1497.[291] Vasco da Gama went as captain of this
fleet.
[_The Voyage._]
On July x 1499 the vessel of 50 tons came back to this city.[292] The
captain, Vasco da Gama, remained at the Cape Verde islands with one
of the vessels of 90 tons in order to land there his brother Paulo da
Gama, who was very ill.[293] The other vessel of 90 tons was burnt
because there were not people enough to navigate and steer her. The
store-ship also was burnt, for it was not intended she should return.
In the course of the voyage there died 55 men from a disease which
first attacked the mouth, and thence descended to the throat; they
also suffered great pain in the legs from the knee downwards.
They discovered 1800 leagues[294] (each league being equal to 4¼
of our miles) of new land beyond the cape of Good Hope, which cape
was first discovered in the time of King John. Beyond that cape they
followed the coast for about 600 leagues[295] and met with a dense
population of black people. And when they had made these 600 leagues
they discovered a large river,[296] and at the mouth of that river a
great village inhabited by black people, who are, as it were, subject
to the Moors. These Moors live in the interior of the country, and
continually make war upon the blacks. And in this river, according to
these blacks, are found immense quantities (infinite) of gold; and
they told the captain that if he would tarry a moon,[297] that is a
month, they would give him gold in plenty. But the captain would
not wait, and went about 350 leagues[298] further, and discovered
a great walled city, with very good stone houses in the Moorish
style, inhabited by Moors of the colour of Indians. There the
captain landed, and the Moorish king of this city received him with
much feasting (chon gran festa), and gave him a pilot for crossing
the gulf. This city is called Melinde, and lies at the entrance of
a gulf, the whole of which is peopled by Moors. This pilot spoke
Italian.[299]
[_The Arabian Sea._]
This gulf is above 700 leagues across,[300] and they crossed it from
side to side, and came to a very large city, larger than Lisbon,
inhabited by Christians, and called Chalichut.
On both sides of this gulf there is a dense population of Moors, with
great towns and castles.[301] At the termination of this gulf there
is a strait[302] like that of Romania,[303] and having passed through
this strait there is another and greater gulf, which is the Red Sea.
And from the right hand of this to the house of Mecca, where is the
tomb of Mohammed, is 3 days’ journey by land. At the said house of
Mecca is a very great town of Moors. I am of opinion that this is the
Gulf of Arabia,[304] concerning which Pliny wrote that Alexander the
Great went there, to make war, as also did the Romans, who took all
by war.
[_Chalichut._]
Let us return to the above-named city of Chalichut, which is bigger
than Lisbon, and peopled by Christian Indians, as said.[305]
In this city are churches with bells,[306] but there are no priests,
and the divine offices are not performed nor sacrificial [masses]
celebrated, but in each church there is a pillar holding water, in
the manner of the fonts holding our holy water, and a second pillar
with balm. They bathe once every 3 years in a river which is near the
city.[307] The houses in this city are of stone and mortar, in the
Moorish style, and the roads laid out and straight as are these.[308]
[_An Audience._]
And the king of this city is waited upon in grand style (molto
altamente), and keeps regal state, having his chamberlains,
door-keepers, and barons,[309] as also a very sumptuous palace.
When the captain of the said vessel arrived at the city the king was
away at a castle at a distance of about 6 leagues, and having been
informed that Christians had arrived he at once came to the city
attended by about 5000 persons.[310] After the lapse of 3 days the
king sent for the captain, who had stayed in his vessel. The captain,
with xii of his men, went at once, and about 5000 persons accompanied
him from the shore as far as the palace of the king, at the gate of
which stood x doorkeepers with silver-mounted sticks. Having entered
he proceeded to a chamber where the king reposed upon a low couch.
The whole of the floor was covered with green velvet,[311] whilst
around it was drapery of variously-coloured damask. The couch had a
very fine white coverlet, all worked with gold thread, and above it
was a canopy, very white, delicate and sumptuous.
The king at once asked[312] the captain what he had come to seek.
The captain replied that it was the custom among Christians that when
an ambassador had to deliver his message to a prince he should do so
in secret and not in public. The king, upon this, ordered all his
people outside. The captain then said that the King of Portugal had
long since heard of his Highness (alteza) and that he was a Christian
king. Being desirous of his friendship he had been ordered to visit
him, as was the custom between Christian kings.
The king received this message (ambascata) most graciously, and
ordered the Christian captain to be lodged in the house of a very
rich Moor.
[_Moorish Merchants._]
In this city there reside many very wealthy Moorish merchants, and
all the trade is in their hands.[313] They have a fine mosque[314] in
the square of the town. The king is, as it were, governed by these
Moors because of the presents which they give him; and owing to their
industry[315] the government is wholly in their hands, for these
Christians are coarse people.
[_Spice Trade._]
All kinds of spices are to be found in this city of Chalichut, such
as cinnamon, pepper, ginger, frankincense, lac; and brazil-wood
abounds in the forests. These spices do not grow here, but[316] in
a certain island at a distance of 160 leagues from this city, near
the mainland. It can be reached overland in xx days and is inhabited
by Moors.[317] All the above spices are brought to this city as to a
staple.[318]
[_Coins._]
The coins most in circulation in this city are serafins of fine gold,
coined by the Sultan of Babylonia,[319] which weigh 2 or 3 grains
less than a ducat, and are called serafins.[320] There also circulate
some Venetian and Genoese ducats, as also small silver coins, which
must likewise be of the coinage of said sultan.
[_Merchandise._]
There is abundance of silken stuffs, namely, velvets of various
colours,[321] satins, damask, taffetas, brocades worked in gold,
scarlet cloth, brass and tin ware.[322] In fine, all these things are
to be found in abundance, and it is my opinion that the cloths worked
in gold and the silks are brought thither from Cairo.
[_Shipping._]
The Portuguese remained three months at that town, namely, from May
21[323] to August 25, and during that time there arrived about 1,500
Moorish vessels in search of spices. The largest of these vessels did
not exceed 800 tons.[324] They are of all sorts, large and small.
Having only one mast they can make headway only with the wind astern,
and sometimes are obliged to wait from four to six months for fair
weather [the monsoon or season].
Many of these vessels are lost.[325] They are badly built,[326] and
very frail. They carry neither arms nor artillery.
The vessels which visit the islands to carry spices to this city of
Chalichut are flat-bottomed, so as to draw little water, for there
are many dry places (shoals). Some of these vessels are built without
any nails or iron,[327] for they have to pass over the loadstone.
All the vessels, as long as they remain at this city, are drawn
up on the beach, for there is no port where they would be safe
otherwise.[328]
[_Prices._]
A load of cinnamon equal to 5 Lisbon cantars[329] is worth in
that city between x and xii ducats, or serafins, at most; but in
the islands where it is collected it is worth only half that sum.
Pepper and cloves are rated similarly. Ginger[330] and cinnamon are
worth more than any other spices, but lac is worth next to nothing,
and they ballast their vessels with it, that is calk them.[331]
Brazil-wood abounds in the forests.
In payment they only take gold and silver; coral and other
merchandise of our parts they esteem but little,[332] linen-cloth
excepted, which I believe would find a ready market, as the sailors
bartered some of their shirts very profitably for spices, although
very fine white linen cloth, probably imported from Cairo, is found
there.
There is a custom-house in this city as elsewhere, and merchandise
pays a duty of 5 p. c.
The Portuguese who returned home brought a few precious stones of
little value, for, in truth, they had neither gold nor silver to buy
any. They say that these jewels are very dear there, as also are
pearls, but I believe they are to be had cheap. This is my opinion,
but those they bought were in the hands of Moorish brokers, who sell
at a fourfold profit. They have brought some balasci,[333] sapphires
and very small rubies, as also many garnets. They say that the
captain brings some valuable jewels, which he bought with the silver
which he had at his disposal, but as he has not yet come back it is
not known what he brings.[334]
[_Trade with Egypt and East Africa._]
Most of the vessels which lade spices at Chalichut cross the large
gulf, mentioned above, over which the pilot took them; they then pass
through the strait.[335] The Red Sea is crossed in smaller vessels,
after which they proceed by land to the House of Mecca, which is a
journey of 3 days. They then take the route for Cairo, past the foot
of Mount Sinai, and through a desert of sand where, they say, high
winds sometimes raise the sand in such a manner that it covers them.
Some of the spice-vessels visit all the cities of the gulf, others
go to the mouth of the great river,[336] where gold is found and a
Moorish population, and there discharge their cargoes.
They found in this city of Chalichut barrels of Malvasia[337] from
Candia, and I believe that they were brought from Cairo, as is other
merchandise.
[_Chinese Visitors._]
It is now about 80 years since there arrived in this city of Chalicut
certain vessels of white Christians, who wore their hair long like
Germans, and had no beards except around the mouth, such as are worn
at Constantinople by cavaliers and courtiers.[338] They landed,
wearing a cuirass, helmet, and vizor, and carrying a certain weapon
[sword] attached to a spear. Their vessels are armed with bombards,
shorter than those in use with us. Once every two years they return
with 20 or 25 vessels. They are unable to tell what people they are,
nor what merchandise they bring to this city, save that it includes
very fine linen-cloth and brass-ware. They load spices. Their vessels
have four masts like those of Spain. If they were Germans it seems
to me that we should have had some notice about them; possibly they
may be Russians if they have a port there. On the arrival of the
captain we may learn who these people are, for the Italian-speaking
pilot, who was given him by the Moorish king,[339] and whom he took
away contrary to his inclinations, is with him, and may be able to
tell.[340]
[_Food._]
Corn in abundance is found in this city of Chalichut, it being
brought thither by the Moors. For 3 reals,[341] which are smaller
than ours, bread sufficient for the daily sustenance of a man can be
purchased. Their bread is unleavened, resembling small cakes, which
are baked daily in the ashes. Rice, likewise, is found in abundance.
There are cows and oxen. They are small, but yield much milk and
butter. Oranges of indifferent flavour[342] are plentiful, as also
lemons, citrons and limes, very good melons,[343] dates, fresh and
dried, and great variety of other kinds of fruit.
The king of this city of Chalichut eats neither of meat nor fish
nor anything that has been killed, nor do his barons, courtiers,
or other persons of quality, for they say that Jesus Christ[344]
said in his law that he who kills shall die. For this reason they
refuse to eat anything that has been killed, and it is a great
thing that they should be able to support themselves without eating
meat or fish.[345] The common people eat meat and fish, but they
do not eat oxen or cows, for they hold these animals to be blessed
(benedetto), and when they meet an ox on the highway they touch him,
and afterwards kiss their hand, as a sign of great humility.
The king lives on rice, milk and butter,[346] and so do his barons
and some of the other men of quality. And the king is waited upon
right royally at table. He drinks palm-wine out of a silver cup. This
cup he does not put to his mouth, but holds at some distance and
pours the wine down his throat.
[_Fish._]
The fish are of the same kinds as are those of Portugal, namely,
perch,[347] soles,[348] bream,[349] salmon, mullets, and so of all
other kinds. And there are fishermen who go a-fishing[350] [soles and
salmon].
[_Elephants._]
The Christians ride on elephants, of whom there are many: they are
domesticated. When the king goes to war most of his people go on
foot, but some are mounted on elephants; but when he goes from place
to place he causes himself to be carried by some among the principal
men of his court.[351]
[_Dress._]
All or most of these people are clothed in cotton-cloths from the
waist down to the knee, but from the waist upwards they go naked.
Courtiers and men of condition dress in the same manner, but make
use of silk-stuffs, reddish or scarlet or of other colours, as seems
good to them.[352] The wives (ladies) of men of condition are clothed
above the girdle in very white and delicate linen; but the wives
of lower degree are naked above the waist.[353] The Moors dress
according to their custom in _jubbi_ and _balandrau_.[354]
[_Distance to Lisbon._]
From this city of Chalichut to Lisbon is a distance of 3800
leagues,[355] and at the rate of 4½ miles to the league this makes
17,100 miles, and as much again for the return voyage. From this the
time in which such a voyage can be made may be judged, it requiring
from 15 to 16 months.
[_Native Navigation._]
The mariners of that part, namely the Moors, do not guide themselves
by the Pole in navigating this gulf, but trust to quadrants of
wood.[356] When they cross the gulf to that side, so they were told
by the pilot, they leave a thousand or more islands[357] to the
right; and whoever gets among these will be lost as there are many
rocks (shoals), and I am inclined to think that they be those which
were discovered by the King of Castile.[358]
[_Prester John._]
At the city of Chalichut they have some knowledge of Prester
John,[359] but not much, as he is far away. These Christians believe
that Jesus Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, without sin, was
crucified and killed by the Jews, and buried at Jerusalem. They also
have some knowledge of the Pope of Rome, but know nothing of our
faith beyond this. They [the people of Prester John] have letters and
a written language.
[_Articles of Commerce._]
In this city are found many tusks of elephants, also much cotton,
sugar and sweetmeats, and all the wealth of the world seems now to
have been discovered.
I presume that wine would prove a good article in these parts, and
very acceptable to these Christians. Oil, too, is in demand.
Justice is strictly administered in this city. Robbers, murderers,
and other malefactors are incontinently impaled in the Turkish
fashion; and whoever defrauds the king’s excise (customs) is punished
by having his merchandise confiscated.
Civet, musk, ambergris and storax are met with.[360]
[_Spice Islands._]
The island where the spices grow is called Zilon, and is 60[361]
leagues from said city. In that island grow the trees which yield
very good cinnamon; as also pepper.[362] However, there is still
another island [in which spices grow]. Cinnamon and pepper also grow
on the mainland, around this city, but the quality is inferior to the
products of the islands. Ginger grows on the mainland, and is of very
good quality. Cloves grow at a great distance. Of rhubarb there is
much, and many other kinds of spices are found there, as also many
almonds.[363]
[_The Arabian Sea._]
I stated above that the gulf was wholly peopled by Moors, but I have
since[364] learnt that this is not the case. Only the shore on this
side [the west], where is the city of Melinde, is wholly inhabited
by white Moors, whilst the further [eastern] shore is peopled by
Christian Indians, who are white as we are. Along the coast and
throughout the mainland much corn, meat and fruit are produced.
The country around the city of Melinde is very fertile, and many of
these provisions are shipped from it to Chalichut, for most of the
land around the latter is sandy and yields no fruit.[365]
[_The Monsoons._]
There are only two dominant winds in those parts, namely westerly and
easterly winds, and it is winter during the former and summer during
the latter.
[_Artists._]
There are many excellent painters in this city of Ghalinde,[366] of
figures as well as of other subjects.
[_Architecture._]
Neither Ghalinde nor any of the other cities is enclosed within
walls or otherwise, but there are many good houses, built in the
Moorish style, of stone and mortar, and streets regularly laid out
(ordinate).[367]
[_Ceylon._]
In the island of Zilon, where the cinnamon grows, are found many
precious stones and the biggest sapphires.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI.
Lisbon.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S SECOND LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN OF FLORENCE.[368]
Since I sent you full particulars about India and its discovery there
has arrived here the pilot whom they took by force. He appeared to
be a Sclavonian and turns out to be a Jew, born at Alexandria, or in
those parts, and thence went to India when very young. At Calichut he
has a wife and children. He owned a ship and went several times to
sea.
[_Spices._]
This man told wonderful things about those countries, and their
wealth in spices. The best and finest cinnamon is procured from
another island [Ceylon], about 150 leagues beyond Calichut and very
near the mainland. This island is inhabited by Moors. Pepper and
cloves come from more distant parts.
[_Jews._]
He says that there are not many Jews there; and that there is a King
of the Jews of the ten tribes of the Jewish people which went out of
Egypt.[369]
[_Christians._]
He says that in those countries there are many gentiles, that is
idolaters, and only a few Christians;[370] that the supposed churches
and belfries are in reality temples of idolaters, and that the
pictures within them are those of idols and not of Saints. To me
this seems more probable than saying that there are Christians but
no divine administrations, no priests and no sacrificial mass. I do
not understand that there are any Christians there to be taken into
account,[371] excepting those of Prester John, whose country is far
from Calichut, on this [_i.e._, the western] side of the Gulf of
Arabia, and borders upon the country of the King of Melinde, and,
far in the interior, upon the Ethiopians, that is the black people
of Guinea, as also upon Egypt, that is the country of the Sultan of
Babylon [Cairo]. This Prester John has priests, who offer sacrifices,
respect the Gospels and the Laws of the Church, much as is done by
other Christians.
[_Trade with Egypt._]
The Sultan has a port on the Red Sea, and the route from Alexandria
to that port passes throughout through his territories, it being a
journey of quite lxxx days.[372] At that port all spices coming from
Calichut are discharged.
[_A Pearl Fishery._]
There is an island about a league from the mainland,[373] inhabited
by fishermen, who do nothing but fish for pearls. There is no water
in the island, and many barges go daily to a large river on the
mainland where they are filled with water—no tubs or barrels being
used. When the animals of the island see these barges return, they
immediately hasten to the shore to drink out of these barges. Pearls
are not fished at any island except this one which lies quite 60
leagues[374] this side of Calichut. It is inhabited by gentiles, who
set great store by cows and oxen, whom they almost worship, so that
anyone discovered to have eaten beef is adjudged guilty of death.[375]
[_Taprobana._]
Taprobana, concerning which Pliny wrote so fully, was not known
to the pilot, for it must be quite out at sea, far away from the
mainland.[376]
[_A Pagoda._]
At Calichut there is a temple and whoever enters it before noon on a
seventh Wednesday dies[377] because of diabolical apparitions. The
Jewish pilot affirms that this is most certainly true, and that on a
certain day of the year some lamps in this same temple begin to burn
spontaneously and cause many deformities of nature to appear.
[_Moorish Navigation._]
He, moreover, stated that in those seas they navigate without
compasses, but with the aid of quadrants of wood. This seems to be a
difficult thing to do, especially during a fog, when it is impossible
to see the stars. They also have a kind of very small anchor, but I
do not know how it is used.[378] The planks of their vessels are held
together by cords, and they are three palms longer than the beam. All
the vessels of that country are built at Calichut, for no wood is
found elsewhere.
[_Suitable Exports._]
The articles of merchandise most suitable for that country seem to
be coral, copper kettles and thin plates of the same metal; tartar,
spectacles (for there are countries where a pair of them fetches
a high price), coarse linens, wine, oil, thin brocades, and also
boccasins, that is cloths. The said Jew has thrown much light on all
these matters.
[_Plans of King Manuel._]
Our King of Portugal is very keen in this matter and has already
ordered four vessels to be got ready, besides two caravels, well
armed, to sail in January with plenty of merchandise.[379] Should the
King of Calicut not allow the Portuguese to trade in those countries,
the captain of these vessels is instructed to capture as many native
craft as he can. In my opinion he will be able to capture as many as
he chooses, for they are frail, and so badly constructed that they
can only sail before the wind. Of these native vessels, engaged in
the spice trade, there are very many.
[_Elephants._]
The principal animals of this country are elephants, which they
employ in war. On the back of the animal they place a kind of castle
sheltering three or four fighting men, in addition to whom there
is one man, and he the most important, who guides the animal, as
described by Pliny.[380] Some kings there are who have 1500 elephants
each, others a thousand and others eight hundred, according to the
extent of their dominions. When they wish to beach their ships they
do so by the strength of these animals, and they make them run, which
seems fabulous, but is nevertheless true.
[_Precious Stones._]
Those who have returned say that precious stones (jewels) are
plentiful, but dear in comparison with other merchandise. Neither
the captain nor the others have brought back jewels worth taking
into account, and this makes me think that they are not found there,
but come from afar. The princes and kings of those countries value
precious stones very much.
Storax, benzoin, civet and similar things are not as plentiful there
as I was led to believe.
[_The Royal Title._]
Our king has taken a title from those countries, viz. King of
Portugal and Algarve on this and on the other side of the sea, in
Africa, Lord of Guinea, and of the conquest, the navigation and
commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India.
This is what I was able to learn from some persons of intelligence
who returned with this fleet. And if I have written it down somewhat
at random you, Sir,[381] will pardon and excuse me.
EXTRACTS FROM GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTER TO HIS BROTHER, 1499.
_From an Abstract made by Conrad Peutinger at Rome._
The four vessels left Lisbon on July 10, 1499 ... The captain
remained behind with three vessels, because his brother Paulo da
Gama, was sick unto death. He landed him at an island called Capo
Verde, far from Lisbon, and burnt two vessels, the one of 110 tons
and one of 90 tons, so that they might not fall into the hands of
the heathen [Mohammedans], for 55 of his people had died, and he
was unable to bring these ships home with the remaining 63 men.
Afterwards the captain came _a Sambameno_ (_a salvamento_, safely)
back to Lisbon with the one ship.[382]
... On the voyage out from Lisbon the vessels came to some distant
islands where they [the Portuguese] had been before.[383] Beyond
these islands they came to a gulf, or arm of the sea, which they
crossed, having the land always to the left and the broad sea to the
right....
Various kinds of spices are brought from distant islands to Colokutt.
Pepper, brazil-wood, _grao_,[384] cinnamon, frankincense, lac, are to
be found there. These things abound and are worth next to nothing.
Of brazil-wood there is plenty. There are likewise many ivory tusks
and various other kinds of merchandise, such as variously-coloured
silk-stuffs, costly cloth worked in gold, fine white linen, and
woollen-stuffs, such as bocassins of various colours, and also much
cotton. It is thought that the silver stuffs and cloths, as also the
linens, come from Alkeiro (Cairo).
... Most of the spices brought to Kalikut are said to come from the
island of Zelong (Ceylon). Only heathen live in that island, and the
king is a heathen [Moor]. It is at a distance of 160 leagues from
Kalekutt, and only one league from the mainland. By land it is a
journey of twenty days. In the island are forests of brazil-wood and
roseberries,[385] and other spices, including cloves and rhubarb, are
found. Some minor spices come from more distant islands. Cinnamon is
imported from Ceylon ...
APPENDIX C.
[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.
(_From a Paris MS. of Barretto de Rezende._)]
THREE PORTUGUESE ACCOUNTS OF VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE (1608-1646).
I.—JORNAL DAS VIAGENS DOS PORTUGUEZES AS INDIAS, 1608.
The late Visconde de Santarem, in his _Noticia dos Manuscriptos_, 2nd
edition, Lisbon, 1863, p. 93, draws attention to the existence of a MS.
in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which in his opinion furnishes
most valuable chronological information on the Portuguese voyages to
India, from 1497 to 1632. We have translated from this codex all that
refers to the first voyage of Vasco da Gama; and a perusal of the
translation will, we think, convince the reader that he has before him,
not a document based upon authentic sources, but a compilation of very
doubtful value.
We have examined three copies, or rather editions, of this _Jornal das
Viagens dos Portuguezes ás Indias_, viz.:—
1. _Bibl. Nat. Port. 8, No. 85._ This is the earliest of the three
MSS., for it only extends to the year 1608. On folio 206b is a
statement to the effect that it was copied in 1618 from a MS. in the
possession of the Conde de Vidigueira.
2. _Bibl. Nat. Port. 46._ This, formerly, bore the number 10023, and
is the MS. described by Santarem. It is identical with Port. 8, except
that its information is extended to the year 1632.
3 _British Museum Add. MSS. 20902._ This is the MS. quoted by
Dr. Walter de Gray Birch (_The Commentaries of the Great Afonso
Dalboquerque_, ii, p. xvi). It is still more recent than the preceding,
having been extended by an unknown author to the year 1653. A list of
the Viceroys up to 1610 is appended. The marginal notes are derived
from Pedro Barretto de Rezende’s _Livro das Armadas_.
THE YEAR 1497.
On the second of June, 1497, there set sail from Lisbon for the
discovery of Oriental India, Vasco da Gama, the second son of Estevão
da Gama, comptroller (veador) of the household of the King Don
Affonso V, and of Doña Isabel Sodré, his wife, as captain-major of
four vessels: himself in the _São Raphael_; Paulo da Gama, his elder
brother, in the São Gabriel; Nicolao Coelho in the _São Miguel_.
Gonçalo Nunes was captain of a vessel carrying provisions, which this
side (_antes_) the Cape of Good Hope were transferred to the other
vessels, when he returned to this kingdom [of Portugal]. And the vessel
_S. Gabriel_, in which went Paulo da Gama, being much dilapidated, so
as to be unable to continue the voyage, was broken up for the purpose
of repairing the other vessels, in a river of Cafraria, beyond the
Cape of Good Hope, which was named the river of Mercy. And Paulo da
Gama went over to the vessel of his brother, while his people were
distributed among the two vessels. Thence they continued their voyage.
Having come to an anchor at Moçambique, where the Sheikh attempted to
take the vessels by treachery, they disembarked at the island of São
Jorge, where was celebrated the first mass beyond the Cape of Good
Hope. Thence they went to Quiloa and Mombaça, and the kings of all
these islands attempted to act treacherously, but God would not permit
their success.
At Melinde the King made them honestly welcome, and gave them
trustworthy pilots, who guided them to Angediva, where they fought the
fustas of the Sabayo, the governor of Goa, over whom they gained the
victory. And thence they went to Calicut, where the Samori planned many
treacherous acts which took no effect. Thence they went to Cochim,
where the King received them well, and to Cananor, in the same manner.
There they completed the loading of the two vessels, and returned to
this kingdom, arriving safely at Lisbon on September 18th, 1499.[386]
Paulo da Gama died of an illness in the island of Terçeira, at the city
of Angra, and lies buried in the monastery of São Francisco of that
city.[387]
II.—LUIZ DE FIGUEIREDO FALCÃO, 1612.
Luiz de Figueiredo Falcão was secretary of King Philip II of Portugal
(Philip III of Spain), and is the compiler of a _Livro em que se contem
toda a Fazenda, & Real Patrimonio dos Reynos de Portugal, India, ilhas
adjacentes de sua coroa_, which was printed by order of the Portuguese
Government in 1859.
The Preface is dated “Madrid, October 20, MDC.VII”, but this is
evidently a misprint, for reference is made in it to a list of captains
who went to India since 1497 as containing information up to the year
1612; and instead of VII, we ought therefore to read XII, the date of
the book being thus 1612.
The author had access to the original records in the India House,
and claims to have expended three years upon the compilation of his
work, which certainly contains a mass of information of the highest
interest. Nevertheless, his book is not free from errors, many of
which have already been pointed out by Cunha Rivara in an Appendix to
a translation of the _Viagem de Francisco Pyrard_, published at Nova
Goa in 1858. Texeira de Aragão (_Boletim_, Lisbon Geographical Society,
vi, p. 578) also warns against accepting without question all the
statements made by this author.
We quote the following information on Vasco da Gama’s first voyage from
a “List of Captain-majors and Captains who went to India since 1497”,
p. 137:—
1497.
In the year 1497 there departed for India Vasco da Gama, the
first discoverer, as captain-major of four vessels. He left
Lisbon on July 8th, 1497.
_São Miguel_, flagship Pilot: Pero d’Alenquer.
_São Raphael_ Captain: Paulo da Gama,
brother of Vasco da Gama.
Pilot: João de Coimbra.
_Berrio_ Captain: Nicolao Coelho.
Pilot: Pero Escolar.
A ship (_nao_) Captain: Gonçalo Nunez, a
retainer of Vasco da Gama.
She carried provisions.[388]
The _Berrio_, with her captain, returned and reached the bar of
Lisbon on July 10th, 1499.
Vasco da Gama went from India to Cape Verde, where he remained
with his brother, Paulo da Gama, who died there, and whose body
he conveyed to the island of Terçeira, and he sent one of his
servants with the _São Raphael_ to Lisbon.
Vasco da Gama himself reached Lisbon in a caravel on August
29th, two years and nearly two months after he had left that
port.
It is scarcely necessary to point out that the flagship was
the _São Gabriel_, and that Paulo da Gama came back in that vessel
and not in the store-ship. It was, indeed, Paulo’s own ship, the _São
Raphael_, which was burnt off Tangáta.
As an instance of the author’s inconsistencies, we need only quote
the following passage from a “Summary Statement of Vessels which left
Portugal for India”, p. 194:—
Between July 10th, 1499, on which day there arrived in the port
of Lisbon the ship _São Raphael_, in which Vasco da Gama had
gone to India in 1497, and 1612, there came back from India 425
vessels.
It was the _Berrio_ which came back on July 10th, the _São Raphael_
having been burnt off Mtangata; and Vasco da Gama did not go in the _S.
Raphael_, by the author’s own (erroneous) statement.
III.—PEDRO BARRETTO DE REZENDE, 1646.
Captain Pedro Barretto de Rezende, a professed Knight of the Order of
St. Benedict of Aviz, and a native of Pavia,[389] is the author of a
_Livro do Estado da India_, consisting of three Parts and an Appendix,
of which MS. copies exist in the British Museum (Sloane Collection, No.
197) and the Bibliothèque Nationale (Port. 1, and Port. 36). Part I of
this work contains a succinct account of the doings of the Viceroys of
India up to 1634, and gives portraits of all of them; Parts II and III
contain plans of the Portuguese forts between the Cape of Good Hope and
China, with descriptions; whilst the Appendix furnishes an account of
the “armadas” or fleets which were sent to India up to 1605.
Dr. Walter de Gray Birch (_Commentaries of the Great Afonso
Dalboquerque_, i, pp. vii-xiii) has given an account of the MS. of this
work existing in the British Museum.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama as Viceroy.
(_After Correa’s portrait in the Palacio do Governo, at Goa._)]
If this valuable document should ever be printed, it will be necessary
to collate the copies existing in London, Paris, and probably also
elsewhere, for they are not in all respects identical. Port. 36 seems
to me to deserve the preference as far as respects Part I, but Part
II (the description of the forts) has been abridged, as compared with
Port. 1. The portraits in this latter are more neatly done than in
Port. 36. No reference to the source of these full-length portraits is
made by the author. They certainly differ from the portraits designed
in 1547 by a native artist under the supervision of Gaspar Correa, and
published in the Lisbon edition of his _Lendas_ (see t. iv, p. 596).
Lord Stanley (_Vasco da Gama_, p. ix) says that Correa’s portraits are
“better” than those in Rezende’s work. All that we can say is that
they are not worse. Our full-length portrait is from a MS. of Barretto
de Rezende in the Bibliothéque Nationale, as reproduced in Charton’s
_Voyageurs anciens et modernes_. The small oval portrait is from a
copy of Correa’s painting which was made by order of D. Francisco, da
Assumpção de Brito, who was installed Archbishop of Goa in 1774. It
was first published in 1817 in a work entitled _Retratos e Elogios de
Varões e Donas_.
FIRST VOYAGE, 1497; FOUR SAILS.
King John II of Portugal having died without a legitimate son, Dom
Manuel was proclaimed King on October 27th, 1495; and as this fresh
dignity entailed that he should prosecute the undertakings initiated by
his predecessors, he proposed to himself to go on with the discovery of
Oriental India by sea, which, seventy-five years before, had been set
going.
In 1496 he had many councils on this affair, and in consequence of
the resolutions arrived at he agreed (_assentou_) to despatch on this
enterprise one Vasco da Gama, and forthwith arranged for the fleet to
be sent, the work upon which was carried on with such expedition that
rigging and all was ready by Saturday, July 8th, 1496.
The fleet (_armada_) only included three ships of from 100 to 320 tons,
and there went in them, between sailors and soldiers, 260 persons. In
addition there was a ship carrying provisions.
The flag-ship, in which Vasco da Gama, the captain-major, embarked,
was called the _São Gabriel_, and Pero de Alemquer was the pilot. The
second ship was called the _São Raphael_; Paulo da Gama, the brother of
said Vasco, was captain, and João de Coimbra, pilot.
The third vessel was called the _Berrio_; Nicolao Coelho was her
captain and P^o. Escolar her pilot.
Gonsalo Nunes, a retainer (_criado_) of Vasco da Gama, was captain of
the cargo-ship (_nao_); only provisions went in her. These, as also the
crew, having been transferred to the other ships at the Cape of Good
Hope, they set fire to her.
They set sail from the bar of Lisbon on July 8th, 1497, arrived at
Moçambique on March 1st, 1498, made Mombasa on Palm Sunday, the 7th of
April,[390] and Melinde on the 15th of the same month.
There he took pilots to guide him to India, and on May 16th of the
same year, ’498,[391] he made the land at a port on the coast of
Mallavar (Malabar), in the kingdom of the Samorim, two leagues below
Callecut, which is the principal city and capital of that kingdom.
There he remained seventy-four days, in the course of which, induced
thereto by the Moors who live in that country, he practised upon us a
thousand deceits. But having discovered that for the sake of which he
had been sent, namely, India, of which he was able to take home such
good intelligence, he determined to return to Portugal, and set sail on
August 29th of this same year, namely, ’498. At the Anjediva islands
he careened the ships and took in water, and there he took a Jew who,
by order of Sabayo, the King of Goa, had visited him, it being the
intention, immediately after the return of this Jew, to send a fleet
against him (Vasco da Gama).
Vasco da Gama departed thence and made the coast of Melinde. Wishing to
depart thence for this kingdom, the ship _São Raphael_, in which was
his brother, was lost on the same shoals on which she had already once
grounded on the way out to India. The loss of this ship did not give
much concern to Vasco da Gama, for he was short of men, and those in
her were distributed among the two other vessels. He passed Moçambique,
doubled the Cape of Good Hope on March 20th, 1499; when near the Cape
Verde Islands a severe storm separated the two vessels, namely, that
in which he (Vasco) was from her consort in which was Nicolau Coelho,
who, leading, lost sight of Vasco da Gama, and reached the bar of
Lisbon[392] on July 10th of said year.
Vasco da Gama only arrived on August 29th in a caravel, for his
brother, Paulo da Gama, being very ill, he went from the island of
São Thiago to that of Terçeira, allowing his ship to be taken to Lisbon
by João de Sá.
And Vasco da Gama buried his brother, whose death much afflicted
him, in the island of Terçeira, and after that landed at Lisbon on
August 29th, as stated above, or two years after he had started on his
discovery.
From the _Livro das armadas e capitaes que forão a India_, which, as
already stated, forms an Appendix to Rezende’s _Livro do estado da
India_, we take the following:—
_Vasco da Gama, captain-major, 1497._
He departed on July 8th, by order of King Dom Manuel, with four
ships to discover India, viz.:
Vasco da Gama in the _S. Gabriel_.
Paulo da Gama, his brother, in the _S. Raphael_.
Nicolao Coelho in the ship _Berrio_.
Gonçalo Nunes in a store-ship.
The people and provisions in the ship of Gonçalo Nunes were distributed
among the other ships after the Cape of Good Hope had been passed, and
beyond the Aguada (watering-place) of S. Braz, and this ship, having
been stripped, was set on fire.
The ship of Paulo da Gama stranded on the voyage home to Portugal on
the shoals between Guilva [Kilwa] and Mombaça, and these shoals were
named after the _S. Raphael_ which had now run aground upon them. Her
people were distributed among the two companion-ships.
APPENDIX D.
[Illustration: THE “SÃO GABRIEL”.
(_From a Model designed by Captain A. A. Baldaque da Silva, drawn by
Herbert Johnson._)]
VASCO DA GAMA’S SHIPS AND THEIR EQUIPMENT.
All authorities agree that the fleet, or armada, fitted out for Vasco
da Gama’s voyage numbered four vessels, but they are not agreed as to
the names which these vessels bore. We are not, however, likely to
be misled if we accept the unanimous testimony of the author of our
_Roteiro_, of João de Barros, Lopez de Castanheda, Pedro Barretto de
Rezende, and Manuel Faria y Sousa: according to whom the names of the
ships and of their principal officers were as follows:—
_S. Gabriel_ (flag-ship).—Vasco da Gama, captain-major; Pero
d’Alenquer, pilot; Gonçalo Alvarez, master; Diogo Dias, clerk.
_S. Raphael._—Paulo da Gama, captain; João de Coimbra pilot;
João de Sá, clerk.
_Berrio._—Nicolau Coelho, captain; Pero Escolar, pilot; Alvaro
de Braga, clerk.
_Store-ship._—Gonçalo Nunes, captain.
Correa and the unknown author of the _Jornal das Viagens_ (p. 145) call
the “Berrio” _S. Miguel_, and make the _S. Raphael_ the flag-ship;
whilst L. de Figueiredo de Falcão (p. 147) substitutes a _S. Miguel_
for the _S. Raphael_. It is just possible that the vessel popularly
called _Berrio_, after its former owner, had been re-christened _S.
Miguel_.
The _Berrio_ was one of those swift lateen-rigged vessels for which
Portugal was famous from the thirteenth to the beginning of the
sixteenth century, and which, after the _barinel_[393] had been
discarded, were exclusively employed in the exploration of the African
coast. Their burthen did not exceed 200 tons, and they had two or three
masts, and occasionally even four.[394] The _Berrio_ is stated to have
been a vessel of only 50 tons. She was named after her former owner and
pilot,[395] of whom she was purchased expressly for this voyage.
[Illustration: A Caravel.
(_After a Painting of the sixteenth century, in the Monastery of the
Mother of God at Lisbon._)]
The store-ship was of more considerable size. Sernigi (p. 123) says
she measured 110 tons; Castanheda credits her with 200. She may have
been a so-called _caravela redonda_, that is a caravel which carried
square sails on the main and fore-masts and triangular ones on the
mizzen-mast and the bowsprit. This vessel was purchased of Ayres
Correa, a shipowner of Lisbon.
The _S. Gabriel_ and _S. Raphael_ were specially built for this
voyage. Bartholomeu Dias, who superintended their construction,
discarded the caravel in which he himself had achieved his great
success, in favour of square-rigged vessels of greater burthen, which,
although slower sailers and less able to ply to windward, offered
greater safety and more comfort to their crews. He took care, at the
same time, that the draught of these vessels should enable them to
navigate shallow waters, such as it was expected would be met with in
the course of the voyage. The timber for these two vessels had been cut
during the last year of the reign of King John, in the Crown woods of
Leiria and Alcacer. The vessels having been completed, the King ordered
them to be equipped by Fernão Lourenço, the factor of the house of
Mines, and one of the most “magnificent” men of his time.[396]
No contemporary description or picture of these vessels has reached
us, but there can hardly be a doubt that their type[397] is fairly
represented on a painting made by order of D. Jorge Cabral, who was
Governor of India from 1549 to 1550. This painting subsequently became
the property of D. João de Castro. A copy of it was first published
by the Visconde de Juromenha, who took it from a MS. dated 1558.[398]
The fine woodcut in W. S. Lindsay’s _History of Merchant Shipping_
(II, p. 5), from an ancient picture which also belonged to D. João de
Castro, seems to be derived from the same source, but as the vessel
carries the flag of the Order of Christ at the main, and not the Royal
Standard, it cannot represent the flag-ship. At all events, it is not
more authentic than either of the ships delineated in the drawing first
published by Juromenha.
[Illustration: The supposed Armada of Vasco da Gama.
(_From a Painting made by order of Jorge Cabral (1549-50.))_]
Authorities differ very widely as to the tonnage of these two vessels.
Sernigi (see p. 123) says they were of 90 tons each, thus partly
bearing out Correa, who states that the _three_ ships (including the
_Berrio_) were built of the same size and pattern.[399] D. Pacheco
Pereira[400] states that the largest of them did not exceed 100 tons;
J. de Barros gives them a burthen of between 100 and 120 tons; whilst
Castanheda allocates 120 tons to the flag-ship and 100 to the _S.
Raphael_.
But whilst the authorities quoted dwell upon the small size of the
vessels which for the first time reached India from a European port,
and even give reasons for this limitation of burthen,[401] there is
some ground for believing that the tonnage of Vasco da Gama’s ships,
expressed according to modern terminology, was in reality much greater
than is usually supposed. Pedro Barretto de Rezende (p. 151) may
therefore have some justification when he states that these vessels
ranged from 100 to 320 tons. Mr. Lindsay (_loc. cit._) would go even
further. The _S. Gabriel_, according to him, was constructed to carry
400 pipes, equivalent to 400 tons measurement, or about 250 to 300 tons
register. He adds that Sr. E. Pinto Bastos agrees with him.[402]
In considering this question of tonnage, it must be borne in mind that
“ton”, at the close of the fifteenth century, was a different measure
from what it is at present. We learn from E. A. D’Albertis[403] that
the _tonelada_ of Seville was supposed to afford accommodation for two
pipes of 27½ arrobas (98 gallons) each, and measured 1.405 cubic
metres, or about 50 cubic feet. The _tonel_ of Biscay was 20 per cent.
larger. According to Capt. H. Lopez de Mendonça, the _tonel_ at Lisbon
measured 6 palmos de goa in length (talha), and 4 such palmos in
breadth and height (parea), that is, about 85 cubic feet.[404] This,
however, seems excessive, for my wine merchant tells me that two butts
of sherry of 108 gallons each would occupy only 75 cubic feet. At
any rate, these data show that the ton of the fifteenth century was
considerably larger than the ton measurement of the nineteenth.
Two attempts have been made recently by distinguished officers of the
Portuguese Navy, Captains Joào Braz d’Oliveira[405] and A. A. Baldaque
da Silva,[406] to reconstruct Vasco da Gama’s flagship, or rather to
design a ship of a type existing at the close of the fifteenth century,
and answering as nearly as possible to the scanty indications to be
found within the pages of the historians of this memorable voyage. In
this reconstruction good use has been made of an early manuscript on
shipbuilding by Fernando Oliveira (_O livro da fabrica das Nãos_),
which Captain Lopez de Mendonça proposes to publish.
The designs produced by the two naval officers differ widely in several
respects, and more especially as regards the relation between the
total length of the ship and the breadth of beam. In Captain B. da
Silva’s ship the beam is equal to one-third of the length, whilst the
proportion in Captain J. Braz d’Oliveira’s ship is as one to five. The
former of these ships is broad-beamed, as befits the period, whilst the
latter is almost as slim as a modern clipper. It must be remembered
that, until comparatively recent times, it was held that the length
of a sailing ship should not exceed four times the breadth of beam;
and this maxim was undoubtedly acted upon by the shipbuilders of the
fifteenth century.
Captain Baldaque da Silva’s design of the _S. Gabriel_ has been
embodied in a model, and from a photograph of this model Mr. Herbert
Johnson has produced the illustration placed in front of this Appendix.
The dimensions of the ship designed by Captain Baldaque da Silvia are
as follows:—[407]
Length over all 84.1 feet.
Water-line (when laden) 64.0 ”
Keel 56.7 ”
Breadth of beam 27.9 ”
Depth 17.1 ”
Draught, abaft 7.5 ”
” forward 5.6 ”
Metocentric height above the water-line
(laden) 7.4 ”
Displacement 178 tons.
Tonnage 4,130 cubic feet, or 103 ”
This, as I learn from a private letter of Captain B. da Silva, is
supposed to be the gross under-deck tonnage, but on calculating the
tonnage according to the Builders’ Old Measurement Rule, I find it
to amount to 230 tons of 40 cubic feet each, whilst the “expeditive”
method practised at Venice[408] during the fifteenth century yields 896
botte of 28 gallons, or about 250 toneladas.
The ship was flat-bottomed, with a square stern and bluff bow, the
latter ornamented with a figure of her patron saint. Wales were placed
along the sides to reduce her rolling when going before the wind.
Formidable “castles” rose fore and aft, having a deep waist between
them. These “castles,” however, had not then grown to the portentous
height attained at a subsequent period, when they rendered it difficult
to govern the ship in a gale, and it often became necessary to cut down
the foremast and dismantle the forecastle to enable them to keep her
head to the wind.
These “castles” were in reality citadels, and enabled the crew to make
a last stand after the vessel had been boarded. A notable instance of
this occurred in the course of the fight with the _Meri_ in 1502.[409]
The captain was lodged in the castle rising upon the quarter-deck,
the officers were accommodated in the room below his and in the
forecastle, whilst the men had their quarters beneath the gang boards
which ran along the top-sides from castle to castle. The men were
each allowed a locker, to contain such goods as they might obtain by
barter with the natives. Ladders led from the main deck up to the
fighting decks (_chapitéo de ré_ and _de vante_) of the two castles,
and these were defended against boarders by nettings. The tiller of the
rudder entered the battery abaft the captain’s apartments, where also
stood the binnacle. The armament consisted of twenty guns. The lower
battery of the “castle” rising on the quarter-deck was armed with eight
breech-loaders made of wrought-iron staves, held together by hoops and
mounted on forked props. The upper battery held six bombards, and the
forecastle the same number.[410] We may at once state that the men
carried no firearms. Their arms included cross-bows, spears, axes,
swords, javelins, and boarding-pikes. Some of the officers were clad in
steel armour, whilst the men had to be content with leather jerkins and
breast-plates.
Amidships stood the _batel_, or long boat, in addition to which there
was available a yawl rowed with four or six oars.
There were three masts and a bowsprit. The main-mast rose to a height
of 110 ft. above the keel and flew the Royal Standard at its head,
whilst the captain’s scarlet flag floated from the crow’s-nest, nearly
70 ft. above deck. A similar crow’s-nest was attached to the foremast.
In the case of an engagement these points of vantage were occupied by
fighting men, who hurled thence javelins, grenades, and powder-pots
upon the enemy. The sails were square, with the exception of that of
the mizzen, which was triangular. When spread they presented 4,000
square feet of canvas to the wind; this was exclusive of the “bonnets”
which were occasionally laced to the leeches of the mainsail, and
served to some extent the same purpose as a modern studding-sail.[411]
The Cross of the Order of Christ was painted on each sail.
The anchors, two in number, were of iron, with a wooden stock and a
ring for bending the cable.
The hold was divided into three compartments. Amidships were the water
barrels, with coils of cable on the top of them—a very inconvenient
arrangement; abaft was the powder-magazine, and most arms and
munitions, including iron and stone balls, were kept there; the forward
compartment was used for the storage of requisites, including spare
sails and a spare anchor.
The lower deck was divided by bulkheads into three compartments, two
of which were set apart for provisions, presents, and articles of
barter. The “provisions”, according to Castanheda, were calculated to
suffice for three years, and the daily rations were on a liberal scale,
consisting of 1½ pounds of biscuit, 1 pound of beef or half a pound
of pork, 2½ pints of water, 1¼ pints of wine, one-third of a gill
of vinegar, and half that quantity of oil. On fast days, half a pound
of rice, of codfish, or cheese was substituted for the meat. There
were, in addition, flour, lentils, sardines, plums, almonds, onions,
garlic, mustard, salt, sugar and honey. These ships’ stores were
supplemented by fish, caught whenever an opportunity offered, and by
fresh provisions obtained when in port, among which were oranges, which
proved most acceptable to the many men suffering from scurvy.
The merchandise was not only insufficient in quantity, but proved
altogether unsuited to the Indian market. It seems to have included
_lambel_ (striped cotton stuff), sugar, olive-oil, honey, and coral
beads. Among the objects intended for presents, there were wash-hand
basins, scarlet hoods, silk jackets, pantaloons, hats, Moorish caps;
besides such trifles as glass beads, little round bells, tin rings
and bracelets, which were well enough suited for barter on the Guinea
coast, but were not appreciated by the wealthy merchants of Calecut. Of
ready money there seems to have been little to spare. All this is made
evident by the letters of D. Manuel and Signor Sernigi.
The scientific outfit of the expedition, it may safely be presumed,
was the best to be procured at the time. The learned D. Diogo Ortiz de
Vilhegas[412] furnished Da Gama with maps and books, including, almost
as a matter of course, a copy of Ptolemy, and copies of the information
on the East collected at Lisbon for years past. Among these reports,
that sent home by Pero de Covilhão found, no doubt, a place,[413] as
also the information furnished by Lucas Marcos,[414] an Abyssinian
priest who visited Lisbon about 1490.
The astronomical instruments were provided by Zacut, the astronomer,
and it is even stated that Vasco enjoyed the advantage of being trained
as a practical observer by that learned Hebrew. These instruments
included a large wooden astrolabe, smaller astrolabes of metal, and, in
all probability, also quadrants; and they were accompanied by a copy
of Zacut’s _Almanach perpetuum Celestium motuum cujus radix est 1473_,
a translation of which, by José Vizinho, had been printed at Leiria
in 1496.[415] These tables enabled the navigator to calculate his
latitudes by observing the altitude of the sun.
There was, of course, a sufficient supply of compasses, of sounding
leads and hour-glasses, and possibly also a _catena a poppa_, that is,
a rope towed at the stern to determine the ship’s leeway, and a _toleta
de marteloia_, a graphical substitute for our modern traverse tables,
both of them contrivances long since in use among the Italians. It
is also possible that Vasco was already provided with an equinoctial
compass for determining the time of high water at the ports he
visited, and with a variation compass. This instrument consisted of a
combination of a sun-dial with a magnetic needle. It had been invented
by Peurbach, _c._ 1460, was improved by Felipe Guillen, 1528, and by
Pedro Nunes, 1537, and used for the first time on an extensive scale
by João de Castro, during a voyage to India and the Red Sea, in
1538-41.[416] We are inclined to think that Vasco had such a variation
compass, for the Cabo das Agulhas, or “Needle Cape”, thus named because
the needle there pointed, or was supposed to point, due north, has
already found a place on Cantino’s Chart, and can have been named only
as the result of an actual observation, however inaccurate.
[Illustration: Cão’s Padrão at Cape Cross.]
Lastly, there remain to be noticed the Padrãos, or pillars of stone
which were on board the vessels, and three of which, by the king’s
express desire, were dedicated to S. Raphael, S. Gabriel, and S. Maria
(see p. 80). Barros and Castanheda tell us that these pillars resembled
those set up by Cão and Dias in the time of D. João II; and in a series
of pictures which D. Manuel desired to have painted in celebration of
the discovery of India, the Padrão to be shown at the Cape of Good
Hope, or “Prasum promontorium”, was to have been surmounted by a cross,
and to bear the Royal Arms and a Pelican, with an inscription giving
the date.[417]
Correa, on the other hand, affirms in his _Lendas_ that the pillar
set up at the Rio da Misericordia (the Rio dos Bons Signaes of the
_Roteiro_) was of marble, with two escutcheons, one of the arms of
Portugal, and the other (at the back) of a sphere, and that the
inscription was “Do senhorio de Portugal reino de Christãos”. The
pillar at Melinde had the same escutcheons, but the inscription was
limited to the words “Rey Manoel”.[418] As Correa had an opportunity of
seeing these pillars, his description of them may be correct, though he
is an arrant fabulator.
APPENDIX E.
[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.
(_From A. Morelet’s French version of the “Roteiro”, 1864._)
After a Portrait formerly the property of Conde de Farrobo, now in the
_Museu das Bellas Artes_, Lisbon.]
MUSTER-ROLL OF VASCO DA GAMA’S FLEET.
The officers and men in Vasco da Gama’s _armada_ were carefully
selected. Several of them had been with Bartholomeu Dias round the
Cape; all of them, as appears from this “Journal”, justified by their
conduct under sometimes trying circumstances the selection which had
been made.
Authorities widely differ as to the number of men who embarked. Sernigi
(p. 124) says there were only 118, of whom 55 died during the voyage
and only 63 returned. Galvão says there were 120, besides the men in
the store-ship. Castanheda and Goes raise the number to 148, of whom
only 55 returned, many of them broken in health. Faria y Sousa and
San Ramon say there were 160, and the latter adds that 93 of these
died during the voyage, thus confirming a statement made by King
Manuel in his letter of February 20th, 1504, to the effect that less
than one-half returned.[419] According to Barros there were 170 men,
including soldiers and sailors. Correa raises the number to 260, for he
says that in each of the three ships there were 80 officers and men,
including servants, besides six convicts and two priests.[420] He says
nothing of the store-ship. By the time Vasco da Gama had reached the
Rio da Misericordia only 150 out of this number are said to have been
alive.
Correa, no doubt, exaggerates. On the other hand, Sernigi’s numbers
seem to us to err quite as much on the other side. It is quite true
that a Mediterranean merchantman of 100 tons, in the sixteenth century,
was manned by 12 able and 8 ordinary seamen;[421] but in the case of
an expedition sent forth for a number of years and to unknown dangers,
this number would no doubt have been increased. We are, therefore,
inclined to believe that the number given by De Barros—namely, 170—may
be nearer the truth, namely 70 men in the flag-ship, 50 in the _S.
Raphael_, 30 in the caravel, and 20 in the store-ship. The men in the
flag-ship may have included 1 captain, 1 master, 1 pilot, 1 assistant
pilot, 1 mate (contramestre), 1 boatswain (guardião), 20 able seamen
(marinheiros), 10 ordinary seamen (grumetes), 2 boys (pagens), 1
chief gunner or constable, 8 bombardiers, 4 trumpeters, 1 clerk or
purser (escrivão), 1 storekeeper (dispenseiro), 1 officer of justice
(meirinho), 1 barber-surgeon, 2 interpreters, 1 chaplain, 6 artificers
(ropemaker, carpenter, calker, cooper, armourer and cook), and 10
servants. One or more of these servants may have been negro slaves. The
“Degradados”, or convicts on board, to be “adventured on land” (p. 48),
are included in the total. Whether private gentlemen were permitted to
join this expedition as volunteers history doth not record.
The following “muster-roll” contains short notices of all those who
are stated to have embarked at Lisbon in Vasco da Gama’s fleet, or who
subsequently joined it, either voluntarily or upon compulsion.
Apart from natives, thirty-one persons are mentioned, and with respect
to twenty-six of these no reasonable doubt can be entertained that they
were actually members of the ships’ companies.
Those among them whose names appear in the “Journal” are distinguished
by an asterisk.[422]
CAPTAINS.
*_Vasco da Gama_, Captain-Major in the _S. Gabriel_.
*_Paulo da Gama_, his brother, commanding the _S. Raphael_.
*_Nicolau Coelho_, Captain of the _Berrio_ or _S. Miguel_. He
subsequently went out to India with Cabral (1500), and for a third time
with Francisco d’Albuquerque, in 1503.
On February 24, 1500, the King granted him a pension of 70,000 reis.
He also received a coat-of-arms, viz.: a field _gules_, charged with a
lion rampant between two pillars (_padrãos_), _silver_, standing upon
hillocks by the sea _vert_; and two small escutcheons charged with five
_bezants_ (Severim de Faria, _Noticias de Portugal_, Disc. 3, § 15).
He seems to have been dead in 1522, for on December 19 of that year,
his son, Francisco, begged the King to transfer the pension of his late
father to himself.—(Cunha Rivara, _Arch. Port. Oriental_, fasc. v, p.
254; and Texeira de Aragão, _Boletim_, 1886, p. 573.)
_Gonçalo Nunes_, Captain of the store-ship (Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 279;
Castanheda, I, p. 7). Castanheda, 1st edition, erroneously calls him
Gonçalo Gomez. He was a retainer of Vasco da Gama.
PILOTS AND MASTERS.
*_Pero d’Alenquer_, pilot of the _S. Gabriel_ (Barros, I, pt. 1, p.
279; Castanheda, I, p. 7; Goes, I, 69; Faria y Sousa, p. 29). He had
been with Dias in the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, and with the
Congo mission in 1490.
*_João de Coimbra_, pilot of the _S. Raphael_ (Barros, I, pt. 1, p.
279). A negro slave belonging to him deserted at Moçambique (see p. 30).
_Pero Escolar_, pilot of the _Berrio_ (Barros, _ib._; Faria y Sousa,
p. 29). On February 18, 1500, the King granted him a pension of 4,000
reis. He went as pilot with Cabral.
_Gonçalo Alvares_, master of the _S. Gabriel_ (Barros, _ib._). He
subsequently held the office of pilot-major of India (Correa, _Lendas_,
I, p. 570). On January 26, 1504, the King granted him a pension of
6,000 reis (Texeira de Aragão, _Boletim_, 1886, p. 674).
_André Gonçalves._ According to Correa (_Lendas_, I, p. 148), he had
been with Vasco da Gama, whose interest had procured him an appointment
in Cabral’s fleet. The same untrustworthy author states (p. 152) that
Cabral sent him back from Brazil with the news of his discovery, and
that the King, immediately after his arrival, fitted out a fleet to
continue the explorations in the New World. Barros (I, pt. 1, p. 384)
and Castanheda (I, p. 97) state that Cabral sent back Gaspar de Lemos.
Neither they, nor, as far as I am aware, any other authority, mention
an André Gonçalves in connection with Gama’s or Cabral’s expeditions.
PURSERS OR CLERKS.
*_Diogo Dias_, clerk of the _S. Gabriel_ (Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 279;
Castanheda, I, pp. 54, 80; Goes, I, p. 90; Faria y Sousa, I, p. 29). He
was a brother of Bartholomeu Dias, the discoverer of the Cape of Good
Hope.
_João de Sá_, clerk of the _S. Raphael_ (Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 370;
Castanheda, Goes, Faria y Sousa). He again went to India with Cabral
(Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 403), and subsequently became treasurer of the
India House (Castanheda, I, p. 54).
_Alvaro de Braga_, clerk of the _Berrio_ (Barros, Castanheda, Goes).
Vasco appointed him head of the factory at Calecut. Correa (_Lendas_,
I, pp. 89-91) erroneously calls him Pedro de Braga. He was rewarded by
the King, February 1, 1501 (_Boletim_, 1886, p. 675).
INTERPRETERS.
*_Martim Affonso_ (Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 289; Castanheda, I, p. 15;
Goes, I, p. 74; Faria y Sousa, p. 29). He had lived in Congo.
_Fernão Martins_ (Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 290; Castanheda, I, pp. 51, 54;
Goes, I, p. 89). Vasco sent him to the King of Calecut, and he was
present at the audience which Vasco had of the King (Goes, I, p. 95).
Subsequently he filled several positions of trust in India. He is the
“African slave” who spoke Arabic, referred to by Correa (Stanley’s
_Vasco da Gama_, pp. 76, 203).
_João Martins_, see João Nunez, _infra_.
PRIESTS.
_Pedro de Covilhã_, called Pero de Cobillones by Faria y Sousa (I, p.
29), who refers to ancient documents and the assertion of F. Christoval
Osorio, of the Order of Trinity, as his authorities. He was Prior of
a monastery of the Order of the Trinity at Lisbon, and went out as
Chaplain of the Fleet and Father Confessor. According to Francisco de
Sousa’s _Oriente Conquistado_, I, p. 477, he died a martyr on July
7, 1498, and this statement is accepted by P. Francisco de S. Maria
(_Anno historico_, II, Lisbon, 1794, p. 323). Fr. Jeronymo de São Jose
(_Historia chronologica da Ordem da S. Trindade_, Lisbon, 1789-94)
enlarges upon this by stating that this apocryphal “protomartyr” of
India “was speared whilst expounding the doctrines of the Trinity”.
At the date of his alleged death, Vasco da Gama was still at Calecut.
He may have died of disease. Neither Barros, Castanheda, nor Correa
mentions the name of this priest.
_João Figueiro._ Correa claims to have derived much information from
a diary kept by this priest, of which only fragments appear to have
come into his possession. Other authors ignore the name (see Stanley’s
_Vasco da Gama_, pp. ii, vi, 260).
SAILORS AND SOLDIERS.
_João d’Ameixoeira_ or _Dameiroeiro_. According to Correa (I, p. 136),
he was one of the mutineers who returned to Portugal. No other writer
mentions him.
_Pedro de Faria e Figueiredo_, died at Cabo das Correntes (Faria y
Sousa, I, p. 29).
_Francisco de Faria e Figueiredo_, brother of the preceding. He wrote
Latin verses. He, too, died at Cabo das Correntes (Faria y Sousa, I, p.
29).
*_Sancho Mexia_, incidentally mentioned in the _Roteiro_ (see p. 6).
_João Palha_, one of the thirteen who attended Vasco da Gama to Calecut
(Correa, I, p. 96).
_Gonçalo Pirez_, a mariner and retainer of Vasco da Gama (Castanheda,
I, p. 54). On May 31, 1497, he had been appointed master of a caravel
recently built at Oporto (Texeira de Aragão, _Boletim_, 1886, p. 563).
_Leonardo Ribeyro._ According to Manuel Correa’s commentary on the
_Obras do grande Camões_, Lisbon, 1720, this, on the authority of the
poet himself, is the full name of the “Leonardo” mentioned in Canto
VI, stanza 40. Faria y Sousa (_Asia Portuguesa_, I, p. 29) identified
this “Leonardo” with Francisco de Faria e Figueredo, but subsequently
(_Commentos aos Lusiadas_, 1639) he gave up the point.
_João de Setubal_, according to Correa (I, pp. 96, 104, 107), was one
of the thirteen who accompanied Vasco da Gama to Calecut (see Stanley’s
_Vasco da Gama_, pp. 119, 213).
_Alvaro Velho_, a soldier (Castanheda, I, p. 54; Goes, I, p. 90; Faria
y Sousa). Perhaps this is the Alvaro Velho de Barreyro mentioned
by Valentin Ferdinand (Valentino de Moravia or Alemão), in his
_Description of Africa_ (1507), as having resided eight years at Sierra
Leone (see Kunstmann, in _Abhdlgn. d. bayer. Ak. d. W., Cl. iij_, t.
IX, Abt. 1).
*_Fernão Veloso_, a soldier (Barros, I, pt. 1, p. 283-6; Castanheda,
I, p. 9; Goes, I, p. 71; Faria y Sousa; Camoens, Canto VI, stanza 41).
CONVICTS OR BANISHED MEN (DEGRADADOS).
_Pedro Dias_, nicknamed “Northeasterling”. Correa (_Lendas_, I, p.
46) says that Vasco da Gama left him behind at Moçambique, and that
subsequently he came to India (compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p.
106).
_Pero Esteves._ Correa (_Lendas_, I, p. 236) says that Vasco da Gama
left him behind at Quiloa, and that when J. da Nova reached that port
in 1501, he came out to meet him. Barros (I, pt. 1, p. 467) says that
the convict who met J. da Nova had been landed by Cabral, and that his
name was Antonio Fernandez.
_João Machado_, according to Correa (_Lendas_, I, pp. 41, 160), was
left behind by Vasco da Gama at Moçambique, but according to Barros (I,
pt. 1, p. 406) it was Cabral who left him at Melinde, with instructions
to make inquiries about Prester John. Cabral may have transferred him
from Moçambique to the more northern port. He subsequently did good
service, and Affonso de Albuquerque appointed him alcaide mór of Goa.
He was slain in battle, 1515 (see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 93-5).
_Damião Rodriguez_ was a friend of João Machado, and a seaman on board
the _S. Gabriel_, from which vessel he deserted at the shoals of S.
Raphael. When Cabral came to Moçambique, his grave was pointed out. All
this is stated on the sole authority of Correa (_Lendas_, I, p. 160).
Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 94.
_João Nunez_, a “new” Christian (_i.e._, a converted Jew), who knew a
little Arabic and Hebrew, and was landed at Calecut. In the Portuguese
edition of Correa (I, p. 78) he is erroneously called João Martins (see
Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 159, 180, 206).
NATIVES AND OTHERS EMBARKED IN THE EAST.
*_Gaspar da Gama._ This is the “Moor”, or renegade, who joined Vasco
da Gama at Anjediva Island. Our anonymous author describes him as
about forty years of age, and as being able to speak “Venetian” well.
He claimed to have come to India in early youth, and was at the time
in the service of the Governor of Goa. Vasco da Gama carried him to
Portugal, where he was baptized and received the name of Gaspar da
Gama. In the _Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque_ (Hakluyt Society,
1884) he is frequently referred to as Gaspar da India. Correa (_Lendas
da India_) usually refers to him as Gaspar da Gama, but also calls him
Gaspar de las Indias, or Gaspar d’Almeida. King Manuel, in his letter
to the Cardinal Protector, calls him a “Jew, who turned Christian, a
merchant and lapidary”. Sernigi (see p. 136) held a conversation with
him at Lisbon. He speaks of him as a Sclavonian Jew, born at Alexandria.
According to the information given by Barros and Goes, the parents
of Gaspar fled from Posen, in Poland, at the time when King Casimir
cruelly persecuted the Jews (about 1456). After a short residence in
Palestine they removed to Alexandria, where Gaspar was born (Barros, I,
pt. 1, pp. 364-5; Goes, pt. 1, c. 44).
He accompanied Cabral as interpreter. Vespucci met him on his homeward
voyage at Cape Verde, and in his letter of June 4, 1501, published by
Baldelli (_Il Milione_, 1827), he speaks highly of Gaspar’s linguistic
attainments, and refers to his extensive travels in Asia.
Gaspar repeatedly accompanied Portuguese expeditions to India, and was
last heard of in 1510. Goes (_loc. cit._) says that King Manuel liked
him, and appointed him a cavalier of his household.
Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 247) describes this Gaspar as
a Jew, who, “at the taking of Granada was a very young man; and who,
having been driven from his country, passed through many lands ... on
to India”. But, as Granada was only taken in 1492, this is absurd.
Lunardo da Chá Masser, who came to Lisbon in 1504 as ambassador of
the Signoria, in a letter written about 1506 and first published in
the _Archivio Storico Italiano_ (Florence, 1846), says that Gaspar
married a Portuguese lady,[423] and was granted a pension of 170 ducats
annually, in recognition of the valuable information which he furnished
respecting the Oriental trade.
*_Monçaide_, who came on board Vasco da Gama’s vessel at Calecut,
is stated by Barros (I, pt. 1, pp. 330 _et seq._) and Goes (I, p.
98) to have been a native of Tunis, who, in the time of King John II
had done business with the Portuguese at Oran, and spoke Castilian.
He accompanied Vasco da Gama to Portugal and was baptised. In King
Manuel’s letter to the Cardinal Protector he is referred to as a “Moor
of Tunis”. The author of the _Roteiro_ calls him a “Moor of Tunis” whom
the Moors of Calecut suspected of being a Christian and emissary of the
King of Portugal (p. 75).
Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 162-5, 221) says that he was
a native of Seville, who, having been captured when five years old,
turned Moslem, although “in his soul he was still a Christian”. He
generally refers to this man as “the Castilian”, and says that his true
name was Alonso Perez.
Castanheda (I, p. 50) tells us that the Portuguese corrupted Monçaide
into Bontaibo, a combination of the Portuguese _bom_, “good”, and the
Arabic _tayyib_, having the same meaning. Monçaide is probably a
corruption of El Masud, the “happy-one” (Burton’s _Camoens_, iv, p. 432).
*_Malemo Canaqua_, or _Cana_, the pilot who guided Vasco da Gama from
Melinde to Calecut. He was a native of Gujarat (Barros, I, pt. 1, pp.
319, 328, 330; Goes, I, c. 38; Castanheda, I, p. 41). Malemo stands
for “muallim” or “mallim”, “master” or “teacher”, the usual native
designation of the skipper of a vessel, whilst “Kanaka” designates the
pilot’s caste.
_Davane_, of Cambay, said to have been taken out of a dhau to the south
of Moçambique, to have agreed to accompany Vasco da Gama to Calecut as
broker, and to have been ultimately discharged with good testimonials
in November 1498 at Cananor, is only mentioned by Correa (Stanley’s
_Vasco da Gama_, pp. 79, 84, 113, 128, 235). No other historian knows
anything about this mythical personage.
*_Baltasar_, and the four other Moors, forcibly carried away from
Calecut (see pp. 73, 75, and 79, and King Manuel’s letter to the
Cardinal Protector, p. 115) were taken back by Cabral, as was also
the Ambassador of the King of Melinde (_Alguns Documentos do Archivo
nacional_, 1892, p. 97).
Vasco da Gama originally detained eighteen “Moors”. He is stated in the
“Journal” to have subsequently liberated six, and to have sent one with
a letter to the Zamorin. This would leave eleven, not five. The number
of those liberated must, therefore, have been twelve, and not six.
APPENDIX F.
[Illustration: CALECUT IN 1876.
(_From a Sketch by Mr. Herbert Johnson._)]
THE VOYAGE.
The King was at Montemór o novo[424] when he despatched Vasco da Gama
and his fellow-commanders upon the momentous expedition which was to
place Portugal for a time in the forefront of maritime and commercial
powers. It was summer, and His Majesty did not, therefore, desert the
beautiful hills of Monfurado for the stifling heat of the capital, in
order that he might witness the embarkation of his “loyal vassal” whom,
on account of his proved valour and past services he had deemed worthy
of the honourable distinction of being entrusted with the conduct of so
important an enterprise.[425] Vasco da Gama and his officers, the night
before their departure, kept vigil in the chapel of Our Lady of Belem,
which was not then a stately pile such as that which now occupies the
site of the original unostentatious _ermida_ founded by Prince Henry
for the convenience of mariners.
On the following morning, which was Saturday, the 8th of July,
1497,[426] Vasco da Gama and his companions were escorted to the beach
by a procession of priests and friars. They all carried lighted tapers,
and an excited crowd muttered responses to the litany which was being
intoned by the priests. On reaching the place of embarkation, the vicar
of the chapel celebrated mass and received a general confession; after
which, in virtue of a Bull published by Pope Nicholas V in 1452, he
absolved the departing adventurers of their sins. And thus they left on
their errand with the blessings of the Church, in the favour of their
King, and amidst the acclamations of a sympathising people.
_Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands._
Winds and currents being favourable, the voyage to the Cape
Verde Islands was accomplished in good time, and the flag-ship,
notwithstanding some delay caused by a dense fog on the Saharan coast,
reached the Ilha do Sal, 1,590 miles from Lisbon, in the course of
fourteen days, if not earlier, and on July 27th the little armada lay
snugly in the harbour of São Thiago.
_The Voyage across the Southern Atlantic._
The accounts of Vasco da Gama’s remarkable voyage across the Southern
Atlantic are of so scanty a nature that it is quite impossible to lay
down his track with certainty. What we learn from the “Journal” may be
condensed into a few words. The little armada left São Thiago on August
3rd, _going east_! On the 18th of that month, when 200 leagues (680
miles) out at sea, the main-yard of the flagship sprung in a squall,
and this necessitated laying to for a couple of days and a night. On
the 22nd of October,[427] when 800 leagues (2,700 miles) out at sea,
going S. by W.,[428] large birds were seen flying to the S.S.E. as if
making for the land, as also a whale.[429] On October 27th more whales
were seen, besides seals. On November 4th, at 9 A.M., the main land was
sighted, probably about 150 miles to the north of St. Helena Bay (30°
S.).
In these days of hydrographic offices and sailing directories we know
how a sailing vessel desirous of proceeding from the Cape Verde Islands
to the Cape would shape her course. She would endeavour to cross the
equator about long. 22° W., pass to the leeward of Trinidad Island
(20° S.), and then, gradually gaining a higher latitude, trust to the
“brave” westerly winds carrying her beyond Tristão da Cunha to the
Cape, or beyond.[430]
But Vasco da Gama had none of this information to guide him in shaping
his course. He was informed, as a matter of course, about the winds
and currents prevailing off the Guinea coast, but of what might be
experienced in the open sea beyond he knew nothing.
It is just possible that he may have considered the possibility of
reaching the Cape by a direct course of 3,770 miles, and he may even
have attempted to carry out such a scheme. In the end, however, he
would never have been able to work down against the strong S.E.
“trades” and northern currents, for his ships could not be laid
nearer than six points to the wind, and even then they would have made
considerable leeway.
His actual course, in any case, must have been a circuitous one, and
we may suppose it to have been as follows:—Having left São Thiago in
an easterly direction,[431] he kept in the direction of the coast
for a considerable distance, but when he came within the influence
of the dreaded _doldrums_ he met with unpleasant weather in the
shape of calms, baffling winds, and squalls, which prevail more
especially during the months of June, July, and August. One of these
squalls sprung the mainyard of the flagship, and heaving up a new
yard necessitated a delay of two days and a night. When attempting to
make southing he was driven to the westward, but managed to cross the
equator in about 19° west.
Thence he followed a circuitous course, which brought him within 600
miles of the coast of Brazil. The northern part of this assumed course
lies to the west of a track recommended by Captain Horsburgh as being
most favourable for vessels proceeding between April and October from
the Cape Verdes to St. Helena, whilst its southern part lies to the
west of the usual track of sailing vessels going from Ascension to the
Cape. In this manner we suppose Vasco da Gama to have reached lat. 30°
S. long. 15° W., by October 22nd. This point lies about 800 leagues, or
2,700 miles, in a direct line from São Thiago; but by the track assumed
by us the distance is 1,030 leagues, or 3,480 miles. As Vasco da Gama
spent eighty days in making this distance, including the time lost in
repairing his yard, his daily run only amounted to 44 miles.
It was here that Vasco da Gama saw birds flying to the S.S.E. They
were no doubt making for Tristão da Cunha, which lies at a distance of
about 400 miles in that direction. He also saw a whale, a very common
sight in these latitudes.[432]
Thus far the course followed had been more or less southerly, but Vasco
da Gama had now passed beyond the S.E. “trades”, and found himself
under the welcome influence of “brave” west winds and of an eastern
current, running at the rate of a knot in the hour. This speeded him on
his course, and he covered the 500 leagues, or 1,700 miles, which still
separated him from the west coast of Africa, in the course of thirteen
days, making his first landfall on November 4th in about 30° S. His
average daily run on this course must, therefore, have amounted to 131
miles.[433]
This may seem a high rate, but it is by no means an exceptional one.
Vasco himself made at least 114 miles daily during his passage from
Lisbon to the Cape Verdes, and 125 between the Cape and the Guinea
coast when homeward bound. Columbus, during his first voyage, averaged
84 miles[434] daily between Gomera and Guanahani, but on nine days his
daily run exceeded 150 miles, and on one day—the 4th of September—he
actually covered 210 miles, although he had to take into account the
bad sailing qualities of one of his vessels, the _Niña_.
We have laid down Vasco da Gama’s hypothetical track with a
considerable amount of diffidence. The passage might, of course,
have been effected in various other ways.[435] When Cabral started
for India in 1500 he was instructed by Vasco da Gama himself to sail
southward from the Cape Verde Islands, until he should have reached the
latitude of the Cape, and then to head to the east. Cabral, however,
was carried by winds and currents towards Brazil, which he made in lat.
17° 20´ S., and thence followed a track which took him past Trinidad
and Fernão Vaz,[436] and does not differ much from that now recommended
to sailing vessels.
João da Nova, who left for India in March 1501, did not follow the
route of his predecessor, perhaps on account of the terrible disaster
which overtook Cabral when in the vicinity of Tristão da Cunha. Nova
seems to have attempted a direct passage; for following perhaps the
eastern route recommended to a later generation by Laurie’s _Sailing
Directory for the Ethiopic Ocean_ (4th edition, by A. G. Finlay, p.
74), he discovered the island of Ascension on the outward voyage, and
is generally credited with having reached the Cape without coming
within sight of the coast of Brazil.[437]
Vasco da Gama, during his second voyage in 1502, seems to have seen
no land from the time he left Cape Verde until he arrived at Sofala,
that is, during ninety-nine days, viz., from March 7th to June 14th: a
remarkably quick passage. He seems on that occasion to have given the
Cape of Good Hope a wide berth.
His nephew, Estevão da Gama, who left Lisbon on April 1st, took
the western route. He passed the Cape Verde Islands on April 15th,
Trinidad,[438] in the Southern Atlantic, on May 18th, doubled the Cape
about the beginning of June, and first made land, on July 11th, at the
Cabo Primeiro, on the coast of Natal, one hundred and two days after
his departure from Lisbon.
When Affonso de Albuquerque reached Cape Verde on his voyage to India,
in 1503, he took counsel with his pilots whether to follow the “usual
route” along the coast of Africa, or to make boldly for mid-ocean. The
latter course was decided upon. After a voyage of twenty-eight days,
the Island of Ascension[439] was reached, at an estimated distance of
750 to 800 leagues from the Cape. Subsequently de Albuquerque touched
the coast of Brazil, and then stood across the Atlantic for the Cape
of Good Hope, which he made on July 6th, having thus accomplished the
passage from Lisbon in the course of ninety-one days.
Duarte Pacheco, who wrote his _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_ in 1505,
recommends vessels to go south from Cape Verde for 600 leagues, to lat.
19° S., and thence to make for a point 40 leagues to the S.W. of the
Cape of Good Hope, in lat. 37° S. Such a course would take a vessel to
the windward of Trinidad.
These notes prove that the Portuguese, in the course of a few years,
must have acquired a remarkably correct knowledge of the winds and
currents of the Southern Atlantic; for the tracks laid down and
followed by their pilots in the beginning of the sixteenth century
differ but little, if at all, from those recommended in our modern
sailing directories.
_Doubling the Cape_.
Three days after his landfall we find Vasco da Gama in the Bay of St.
Helena, where he careened his ships, took in a fresh supply of water,
and observed the latitude.[440]
He left this anchorage on November 16th. Two days afterwards he sighted
the Cape, but the wind being from the S.S.W. he was obliged to stand
off and on until the 22nd, when he succeeded in getting beyond it
“without encountering the storms and perils expected by the mariners”;
and following the coast he cast anchor in the Bay of S. Braz on the
25th, and there set up his first padrão. In that run he must have been
favoured by the wind, which along the coast and in November blows
generally from the S.E., although westerly winds and even gales are not
infrequent.
Barros, Castanheda, and Goes give the same account of the doubling of
the Cape, but Correa would have us believe that Vasco da Gama, after
having made a landfall to the north of the Cape, stood out for the open
sea for a month, until there were scarcely six hours of sunlight in the
day; and that, even after that, and after he had once more failed to
reach the southern extremity of Africa, he continued south for two more
months. Then at last he turned again to the east, and found that he
had doubled the Cape. Beyond it he discovered lofty mountains and many
rivers, one of which was ascended by Coelho for twenty leagues.[441]
The utter absurdity of this account is evident, and it is surprising
that it should have been accepted by serious historians. A day of six
hours may be experienced in lat. 58° 30´ S. in mid-winter—that is in
June—but nowhere in the southern hemisphere during summer. In November
the duration of daylight in that latitude is about sixteen hours,
and to talk about “darkness” under these circumstances seems absurd.
It would, moreover, have been impossible to reach so high a latitude
without coming amidst masses of drift-ice, which surely would have
proved a stranger experience to Vasco’s companions than “tremendous
seas” and “high winds”, and better worth recording.
_Along the East Coast of Africa._
On December 8th Vasco left the Bay of S. Braz, and four days afterwards
experienced a heavy westerly gale (p. 18).
Barros, Goes, and Castanheda refer to this gale, but Correa, not
content with a gale, conjures up a succession of storms, continuing for
days, so that the crews clamoured to be taken back to Portugal. The men
in Coelho’s ships are actually said to have conspired to mutiny at
the earliest opportunity. Their intention, we are expected to believe,
was made known to the captain-major by a mysteriously-worded message
shouted from ship to ship by Coelho. Vasco at once summoned his people,
declared to them that “if the bad weather came again he had determined
to put back; but to disculpate himself with the King it was necessary
for some among them to sign a document giving the reasons for putting
back.” Having invited on this pretence his pilot, his master and three
leading seamen into his cabin, he treacherously put them in irons, and,
flinging all the instruments necessary for navigating the ship into
the sea, declared that God would henceforth be their master and pilot.
The men were released on reaching the River of Mercy, but on their
return to Portugal they were ironed once more, to be presented in that
degrading state to their King![442]
Osorio[443] likewise gives an account of a mutiny, but says that it
occurred before the Cape was doubled. He differs in other respects
from Correa, stating, for instance, that “_all_ the pilots were put
in chains.” As Osorio’s book was published in 1571, whilst Correa’s
MS., although written in 1561, only reached Lisbon in 1583, it is not
probable that the former borrowed from the latter. They may both have
derived their information from the same impure source, and accepted
an idle tradition as the record of a fact. That there may have been
some discontent among the men is quite possible, but we cannot
believe that the pilots intended to head a mutiny. We quite agree
with Professor Kopke,[444] when he prefers the authority of Barros,
Goes, and Castanheda, and of the author of this “Journal”, to that of
Osorio. This applies with still greater force to the absurdly elaborate
account of Correa. Professor A. Herculano, in the second edition of
the _Roteiro_ (p. viii), discredits Professor Kopke’s notes on the
insufficient ground that the eminent authorities referred to above
refrained from every allusion to a mutiny from a “fear of tarnishing
the fame of Vasco da Gama’s companions.” But Herculano believed in
Correa—we do not.
Early on December 15th, Vasco once more made for the land, and found
himself abreast, the Ilhéos Chãos (Bird islands) in Algoa Bay, having
thus covered only a couple of hundred miles in the course of seven
days. Fair progress was made for a couple of days after this. The
vessels kept near the coast, and being favoured by the wind, and also
by an inshore counter-current, were able to pass beyond the pillar set
up by Dias and the furthest point reached by that navigator. But on
December 17th the wind sprang round to the east. Vasco da Gama stood
out to sea, and was thus made to experience the full force of the
Agulhas current, which here runs at a distance of about ten miles from
the land. He was unable to make head against the combined forces of
wind and current, and when, on December 20th, he again approached the
land he found himself at the Ilhéo da Cruz, 27 miles to the westward of
the group of islets from which he had started on the 15th (see p. 15).
Henceforth, for a number of days, the wind proved propitious, and by
December 25th our voyagers, clinging all the while to the coast, had
proceeded 240 miles beyond the furthest point reached by Dias (as
estimated by the pilots); and three days afterwards they cast anchor
and took a quantity of fish. This locality we identify with Durnford
Point—the Ponta da Pescaria of the old charts—300 miles beyond the Rio
de Infante (which was Dias’s furthest), and 370 miles beyond the Ilhéo
da Cruz. The daily run since December 20th had thus averaged 46 miles.
Vasco da Gama then stood off the land, for reasons not given by any
of the historians. Whether it was from fear of being driven upon a
lee-shore by a strong easterly wind, or the hope of being able to
shorten his passage by a more direct north-easterly course, we are
unable to tell. However that may be, a fortnight passed before the
vessels returned to the land, so that drinking-water began to fail, and
the men had to be put on short rations. It was on the 11th of January
that Vasco da Gama found himself off the mouth of a small river, the
Rio do Cobre, where he established friendly relations with the “good
people” of a country ruled by petty chiefs.[445] The distance of
this river from the “Fishing Point” is only 315 miles, and contrary
winds must therefore have driven the little flotilla far out of its
direct course, but not as far as the neighbourhood of Madagascar, for
southerly winds would have been picked up there, which would have
carried it more speedily towards its destination than was possible in
the face of the south-easterly winds prevailing along the coast of
Africa.
After a stay of five days, Vasco da Gama left the Rio do Cobre on
January 16th, and without further incident, and leaving Sofala far
to the west, he arrived off the mouth of the Rio dos Bons Signaes
(Kilimani) on January 24th, having thus accomplished a distance of 480
miles in eight days. Coelho’s caravel at once crossed the bar to take
soundings, and the two ships followed on the next day. In this river
Vasco da Gama stayed 31 days, careening his vessels, refreshing his
crews, and erecting a padrão dedicated to S. Raphael (see p. 19). It
was here that he heard the glad tidings of more civilised regions in
front of him.
On February 24th the vessels once more gained the open sea, and
following the coast for six days arrived off Mozambique on March 2nd.
During this voyage of 330 miles they kept outside the islands which
here skirt the coast, and lay to at night, as usual, which accounts for
the slow rate of progress made during this coasting voyage. Coelho,
as before, led the way, and entered by the shallow southern channel,
between the islands of S. Thiago and S. Jorge. The three vessels
anchored in front of the town (see p. 23). Later on they removed to
the island of S. Jorge, where mass was read on March 12th, after which
the little flotilla set sail for the north. Two days afterwards, the
Soriza Peaks rose in the distance. In the course of that day they were
becalmed. A light easterly wind arose, and at night on the 14th they
stood off shore; and when in the morning of the 15th they looked about
them, they found that the Mozambique current, which here frequently
runs at the rate of two to four knots to the southward, had swept
them twelve miles abaft Mozambique. Sailing vessels are advised,[446]
under such circumstances, to stand to the eastward for sixty miles or
more, and regain their northing beyond the influence of the southerly
current. Of course, Vasco da Gama knew nothing about all this.
Fortunately, he was able to recover his old anchorage at the island of
S. Jorge in the course of the afternoon.
A fresh start was made on March 29th. This time the wind was
favourable. The Moorish pilot whom Vasco da Gama had on board took him
past Kilwa, which the captain would have liked to have visited, and
shaped a course outside Mafia, Zanzibar and the other islands lying
off that coast. Early on April 7th the _S. Raphael_ ran aground near
Mtangata, but was speedily got off; and on April 7th Vasco da Gama cast
anchor in the outer road of Mombasa, the finest port on the whole
coast of Eastern Africa. The distance thus accomplished in the course
of nine days was 690 miles (see p. 34).
Sixty miles more brought the Portuguese to the roadstead of Melinde,
where they cast anchor on April 14th, and remained until the 24th. This
was the only town at which they met with a cordial reception (p. 40).
_Across the Arabian Gulf to Calecut._
On April 24th Vasco da Gama, who had secured the services of a Gujarati
pilot, started for India. By that time the S.W. monsoon was blowing
steadily, though not as yet very strongly. The African coast was kept
in sight for a couple of days, after which the vessels stood boldly
across the “Great Gulf.” They passed in all probability to the south of
the _Baixos de Padua_. They had been twenty-one days at sea, and were
still 24 miles from the land, when there rose in front of them a lofty
wooded mountain. This was Mount Eli, 2,220 miles from Melinde, and the
day on which India was first beheld by Europeans who had come direct
from a European port was May 18th, a Friday (see p. 47).[447]
Galvão[448] is the only author who mentions the “Flats of Padua,”[449]
as having been discovered by Vasco da Gama on his outward voyage,
and we freely accept his statement, for the Portuguese must either
have crossed the Laccadives or passed to the north of them. As these
islands are very low, the author of the _Roteiro_ may not have thought
it worth while to mention them. It is evident, however, from what
Sernigi says (p. 134), as also from the evidence of the earliest maps
illustrating this voyage, that the Portuguese learnt a good deal about
them from the pilots whom they employed.
On the following day, having stood off during the night, the
captain-major again approached the land, but the western Ghats were
wrapped in clouds, and it rained heavily, so that the pilot failed
to identify the locality. The day after, however, the 20th of May,
having passed Monte Formosa (see p. 47, note 6), he recognised the
lofty mountains above Calecut, and in the evening of that day the
little fleet was riding at anchor about five miles off Capocate, or
Capua, a small town only seven miles to the north of the much-desired
city, which was pointed out to the expectant Portuguese (p. 48). Soon
afterwards Vasco da Gama took up a position right in front of that
city;[450] but on May 27th a pilot of the Zamorin guided him to an
anchorage off Pandarani, thirteen miles to the north, on the ground of
its greater safety, and at that anchorage the Portuguese remained no
less than 88 days, until August 23rd, when Vasco da Gama once more took
up a position four leagues to the leeward of Calecut. From that time
to the day of his final departure, in the afternoon of August 30th,
he hovered about that city, standing off and on, as the state of the
weather or the exigencies of his relations with the Zamorin required.
_The Voyage Home._
In the afternoon of August 30th, a tornado carried Vasco da Gama out
to sea (p. 77), and when making his way along the coast he was obliged
to tack, depending for his progress upon land and sea breezes, and
laying-to when becalmed. At Cananor he sent ashore one of his captives
(p. 79), but held no communication with the town himself. On September
15th he landed on a small island, and erected the padrão dedicated to
St. Mary (p. 80).[451]
On September 20th Vasco da Gama arrived at the Anjediva Islands, about
14° 45´ N., having thus spent twenty-one days in accomplishing 240
miles. He seems, first of all, to have anchored near the Oyster Rocks,
off the Kalipadi river, but on September 24th he landed on the largest
of these islands, where he remained until October 5th, waiting for a
propitious wind, and availed himself of the enforced leisure to careen
the flagship and the _Berrio_ (p. 83).
The passage across the gulf proved a fearful trial for the Portuguese.
Foul winds and calms impeded their progress, whilst a renewed outbreak
of scurvy carried off thirty victims and prostrated the remaining men,
so that only seven or eight were fit to do duty in each vessel. Vasco
da Gama had left Anjediva on October 5th (a Friday!), although the N.E.
monsoon only sets in at the end of the month, and ninety days elapsed
before the African coast came within sight, near Magadoxo, and five
more before the hard-proved mariners once more found themselves with
the friendly Sultan of Melinde (p. 89).
The remainder of the voyage home calls for little comment. Having
left Melinde on January 11th, Vasco da Gama, passing between the
mainland and Zanzibar, stopped for a fortnight at the “baixos” upon
which the _S. Raphael_ had run in the outward voyage, and there that
doomed ship was set on fire, as there were no men left to sail her.
Late on February 1st the remaining two vessels hove to in front of S.
Jorge Island, where a padrão was erected on the following morning in
drenching rain. The voyage was continued without communicating with the
town of Moçambique, and on March 3rd Vasco once more found himself in
the Bay of S. Braz.
The Cape was doubled on March 20th. The wind proved fair during
twenty-seven days—that is, to April 16th or 17th—but after came calms
and foul winds; and on April 25th, when the wearied mariners already
believed themselves to be near S. Thiago, the pilots told them that
they had only reached the shoals off the Rio Grande (p. 93).
Here the two consorts appear to have parted company, under
circumstances not known; and whilst Vasco da Gama accompanied his dying
brother to Terçeira, Coelho is said to have made straight for Lisbon,
where he arrived, after a voyage of seventy-six days, on July 10th. The
distance along the coast of Africa is only 1,900 miles, and that by way
of the Azores, the only route at all suitable for sailing vessels, is
2,920 miles. The passage ought certainly to have been accomplished in
forty days.[452] What did he do during the remaining thirty-six days?
We cannot suppose for one moment that an experienced sailor like Coelho
would have faced the head-winds of the coast for the sake of shortening
the distance to be run. Still, such things _have_ happened.
From the following statement of distances run it will be seen that
from July 8th, 1497, the day of Vasco da Gama’s departure from Lisbon
to the return of Coelho on July 10th, 1499, there elapsed 732 days,
or two years and two days. Of this time 316 days were expended before
Calecut was reached, 102 at Calecut and in its vicinity, and 314 on the
homeward passage.[453]
--------------------------------------------+-------+--------+--------+-------
| |Old Por-| |Average
Dates and Places. | Days. | tuguse |Nautical| Daily
| |Leagues.| Miles. | Run,
| | (1) | | Miles.
--------------------------------------------+-------+--------+--------+-------
Lisbon to S. Thiago, July 8 to 27, 1497 | 19 | 515 | 1740 | 90
S. Thiago to First Landfall, 30° S., Aug. 3 | 93 | 1533 | 5180 | 54
to Nov. 4 | | | |
To S. Helena Bay, Nov. 4 to 7 | 3 | 49 | 165 | 55
S. Helena Bay to Cape of Good Hope, | 6 | 34 | 115 | 19
Nov. 16 to 22 | | | |
Cape to Bay of S. Braz, Nov. 22 to 25 | 3 | 59 | 200 | 67
S. Braz to Rio do Cobre, Dec. 8 to Jan. | 34 | 259 | 875 | 26[454]
11, 1498 | | | |
Rio do Cobre to Rio dos Bons Signaes, | 8 | 1 | 480 | 60
Jan. 16 to 24 | | | |
Rio dos Bons Signaes to Moçambique, | 6 | 98 | 330 | 55
Feb 24 to March 2 | | | |
Moçambique to Mombaça, March 29 to | 9 | 204 | 690 | 77
April 7[455] | | | |
Mombaça to Melinde, April 12 to 14 | 2 | 18 | 60 | 30
Melinde to Mount Eli, April 24 to May 18 | 24 | 657 | 2220 | 93
Mount Eli to Capocate near Calecut, May | 2 | 16 | 53 | 26
18 to 20 +-------+--------+--------+-------
Total Outward Passage | 209 | 3584 | 12108 | 58
+-------+--------+--------+-------
| | | |
Calecut to Anjediva, Aug. 30 to Sept. 20, | 21 | 71 | 240 | 11
1498 | | | |
Anjediva to Melinde, Oct. 5 to Jan 7, 1499 | 94 | 710 | 2400 | 25
Melinde to Moçambique, Jan. 11 to Feb. 1 |21[456]| 219 | 740 | 35
Moçambique to S. Braz, Feb. 2 to March 3 | 30 | 500 | 1690 | 56
S. Braz to Cape, March 12 to 20 | 8 | 59 | 200 | 25
Cape to Rio Grande, March 20 to April 25 | 36 | 99 | 3360 | 93
Rio Grande to Lisbon (Coelho’s vessel), | 76 | 4 | 2920 | 25
April 25 to July 10, 1499 +-------+--------+--------+-------
Total Homeward Passage | 286 | 3417 | 11550 | 40
--------------------------------------------+-------+--------+--------+-------
APPENDIX G.
EARLY MAPS ILLUSTRATING VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE.
It must ever be matter for regret that none of the sailing charts
prepared by Vasco da Gama’s pilots should have reached us. In
tracing the progress of his expedition with the aid of charts we are
consequently dependent upon compilations which, although contemporary,
embody also materials brought home by other navigators.
One great drawback of all the charts available for our purpose is their
small scale.[457] This compelled their compilers to make a selection
from the names which they found inserted upon the larger charts at
their disposal, and this selection may not always have been a judicious
one. The compilation of a map from discordant materials presents
difficulties even in the present day, and these difficulties were much
greater at a time when the compiler had not at his command trustworthy
observations for latitude which would have enabled him to check the
positions of intermediate places, and bring into agreement the records
brought home by successive explorers. As an instance, we may mention
that in the five maps which we shall bring more fully under notice, the
latitude assigned to the Cape of Good Hope varies between 29° and 34°
S., its true position being 34° 22´ S. As to longitudes, they had to
be determined by dead reckoning, and it need not therefore surprise us
if, on the maps referred to, the Cape is placed from 3° 50´ to 10° 20´
too far to the eastward. Nay, this near approach to the truth, in at
least one instance, compels our recognition of the skill of the men who
piloted the first ships around that long-sought _Cabo desejado_.
Another difficulty arises from the crabbed characters employed by
the map draughtsmen of the early part of the sixteenth century: a
difficulty all the more serious when these illegible characters had to
be reproduced by Italians having no knowledge of the language of the
documents they used, or the meaning of the uncouth names which they
were called upon to copy. It is one of the great merits of Mercator
to have caused these characters to be banished from the maps of his
countrymen; but a second Mercator is still wanted to do the same good
work for their printed books.
I now proceed to a consideration of the charts which illustrate more
especially Vasco da Gama’s first voyage.
The first of these charts is by Henricus Martellus Germanus. It is one
of many in a MS., _Insularium illustratum_, now in the British Museum
(Add. MS. 15760). It is a map of the world, very roughly drawn and
without a scale, and is dated 1489, that is almost immediately after
the return of Dias in the December of the preceding year. The author,
no doubt, was an Italian, and other maps by his skilful hand are
known to exist.[458] Unfortunately for our purpose, the coast beyond
the Cape is very incorrectly drawn, and there are but six names, viz.,
Golfo dentro delle serre (False Bay), Rio della vacche (Gouritz), Cavo
dalhado (talhado, Seal Point), Golfo de Pastori (St. Francis Bay),
Padrom de S. George (instead of Gregorio), and Ilha de fonte (instead
of infante).[459]
The first map illustrating, or rather attempting to illustrate, Vasco
da Gama’s voyage is that compiled by Juan de la Cosa, the famous pilot
of Columbus, in 1500. The author was fairly well informed of the
discoveries made by his own countrymen, but knew apparently but little
about those of the Portuguese. Thus, although Vicente Yanez Pinzon only
returned to Spain on September 30th, 1500, the coast explored by him
to the westward of the Rostro hermoso (the Cabo de Agostinho of the
Portuguese) is laid down properly; whilst Santa Cruz, discovered by
Cabral in April 1500, is incorrectly indicated,[460] although Gaspar de
Lemos, whom Cabral sent back with the news of his discovery, arrived in
Portugal three months before the Spanish navigator. As to two groups
of islands in the southern Atlantic, namely, “thebas, yslas tibras
etiopicas yn mare oceanum austral” (lat 1° 40´ S.), and “Y. tausens,
ylas tausens montises etiopicus oceanas” (lat. 15° S.), they seem to
be quite imaginary, and I only refer to them here because they kept
their place on later maps, and might be mistaken for the islands
discovered by João da Nova in 1501-2. Of the results of Vasco da Gama’s
expedition Juan de la Cosa must have been very ill-informed; among
the many uncouth and incomprehensible names inserted by him along the
Eastern coast of Africa there is not one which can be traced to Gama.
Not even such places as Sofala, Quiloa, Moçambique and Mombaça can be
identified, whilst Zanzibar and Madagascar lie far out in the Indian
Ocean.[461]
The coastline of the Indian Ocean is Ptolemaic; there is no hint at
the peninsular shape of India, the map being in that respect inferior
to that of the Catalan, more than a hundred years older, and the
only indication of Vasco da Gama’s visit to these seas is the name
“Calicut”, placed on the south coast of Caramania (Kerman), with a
legend to the east of it: “tierra descubierto por el rey dom Manuel rey
de Portugal.”[462]
Our next chart shows a great advance upon the preceding. It was
purchased at a sale in London, and is now the property of Dr. Hamy,
who published a description of it, with facsimiles, in his _Études
historiques et géographiques_, Paris, 1896. The author is not known.
His chart places on record the discoveries made by Vicente Yanez
Pinzon, Cabral, Sancho de Toar, and Cortereal, and by the expedition
which King Manuel sent to Brazil in 1501, and which returned at
the beginning of September, 1502.[463] This expedition, which was
accompanied by Vespucci, explored the American coast as far as the
Rio de Cananea, in lat. 25° 45´ S. The author knows nothing of the
discoveries of João da Nova, who returned to Lisbon on September 11th,
1502. We may therefore safely date his map “1502”, as is done by Dr.
Hamy.
One curious feature of this map is its double equator: that for the
western half of the map being the ‘new’ equator, to which the recent
discoveries of the Spaniards and Portuguese are to be referred, whilst
that for the east lies four degrees to the north of the former, and
is taken from Ptolemy. Indeed, the outline of the Indian Ocean is
Ptolemy’s, and so is the nomenclature, with a few exceptions to be
noticed presently. In the south-east, however, the author has broken
through Ptolemy’s encircling barrier, and has thus opened a way from
the _Indicum mare_ to an outer ocean where room has been found for
Seilam, Iava and far Quinsai. The eastern edge of his Oekumene lies
205° to the east of Lisbon (196° E. of Greenwich).[464] The only
original features within the Indian Ocean are a peninsular India,
which is made to project from Ptolemy’s old coastline to the west of
Taprobana, with a town, “Colochuti”, and the islands of Madagascar and
Tangibar lying far out at sea in lat. 20° S. The only other modern
name within this wide area is “Malacha”, which is placed in the Aurea
Chersonesus.
The nomenclature along the African coast is fairly full, and evidently
taken from original sources,[465] but the spelling is so corrupt, and
the letters are frequently so illegible, that I failed to make out many
of the names, although I had that portion of the map which specially
interested me enlarged from Dr. Hamy’s facsimile by photography. An
examination of the copy, which I give, will show that the drawing of
the coast-line leaves very much to be desired.
A very great advance upon the preceding is shown by a chart which
Alberto Cantino, the correspondent of Hercules d’Este, Duke of Ferrara,
caused to be specially designed for his patron, at Lisbon, and for
which he paid twelve golden ducats. There can be no doubt about the
date of this map. It was begun after Cortereal’s return, October 11th,
1501, and had been completed some time before November, 1502. The
MS. of this valuable chart is deposited in the Biblioteca Estense at
Modena. The American portion of it has been published by Mr. Harrisse
(_Les Cortereals_, Paris, 1888[466]), and the Indian Section by the
Vienna Geographical Society.[467] Through the kindness of Signor M. C.
Caputo, librarian of the Biblioteca Estense, who procured for me an
excellent photograph, I am enabled to publish Africa from the Gulf of
Guinea to Makhdesho. An examination of this reproduction will at once
establish the superiority of this chart over those already noticed, as
also over later charts. The outline of Africa is wonderfully correct,
considering the age of the chart, and the broad face presented by
that continent to the south is brought out most satisfactorily.
Unfortunately, several of the names along the south coast are rendered
illegible, even on the original, owing to the coloured Table Mountain,
and I have failed to decipher these satisfactorily, notwithstanding the
kind help afforded me by Signor Caputo. Along the east coast there is a
paucity of names. It should be observed that the padrões and Portuguese
flags have been located somewhat at haphazard.
Whilst the African coast is taken exclusively from recent Portuguese
sources, that of India and Further India is largely based upon native
information. This is proved by some of the legends. At Çatiguam we read
“esta em xi pulgados a o norte,” but these “pulgados” or inches are
clearly the “isbas” of the “Mohit,” a mode of expressing the latitude
which is peculiar to the Indian Ocean and has been explained by me on
p. 26, note 4.
[Illustration: Sidi Ali Ben Hosein’s MOHIT 1554.]
In order to enable the reader to judge of the extent to which the
compilers of early Portuguese maps were indebted to native sailing
directories and charts, and of the judgment exercised by them in
their use, I insert here a reduction of Dr. Tomaschek’s elaborate
reconstruction of a chart in accordance with the data contained in
Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein’s “Mohit,” or “Encyclopædia of the Sea,”
which, although only written in 1554, embodies the local knowledge
gained in the course of centuries, and is not indebted to Portuguese
charts for its superiority.[468]
The next chart to be considered is by Nicolas de Canerio, of Genoa.
Its date is undoubtedly the same as that of the Cantino Map, that is,
it was drawn before the results of João da Nova’s voyage had become
available. This is proved by finding “y. tebas, iste insulle chamada
secular” in the mid-Atlantic (9° S.), with a Portuguese flag, for these
islands are borrowed from Juan de la Cosa, and have nothing to do with
Conceiçao (Ascension) or St. Helena, discovered by João da Nova. It is
almost wholly based upon the materials previously utilised by Cantino’s
draughtsman, although more detailed in outline and with a more ample
nomenclature in some places. The shape of Africa, however, is far more
correctly given on Cantino’s chart than on Canerio’s,[469] and the
technical workmanship of the former is of a superior character. The
legends on both maps have evidently been taken from the same source:
those on Cantino’s map, as far as I have been able to examine it,
appearing to be more numerous and in some cases fuller.
The MS. of this important chart is at present in the Hydrographic
Office at Paris. Prof. L. Gallois, whose contributions to the history
of geography are highly appreciated by all interested in the subject,
has given an account of it in the _Bulletin_ of the Geographical
Society of Lyons.[470] This account is accompanied by a reproduction of
two sections of the map, viz., America and Africa. Prof. Gallois has
had the extreme kindness to supply me with a tracing of the Asiatic
portion of the map, and has thus enabled me to produce Map VII,
illustrating this volume. My reproduction contains all the names of
the original to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, whilst the legends
for which there was no room upon the Reduction are given at the end of
this Appendix.
On examining this chart it will at once be seen that the author—not the
Italian copyist, whose name alone appears upon it—drew very largely
upon native information. Still, he has not ventured to disassociate
himself altogether from Ptolemy. He has, however, made some use of
Marco Polo, though he puts the names taken from him—such as Murfulu,
Var and Coilu—in the wrong places. The island in the middle of the
Indian ocean—Y. rana—is not one of the Mascarenhas, as might be
supposed, but the Illa Iaua of the Catalan map, that is, Java. The
legend tells us that “In this island is much benjoim, and silk and
porcelain.” Still further south there are three islands, representing
the Mascarenhas, then known by Malabari names.
A few words remain to be said about the Portuguese maps published in
the Strassburg edition of Ptolemy, in 1513. The originals upon which
these maps are based were sent to Duke Renée II of Lorraine (died
1508), from Portugal. Uebelin and Essler, the editors of Ptolemy,
state that they were drawn by an “admiral” of King Ferdinand. But
Lelewel[471] points out that the king meant must be D. Manuel of
Portugal. They may have been forwarded together with the French
translation of Vespucci’s _Four Voyages_, 1504, and Vespucci may even
have had something to do with their compilation, even though not the
actual compiler. But however this may be, and whatever the date of
actual publication, there can be no doubt that they are identical in
all essentials with Canerio’s chart, and must be referred to the same
date, that is 1502.[472]
On placing side by side some of the above charts it almost looks as
if they were not merely based upon the same original authorities, but
had actually been slavishly copied one from the other, or from some
common prototype. On a closer examination, however, this opinion is not
sustainable, for the latitudes and longitudes assigned by the authors
to the leading points will be found to differ very considerably. The
following little table show this as regards the latitudes:—
-----------+----------+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------
—— | True Lat.| Cosa. | Hamy. | Cantino. | Canerio. |Strassburg
| | | | | | Ptolemy.
-----------+----------+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------
Congo | 6° 5´ S.|5° 30´ S.| 7° 50´ S.| 6° S. | 10° S. | 10° S.
Cape of | | | | | |
Good Hope|34° 22´ S.| 29° S. |30° 40´ S.|32° 45´ S.| 34° S. |33° 40´ S.
Malindi | 3° 20´ S.| — | 3° N. | 3° 25´ S.| 1° S. | 1° N.
Calecut |11° 50´ N.| 18° N. | 13° N. | 10° N. |13° 20´ N.|17° 30´ N.
Malacca | 2° 13´ N.| — | 2° 30´ N.| 14° S. |12° 30´ N.| 8° S.
-----------+----------+---------+----------+----------+----------+----------
The latitudes from Dr. Hamy’s chart are referred to the Western
Equator.
I now append the legends to be found in Canerio’s chart, together with
a translation. The spelling is that of the original. A few legends
from the Cantino chart, not to be found in Canerio’s, have been added.
The bold Roman Capitals are references to Map vii. The printer is not
responsible for the mistakes of the original copyist.
+A.+ Aqui he amina douro emque dia multra abondancia de la mais que
em outro.
(Here is the gold mine yielding greater abundance than any other.)
+B.+ Aqui ha laquar et panos finos de toda sortes et figuos pasados
et ubas et ensenso et almizquer et ambre et aljofar que tud bem de
demtro pello a sertam da careto [cidade].
(Here are to be found lac, fine cloth of all kinds, corn,
food-stuffs, grapes, incense, perfumes, ambergris and seed-pearls,
all of which come to this city from the interior.)
+C.+ Aqui he Caliqut he multo noble cidade descoberta pel el muy
escarrado prip. Rey dom Manoel Rey de Portugall aqui ay molto menxas
[benjoim] desua naturea [de fina natura] e pimenta et outras muitas
mercedarias que vem de multas partes, & canella gengiber cravo
emcenso sandalos et tode sortes de especiaria pedras de grande vallor
et perlas de grande vallor et aliofar.
(This is Caliqut, the most noble city discovered by the most
illustrious prince Dom Manuel, King of Portugal. There is here
much fine benzoin, pepper, and many other kinds of merchandise
coming from many parts, also cinnamon, ginger, cloves, incense,
sandal-wood and all kinds of spices; stones and pearls of great
value and seed-pearls.)
+D.+ Aqui ha panos muitos finos de reda et dalgodom et aros e azucar
et cera, e outras multas mercedarias.
(There are here very fine silk and cotton stuffs, and rice, sugar,
wax, and many other kinds of merchandise.)
+E.+ Aqui a sandalos e menxuim e ruibarbo e aiofa.
(Here are sandal-wood, benzoin, rhubarb and seed-pearls.)
+F.+ Em esta cidade ha todas as mercadarias que bem a Caliqut, cravo
e benjoym e lenhaloes e sandalos, estoraque, ruybarbo e marfim e
pedras preciosas de muyto valor e perlas ed almizquer e porçelanas
finas e outras muytas mercadarias. (From the Cantino Chart.)
(In this city are to be found all kinds of merchandise which go
to Caliqut: cloves, benzoin, aloes, sandal-wood, storax, rhubarb,
ivory, precious stones of much value, pearls, perfumes, fine
porcelain and many other kinds of merchandise.)
+G.+ Aqui ha chumbo almizquer e menzoy e sandalos.
(Here are lead [tin], perfumes, benzoin and sandal-wood.)
+H.+ Aqui ha almizquer e sandalos e menioim e estoraque e linolos et
chumbo.
(Here are perfumes, sandal-wood, benzoin, storax, aloes and lead
[tin]).
+I.+ Esta insulla chamada ataprobana he maior insulla que se en lo
mondo et mais richa de todos os cousas s. auro e praia e predas
preciosos et perlas et rubis muito grandes et finos et todas sortes
de speciaria et sedas et borcados et a gente son idolatres et multo
dispostas e tradam com os de fora et achan daqui multas mercedarias
per a fora, e trasem outras que [nam] ay em esta insulla.
(This island, called Taprobana, is the largest island in the world,
and is very rich in all things, such as gold, silver, pearls,
precious stones and rubies of large size and fine quality; all
kinds of spices, silks and brocades. The inhabitants are idolators
and well disposed, and take much merchandise abroad, bringing back
other kinds not to be found in their island.)
+K.+ Aqui naca a canella e muitos sortes de espeçiaria, ed aqui
pescam as perlas ed aljofar, sam as gentes de esta ylha idolatres e
tratam muito cravo com Caliqut.
(Here grows cinnamon and many kinds of spices, and there they fish
pearls and seed-pearls. The people of the island are idolators, and
take many cloves to Caliqut.)
+L.+ Em esta ylha ha gente do que comase huum as outras. (Cantino
Chart.)
(In this island there are people who eat one another.)
+M.+ Em estas tres ylhas nam ai nada sinam gente nuito pobre a nua
(Cantino Chart.)
(In these three islands the people are very poor and naked.)
The following list of place-names includes all names found upon the
maps referred to from the Cape of Good Hope to Malindi. Beyond that
place the principal names only are given.
In addition to the names to be found on the maps, we have introduced
those given in Duarte Pacheco Pereira’s _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_,
written in 1505.
LIST OF PLACE-NAMES.
The authorities are referred to by Arabic numerals thus:—
1. Henricus Martellus Germanus. 2. Juan de la Cosa. 3. Dr. Hamy’s
Chart. 4. Cantino Chart. 5. Canerio. 6. Strassburg Ptolemy. 7. Duarte
Pacheco.
Place-names having an asterisk prefixed to them are mentioned in the
_Roteiro_. The small letters in _Italics_ refer to the Notes.
The Dates, in the first column, are those of the Saints after whom
localities have been named.
------------------------+--------------------------------+---------------
+In Portuguese.+ | +Names on the Maps.+ |+Modern Names.+
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
*+Cabo da boa Esperança+|1, Cavo desperanza; 2, C. de boa|+Cape of Good
| esperança; 3, Cabo di bona | Hope+
| speranza; 4, Cabo de boa |
| esperança; 5 and 6, Cabo di |
| bona speranza |
| |
G. dentro das serras |1, Golfo dntº delle serre; 3, |False Bay
(gulf within the | Praia sabio (pablo?) _[a]_; |
mountain ranges) | 4, abaia |
| |
Ponta espinhosa _[b]_ |2, Punta espinosa (chrinosa ?) |Cape Hangklip
(thorny point) | |
| |
As serras |4, As seia (a serra ?) |
| |
Ponta de S. Brandãāo, |2, Mastradios (nutrador ?); 4, |Quoin Point
May 16 | S. biado; 7, Ponta de |
| S. Brandam |
| |
+Cabo das Agulhas+ |2, Punta de gra?; 7, Cabo dos |+Cape Agulhas+
Golfo das agulhas | agulhos | _[c]_
| |
(Needle Cape or Bay) |4, G. das agullas |Struys Bay
| |
Serras seccas (dry |2, Sieras secos |Bare sandhills
ridges) | | to E. of Struys
| | Point
| |
A bahia |2, Abaia dal es ... las |Marcus Bay
| |
A praia (shore) |4, Apraia |
| |
+Cabo de Infante+ |3, C. de infante; 4, C. do |Cape Infanta!
(Cape of João Infante) | infante; 5, Cabo donfante; |
| 6, C. do infante; |
| 7, Punta de infante |
| |
—— |4, G. do Coberti |St. Sebastian
| | Bay.
| |
Rio de Nazaret |2, R. de nazaren; 3, Croa de |Breede River
| nazare; |
| |
Cabo do Salto |4, C. de resunancal ...; |Cape
| 5, Cabo do Ialta; | Barracouta
| 6, G. de Salco |
| |
—— |3, Rio de fo...oas |Kaffirkuyl
| | River
| |
Rio dos vaqueiros |1, Rio della vacche; |Gouritz River
(herdsman river) |3, Rio vachoeros |
| |
Angra das vaccas |2, Angra das vaccas |Flesh Bay
| |
Cabo das Vaccas |2, C. delgado; 7, Cabo dos |Cape Vacca
(Cow point) or C. | vaccas. |
delgado (slender | |
or cattle cape) | |
| |
Ponta da estrella |2, Punta destrella |Cape St. Blaise
(Star point) | |
| |
Terra de S. João, |5 and 6, Terra de S. Joham |The country west
June 24 and Dec. 27 | | of Mossel Bay
| |
+Golfo dos Vaqueiros+ |2, G. de baguros; 3, Baia de |Mossel Bay _[d]_
(herdsmen bay) or | anguada; 4, G. de Sanbras; |
+Angra+ (aguada) +de | 5, G. de Sanbras; 6, G. de |
São Braz+ (bay or | Sanbras; 7, Angra or Anguada |
watering-place of | de S. Braz |
St. Blasius) Feb. 3 | |
| |
—— |4, Rio de frung |Harten bosch
| | River
| |
Serra de S. Lazaro, |3, Serra de S. Lazaro |W. Outeniqua
Dec. 17 | | mountains
| | (Brocks Bosch,
| | 5,000 ft.)
| |
Ponta da Pescaria |5 and 6, Ponta da pescaria |Gerieke Point
(Fishery Point) | |
| |
Lago cerrado and |4, Alago carrado; 5, Lago |Zwarte Vlei
Angra da lagôa | cairado; 6, Lago cairado; |
| 7, Angra de lagoa |
| |
Serra da Estrella |3, M. dastrella; |Outeniqua
| 4, Serra da estrella | mountains
| |
+Cabo talhado+ (steep |1, Cavo dalhado; 2, Punta de |Seal Cape
cape) | canar (astar? astros?); |
| 3, C. ta... de 4, C. talhado; |
| 5, Cabo talcado; 6, C. calcado |
| |
Bahia das alagoas |4, Abaia das alagoas; |Plettenburg
(Bay of the Lagoons) | 5 and 6, Plaiadas alagoas; | Bay _[e]_
| 7, Angra dos alagoas |
| |
Terra das trovoadas |2, Montanas; 4, terra dos |Langekloof
(land of thunderstorms) | montes 3, terra dos trovados |
| |
Ponta de Ruy Pirez |4, Punta de Ruyez ... |Seal corner
Costa da areia (sandy | 5 and 6, Costa darea |
shore) | |
| |
Ponta (golfo) das |3, Pta. da semados; |Cape St. Francis
queimadas _[f]_ | 4, Pūta dasqūmadas; | and Krom Bay
| 5 and 6, G. dos quemadas |
| |
Golfo dos vaqueiros |1, Golfo de pastori; |St. Francis Bay
(Herdsmen Bay) _[g]_ | 3, G, vacheoros; 5, Angra |
| |
Cabo do recife (reef |5, P. do reciffe; 4, C. do |Cape Recife
cape) | arreciffe; 5 and 6, Cabo do |
| recisi; 7, C. de recife |
| |
+G. da Roca+ (rock |3, G. do Roca; 4, Baia da Roca; |Algoa Bay _[h]_
bay) | 5, G. do raca; 6, G. daraca |
| |
Serra branca (white |3, Serra do blanco ... |Zuurberg, or
mountains) | | Addo Heights
| |
+Ilhéo da Cruz+ (Cross |4, Ilheos da Cruz; 5, Ilheos da |St. Croix Island
Island) | Cruz; 6, Insule de Cruz; |
| 7, Penedo dos Fontes |
| or I. da Cruz |
| |
+Ilhéos chãos+ (low |4, Ilheoos chaos; 5, Ilheos |Bird Islands
islands) | chaaos; 6, Insule chaaos |
| |
Ponta do carrascal |4, Puta do carascal; 5, Porto |Woody Cape
_[i]_ (Green-oak Point) | de charseal; 6, Porto datharson|
| |
+Padrão de S. Gregorio+,|1, Padrom de S. George; |Cape Padrone
March 12 | 3, P. de S. Gregorio; 4, Padro |
| de S. Gregorio |
| |
Rio da lagoa (Lagoon |3, Rio de lago; 4, Rio de lagoa |Kasuga River
river) | |
| |
Praia das alagôas. |4, Praia das alagoas |
| |
Penedo das fontes _[j]_ |2, Penedos; 4, penedo da ... |Ship Rock
(Fountain Rock) | |
| |
Furna (cove) ... |4, Furna ... |Port Arthur
| |
+Ilha de Infante+ |1, Ilha de Fonte; |Three Sisters off
| 2, Ys de ynfante |Riet Point?
| |
*+Rio de Infante+ |4, Rio do infante; |Great Fish river
| 5 and 6, Rio de infante |
| |
—— |5, Cabo |
| |
Rio S. Thomé, Dec. 21 |5, Rio san tome; 7, R. S. thome |Umtata River
Ilha de S. Christovão, | 3, Ilha de San Xpistofa; | Keiskamma
July 25 | 5, Ilheos San Cristofe; | Point _[k]_
| 6, Insule de S. Chrifero; |
| 7, Ilheos de Sanxpono; |
| |
Praia corada? _[l]_ |4, Praia; 5, Praia; 6, Corrada |
—— | 5, Gorffo boscho; _[m]_ 6, G. |
| postho(hostio?) |
| |
Cabo primeiro |3, Cabo primero; |Cape Morgan
(first cape) | 4, Cabo primeiro |
| |
+Porto de Natal+, |5, Gorffo de natal; |Port Natal
Dec. 25 |6, G. do natal |
| |
+Terra do Natal+ |3, Terra de Natall |
| |
Porto da pescaria |3, Pescarias; 5 and |Durnford Bay
|6, Porto das pescarias |
| |
+Porto de S. Lucia+, |3, Pr. de S. lucia; 5 and |St. Lucia Bay
Dec. 13 |6, Porto de Sta. lucia |
| |
Terra das mesas (land |5, Tierram das mesas; |Flat hills S.
of table-hills) | 6, Tiram das mesas | of Cape Vidal
| |
Rio dos medões de |3, Modosdosoro; 4, Rio dos |Kosi River
Ouro (river of the | medos douro; 5 and 6, Rio do |
golden downs) | medos |
| |
Serranias (mountain |5 and 6, Serramas |Sandhills N.
ridges) | | of Kosi River
| |
Ponta dos medões |5, Ponta de medons |Cape Colatto,
(point of downs) | | 250 feet.
| |
Terra dos Fumos _[n]_ |3, Terra dos Fumos; 5, T. |
| chrimias; 6, T. thrimias |
| |
+Rio da lagoa _[o]_+ |Rio do lagoa; 4, Rio da lagoa; |Umbelasi River,
| 5 and 6, Rio de lago | Delagoa Bay
| |
Rio dos reis, Jan. 6 |3, Ri do reis; 5, G. de lom |Inkomati River
| raios De Barros confounds the |
| Rio dos Reis and the Rio do |
| Cobre |
| |
*+Rio do Cobre _[p]_+ |3, Agoa de bona passa; 5, Rio |Zavora River
and | d’aguada; 6, Rio dagarda |
*+Terra da boa Gente+ | |
| |
Barreiras |5 and 6, Bariras |
| |
+Cabo das correntes+ |3, C. das correntes; 4, Cabo |Cabo das
(Cape of Currents) | das correntes; 5 and 6, C. das | Correntes
| coreateso |
| |
Cabo de S. Maria |3, C. de Sta Maria |Ponta da Burra
| |
Golfo das Manchas |5 and 6, Gorffo (b.) das |Inyamban
(g. of specks) | manchas |
| |
G. de meros (g. of |5 and 6, Gorffo de meros |Cove at Burra
whitings) | | falsa
| |
Cabo do Pichel (tankard |3, Cabo de picell; 5 and |Shivala Cliff
cape) | 6, Cabo de pichel |
| |
+Cabo de S. Sebastian+, |4, Cabo de Sam Sebastiam |Cape St.
Jan. 20 | | Sebastian
| |
Ilha de S. Domingos, |3, Igoa decico texoda; 5, Ilha |Bazaruto
? Aug. 4 | de Sam Domingo; 7, Insule S. | Islands
| Dominico |
| |
Ilha de S. Sebastian, |3, Sanustiam; 5, Ilha de Sam |Bazaruto
Jan. 20 | Sebastiam; | Islands
| 6, Insule de S. Sebastiam |
| |
+Çofalla+ |3, Zafalla, Sofalla; |Sofala
| 4, Cafalla; 5 and 6, flag |
| shown, but name omitted |
| |
Rio de S. Vicente, |3, Rio de Sam Vincenso; |Pungwe River
Jan. 22 | 5, Rio de San Vicenso |
| |
*+Rio dos bons _[q]_ |3, Rio de bon signale; |Kilimani River
Signaes+ | 4, Rio das bons sinaes; |
| 5, Rio de bono futaes; |
| 6, Rio de bonsuraes. |
| |
*+Padrão de S. Raphael+,|3, Padro de San Rafaell; |
Oct. 24 | 5, Portode Sam Rafaell |
| |
Barreiras |5, Barreiras; 6, bareiras |
| 3, “Questo avemo visto” |
| (this we saw) _[r]_ |
| |
*+Ilhas primeiras |3, Insulas primeras, 4, Ilhas |Ilhas primeiras
_[s]_+ | primeras; 5 and 6, Insulla |
| primeras |
| |
Cabo das ilhas |5, Cabo dos ilhas; |Makalanga
| 6, C. insularum | Cape
| |
Ilhas de S. Maricha |5, Ilhas de Sta maricha; |Angoshe Islands
| 6, Insule de S. Maricha |
| |
Aguada do Lago |3, Agea do Lago |Angoshe River
| 5, Ilhetos |
| 5 and 6, Curaes _[t]_ |
| |
*+Moçambique+ |3, Mōsenbichi; 4, Moçambique; |Mozambe
| 5 and 6, Moncambiqui |
| |
*Ilhéos de S. Jorge, | —— |Ilhéo de S.
April 23, p. 31 | | Jorge
|3, Monquique (duplication of |
|Moçambique) |
| |
+Rio de Fernão |3, Rio de Fernanesso; 4, Rio de |Mazazima Bay
Veloso _[u]_+ |fernam veloso; 5 and |
|6, Rio do fernam Velloso |
| |
Furna (cove) |5 and 6, Furna |
| |
*+Ilha do açoutado |3, P. asoutado; 5, Ilha de |Kiziwa Island
_[v]_+ | acutado; 7, Insule de amrado |
| |
Ilha das palmas |5, Ilha das palmas; 6, Insule |Ibo
| de palinis |
| |
Ilhas de S. Lazaro, |4, Ilhas de S. Lazaro |Kerimba Islds.
Dec. 17 | |
| |
Ilhas das cabaças |3, Cabesa seca; 5, Ilhas das |Islands S. of
(gourd islands) | cabecas; 6, Insule das Cabeas | Cabo Delgado
| |
Cabo delgado |3, Cavo de Sco |Cabo Delgado
| |
Rio de S. Pantaleone |5 and 6, Rio de Sam Pantaleone |Lindi River
July 28 | |
| |
*+Quiloa+ |3, Quilloa; 4, Quillua; |Kilwa
| 5, Quiola; 6, Quiloa |
| |
Ilhas desertas |3, Ilha de sechas; 5, Ilhas |Islands thence
| desertas; 6, Insule desertas | to Mafia
| |
—— |3, Ilha de baxo |
| |
—— |3, Baxo |
| |
Ponta redonda |3, Punta redonda |Ras Kimbiji
| |
*+Zanzibar+ |4, Zamzibar |
| |
*Tamugata, pp. 33, 92 | |Mtamgata
| |
*+Baixos de S. |3, Baxi dop lochio (_i.e._, |Mtangata Reefs
Raphael _[w]_+ | farolhos, shoals); 4, 5, and 6,|
| Baixos de Sam Rafaell |
| |
*Serras de S. Raphael |3, T ... de Rafael; 5 and |Usambara
| 6, Terra de baixos | Mountains
| |
*+Mombaça _[x]_+ |3, Mombaça; 4, Mōbaça; 5, |Mombasa
| Monbacha; 6, Monbacha |
| |
—— |5, Vutual; 6, butual |
| |
*Benapa, p. 40 | —— |Mtwapa
| |
*Toça (Tocanugua) | —— |Takaungu
p. 40 | |
*Nuguoquioniete | —— |Kioni
(Quioniete), p. 40 | |
| |
*+Melinde+ |3, Melindi; 4, 5 and 6, Melinde |Malindi
| |
*Pate _[y]_ |4, Pate; 5, Parte |Pata
| |
Bar (Land) Lamu |4, Berrama; 5, Berlama |Lamu
| |
*+Magadoxo+ _[z]_ |4, Mogodoxo; 5, Magadoxo; 6, |Mukhdisho
| Magadozo |
| |
Obbia |5, Opim |Obbia, 6° 40´ N
| |
—— |5, Animalla, caralla, |Along coast to
| lacurcella, carapui, gargella | Cape Guardafui
| (gargeia), cabo d’angra |
| |
Socotora |5, Çacotoia |Sokotra
| |
+Aden+ |5, Adam |Aden
| |
Mascate |5, Porto dama lemeniaco |Maskat
| |
Soar |5, Siffar |Sohar
| |
+Ormuz+ |5, Collomoco; 6, Collomoro |Hormuz
| (Marco Polo’s Cormuso) |
| |
—— |5, Betras; 6, Bertas |Beyt Island, at
| | entrance to
| | Gulf of Cutch
—— |5, Dabo | Diu
| |
+Cambaia+ |*Cuambey; 4, Combaya; |Cambay
| 5, Cambaia |
| |
Surat |5, Cuia; 6, Cura |Surat
| |
Baroche |5, paruça; 5, paruca; 6, Parnea |Broach
| |
Damão |5, Dema |Daman
| |
Canara |5, Canarea |Kanara
| 5, Ginia; 6, Binia. The Ras |
| boria of the “Mohit” |
| 5, Meria. The Ras Meria of the |
| “Mohit” |
| |
Ilhéos queimados |5, Dobascha; 6, Dobastha. |Vengorla Rocks
(burnt islands) | Dandabashi of the “Mohit” |
| |
Goa |5, A flag, name omitted |
| |
+Anjediva _[aa]_+ |5, Andegiba |Anjediva
| |
Ilhas dos pombos |5, Niture; 6, Nicare |Netrani
| |
*Ilhas de S. Maria | —— |St. Mary’s
| | Islands _[bb]_
| |
Onor | —— |Honowar
| |
Mangalor |5, Māgalor |Mangalore
| |
Cananor [cc] |6, Cananor |Cannanore
| |
*Capua, Capocate _[dd]_ |*Capua (Capucate of Castanheda |
| and Barros) |
| |
*Pandarani _[ee]_ |*5, Pandarani |Pantharini
| |Kollam
*+Calecut+ |2, Calitcut; 3, Colochuti; 4, |Calicut
| Caliqut; 5, and 6, Calliqut |
| |
Panane |5, Panade; 6, Panane |Ponani
| |
Cranganor |5, Cangalor. *Quorongoliz |Kranganur
| of the “Roteiro” |
| |
Cochijn |5, Cochin; 6, Cothim |Cochin
| |
Coulãoo |5, Collium; 6, Collum. *Coleu |Quilon
| of the “Roteiro” |
| |
+Cabo Camorij+ |4, Comaria; 5, Cano de curiam |Cape Comorin
| |
Cael, *Cael |5, Cail. Qail of the “Mohit” |Kayal, see p. 98
Mutapili |4, Mutapalay |
| |
Masulipatão |5, Tessulpata |Masulipatam
| |
Godavari |4, 5 and 7, Gudarim |Godavari River
| |
Satigam |4, 5 and 6, Çatiguam, the |Satgaon, on
| capital of Bangala. Shadigam | Hugli
| of the “Mohit” |
| |
Chatigam |4, Çatigam |Chittagong
| |
+Arracam+ |4, Arecāni; 5, Arcagna |Arakan
| |
Pegú |4, Çatimpegno; 5, Carinpaguo |Pegu, near
| | the Satam
| | or Sittang
| |
Sadoe |4, Patoo; 5, Facto. Satowahi of |Sandoway
|the “Mohit” |
| |
Martabão |4 and 5, Martabane |Martaban
| |
Tavai |4, Taoo; 5, Lioa; 6, Taoo |Tavoy
| |
+Tenaçarij+ |4 and 5, Danasaguim. *Tenacar |Tenasserim
|of the “Roteiro” |
| |
Cara |4, Carza; 5 Carta |Kra
| |
Tacoa |4, Tacoaa; 5, Tacoa |Takuwa or
| | Takoa
| |
Modobar |4, 5 and 6, Modobar |Meduar on
| | Lingga River
| |
Malaca |4, 5 and 6, Malaqua |Malacca
| |
+Cingapura+ |4, Bar Singuapura; 5, Bar |Singapore
| sinigapura; 6, Barginigapor |
| |
Os baixos de Padua |4 and 5, Os baixos de Padua |Munyal-par
| |
Ilha malique |4, Malaqym; 5, Mallo. Molaki of |Minicoy
| the “Mohit” |
| |
+Ceylão+ |4, Cillam |Ceylon
| |
Triquinamala |4, Tragonamalay; |Trincomali
| 5, Traganollaneos; 6, Tragana |
| |
Andemão |3, Bonae fortunae (Ptolemy); 4 |Andaman
| and 5, Indana and Indrona | Islands
| |
Nicovade |4, Nagolarim; 5, Nagolainu |Nicobar Islands
| |
Çumatra |4, Ataporbana; 5, Ataprobana; |Sumatra
| 6, Taprobann |
------------------------+--------------------------------+---------------
[a] Juan de la Cosa places “a praia s. plo” (pablo) outside the Cape.
[b] On the anonymous map published by Dr. Hamy, this Point (punta
spinosa) is placed on the _west_ coast, and may possibly be Bok Point.
[c] The name of Ponta de gran (“scarlet cloth cape”) may have been
given to the Needle Cape before the supposed fact that the needle in
its vicinity pointed due north had been observed.
[d] For notes on the identification of this bay, see p. 9, note 4.
[e] Bay of lagoons seems a misnomer. Subsequently the bay was dedicated
to S. Catherine.
[f] “Queimada” means a forest-fire, but there are no “forests”, at all
events near the coast. The hills, however, are partially covered with
bush, which may have been set on fire.
[g] This second “golfo dos vaqueiros” may be a duplication.
[h] Our present Lagoa Bay seems originally to have been called “Bay of
the Rock”. Subsequently it became known as Bahia dos lobos (Seal Bay)
and Bahia de lagoa (Lagoon Bay), perhaps after the Rio da lagoa (Lagoon
River), which figures very prominently on Dr. Hamy’s and Cantino’s
Charts, and almost seems to represent the Rio de Infante in the case of
the former.
The Kasuga River, which is closed at its mouth, and forms a lake-like
expansion at the back of the dunes, seems to correspond more nearly
with the conditions required. Several other rivers, to the east and
west of it, present the same feature, and these may have given rise to
the designation “Praia das alagôas”, _i.e._, Shore of Lagoons.
For identifications of localities within this bay, see p. 14, _note_.
[i] Thus named after the evergreen oak (_Ilex crocea_), known in South
Africa as Safraan hout.
[j] Along this coast the pent-up water of several rivulets soaks
through the coast-ridge, giving rise to springs. This may account for
the “Fountain Rock”.
[k] Keiskamma Point looks like an island when seen from the sea, and
this may account for the island of St. Christopher, of the first
explorers, developing into a river dedicated to the same Saint when the
country became better known.
[l] “Praia corada” (Red shore), I am unable to identify, as there are
no red cliffs along this part of the coast. Perhaps we ought to read
“_cerrada_”, with reference to the rocks which fringe the coast.
[m] I can make nothing of “Golfo boscho”. Bósco is the Italian for
“wood, forest”, and is the synonym of “bosque” in Portuguese. Woods are
plentiful along this coast.
[n] For its identification, see p. 17.
[o] Delagoa Bay seems to have been known originally as “Golfo dos tres
Reis magos” (Gulf of the Three Kings); see p. 18, _note_. The Rio do
Ouro is the Limpopo.
[p] See p. 19, _note_: The “barreiras” to the east of it may be a reef
forming a “barrier” along the coast.
[q] See p. 19, note 1, and p. 21.
[r] These words prove that the compiler of Dr. Hamy’s Chart was able
to utilise materials brought home by Vasco da Gama’s pilots, for it is
just in this locality that he again turned to the land, and discovered
his “first islands”. See p. 21.
[s] See p. 21, note 2.
[t] “Coraes” means “corals”. “Moçambique Flat” is a great coral bank.
[u] This river was named after one of Vasco da Gama’s companions. See p
177.
[v] See p. 32.
[w] For the baixos de S. Raphael, etc., see pp. 33, 92.
[x] For Mombaça and places to the north of it, see p. 40.
[y] See p. 58.
[z] See p. 88.
[aa] See p. 80.
[bb] See p. 200.
[cc] See p. 79.
[dd] See p. 48.
[ee] See p. 48.
APPENDIX H.
[Illustration: THE COAT-OF-ARMS OF VASCO DA GAMA.]
HONOURS AND REWARDS BESTOWED UPON VASCO DA GAMA, 1499-1524.[473]
King Manuel has not infrequently been charged with a niggardly
disposition, but whatever his conduct may have been in other instances
there can be no doubt that he dealt most liberally with the navigator
who was the first to sail a ship from a European port to India. This
liberality had been called forth by the sensation produced by the
discovery of an ocean highway to India, and the expectation that great
wealth would pour into Portugal as a consequence; it was kept alive by
the persistent importunities of the discoverer.
Vasco da Gama certainly did not undervalue the services he had rendered
to the King. He considered himself entitled to a high reward, and in
the end secured it. His ambition, from the very first, seems to have
been to take his place among the territorial nobles of his native
land. His father, Estevão da Gama, had at one time been Alcaide-mór of
Sines, he himself had been born at that picturesque old fishing town,
and his desire to be territorially connected with it was therefore
only natural. The King was quite willing that this should be, but
Sines belonged to the Order of S. Thiago, of which D. Jorge, Duke of
Coimbra, a natural son of D. João II, was master; and although a papal
dispensation had been received in 1501, which empowered the Order to
exchange Sines for some other town, the Order refused to part with it
(see Document 1). Meanwhile the King, on February 22, 1501, had granted
Vasco da Gama not only an annual pension of 1,000 cruzados (_£_483),
but also the territorial title of “Dom” (Documents 2 and 3).[474]
Still further favours were conferred upon Vasco da Gama on January 10,
1502, only one month previous to his second departure for India; and
this, we are told, was done “freely”, and without these favours having
been solicited either by their recipient or by any of his friends (see
Document 4). These favours included an annual hereditary pension of
300,000 reis (_£_362), the title of “Admiral of India”, with all the
valuable privileges conferred by it;[475] the right of sending annually
to India 200 cruzados, to be laid out in merchandise, upon which no
import duties were to be levied, excepting the 5 per cent. claimed by
the Order of Christ,[476] and confirmation of the hereditary title of
“Dom”, which was also to be borne by his brother Ayres, and in its
feminine form of “Dona” by his sister Theresa.
A few months after Vasco da Gama’s return from his second voyage, the
King, who was especially pleased with the “tribute” received from the
Sultan of Kilwa, bestowed upon him a further hereditary pension of
400,000 reis (1,000 cruzados, or _£_483). This was done on February 4,
1504 (Document 5).
Meanwhile the negotiations for putting Gama in possession of Sines
had made no progress, and the Admiral, impatient of the delay, took
up his residence in that town, began to build himself a manor-house,
and generally conducted himself as if the town were his own. The
alcaidemór, D. Luiz de Noronha, did not venture to interfere, but
the Order of S. Thiago complained to the King; and the King, justly
incensed at the masterful conduct of his vassal, peremptorily ordered
his Admiral to quit Sines within thirty days, and not to return to it
except by special permission of the Master of S. Thiago. This order was
dated March 21, 1507 (see Document 7). We need scarcely say that it was
obeyed.
But the Admiral still hankered after the territorial honours which had
been promised him. He enjoyed already three royal pensions amounting
to 2,750 cruzados (_£_1,328), and Leonardo Masser,[477] the Venetian
Ambassador at Lisbon, estimated the whole of his income at that time at
4,000 ducats, or rather cruzados (_£_1,930). This was a very large sum
indeed. There were at that time only six noblemen, two archbishops, and
seven bishops in all Portugal whose income exceeded his.[478]
In November, 1508, the King authorised Luiz d’Arca to cede to Vasco
da Gama the alcaideria-mór of Villafranca de Xira (see Document 8),
but the negotiations appear to have led to no result. Ten years were
allowed to pass, when the Admiral informed the King that, the promised
title of “Count” not having been conferred upon him, he desired
permission to emigrate with his family. The King, on August 17,
1518 (see Document 13), granted this permission, on condition that
the Admiral should defer his departure until the end of the year.
In the meantime he seriously looked about him for the territorial
qualification which would enable him to confer upon his importunate
Admiral the title of Count. D. Jayme, Duke of Bragança, a nephew
of the King, who held Vasco da Gama in high respect, was willing
to accommodate his uncle. By an agreement signed on November 4,
1519, he surrendered the towns of Vidigueira and Villa de Frades,
in consideration of Vasco da Gama ceding to him an hereditary Royal
pension of 400,000 reis (1,000 cruzados), and in addition, paying the
sum of 4,000 cruzados in gold. This transaction having been completed
at Evora, on November 7, the King, in Document 16, granted to Vasco da
Gama, his heirs and successors, the towns of Vidigueira and Villa de
Frades, together with all revenues and privileges hitherto enjoyed by
the Duke of Bragança; and on December 29 he conferred upon his Admiral
the title of “Conde de Vidigueira” (see Documents 14-17).
And thus, when Vasco da Gama, in April, 1524, departed for the last
time for India, the great ambition of his life had been realised. He
died at Cochin, on Christmas eve of the same year.
ABSTRACTS OF OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS.
1.—_Lisbon, December 24, 1499._[479]
By Letters Patent, dated Lisbon, December 24, 1499, the King, in
recognition of the merits of Vasco da Gama, and the great services
rendered by him in the discovery of India, grants to him, his heirs
and successors, the town of Sines, together with all the revenues,
privileges, and tithes pertaining thereto, as well as civil and
criminal jurisdiction. But inasmuch as this town belongs to the Order
of São Thiago, the formal title-deeds are to be drawn up only after
this Order shall have received satisfaction by the grant of another
town belonging to the Crown, and dispensation of the Holy Father,
sanctioning this exchange, shall have been received.
Satisfaction was, moreover, to be given to D. Luiz de Noronha, the
alcaide-mór of the said city. But should D. Luiz refuse to surrender
the said alcaideria, then, the dispensation of the Pope having been
received, the King promises at once to put Vasco da Gama in possession
of the said town, and likewise of the castle, as soon as terms shall
have been arranged with D. Luiz de Noronha.
2.—_Lisbon, February 22, 1501._[480]
D. Manuel orders the Casa da Mina to pay annually to Vasco da Gama the
of sum 1,000 cruzados in gold [at that time equal to 390,000 reis],
until he shall have been placed in possession of the manor of Sines.
3.—_Lisbon, November 19, 1501._[481]
The King orders Gonçalo de Sequeira, chief treasurer of the Casa de
Ceuta, to deliver to Dom Vasco da Gama 15 moios [43 imperial quarters]
of wheat, of the value of 28,000 reis, in part-payment of 70,000 reis
due to him this year, the balance of 41,200 reis to be levied upon the
Casa da Mina.
The receipt given by Vasco da Gama for this wheat is still extant, and
is one of the very few autographs of the Admiral in existence.
[Illustration: Facsimile of a Receipt given by Vasco da Gama]
That is to say:
dõ v^{co} da gama dygo que he verdade que receby os dytos q’nze
moyos de trygo do dyto g^o de sequeyra feito a xxbiij de
novẽbro de q’nhẽtos hu.
dõ v^{co} da gama.
Or, in English:—
Don Vasco da Gama acknowledges to have received said 15 moios of wheat
from said g^o de Sequeyra. Done on November 28, 1501.
Dom Vasco da Gama.
4.—_Lisbon, January 10, 1502._[482]
D. Manuel after pointing out, in these letters-patent, that the
explorations begun by the Infante D. Henry [the Navigator] in
1433,[483] in the hope of discovering a new highway to India, had been
continued by King Alfonso and King John, at an expenditure of many
lives and of much treasure, until, in 1482,[484] the Rio do Infante, at
a distance of 1,885 leagues, had been reached, continues:
“Being animated by an ardent desire to continue the work initiated by
the Infante and our predecessors, and being assured that Vasco da Gama,
a gentleman of our household, was well qualified for rendering us this
service, and would disregard the perils to his person and the risk of
life which he ran in accomplishing the task set him, we sent him to
India as captain-major of our fleet, and with him Paulo da Gama, his
brother, and Nicolau Coelho, likewise a gentleman of our household. In
this voyage he did most excellent service, for whilst only 1885 leagues
of coast had been discovered during the many years which had elapsed
since the commencement of this enterprise, and by the many captains
sent out, he by himself, in this single voyage, discovered 1550
leagues, in addition to a great gold-mine and many wealthy towns and
cities, having a great trade, and finally reached and discovered that
India, which all those who have given descriptions of the world rank
higher in wealth than any other country, which from all time had been
coveted by the Emperors and Kings of the world, and for the sake of
which such heavy expenses had been incurred in this kingdom, and so
many captains and others forfeited their lives—a country, in fact,
which all kings not only desired to possess but even to discover.
“This discovery, begun years ago, he accomplished at a greater
sacrifice of life and of treasure, and at greater peril to his own
person, than suffered by those who preceded him. Paulo da Gama,
his brother, died in the course of the voyage, as also one-half of
the people whom we sent out with this _armada_, they having passed
through many perils, not only because of the length of this voyage,
which exceeded two years, but also because of the desire to furnish
trustworthy information on these territories and all connected with
them.
“And bearing in mind the great services yielded to ourselves and our
kingdoms by this voyage and discovery; the great advantages accruing
thence, not only to our kingdoms but to all Christendom; the injury
done to the infidels [_i.e._, Mohammedans] who, up till now, have
enjoyed the advantages offered by India; and more especially the hope
that all the people of India will rally round Our Lord, seeing that
they may easily be led to a knowledge of His holy faith, some of them
already being instructed in it; desiring, moreover, to recompense him
for his services, as befits a prince when dealing with those who have
so greatly and so well served him, and to bestow upon him a grace and
favour; with full knowledge, and out of our royal and absolute power,
without his having solicited it, nor any other person on his behalf,
we grant him, freely and irrevocably, from this day in perpetuity, an
annuity of 300,000 reis, to be paid to him and his descendants.”
For the payment of this annuity the King assigns the new tithe on fish
imposed upon the towns of Sines and Villanova de Milfontes, supposed
to yield 60,000 reis annually, which tithe has been surrendered by
Martinho de Castelbranco, who held it from the Crown, and has been
compensated elsewhere. Any surplus receipts out of this tithe were to
be retained by Vasco da Gama, the King, on the other hand, not being
obliged to make up any deficiencies. Secondly, the King surrenders
130,000 reis annually out of the excise levied upon Sines, any
deficiency in that amount to be made up out of the excise of S. Thiago
de Cacem. Thirdly, the King assigns to him 40,000 reis, to be paid
out of the excise of S. Thiago. Lastly, the 70,000 reis still wanted
to make up the 300,000 reis shall be paid out of the receipts of the
timber octroi of the city of Lisbon.
In addition the King appoints him Admiral of India, conferring all
honours, franchises and revenues which that rank carries with it,
throughout the territories which shall be placed under the rule of the
King.
Moreover, he is granted the privilege of sending annually, by the royal
vessels, 200 cruzados to India, to be laid out in merchandise, upon
the importation of which no duties whatever shall be levied except
the 5 per cent. payable to the Order of Christ; this privilege to be
transmitted to his descendants.
The King, moreover, confers upon him, his brother Ayres da Gama, and
his sister, Tarayja (Theresa) da Gama, the hereditary title of Dom
(Dona).
Finally, the King desires that the heirs of Vasco da Gama shall always
bear the name of Gama, in memory of the said Vasco da Gama.
5.—_Lisbon, February 4, 1504._[485]
The King, having pointed out that as Divine justice recompenses, in the
other world, those who have firmly adhered to the Catholic faith and
practised good works, so should the Kings and Princes of this world
recompense those who have rendered them faithful service, directs
attention to the signal services rendered by Vasco da Gama during his
first voyage, when he discovered India. This discovery has resulted in
a great accession of wealth. What the Romans, and Emperors and Kings
have vainly attempted, has been accomplished by the said Admiral,
and the advantages coveted by all nations have been secured to his
kingdoms. These results have been attained at a great loss of life, for
more than half the men in this first expedition have succumbed, and
among them Paulo da Gama, the brother of the Admiral. On his return
honours and other rewards were conferred on the Admiral.
In the course of a second voyage[486] the services rendered by him
have been equally brilliant. The King of Kilwa has been reduced to
submission, and compelled to pay an annual tribute of 1,500 mitkals
in gold,[487] the first instalment of which has been received. This
king is very powerful, and the owner of the gold mines of Sofala, the
richest in that part of the world. In all other respects Vasco da Gama
has faithfully guarded the royal interests, both in making war upon the
Moors of Mecca, and in peaceable negotiations with the kings of those
countries. The fleet intrusted to him, owing to the wisdom and judgment
exercised, has returned richly laden. On these grounds he is entitled
to some recompense. Acting as becomes a King, and considering his
merits, he, D. Manuel, therefore grants him, and his male descendants
in the direct line, an annuity of 400,000 reis, to commence on the
first of January of this year, 1504, and to be secured on the salt tax
of the city of Lisbon.
6.—_Lisbon, February 20, 1504._[488]
The King instructs Fernão Lourenço, factor of the Guinea and India
trade, to pay henceforth the annuity of 1,000 cruzados to Vasco da
Gama; each caravel coming from the city of S. Jorge da Mina is to
contribute 32,500 reis, the payments out of twelve caravels thus making
up a total of 390,000 reis.
7.—_Thomar, March 21, 1507._[489]
In a letter dated Thomar, March 21, 1507, and signed by Antonio
Carneiro, the King’s chief secretary,[490] Vasco da Gama, the Admiral
of India, is informed that within thirty days after date he must
withdraw from the town of Sines, with his wife and the whole of his
household, and that neither himself, nor his wife, nor his household
can be permitted to return to that town, or its precincts, except by
permission of the Master [of the Order of São Thiago and Aviz], In case
any of them should enter the town without such permission, they will
render themselves liable to a fine of fifty cruzados, beyond which
they will incur the punishment deserved by those who refuse obedience
to the orders of their King and Lord. In a postcript the King orders,
moreover, that the same penalty shall be incurred if Vasco da Gama
continue the buildings he has commenced.
(This Royal Edict was presented on June 26, 1507, at the office of the
Master of the Order at S. Thiago de Cacem, by one João da Gama,[491]
and ordered to be placed in the Archives of the Order).
8.—_Tavira, November 18, 1508._[492]
The King authorises Luiz d’Arca to surrender his Alcaideriamór of
Villafranca de Xira[493] to the Admiral of India (Vasco da Gama).
9.—_Lisbon, November 19, 1511._[494]
The King orders the authorities (“judges”) of the Order of S. Thiago
to afford the receiver appointed by the Admiral every facility for
collecting the revenues assigned him in the towns of S. Thiago de
Cacem, Sines and Villanova de Milfontes.
10.—_Lisbon, June 1, 1513._[494]
The King informs all whom it may concern that in consideration of the
merits and very great services of Dom Vasco da Gama, it pleases him
to order that no freights be charged upon merchandise forwarded to
the Admiral from India, whether sent by royal or private ships, the
expenses, in the latter case, being charged to the India House. This
privilege is not to extend to certain spices reserved for the Crown.
11.—_Lisbon, August 22, 1515._[495]
The King authorises the Admiral to send with each fleet sailing to
India a person to attend to his business, this person to draw pay as a
man-at-arms.
12.—_Lisbon, August 29, 1515._[496]
1). Manuel, having quoted _in extenso_ the conditions of a pension of
400,000 reis granted on February 4, 1504, orders that one-half this
pension shall be paid in future out of the revenues of the town of
Niza,[497] and the other out of the salt-tax, as before.
13.—_Lisbon, August 17, 1518._[498]
The Admiral having reminded the King that the title of “Count” has been
promised him, but has not yet been conferred, asks permission to leave
the kingdom. The King, in a letter in which he addresses Vasco da Gama
as “Almirante amiguo”, replies: “We order you to remain in our kingdom
up to the end of December of the present year, and we hope by that time
you will have seen the error you are about to commit, and desire to
serve us as is seeming, and not take the extreme course proposed. But
if by that time you are still minded to go, we shall not hinder your
departure, with your wife, your sons, and all your moveable property.
Done at Lisbon by the Secretary [Antonio Carneiro], August 17, 1518....
The King.”
14.—_Evora, October 24, 1519._[499]
The King authorises Vasco da Gama to surrender his pension of 400,000
reis [see No. 5], to D. Jayme, Duke of Bragança, and the latter to give
in exchange the towns of Vidigueira and Villa de Frades.
15.—Villa Viçosa, November 4, 1519.[500]
D. Jayme, Duke of Bragança and Guimaraes, authorises his “ouvidor”
(bailiff), João Alves, to surrender the towns of Vidigueira and Villa
de Frades, with all their revenues, etc., to D. Vasco da Gama, on
condition of the latter ceding to him an hereditary pension of 400,000
reis, which he has from the King, and of paying, in addition, a sum of
4,000 cruzados in gold.
[This transaction was completed at Evora, where Vasco da Gama resided,
on November 7, the 4,000 cruzados being paid in Portugueses of 10
cruzados each. As the eldest sons of the contracting parties, D.
Theodesio of Bragança and D. Francisco da Gama, were still minors, it
was agreed that the King should be asked to “overlook this deficiency
of age”, so that they, too, should be bound by this agreement.[501]]
16.—_Evora, December 17, 1519._[502]
The King, having sanctioned the arrangement between the Duke of
Bragança and Vasco da Gama, and having dwelt once more upon the good
services rendered by the latter not only to the Crown, but also to the
inhabitants of the kingdom, and to all Christendom, grants to him and
his heirs, irrevocably and for all time, the towns of Vidigueira and
Villa de Frades, together with all privileges, including civil and
criminal jurisdiction and church patronage, which had been enjoyed by
the Dukes of Bragança, [These privileges, it should be understood,
exceeded those usually enjoyed by a mere Count.]
17.—_Evora, December 29, 1519._[503]
D. Manoel, after a glowing eulogy of the services rendered by his
Admiral of India, confers upon him the title of Count of Vidigueira,
together with all prerogatives, rights, graces, privileges, liberties
and franchises enjoyed by the Counts of the Kingdom by usage and
ancient custom.
18.—_Lisbon, March 30, 1522._[504]
D. João III confirms Vasco da Gama’s claim, as Admiral, to the
anchorage dues paid at Malacca, Goa and Ormuz, and authorises him to
appoint receivers.
19.—_Evora, February 5, 1524._[505]
The Admiral, being about to proceed to India for a third time, the
King, D. João III, is pleased to order that in case of his death his
son and heir shall forthwith assume the title of Count of Vidigueira,
and enter upon the enjoyment of all privileges, etc., to which this
rank entitles him.
[Illustration: Church and Monastery of Our Lady of the Relics at
Vidigueira.
(_From a woodcut in Teixeira de Aragão’s Paper._)]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] He was thus eighteen years of age when Queen Isabella, in 1478,
granted a safe-conduct to him and Fernão de Lemos, enabling them to
pass through Castile on their way to Tangier (Navarrete, iii, p. 477).
According to P. Antonio Carvalho da Costa’s unsupported statement,
Vasco da Gama was born in 1469.
[2] According to Castanheda, the appointment was at first offered
to Paulo da Gama, Vasco’s elder brother. He declined on account of
ill-health, but offered to accompany his brother as captain of one of
the vessels.
[3] Vasco da Gama, after his return from India, married Catarina de
Ataide. He proceeded a second time to India in 1502. When returning
from Cananor he shaped a direct course across the Indian Ocean to
Mozambique. After a long period of rest, King João III again sent him
to India in 1524, but he died at Cochin on December 25th of the same
year, at the age of sixty-five. His remains were taken to Portugal in
1538, and deposited at Vidigueira. Since 1880 they are supposed to have
found their last resting-place in the church of Belem.
For an interesting estimate of the character of the great navigator,
see Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_
(Hakluyt Society), 1869. See also the Appendices of this volume for
further information on the first voyage.
[4] Ruy Gonçalves da Camara in 1473, Fernão Telles in 1474.
[5] Toscanelli’s letter to Columbus was written long after that
addressed to Fernão Martinz, for the expression _ha dias_ (perhaps a
rendering of _pridem_ or _haud diu_) does not mean “a few days ago”,
but “long ago.” Columbus himself uses it in that sense when he writes
from Jamaica that the “Emperor of Catayo asked long ago (_ha dias_)
for men of learning to instruct him in the faith of Christ.” The
request for missionaries had been made to the Pope in 1339 (Navarrete,
_Colleccion_, 2nd ed., I, p. 457).
[6] Barros, _Dec. I_, l. 3, c. ii.
[7] It is quite possible that the draughtsman of the Cantino Chart
placed St. Helena Bay incorrectly, and not as determined by Vasco da
Gama. Canerio places this bay in lat. 32° 30´ S., which is only 10´ out
of its true position.
[8] See Wieser, _Die Karte des Bartolomeo Columbo_, Innsbruck, 1893.
Cuba is not shown on this chart, possibly because Bartolomeo would not
do violence to his conscience by representing it as a part of Asia
(as his brother believed it to be to the day of his death) after its
insularity had been recognised.
[9] _The Journal of Christopher Columbus_, by C. R. Markham (Hakluyt
Society), 1893.
[10] Thus Correa states correctly that the Cape was rounded in
November, that is, in the height of summer, but introduces accessory
details—perhaps taken from an account of some other voyage (Cabral’s,
for instance)—which could only have happened in mid-winter. (See p.
193).
[11] An excellent translation of Correa’s account of _The Three Voyages
of Vasco da Gama_, by Lord Stanley of Alderley, was published by the
Hakluyt Society in 1869. It is accompanied by foot-notes, directing
attention to those numerous instances in which Correa differs from
other writers.
[12] Most of the documents discovered on these occasions were made
known by Texeira de Aragão and Luciano Cordeiro, to whose published
works frequent reference will be made.
[13] _Roteiro_, prim, edição, p. xix.
[14] _Roteiro_, seg. edição, p. xii.
[15] Prof. Kopke (_Roteiro_, prim. ed., pp. ix-xiv) deals much more
fully with this subject. We have been content to give the substance of
his remarks.
[16] See livro I, c. xxvii, of the first edition (1551) of his
_Historia_. In the edition of 1554 this passage is suppressed, but
further particulars of the voyage are not given.
[17] For a conclusive proof of this see p. 2. After the _S. Raphael_
had been broken up, the author may have been transferred to Coelho’s
vessel, and have returned in her.
[18] This is the “secretary” (escrivão) of Vasco da Gama. Castanheda
(I, p. 54) mentions also the comptroller (veador) of the captain-major,
but we are inclined to think that this is a duplication of the same
person, namely, Diogo Dias, the clerk or purser of the _S. Gabriel_.
[19] See p. 54, note 2, for this anecdote.
[20] _Roteiro da Viagem que em descobrimento da India pelo Cabo da Boa
Esperança fez Dom Vasco da Gama em 1497._ Porto, 1838. 8vo, pp. xxviii,
184.
[21] _Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em_ MCCCCXCVII. Segunda
edição. Lisboa (Imprensa Nacional), 1861. 8vo, pp. xliv, 182.
[22] Compare p. xvii, and numerous references to Correa throughout this
volume.
[23] Reproduced on p. 150.
[24] _Journal du Voyage de Vasco da Gama en_ MCCCCXCVII, _traduit du
Portugais par Arthur Morelet_, Lyon, 1864.
[25] Reproduced by us, p. 171.
[26] For a copy of this contemned portrait, see p. 109.
[27] These vessels, as appears in the course of the Journal, were
the _S. Gabriel_ (flag-ship), the _S. Raphael_ (Paulo da Gama), the
_Berrio_ (Nicolau Coelho), and a store-ship (Gonçalo Nunes). The author
served on board the _S. Raphael_. See Introduction.
[28] In the suburb of Restello, four miles below the Arsenal of
Lisbon, stood a chapel or _ermida_, which had been built by Henry the
Navigator for the use of mariners. In this chapel Vasco da Gama and his
companions spent the night previous to their departure in prayer. After
his victorious return, D. Manuel founded on its site the magnificent
monastery of Our Lady of Bethlehem or Belem.
[29] The forbidding line of low cliffs, extending for 35 miles from
Leven Head to Elbow Point, in lat. 24° N., was known to the Portuguese
of the time as _terra alta_ (see D. Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo de Situ
Orbis_, p. 40). The Rio do Ouro or River of Gold is a basin, extending
about 20 miles inland and four miles wide at its mouth. No river flows
into it. The real “River of Gold” is the Senegal or the Upper Niger.
[30] Castanheda attributes the separation of the vessels to the fog and
a storm.
[31] At the southern extremity of Ilha do Sal, in lat. 16° 31´ N., is
the Porto de Santa Maria.
[32] S. Jorge da Mina, the famous fort built on the Gold Coast
in 1482, by Diogo d’Azambuja, one of whose captains had been the
very Bartholomew Dias who five years afterwards doubled the Cape,
and who now returned to the _Mine_, having been made its captain,
in recognition of his great services. (See L. Cordeira, _Diogo
d’Azambuja_, Lisbon, 1890, and Barros, edition of 1778, to. I, part 1,
p. 271.)
[33] Bombardas, originally catapults, subsequently any piece of
ordnance from which stone balls were thrown. In the north of Europe the
term was restricted to mortars. Gama, however, carried breech-loading
guns, with movable _cameras_ or chambers. (See Stanley’s _Vasco da
Gama_, p. 226, _note_ and _Introduction_.)
[34] São Thiago, the largest of the Cape Verde Islands. The Porto da
Praia, within which lies the Island of Santa Maria (14° 50´ N.), is no
doubt the bay referred to in the text.
[35] This date, August 18th, is obviously wrong. Deducting the delay of
two days, Vasco da Gama spent 95 days on his passage from São Thiago
to the Bay of St. Helena, the distance being about 1,170 leagues
(4,290 miles), his daily progress amounted to 12 leagues or 45 miles.
If the dates in the text were correct, he would have made 12½
leagues daily up to August 18th, and between that date and the 22nd
(allowing for the delay) at least 300 leagues (1,010 miles), which is
quite impossible. It is evident that the second date is wrong, and
instead of “the same month”, we ought perhaps to read “October”. In
that case the daily progress, up to October 22nd, would have averaged
10 leagues (34 miles). Thence, to St. Helena Bay, a distance of
370 leagues accomplished in 16 days, the daily progress would have
averaged nearly 23 leagues (78 miles). Of course these are merely rough
approximations, as the course taken by Vasco da Gama and the incidents
of this memorable passage are not known to us. We may mention that
modern sailing vessels going from S. Thiago by way of Sierra Leone and
Ascension to the Cape, a distance of 5,410 miles, occupy on an average
49½ days on the passage, making thus 110 miles daily (58 in crossing
from Sierra Leone to Ascension). A ship going direct (3,770 miles) has
performed the passage in 41 days, thus averaging 92 daily. (See Admiral
Fitzroy’s “Passage Tables” in the _Meteorological Papers_ published by
the Admiralty in 1858.)
[36] The MS. has _Garçõees_, a word not to be found in the dictionary,
but evidently an augmentative of _garça_, a heron. Pimental, in his
_Arte de Navegar_, mentions large birds with dark wings and white
bodies as being met with a hundred leagues to the west of the Cape of
Good Hope, which are known as _Gaivotões_.—KOPKE.
The Gaivota, or gull, however, in no respect resembles a heron.
[37] That is, towards Tristão da Cunha, Gama being at that time 400 miles
to the N.N.W. of these islands.
[38] Kopke supposes that we should read _phoca_ instead of _quoqua_,
but this is not very likely, as _lobo marinho_ is employed throughout
the _Rutter_ to describe the _phocæ_ or seals. Among the animals
which these early navigators must have met with, but which are not
mentioned, are porpoises (_peixe de porco_) and dolphins (_doiradas_ or
gilt-heads).
[39] _Lobo marinho_, sea-wolf, a term vaguely applied to all species of
seals, as also to the sea-elephant, has been translated throughout as
_seal_.
[40] _Golfão, i.e._, Zostera nana, which is met with along the coast of
South-Western Africa.
[41] A Portuguese fathom, or _braça_, is equal to 5.76 feet.
[42] This was considerably to the north of St. Helena Bay, which was
only reached three days later.
[43] A reference, no doubt, to Pero d’Alenquer, Vasco da Gama’s pilot,
who had been with B. Dias during his memorable voyage round the Cape,
as had probably others of this armada.
[44] Now called Berg River.—KOPKE.
[45] Castanheda and Goes state that Nicolau Coelho was sent to take
the soundings. It is, however, much more probable that this duty
was intrusted to Pero d’Alenquer, who had already doubled the Cape
with Bartholomew Dias, and had touched at several points in its
vicinity.—KOPKE.
I cannot see how his having been with Dias can have conferred any
very special qualification for taking soundings in a bay which Pero
d’Alenquer had never seen before. On subsequent occasions Coelho seems
to have been employed repeatedly upon this duty.
[46] _Baço_, a vague term, meaning also brown or blackish.
[47] Castanheda, in his first edition (1551), adopted this statement,
but subsequently suppressed it. D. Jeronymo Osorio, Bishop of Silves,
in _De rebus Emanuelsis_, has “pudenta ligneis vaginis includunt.—KOPKE.
The use of such a sheath is universal among the Bantu tribes of
Southern Africa, but seems now to be more honoured in the breach than
the observance among the Hottentots, here spoken of. John of Empoli,
who went to India with Afonso de Albuquerque (_Ramusio_, i), observed
such a sheath made of leather with the hair on, among the Hottentots of
the Bay of S. Blas. Leguat (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1891, p. 288)
found it still in use in 1698.
[48] The shafts of their assegais are made of assegai- or lance-wood
(_Curtisea faginda_) and not of olive-wood, and even in John of
Empoli’s time had iron blades. Their spears for spearing fish, on the
other hand, are tipped with the straight horn of the gemsbuck.
[49] We learn from Barros that Vasco da Gama landed for the purpose of
observing the latitude. The captive was handed over to two ship’s boys,
one of whom was a negro, with orders to treat him well.
[50] _Çeitil_, a copper coin, worth about one-third of a farthing.
[51] We gather from Barros and Goes that Fernão Velloso was granted
the desired permission at the intercession of Paulo da Gama. When
Vasco da Gama returned to his vessel, Coelho and some of the crew were
left behind, collecting wood and lobsters. Paulo amused himself by
harpooning a whale, which nearly cost him dearly, for the whale dived,
and would have capsized the boat had not the water been shallow. In the
afternoon, when Coelho and his people were returning to the vessels,
Velloso was observed to run down a hill. Vasco da Gama, ever observant,
saw this from his ship, and at once ordered Coelho back, entering
himself a boat to join him. Some delay or misunderstanding occurred,
the “negroes” threw stones and discharged arrows, and several men were
wounded, including the captain-major and Gonçalo Alvarez. For further
particulars see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 46.
[52] The distance is 33 leagues.
[53] Castanheda says that the Cape was doubled on “Wednesday, November
20”, but Wednesday was the 22nd. Barros says “Tuesday, 20th”, but
Tuesday was the 21st. Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 48.
[54] The actual dimensions of False Bay are about 5 by 5 leagues.
The bay is called “Golfo dent^o. delle Serre” on the map of Henricus
Martellus Germanus, 1489, which illustrates the voyage of B. Dias (Add.
MS. 15760, Brit. Mus.).
[55] This is without the shadow of a doubt Mossel Bay (see plan on map
II). It is also most probably the Bahia de los Vaqueiros of B. Dias,
who certainly was here [see below]. Barros refers to it as being _now_
called S. Braz. Its original name had thus been abandoned in favour of
that bestowed by Vasco da Gama.
[56] The thirteen days are counted from November 25 to December 7,
both these days being counted. According to Castanheda (I, p. 12), the
store-ship was burnt.
[57] See note 4, p. 9.
[58] The distance by sea is over 90 leagues, that by land 64. “By sea”
is probably a slip of the pen.
[59] The “gora” is the great musical instrument of the Hottentots. It
is not a flute or reed-pipe.
[60] This island is still known as “Seal” Island, although its former
visitors no longer make their appearance. The islet lies about half a
mile from the land, is only 250 ft. in length and 15 ft. high.
[61] Usually called _Sotilicaires_ by Portuguese writers. They are
clearly Cape Penguins.—KOPKE (abridged).
[62] The word used by the author is “padrão”, that is, a stone pillar
bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John
first ordered to be set up by his explorers. None of the “pillars” set
up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, for the “pillar” near Malindi
is clearly of later date (see p. 90).
[63] This paragraph is of the greatest importance with reference to
the voyage of B. Dias, for Pero d’Alenquer, one of his companions, is
the real authority for these statements. The usual statement that this
pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must henceforth be rejected,
as had already been done in 1575, when M. de Mesquita Perestrello
made a survey of this coast (see his Report in Pimental’s _Roteiro da
Navegação da India Oriental_).
The distances given by the author are remarkably correct. From the
Cape of Good Hope to Mossel Bay (São Braz) is 60 leagues, as stated by
him. Thence to Santa Cruz is 56 leagues; from Santa Cruz to the Rio de
Infante is 21 leagues.
_Santa Cruz_ is the largest of a group of islands in the western part
of Algoa Bay. It is 4 cables in length, rises to a height of 195 ft.,
and is nearly all bare rock. _There are no springs._ The _Ilhéos chãos_
are readily identified with a cluster of low rocky islets about 7
leagues to the east. The Cape Padrone of the charts marks the site of
the last pillar erected by Dias, and 5 leagues beyond it rises “Ship
Rock,” in the locality where Perestrello claims to have discovered
the _Penedo das Fontes_ of Barros and other writers. Perestrello
had, no doubt, in his possession original documents (now lost) which
enabled him to identify the localities named by the early explorers.
His substantial agreement with the author of this _Roteiro_ is most
satisfactory.
[64] That is the Rio do Infante, now known as the Great Fish river.
[65] The Agulhas current hereabouts runs at the rate of 1 to 4 knots an
hour to the westward.
[66] On Canerio’s map there is a Ponta da Pescaria, to the north of
Port Natal.
[67] Equivalent to three-fourths of a pint.
[68] The MS. says January 10th, but Thursday was the 11th.
[69] Hence called “Terra dos Fumos”, or, more correctly, “Mfumos” the
“land of petty chiefs”. Dr. Hamy’s chart of 1502 has the name; Canerio
has a “terra thrimias”, an exceptionally unrecognisable corruption
of it; whilst on Ribero’s map (1529) we find the name, although in a
slightly corrupted form (humos). The appellation has nothing to do with
either “smoke” (fumo), or “moisture” (humor).
[70] Barros (_Dec. I_, l. 4, c. 4) tells us that Vasco da Gama entered
the Rio dos Reis, by others called Rio do Cobre, on Twelfth Night
(January 6). Goes, on the other hand, confirms the author of the
_Roteiro_, and there cannot be a doubt that Barros is mistaken. The
Rio dos Reis is, indeed, one of the rivers which enters the bay
subsequently called after Lourenço Marques, but discovered, either in
1501 by Sancho de Toar, one of the captains of Cabral’s fleet, or in
the following year by Antonio de Campo.
Dr. Hamy’s Chart has “R. do reys”, Canerio’s “G. de lom raios”
(evidently a corrupt rendering of “Golfo dos or delos Reis”, which
thus seems to have been the earliest name bestowed upon what is now
known as Delagoa Bay). The “agoada de bon passa” of Dr. Hamy’s Chart,
and the “Rio d’aguada” of Canerio, between this bay and Cabo das
Correntes, is clearly the locality referred to by the author. Ribero
(1529) has a “Rio de la laguna,” a “_rio de los reyes_”, and further
east, an “aguada de buena paz”. M. de Mesquita Perestrello (1575)
places the “Aguada da boa Paz” 15 leagues to the east of “Rio do Ouro”
(the Limpopo), and 43 leagues to the west of Cabo das Correntes. This
position corresponds to that of the Zavora River of Admiralty Chart
No. 648, in 34° 25´ E. It was here that Vasco da Gama cast anchor. The
reference to the “swell of the sea” quite precludes the notion that he
entered the well-sheltered Delagoa Bay.
M. Kopke (in a note, _Roteiro_, p. 147) would place the “Aguada da Boa
Gente” between the Lagoa River and the Limpopo (Inhambane), in 32° 23´
E., and says that this locality is still generally known as “Aguada da
Boa Paz”, but I can find no confirmation of this. Moreover, if this be
the “Aguada”, where, on this barren coast, are we to look for the “Rio
do Cobre”? (Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 66). See Map III.
[71] João dos Santos (_Ethiopia Oriental_, I. 2, c. 20) already
identified this river with the Kiliman River. Dr. Hamy’s Chart calls
it “Rio de bon Signals”, an evident corruption. Barros and Goes both
call it “Rio dos Bons Signals”, whilst Correa refers to it as Rio da
Misericordia, the river of Mercy (see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p.
11). Comp. Map III.
[72] A very involved sentence! Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman
on January 24, cast anchor, and sent the smallest of his vessels, the
_Berrio_, within, to take soundings. On the day after, the 25th, he
crossed the bar with the two other vessels.
[73] _Almadia_, a “dug-out”, properly El Maziyah, ferry-boat (Burton’s
_Camoens_, iv, p. 577.)
[74] Burton (_Commentary_, p. 408), points out that the “touca” is not
a turban, but a kind of cap. Its shape, however, was not that of the
“toque” of our milliners.
[75] From January 24 to February 24, both days included, is thirty-two
days.
[76] Barros says they were beached for that purpose.
[77] This disease was evidently scurvy, so fatal to our early
navigators. Castanheda (I. c. 4) tells us that in this time of trouble
Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and
freely distributed the medicines which he had brought for his own use.
[78] The Padrão de São Raphael is distinctly marked and named on Dr.
Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. No trace of it has ever been discovered.
[79] These are the “Insule primeras” (_i.e._, Ilhas primeiras) of Dr.
Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. They are five in number, and form a chain
less than 5 leagues in length. The three southern islands (Silva,
do Fogo, and Crown) form a separate group, and are bare, whilst the
two northern islands (Casuarina and Epidendron) have trees. Gama,
apparently, missed the two southernmost islands.
[80] These six days are reckoned from February 24 to March 1.
Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 76-84) says that on the voyage
from the river of Mercy to Moçambique, Davane, a Moor, was taken out of
a zambuk. Barros and Goes know nothing of this incident. Later on (p.
128) we are told that this Davane agreed to accompany the Portuguese
as broker, and that he was finally discharged at Cananor with good
testimonials (p. 235). He was nicknamed “tayyib”, which in Arabic means
“good” (p. 132). See Appendix E.
[81] See plan on Map III. See also Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 80.
[82] Arabic, el Nafir, a sort of straight Moorish trumpet or tuba.
[83] They took their visitors for “Turks”, or at all events for
Mohammedans. All this changed after their true character had been
discovered.
[84] It appears from this that Vasco da Gama entered the port
immediately on his arrival, and took up a position close to the town.
[85] “Ruivo”, red, in the original. Castanheda, who made use of this
Journal, substitutes baço, tawny, which is equally inapplicable.
[86] That is, Arabic. The “Moors” of the author are, in fact, either
pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.
[87] “Aljofar”, cf. Arabic jauhar, johar, a jewel or precious stone
(Burton). Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls.
[88] Barros says that Fernão Martins was their interpreter.
[89] The notions about the Christianity of India prevailing at that
time in Portugal (and among the earlier navigators) will be referred
to elsewhere. We may add that Vasco da Gama was instructed to find out
a mighty sovereign, known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, but
the situation of whose states was very uncertain.—KOPKE.
[90] On Prester John, see Zarncke (_Abhd. K. Sächs. G. der Wiss._,
1876 and 1879), and G. Uzielli (_Boll. della Soc. Africana d’Italia_,
1892, viii). Vasco da Gama had no doubt received special instructions
to inquire for that Christian potentate. At one time he was looked for
inland from Benin, but the information received from Pero de Covilhão,
whom King John had despatched overland to India, in 1487, no less than
that furnished by Lucas Marcos, an Abyssinian priest, who came to
Lisbon soon after Covilhão’s departure, confirmed the Portuguese in the
belief that the “Prester John” they were in quest of was the Emperor
of Ethiopia, whose capital at that time was in Shoa. (See Covilhão’s
narrative, as given by _Alvarez_, Hakluyt Soc., 1881.)
[91] Barros calls them Abyssinians from the country of Prester John,
and says that when they saw the image of the saint which formed the
figure-head of the St. Gabriel, they knelt down and worshipped. The
Abyssinian Christians, whatever their shortcomings, do not worship
images, as is the practice of the Roman Church. These captives,
therefore, must have been Indians, as stated by our author.
[92] Barros calls this sheikh Zacoeja (Shah Khwajah?).
[93] Marlota, a short dress of silk or wool worn in Persia and India.
(Moura, _Vestig. da lingua Arab._, sub “marlota.”)
[94] A Mozambique matikal (miskal) weighs 4.41346 grammes (Antonio
Nunes, _O livro dos Pesos_, 1554, p. 50, published at Lisbon, 1868),
and its value in standard gold would consequently be about 12_s._;
elsewhere (p. 64) he makes this coin the equivalent of 467 reis, or
about 11_s._ 4_d._ (_see_ Index, under _Cruzado_).
[95] The island of S. Jorge.
[96] Tavolochinha, in the original, is an obsolete word, which from
its etymology seems to refer to a defensive armour presenting a broad
surface (tavola). Castanheda, in relating this incident, substitutes
_escudo_—shield—whilst Goes and Osorio speak of _adargas_ or _parmae_,
that is, bucklers.—KOPKE.
[97] Tamiça, lit. “spatry-cord”, popularly known as coir-rope. These
“sewn boats” were already in use when the _Periplus of the Erythrean
Sea_ was written, and the town of Rhapta (from [Greek: rhaptein], _to
sew_) derived its name from them. (See McCrindle, _The Commerce and
Navigation of the Erythrean Sea_, p. 71).
[98]
“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,
From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”
_Camoens_, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
[99] The “Genoese needle” is, of course, the mariner’s
compass.—According to the “Mohit” of Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein
(1554), published by Dr. Bittner and Dr. Tomascheck (Vienna, 1897), the
pilots of the Indian Ocean determined relative latitudes by observing
the altitudes of certain stars. The result was expressed, not in
degrees as was done by the scientific astronomers of the day, but in
_isbas_ or “fingers”, each equivalent to 1° 42´ 50”. The instrument
which they used consisted of three staffs. Two of these were moveable
on a hinge, and were directed respectively upon the horizon, and the
star the altitude of which it was desired to determine. A third staff
(or an octant) was fixed at the end of the horizon-staff, and upon it
the angle observed could be read off. Vasco da Gama brought one of
these instruments with him to Portugal, but the astronomer of Cabral’s
expedition, who had been instructed to test its qualities, reported
unfavourably (_Alguns documentos_, 1892, p. 122). Yet the results
obtained by means of this instrument by the pilots of the Indian Ocean
were very satisfactory, and the charts prepared by these very practical
men were far more correct than the abortions produced by “scientific”
Arab geographers. Parallels (at intervals of one-eighth of an _isba_)
and meridians were marked upon these charts, and they were superior
in this respect to the Portulani of the Mediterranean pilots. The
meridians were probably drawn at intervals of _zams_, which were equal
to one-eighth _isba_, or three hours’ sail, or nearly thirteen of our
sea-miles. It is quite possible, as suggested by Dr. Bittner, that
these pilots also invented the cross-staff, for _balhestilho_, the
name by which this instrument became known in Portugal, is more likely
to be derived from the Arabic _al-balista_ (altitude), than from the
Latin _ballista_. Compare also Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), where
an allusion is made to the instrument employed by the pilot who joined
Vasco da Gama at Malindi. Barros says that the instrument consisted of
three _taboas_ or plates.
[100] This fruit is the coco-nut.
[101] The sharifs (“nobles”) are the descendants of the Prophet, and
although not “priests”, they enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly
speaking, this title can be claimed only by the head of the family
which descends from the Prophet in a direct line. All others can only
claim the title of _Saiyid_, Lord. The “white” Moors are, of course,
true Arabs.
[102] There are Government tanks now on the island, which are filled by
the prisoners of Fort St. Sebastian.
[103] _Agonia_, Arabic _El Jumbiyah_, a crooked poniard, worn in the
waist-belt.
[104] Barros calls these captives “Moors”, and the author himself does
the same at a later stage of his Journal (see note, p. 37).
[105] That is S. Jorge, and the small islet of S. Thiago, 1¾ miles
to the south.
[106] The text has 30th, but Saturday was the 31st.
[107] These were the Kerimba islands, the southernmost of which is
Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S. The mainland being generally low, will rarely be
seen when coasting outside the reefs (_Africa Pilot_, Part III, p. 254).
[108] These were the islands off Cabo Delgado, called Ilhas das Cabecas
(Cabras?) on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s maps. None of these, however, is
more than nine miles from the mainland.
[109] This island was Quiloa (Kilwa), whose king, at that time, was
the most powerful along the coast, Sofala, the Zambezi, Angoshe and
Mozambique being subject to him (_Duarto Barbosa_, p. 10).—KOPKE.
When Vasco da Gama attempted to put back he had probably reached Ras
Tikwiri, 8° 50´ S.
[110] Mafia.—KOPKE.
[111] On the homeward voyage, in January 1499, the _S. Raphael_ was
burnt at these shoals, which are described as lying off the town of
Tamugata (Mtangata), and this enables us to fix upon the locality with
much certainty. There still is a roadstead or bay called Mtangata,
which “the long roll of the Indian Ocean renders a place of trembling
to the coast trader” (Burton, _Journal Royal Geographical Society_,
1858, p. 200). A “town” of this name exists no longer, but Burton
describes the ruins of what was once an extensive city near the village
of Tongoni.
There are no “mountains” close to the coast corresponding to the
“Serras de S. Raphael”, but the mountains of Usambara, rising 20 to 25
miles inland to an altitude of 3,500 ft., are visible in clear weather
for a distance of 62 miles.
Sir John Kirk writes to me: “The baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly
the coral reefs of Mtangata; and the Usambara mountains, with their
valleys, steep precipices, and lofty summits would, especially at that
season of the year, be plainly seen from the ships. There can be no
doubt as to this point, as these are the only mountains that approach
the coast and form so marked an object from the sea when the air is
clear. They are then visible from the town of Zanzibar.”
[112] This was Pemba, which, owing to its deep bays, appeared to
consist of a number of islands. Its distance from the mainland is only
30 miles (9 leagues), its length 37 miles. The trees of that island
still supply masts for native vessels (Note by Sir J. Kirk).
[113] Zavra or zabra, a dhow, which is a small open vessel, sharp at
the stern, with a square sail of matting.
[114] The Swahili “dress” their vessels at the feast that follows the
Ramadan month (Sir J. Kirk), but Ramadan, of the year of the Hejra 903,
_began_ on April 23, 1498, and the Bairam therefore lasted from May
22-24. These dates are according to the Old Style.
[115] _Alcaide_, from the Arabic _Alkadi_, the Judge.
[116] Burton (_Camoens_, iv, p. 241) suggests that this picture of the
Holy Ghost may have been a figure of Kapot-eshwar, the Hindu pigeon-god
and goddess, an incarnation of Shiva and his wife, the third person of
the Hindu Triad.
[117] Trigo tremez, corn that ripens in three months. This, according
to a note furnished by Sir John Kirk, would be sorghum (the “matama” of
the Swahili), which is sent in shiploads to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.
[118] These two “Moors” were undoubtedly two of the four men whom Paulo
da Gama had captured at Moçambique, but whom the author previously
described as “Negroes”. Of the two pilots who escaped, one had been
given them by the Sultan of Moçambique, the other must have been the
old Moor who came on board voluntarily, unless one of the men taken by
Paulo was a pilot. (See note 1, p. 31).
[119] Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 8, c. 7) says erroneously that this fort
was built _after_ Vasco da Gama’s visit. When the vessel of Sancho de
Toar, of the armada of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was lost near Mombaça, the
Moors succeeded in fishing up seven or eight of her guns. These they
placed in this fort, in the vain hope of being thus enabled to resist
the attack of D. Francisco d’Almeida in 1505.—KOPKE.
[120] Castanheda (I, c. 10, p. 35) says they waited two days in
the hope of being able to secure a pilot to take them to Calecut. On
crossing the bar they were unable to heave up one of the anchors. The
Moors subsequently fished it up and placed it near the royal palace,
where D. Francisco d’Almeida found it when he took the town in 1505.
[121] The author spells Milinde, Milynde, Milingue.
[122] Sir J. Kirk suggests to me that these places are Mtwapa, Takaungu
and Kilifi, distorted into Benapa, Toca-nuguo and Quioniete. “Kioni” is
the native name of the village usually called Kilifi.
[123] The ruins of the ancient town of Malindi lie to the south of the
modern village of that name, and are of great extent. They include
the remains of a town wall. Persian and Arabic inscriptions have
been discovered, but, with the exception of Vasco da Gama’s pillar,
no traces of occupation by the Portuguese. Malindi Road, or Port
Melinda of the Admiralty chart, lies about three miles to the south
of the town, but Vasco da Gama anchored off the town, and not in this
sheltered road. The anchorage is less than half a mile from the town in
four fathoms and a half. Comp. Lord Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 109.
[124] Barros speaks of these Christians as Banyans, while Goes and
Castanheda say that these vessels belonged to merchants from Cranganor,
in Malabar.
[125] Correa (p. 113) says that the Moor sent with this message was the
Davane already referred to, and (p. 115) distinguishes him from the
Moor who was captured on April 14th.
[126] _Balandrau_, a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.
[127] _Lambel_, a striped cotton stuff which had a large sale at the
beginning of the African trade.—HERCULANO.
[128] I am indebted for a photograph of one of these trumpets to Sir
John Kirk, who states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar
to the cities ruled by the descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who
settled on this coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They were
of ivory, or copper and wood, and consisted of three pieces. The ivory
or copper was sometimes most elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.
[129] We learn from this passage that the “king” referred to by the
author was in reality the king’s son, who acted as regent. He may
be supposed to be the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote
a letter to D. Manuel, in which he begged for permission to send
annually _one_ vessel to Goa and to Mozambique. He very humbly (or
sarcastically?) addresses the king as the “fountain of the commerce
of all cities and kingdoms, the most equitable of sovereigns, and the
enricher of all people”; when, indeed, the Portuguese had crippled
the trade of Malindi, which had received them with open arms. Another
letter addressed to King Manuel was written by “Ali, King of Melinde”,
in 1520. Was this “king” the son of Wajeraj, or of the “prince who
visited Vasco da Gama on board his vessel”? F. João de’Sousa, who
publishes these letters (_Documentos Arabicos_, Lisbon, 1790, pp. 67,
123), with a few comments, only obscures the point, unless indeed
Wajeraj the Sheikh and Ali the Prince be one and the same person.
Cabral met a Sheikh Omar, a brother of the King of Malindi, who was
present at Malindi when Vasco da Gama touched at that place; as also a
Sheikh Foteima, an uncle of the king (Barros, _Dec. I_, liv. 5, c. 3).
On the ungenerous treatment dealt to the King of Malindi, see D. F.
d’Almeida’s letter of 1507 (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 125).
[130] Of course they looked upon these Romish images and pictures as
outlandish representations of their own gods or idols.
[131] Burton (_Camoens_, IV, p. 420) suggests that they cried
_Krishna_, the name of the eighth Incarnation of Vishnu, the second
person of the Hindu Trinity, and the most popular of Indian gods. Sir
J. Kirk knows of no word resembling “Krist” likely to have been called
out by these Indians.
[132] This pilot was a native of Gujarat, whom Goes (c. 38), Barros
(_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), and Faria y Sousa call Malema Cana, or
Canaqua. Malema is a corruption of Mallim, master or teacher, whilst
Canaqua (Kanaka), is the name of his caste. It is also used for sailing
master.
[133] The island in question is Kilwa. The information furnished by
this Malindi pilot is scarcely more correct than that previously
obtained from the Moors (see note 3, p. 32).
[134] Alcochete, a town on the left bank of the estuary of the Tagus,
above Lisbon.
[135] From April 15 to 23 is nine days.
[136] The “Bay” is the Arabian Sea, which the “Strait” of Bab el
Mandeb joins to the Red Sea. Cambay (Khambhat), in Gujarat, when the
Portuguese first came to India, was one of the most flourishing marts
of commerce. The silting up of the Gulf accounts, in a large measure,
for its commercial decline since then.
[137] The MS. says 17th, but Friday was the 18th.
[138] From April 24 to May 18, both days inclusive, is twenty-five
days; the African coast was within sight for several days.
[139] Mount Eli (Dely) was probably the land first sighted, a
conspicuous hill forming a promontory about 16 miles to the north of
Cananor, and named thus from the Cardamoms which are largely exported
from this part of Malabar, and are called Ela in Sanscrit (Yule’s
_Marco Polo_, ii, p. 321).
[140] The rains in Malabar begin about April or May, and continue until
September or October. They are synchronous with the S.W. monsoon, and
are heaviest in June, July, and August. The annual rainfall exceeds 150
inches!
[141] Cotta Point, or Cape Kadalur, the “Monte Formosa”, of the
Portuguese, 15 miles N.N.W. of Calecut.
[142] Castanheda and Barros call this place Capocate. It was seven
miles N.N.W. of Calecut, at the mouth of the Elatur River.
[143] The MS. says “abaixo”, below, with reference no doubt to the
latitude, which is less than that of Calecut.
[144] Pandaramy (Pandarani) is Batuta’s Fandarain. Barros calls it
Pandarane. It is identical with Pantharini Kollam, the northern Kollam
or Quillan, and boasts one of the nine original mosques built on the
Malabar coast by Malik Ibn Dinar. It is 14 miles N.N.W. of Calecut. The
author of the MS. elsewhere spells Pandaramy and Pandarin.
[145] According to Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 159), his name
was João Nunez. See Appendix E.
[146] One of the “Moors” is frequently referred to as “Monçaide”. See
Appendix E.
[147] Castanheda (I, c. 15) retails the conversation which this Moor
is supposed to have had with Gama on board ship, and says that the
captain-major was much pleased with his offers of service.
[148] The visitors thus became at once acquainted with the various
castes constituting the population of Calecut, including the _Nairs_,
or fighting caste of Malabar, who eat meat (which shows a servile
origin), but wear the thread of the Dwija (twice-born), rank next to
the Brahmans, and practise polyandry; and the turbulent _Moplah_, who
are descendants of Arab fathers and native women. These latter are the
“native” Moors.
[149] Goes (I, c. 39) and Castanheda (I, c. 15) say that he was at
Panane, a coast town, 28 miles to the south of Calecut.
[150] One of these messengers was Fernão Martins. They were accompanied
by Monçaide (Castanheda, I, c. 15).
[151] Off Calecut there are banks and reefs which may endanger the
safety of a ship, but the anchorage in the roadstead within them is
perfectly safe.
[152] _Bale_ in the Arabic Wali, governor. _Alcaide_, in Portuguese,
has this same meaning. Barros and Castanheda give this official the
title of “Catual” (Kot-wal, governor of a fort, in Hindustani). He was
the civil intendant of the Rajah and head of the police. Correa calls
him _gosil_, or _guozil_ (pron. Wozil), a corruption, probably, of the
Arabic _wazir_, minister.
[153] Among the thirteen men were Diogo Dias, João de Sá, Gonçalo
Pirez, Alvaro Velho, Alvaro de Braga, João de Setubal, João de Palha,
and six others, whose names are not recorded. Paulo da Gama and
Coelho were left in charge of the vessels, with orders to sail at
once for Portugal should any disaster happen to their chief. Coelho
was, moreover, ordered to await his chief’s return in the boats. See
Appendix E.
[154] This river is the Elatur. See Map IV.
[155] Burton (_Goa_, p. 191) says that even now the usual ferry-boat
consists of a platform of planks lashed to two canoes and usually
railed round.
[156] This “church” was, of course, a pagoda or temple. The high pillar
in front of it is used for suspending the flag which indicates the
commencement of the Temple festival. It is of wood, but usually covered
with copper or silver. The cock, which surmounts it, is the symbol of
the War-god Subraumainar. The smaller pillar supports the coco-oil
lamps during the festival.—Rev. J. J. Jaus.
[157] Corucheo, which literally means spire or minaret; but further on
the author calls this sanctuary a chapel, capella. Goes (c. 40) calls
it a “round” chapel.
[158] Goes (c. 40) says that the four priests alone entered this
sanctuary, and, pointing to the image, said “Maria, Maria”, upon which
the natives prostrated themselves, whilst the Portuguese knelt, in
adoration of the Virgin. Burton suggests that this was an image of
Gauri, the “White Goddess”, whilst Charton (III, p. 246) suggests Maha
Maja and her son Shakya. Our illustration is taken from E. Moor, _The
Hindu Pantheon_, new edition by Rev. W. O. Simpson (Madras, 1864) Plate
xxxv. It represents Krishna and his mother Devaki. When Kansa (Devaki’s
brother) heard of his birth, he ordered all newly-born infants to be
slain. The trays with animals and fruit are supposed to symbolise
Krishna’s power over the animal and vegetable kingdoms. On the low
table are placed food, poison, and amrita, symbolising life, death, and
immortality, as also a small triangular die denoting trinity in unity.
The Rev. J. Jacob Jaus, of the Basel Mission at Calicut, informs me
that there is a local deity called Māri, or Māriamma, much dreaded as
the goddess of small-pox, and highly venerated. Amma, in Malayalam,
means mother.
[159] These bells are struck by the Brahmans when they enter the
temple, but must not be touched by people of inferior castes.
[160] It is just possible that some of the Portuguese doubted whether
these Hindu Gods and images represented the saints of their own
churches. Castanheda (i, p. 57) says that when João de Sá knelt down by
the side of Vasco da Gama, he said: “If these be devils, I worship the
true God”; at which his chief smiled. But however this may be, it is
equally true that the reports furnished by the heads of the expedition
described these Hindus as Christians, and that the king believed them
to be so (see Appendix A).
[161] The “quafees” are, of course, Brahman priests. The Rev. J. J.
Jaus suggests _kāz_ (Arabic), meaning “judge”.
[162] The “white earth” is a mixture of dust, cow-dung, sacrificial
ashes, sandal wood, etc., cemented in rice-water (see Belnos, _The
Sundya or Daily Prayer of the Brahmans_, Lond., 1851).
[163] For a description of this palace, see _Travels of Pietro della
Valle_ (Hakluyt Society, 1892), pp. 367-377.
[164] Goes says that knives were used.
[165] For Correa’s elaborate but quite untrustworthy narrative of this
audience, see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 193-6.
[166] Atambor, a corruption of the Arabic _tambur_, the betel-nut. It
is the fruit of Areca Catechu, and is universally chewed throughout
India, the Indian Archipelago and Southern China. Its juice discolours
the teeth, but is said to make the breath sweet, and to be conducive
to health. “Erva” (herb) is quite inapplicable to this fruit. Usually
it is cut up into four slices, which are wrapped up in a leaf of
Betel-pepper (Piper Betle), and chewed with an admixture of lime and
catechu.
[167] These fruits were the Jack (_Artocarpus integrifolia_) and
bananas.
[168] According to Goes (c. 41), Gama was attended by his interpreter,
Fernão Martins, whilst the king was attended by the head Brahman, his
betel carrier, and his factor (veador da fazenda), who, he said, were
persons in his confidence.
[169] These are, of course, the letters referred to by Barros and other
historians, which were given to Gama when he left Portugal. Correa’s
story, that Vasco and his brother Paulo concocted the letters whilst
off Calecut, and forged the king’s signature, is therefore quite
incredible. Nor is Gama made to say in the “Roteiro” that he had been
sent with a fleet of fifty ships, and that the voyage took two years
(Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 168, 173). The “grand” Vasco has many
sins to answer for, and we ought not, without good proof, to fasten
upon him the charge of forgery. As to truthfulness, that seems not to
have been a strong point with the diplomatists of that age.
[170] That is, it was about 10 P.M.
[171] This was done to afford shelter until the rain should have ceased.
[172] It is still the practice in Calecut to ride horses without a
saddle, and no slight seems therefore to have been intended.
[173] According to G. Correa’s not very credible narrative, the captain
slept at the factory, which had been established previously to the
audience of which an account has just been given.
[174] _Lambel_, striped cloth, see p. 41, note 3.
[175] As a matter of fact, Vasco da Gama was very poorly provided with
suitable merchandise, as may be seen from the king’s letter printed in
the Appendix.
[176] Barros writes Çamorij; Correa, Samori and Çamorin, and others
Zamorin. It is a title; according to some a corrupt reading of Tamuri
Rajah, Tamuri being the name of the most exalted family of the Nair
caste, whilst others derive it from “Samudriya Rajah”, that is, “King
of the Coast” (see G. P. Badger’s _Varthema_, pp. lxii and I, 37).
[177] Whom others call his “veador”, that is butler or comptroller of
the household.
[178] That is, a man of Guzerat.
[179] “Bisarma” in the original. Herculano accepts the definition of
Spelmann (_[v]_. Ducange, _sub_ bisarma).
[180] These men were Diogo Dias, as factor, and Alvaro de Braga as his
assistant (Castanheda, I, 74.)
[181] The fanão of Calecut (according to Nunes, _O Livro dos Pesos_,
1554) is worth 25-5/7 reis, or 7.45_d._ Three hundred reis of the
coinage of 1485 were of the value of 7_s._ 7_d._, taking the gold
cruzado at 9_s._ 8_d._
[182] The bahar at Calecut is equivalent to 208.16 kilogrammes (Nunes,
_O Livro dos Pesos_.)
[183] The xerafin at Calecut is worth about 7_s._ 5_d._; the sum demanded
therefore amounted to £223.
[184] Can this be Ormuz?
[185] This Moor was Monçaide, elsewhere more accurately referred to as
“a Moor of Tunis”. See Appendix E.
[186] The author says nineteen; but it appears from what precedes that
there were only eighteen in all. See Appendix E.
[187] The author says Wednesday, but that day was the 22nd.
[188] A reference to the 600 xerafins.
[189] The “tenor”, not the literal phraseology; and hence the absence
of the complimentary verbiage so usual with Orientals must not be
interpreted as an intentional insult to the King of Portugal.
[190] This pillar was dedicated to S. Gabriel. There exists apparently
no record of its having actually been set up by the king, as promised.
[191] This “Moor of Tunis”, according to Castanheda (I, c. 24, p. 8),
was Bontaibe (Monçaide), concerning whom see Appendix E.
[192] As a matter of fact, it was only a portion of what had been
landed, and Cabral was instructed to demand payment from the Samorin
for what had not been returned (_Alguns documentos_, p. 98).
[193] Five of these men of Calecut were actually taken to Lisbon. They
were restored to their country by Cabral (see _Alguns documentos_, p.
97).
[194] Castanheda calls these “barcas”, _tones_. The “tone” is a rowing
boat, the planks of which are “sewn” together.
[195] A note by the copyist says:—“The author has omitted to tell us
how these weapons were made.”
[196] The country of Prester John (Abyssinia) was known as “Lower
India.”
[197] Ceylon cinnamon still enjoys this pre-eminence, its cultivation
in other parts of the world not having hitherto been attended with
success. The “cinnamon”, or cassia, found in Malabar is of very
inferior quality.
[198] The Moluccas, and more especially Amboīna, are the true home
of the clove, the cultivation of which is now carried on widely in
different parts of the world.
[199] Should be Arabia.
[200] The “Grand Sultan” is, of course, the Circassian Mamluk Sultan of
Egypt.
[201] Prof. Kopke rashly identifies this place with Suez, but M. F.
Denis points out that it must be Tor.
[202] The cruzado was a Portuguese gold coin worth about 9s. 8d.;
600,000 cruzados amounted thus to £290,000.
[203] This Cidadym (called Cadadin in the _Commentaries of Afonso
Dalbuquerque_, Hakluyt Society, 1875, i, p. 202) can be identified with
Sultan Muhammed ben Azhar ed-din ben Ali ben Abu Bekr ben Sa’d ed din,
of Harar, who ruled 1487-1520 (see Paulitschke, _Harar_, p. 506).
[204] Castanheda (I, c. 25, p. 84) says that Monçaide wrote this
letter, in which Vasco da Gama apologised for having carried off the
Malabaris; explained that he had done so in order that they might bear
witness to the discoveries he had made; and said that he would have
left a factor behind him if he had not been afraid that the Moors would
kill him. He expressed a hope that ultimately friendly relations would
be established to their mutual advantage. Goes (c. 43), who also gives
a version of this letter, says the king was much pleased with it, and
read it to his wives and the relatives of the kidnapped men.
[205] Burton (_Camoens_) identifies Compia with Cananor, which, on
the partition of the dominions of Cherman Perumal was included in
the kingdom of the Chirrakal Rajahs. From João de Sousa (_Documentos
Arabicos_, p. 80) we learn that the king with whom Vasco da Gama made a
treaty in 1502 was called Cotelery. Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_,
p. 224) gives a circumstantial account of Vasco da Gama’s transactions
with the king of Cananor during this first voyage. Neither Goes nor
Barros knows anything about these events.
[206] These are the Netrani or Pigeon Islands (Ilhas dos Pombos), in
lat. 14° 1´ N., the largest being about half a mile in length, and
rising to a height of 300 feet.
[207] The Anjediva or “Five Islands” lie close to the coast in 14° 45´
N., and about 40 miles to the south of Goa. The largest of these is
not quite a mile in length. It rises boldly from the sea, but a beach
on its northern side affords facilities for landing. D. Francisco de
Almeida built a fort there in 1505, but it was demolished seven months
afterwards. The existing fortifications were erected by order of
Francisco de Tavora, Conde d’Alvar, in 1682. (See A. Lopez Mendes, _A
India Portugueza_, ii, 1886, p. 209, with map.)
[208] The author says 19th, but Thursday was the 20th.
[209] These branches and leaves were carried to Portugal, as we learn
from the king’s letter (see Appendix A), but they had most certainly
not been taken from true cinnamon trees, for only an inferior cassia is
found in that part of India.
[210] Barros and Goes say that the leader of these vessels was a
pirate named Timoja, whose head-quarters were at Onor. He subsequently
rendered valuable services to the Portuguese. (See Stanley’s _Vasco da
Gama_, p. 244.)
[211] This island was the largest of the Anjediva.
[212] Three lingams, emblems of the generative power?
[213] The _fusta_ is a galley or undecked rowing boat, with one mast.
For an illustration see Linschoten’s _Itinerarium ofte Schip-vaert_,
etc.
[214] Tambaram, in Malayalam, has merely the meaning of lord or master.
[215] This man subsequently became known as Gaspar da Gama. See
Appendix E.
[216] The Sabayo or Governor of Goa.
[217] The original MS. uses the verb “perguntar”, that is, to question;
but Barros says that he was tortured, and this would account for his
attempting to make himself understood by “gestures”, when previously he
had spoken very fluently, and had been understood.
[218] September 24 to October 5 is twelve days, both days inclusive.
[219] From October 5 to January 2.
[220] At Mombaça.
[221] The MS. says “February” but this is an obvious mistake.
[222] From Moçambique to Madagascar is only 60 leagues; 300 leagues
would carry a ship as far as the Seychelles.
[223] Mukhdisho of the Arabs, Madisha of the Somal, in lat. 5° N. The
town was founded by Arabs, perhaps on the site of a more ancient city,
in 907, and attained the height of its prosperity under the dynasty of
the El Mdofer, which was expelled by the Abgal Somal, probably in the
sixteenth century.
[224] Whether merely as a sign of rejoicing or in wanton enmity is not
clear.
[225] Pate is an island in 26° 5´ S., with a town of the same name.
[226] The author says the 9th, but Monday was the 7th. The stay of five
days extended from the 7th to the 11th.
[227] “Vasco da Gama’s Pillar”, now to be seen at Malindi, close to the
town (to the left of it as seen from the sea) and at the extremity of
a narrow rocky promontory of only a few feet in height, is certainly
not the padrão erected by the great navigator, though it probably
occupies its site. When Cabral arrived at Malindi in 1501 the pillar
had been removed, it having proved a “stone of offence” to the people
of Mombaça. The king, however, had stowed it away carefully, and had
even caused the royal arms to be repainted. João de Sá, who had been
with Gama, identified it.
The existing pillar, of which we give an illustration, is built up
of concrete made of coral rock and lime. It rises to a height of 16
feet, and is surmounted by a cross, bearing on the sea side the arms
of Portugal, but no inscription. It is not the pillar put up at the
request of Vasco da Gama, but Sir John Kirk feels sure that the cross
is very ancient. The latter is of sandstone, and evidently of local
make, whilst the other crosses discovered hitherto are of limestone or
marble. See Introduction.
[228] This ambassador returned with Cabral in 1501.
[229] The figure-head of the _S. Raphael_ was taken away by Vasco da
Gama and treated as an heirloom by the family, several members of
which carried it with them on their travels. It ultimately found a
resting-place in the church of Vidigueira, founded by D. Francisco da
Gama. When the church was desecrated in 1840, the figure was removed to
another church, where Texeira de Aragão discovered it in 1853. It is
now in the church at Belem. The figure is carved in oak, and about 24
inches in height (see _Texeira de Aragão_, in the Boletim of the Lisbon
Geographical Society, VI, 1886, p. 621.)
[230] The author says five, but from January 13 to January 27, both
included, is fifteen days.
[231] Barros says _Tangata_. It is Mtangata (see note, p. 33).
[232] Zanzibar is only twenty miles (six leagues) from the mainland.
[233] Twenty-seven days carry us from March 20 to April 16.
[234] The author here evidently refers to tornadoes or violent gusts
of wind peculiar to the west coast of Africa, and more frequent at the
beginning and termination of the rainy season. They generally blow off
shore, their approach being indicated by an arch of clouds, from which
lightning and thunder constantly proceed. At Sierra Leone the rainy
season begins at the end of April (see _Africa Pilot_, 1893, Part II,
p. 10).
[235] The Rio Grande of the Portuguese is an arm of the sea from five
to thirteen miles in breadth, called Orango Channel on the Admiralty
Chart. It lies between the mainland and the Bissagos islands.
[236] This church was demolished in 1646; the place of burial can no
longer be identified.
[237] See _Jose da Silva Mendes Leal_ (Transactions of Lisbon Academy,
1871), and _Texeira de Aragão_ (Boletim Lisbon Geogr. Soc., VI, 1886,
p. 583).
[238] This trustworthy man can have been no other than the “Moor” who
was carried off from Anjediva (see Appendix E), and who, having been
baptised, became known as Gaspar da Gama.
[239] The frazila of Calecut is equal to 10.4 kilogr.; the fanão is
worth 25-5/7 reis of 1555 (about 7.45_d._) and the cruzado is worth
9_s._ 8_d._ But if 3 cruzados are accepted as the equivalent of 50
fanãos, the value of a fanão would be 6.96_d._
[240] I have little doubt that instead of Baqua we ought to read
Bezoar. In D. Manuel’s letter to the King of Castile, the royal writer
states that among the presents which the King of Cochin gave to Vasco
da Gama (in 1502) there was a stone as large as a filbert, which was
taken out of the head of a very rare animal, called Burgoldof, and
which proved a specific against all poisons.
The Rev. J. J. Jaus, of the Basel Mission, informs me that the
bezoar, in Malayalam, is called _Gōrōchanam_, which means “out of
the cow’s brain”, _go_ signifying cow. It still sells for its weight
in silver, and is highly prized as a medicine and antidote. My
esteemed correspondent is unable to enlighten me as to the meaning of
_burgoldof_.
Bishop J. M. Speechly, in a letter addressed to me, suggests that
“Baqua” (Bakwa) may be a corruption of “Bagawat”, a common name for
Shiva, and the “Stone of Baqua” a dedication to him.
The Arabic name of the bezoar (badesar) has the meaning of antidote.
This “stone” is a calcareous concretion found in the intestines of some
animals, more especially goats and antelopes, but also in those of
monkeys. It varies in size from a pea to a fist. All through the Middle
Ages, this oriental bezoar was looked upon as a most potent medicine
against poisons, and it is still highly valued in the East. The Bezoar
of Goa (Gowa) is an artificial product made up of musk, ambergris, and
gum of tragacanth.
[241] The pequy (pik) is about 27 inches.
[242] This, according to Prof. Kopke, is meant for Crangalor, the
modern Kodungalar in Cochin. The frazila there is equal to 8.314 kilo.,
and the fanão, when buying pepper, is valued at 22-8/19 reis (6.5_d._).
[243] It is the Coilum of Marco Polo, the Columbum of Friar Jordanus
(1330), the modern Quilon. It is one of the principal seats of the
Syrian Christians. The Portuguese built a fort there in 1503.
[244] Marco Polo’s Cael has been satisfactorily identified by Dr.
Caldwell with the decayed village of Kayal (Palaya Kayal), near the
mouth of the Tamrapanni river; whilst our author’s Caell is the
Callegrande of Barros, now represented by Kayal Patnam, some distance
to the south of that river. (Comp. Yule’s _Marco Polo_, ii, p. 307.)
The pearl fisheries are near it, on the coast of Ceylon.
[245] According to Prof. Kopke, it extended from Point Calymere to the
Godavari.
[246] Barbosa (p. 214) says that “the best sapphires are found in
Ceylon,” as also “many rubies,” but inferior to those of Pegu.
[247] The silk referred to by the author, as also by Barbosa and
Barros, is the produce of the silk cotton tree (_Bombax malabaricum_)
and is much inferior in quality to true silk.—KOPKE.
[248] This, according to Prof. Kopke and Yule (_Marco Polo_, ii, p.
222), is Siam, the old capital of which (Ayuthia) is called Sornau or
Xarnau by Varthema, Giovanni d’Empoli, and Mendez Pinto.
[249] Benzoin (Gum-Benjamin) is the produce of Styrax Benzoin, found in
Siam, Cochin-China, Java and Sumatra, that of Siam being accounted the
best.
[250] The odoriferous aloe-wood of the author is the wood of _Aquilaria
Agallocha (Roxb.)_, found in Further India, and more especially in
Chamba. Its Sanscrit name, Aguru, was corrupted into Agila and Aquila;
and hence its Latin and Portuguese name of “Eaglewood.” (Yule’s _Marco
Polo_, ii, p. 215.)
[251] Prof. Kopke identifies Tenacar with Tenasserim, a great emporium
at one time, through which the products of Siam reached the outer world.
[252] Brazil-wood first became known in Europe at the beginning of
the fourteenth century under the designation of _Lignum presillum_.
The most esteemed kind of this dye-wood is known as Sapan wood
(_Caesalpinia sappan_), found more especially in Siam.
[253] This is no doubt Bengal, the capital of which was Chatigam
(Chittagong).
[254] Cloves were originally found only in the Moluccas; the true
nutmeg (_Myristica moschata_) comes from the same islands and those
further to the east. Tin was—and still is—a native product. The silk
and porcelain came from China.
[255] The frazila was equal to 10.51 kilo., the bahar was 210.22 kilo.
The cruzado was a silver coin and was valued at 360 reis (8_s._ 8_d._).
[256] Barbosa (p. 186) gives a better account of musk, which really
only reaches Pegu from the interior. It is the secretion of _Moschus
moschiferus_, an animal resembling a deer, which lives in the mountains
lying between the Amur river, China and India. The male has a pouch
between the navel and the genitals which holds about 50 grammes of this
secretion.
[257] Burma, above Pegu, is still famous for its rubies.
[258] This is evidently a duplicate account of what has been said above
about Bemgala.
[259] Prof. Kopke would identify this with Timor, where there is a fort
called Camanaça. This, however, is quite inadmissible, for there are no
elephants in Timor. I am more inclined to think that “Conimata” stands
for Sumatra, a small state in North Sumatra, adjoining Pedir. The
voyage to Pater and Conimata is stated to occupy the same time, viz.,
fifty days. If this be so, there is a duplication of Sumatra as well as
of Bengal.
[260] This seems to be Pedir, a small kingdom in Northern Sumatra,
which had a pagan king when Varthema was there, although many of the
inhabitants were Mohammedans. Rhubarb (_Rheum officinale_) is, however,
only to be found in W. and N.W. China and in Tibet. The lacca tree is a
native of Sumatra.
[261] Say £966.
[262] In calculating these values we have assumed the quintal to be
equivalent to 100 pounds, the bahar = 460 pounds, the ratel = 1 pound.
The cruzado is taken at 9_s._ 8_d._
It is interesting to compare these prices with those given by Duarte
Barbosa for Calecut. Assuming the fanão to be worth 6.5_d._ they were
as follows per pound:—Cinnamon, 4.3_d._; cloves, 7.2_d._ to 8.3_d._;
pepper, 2.9_d._ to 3.3_d._; ginger, 0.5_d._ to 0.9_d._; nutmeg, 3.0_d._
to 3.36_d._; lac, 3.6_d._ to 5.2_d._; rhubarb, 9_s._ 9_d._ to 11_s._;
musk, £15 11_s._; aloe-wood, 24_s._ 7_d._; frankincense, 0.9_d._ to
1.5_d._ A purchaser of one pound of each of these commodities would
have paid at Calecut £17 13_s._ 6_d._, and would have received at
Alexandria £57 12_s._ 8_d._, an increase of 210 per cent. (See Lord
Stanley of Alderley’s version of _Duarte Barbosa_, Hakluyt Society,
1866, p. 219.)
Present Retail Prices in London are as follows (per pound): cinnamon,
1_s._ 8_d._; cloves, 1_s._ 6_d._; pepper, 7½_d._ to 10½_d._;
ginger, 10_d._ to 1_s._ 4_d._; nutmeg, 2_s._ 6_d._ to 3_s._; lac,
8_d._; rhubarb, 8_s._ to 12_s._; musk, £117.
[263] The words placed within brackets have been kindly furnished me
by the Rt. Rev. J. M. Speechly, D.D., who was Bishop of Travancore,
1879-89. In a letter to me he remarks that, “at the sea-port towns
generally the worst Malayālam is spoken. Many Malayālam words are the
same in Tamil, and in this list there are some which a Tamil scholar
would be able to point out. Also, it is not unlikely that there are
some Arabic words Malayālamised in the list. The anonymous author’s
list is a very interesting one, and his journal, I have no doubt, will
be so also. The ‘ne’ which ends so many words may stand for ‘nī’,
‘thou’. Sometimes it is only an expressive ending”.
[264] She died in childbed on August 24, 1498; and Dom Manuel, having
been granted a dispensation from the Pope, married her sister, Doña
Maria, on August 24, 1500, the second anniversary of his first wife’s
death.
[265] _Collecção de S. Vicente_, t. III, fol. 513; XIV, fol. 1.
[266] _Collecção de S. Vicente_, t. XIV, fol. 1.
[267] Gaspar da Gama certainly came in the _S. Gabriel_ (see
Sernigi’s letter, Appendix B).
[268] The immediate business of Pedro Correa was to get Pope Alexander
VI to grant permission to the Commanders and Knights of the Orders of
Christ and Aviz to marry. In this he succeeded (Goes, _Chronica do D.
Manuel_, I, c. 15).
[269] “e proveito nosso.” This, in _Alguns Documentos_, is rendered “e
principalemente nosso”. It is just possible that the King meant to say
that the “service of God” was his principal object, as it had been that
of his predecessors.
[270] “By these same discoverers” (_Alguns Documentos_).
[271] This reference to “boughs and leaves” reminds us of what the
author of the _Journal_ says about gathering the branches and leaves of
supposed cinnamon trees, p. 81.
[272] _Alguns Documentos_ adds: “nor such as suited”, that is, suited
the requirements of the Indian market.
[273] This paragraph only appears in _Alguns Documentos_.
[274] The King, or his advisers, thus at once identified Ptolemy’s
Taprobane with Ceylon, whilst Ortelius, the professional geographer,
seventy-six years later, still assigns that name to Sumatra (see his
map _Indiae Orientalis_, in _Theatrum Orbis Terrarum_).
[275] Monçaide and Gaspar da Gama, see Appendix E.
[276] A Bull of Alexander VI, dated Rome 1497, kalendas of June, allows
King Manuel and his successors to keep possession of the countries
conquered from the infidels, without prejudice to any prior claims of
other Christian powers, and prohibits all kings, not possessing such
claims, from disturbing King Manuel in the enjoyment of these rights.
Finally, the Pope requires the King to establish the Christian religion
in all the countries he may conquer (quoted from _Alguns Documentos_,
p. 90).
[277] Canestrini, _Delle relazioni tra Firenze e il Portugallo_
(Archivo Storico Italiano, Florence, 1846, App. III).
[278] Falcão, _Livro de toda a fazenda_, 1612, p. 144.
[279] See Parte III, _Fonti italiane_, vol. i, p. 215; vol. ii, p. 113.
[280] _Delle Navigationi e Viaggi_, i, Venice, 1550.
[281] _Vita e lettere d’ Amerigo Vespucci_, Firenze, 1745, p. L.
[282] Roteiro, 2º ed., pp. 124-7.
[283] Markham, _The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci_. London (Hakluyt
Society), 1894, p. x.
[284] _Il Milione di Marco Polo_, Firenze, 1828, i, p. liii.
[285] _Sechs-und-zwanzigster Jahresbericht des historichen Kreisvereins
von Schwaben_, Augsburg, 1861, pp. 113-170.
[286] Peutinger studied at Padua and other cities of Italy, 1483-6. He
is supposed to have paid a flying visit to Rome early in the sixteenth
century. His brother-in-law, Christopher Welser, was at that time
resident there, and perhaps the abstract was made by him.
[287] Sailing vessels going from the Cape Verde Islands to Lisbon
frequently shape their course by the Azores. See p. 94.
[288] Translated from Codex 1910 in the Riccardian Library at Florence.
[289] Literally, “whalers”, or “vessels having the shape of a whale”,
called “barinels” by the Portuguese, and not caravels.
[290] According to the _Paesi novamente retrovati_ and Ramusio, there
were 180, but Peutinger says there were 118, of whom 55 died and 60
came back.
[291] According to the _Paesi_, etc., July 11th.
[292] This was the vessel commanded by Nicolau Coelho.
[293] “_Molto amalado_”. The _Paesi_ says “amallato a morte”, sick unto
death, the very expression used by Peutinger.
[294] Ramusio says 1,300 leagues, but even this is a gross
exaggeration. If we allow 17½ leagues to a degree, the new land
actually discovered beyond the Rio de Infante amounted to 860 leagues,
viz., 800 leagues along the African coast and 60 leagues in India.
[295] From the Cape to the Rio dos Bons Signaes is only 460 leagues.
[296] The Rio dos Bons Signaes, or Kiliman River.
[297] Peutinger says: “if they would stay till new moon, when the
waters would grow small, they would give them gold in plenty in
exchange for their money or merchandise.”
The Zambezi begins to subside in the beginning of April. Vasco da Gama
left on February 25th. This is a very satisfactory confirmation of the
writer’s information.
[298] From the Kiliman River (Zambezi) to Melinde is 330 leagues.
[299] The writer must have misunderstood his informants. Gaspar da Gama
is evidently referred to. See Appendix E.
[300] From Melinde to Calecut is about 2,340 miles, or 682 leagues.
[301] This sentence is omitted by Ramusio.
[302] The “Bab el mandeb”.
[303] The Strait of Romania is the Bosporus, ancient cartographers
(Ortelius and others) very properly writing “Romania” for the Turkish
“Rum-ili”, instead of the corrupt “Roumelia” of most modern authors.
[304] The “Sinus Arabicus” of Pliny (vi, 28) is a gulf of the
Erythrean, identical with our Red Sea.
[305] Peutinger adds that the people of Calecut were neither black nor
white; and that they were Christians, although bad ones.
[306] Peutinger says: “churches and convents.”
[307] Peutinger’s version of this sentence is as follows: “Large and
small are baptized in a state of nudity, once every three years, in a
river near the town.”
[308] The writer evidently refers to the roads in Portugal, but Ramusio
says “as in Italy”.
[309] Ramusio: “Esquires, doorkeepers and chamberlains.”
[310] Ramusio and Peutinger say: “by about fifty persons.”
[311] Peutinger says the couch “was hung round (umhangen) with
blackish-green velvet, and had a white coverlet, all worked with gold,
and above it a sumptuous curtain. The walls were hung with fine velvet
of various colours.”
[312] Peutinger: “the king had the captain asked what he wanted or
sought.”
[313] Ramusio: “carried on in their vessels.”
[314] Peutinger translates: “Irrkirche,” _i.e._, heterodox church.
[315] Industria: The word in Peutinger’s letter, “gescheidigkeit”, or
intelligence, seems more appropriate.
[316] Ramusio adds here “partly”. The island is Ceylon.
[317] Ramusio adds: “and not by Christians, and the Moors are the
masters (signori).”
[318] The Italian original has “stapola”.
[319] Babylonia of Egypt. Ramusio omits “Babylonia”. Peutinger has
Alkeiro (Cairo).
[320] The xerafins of Portuguese authors, worth about 7_s._ 10_d._ (at
Calecut).
[321] The _Paesi_ and Ramusio add “zetanini velutati”; and Ramusio
introduces also “damasked Lucca cloth”, in place of “scarlet cloth”.
Prof. Dalla Vedova suggests that “cetanini” may stand for “setini”,
a silken stuff of narrow width used in decorating the columns of
churches. Bandini says it means “zendado, a kind of cloth”. Lucca was
famous in the sixteenth century for its silks and woollen cloths.
[322] Tin, from Malacca.
[323] The _Paesi_, Ramusio, and Peutinger say May 19. According to the
“Roteiro”, Vasco da Gama anchored off Capua on May 20.
[324] Ramusio says 200 tons; Peutinger 1,200.
[325] This sentence is omitted by Ramusio; but Peutinger says “many of
these vessels are drowned in the sea”.
[326] Ramusio says: “are of curious build”.
[327] Ramusio adds: “but with wooden bolts”, but omits the allusion to
the loadstone.
Peutinger locates the “calamito or loadstone” near Ceylon. The myth
of magnetic mountains and islands originated in India or China, and
was widely credited during the Middle Ages. It was believed that the
magnet pulled out the iron bolts and nails of passing ships, which
then fell to pieces and were lost.]
[328] Ramusio adds: “The sea rises and falls alternately every six
hours, as elsewhere, and sometimes between 500 and 700 vessels may be
seen there—a great sight”.
[329] Peutinger adds that the cantar is equal to 250 pounds, when in
fact it is only a hundredweight. Five cantars were equal to 1 bahar =
208 kilo = 460 pounds.
[330] Ramusio and Peutinger say that ginger is worth only one half.
They say nothing about cinnamon.
[331] Ramusio says nothing about “calking”. The writer seems to look
upon “ballasting” and “calking” as identical operations. Or has he made
use of a Portuguese term (alastrar), the meaning of which he did not
know? Or are we to understand that lac was employed as a substitute for
pitch?
[332] Ramusio and Peutinger say that they also take corals in payment,
and this seems more probable.
[333] “Balasci” are the pink rubies named after the country of their
origin, Badakhshi, which was usually known, according to Ibn Batuta,
as Al-balaksh (Yule’s _Marco Polo_, I, p. 169; Heyd, _Geschichte des
Levante-Handels_, 1879, I, p. 582). Badakhshi is Badakhshan, and not a
kingdom near Pegu and Bengal, as supposed by Duarte Barbosa (Hakluyt
Society’s edition, 1866, p. 212).
[334] The latter part of this sentence is omitted by Ramusio.
[335] Bab el Mandeb.
[336] The Rio dos Bons Signaes, or Zambezi.
[337] Malvasia (Malmsey) is a luscious Greek wine, named after the
town of Napoli di Malvasia, in Laconia. The vines were transplanted to
Crete, Madeira, and other places.
[338] Ramusio says: “they had a beard between the nose and the mouth,
such as is worn by the courtiers at Constantinople, who call it a
moustache.”
[339] Ramusio adds: “of Melinde”. The “pilot” here referred to was
Gaspar da Gama. See Appendix E.
[340] This information was apparently never asked for. The “strangers”
were undoubtedly Chinese. Marco Polo (_Yule_, I, p. lxvi, and II, pp.
197, 327) already mentions their four-masted vessels. In his time,
Chinese vessels regularly visited the west coast of India. The vizor
in the guise of a mask, distinctly points to the Chinese, and the
sword attached to a spear is a Chinese weapon. Up to the introduction
of pig-tails by the Manju, in 1644, the Chinese wore their hair long.
A punitive fleet of sixty-two Chinese vessels was sent to Ceylon in
1401. In 1417 an embassy was sent from Mu-ku-tu-su (Magadoxo) to China
(Bretschneider, _On the Knowledge possessed by the Ancient Chinese of
the Arabs_, London, 1871), and in 1431 Chinese junks might be seen at
Jedda (Hirth, _Verhandlungen_, Berlin Geographical Society, 1889, p.
46).
During the second half of the fifteenth century the intercourse between
China and Malabar seems to have become rare, until at last it ceased
altogether (Richthofen, _China_, I, p. 10, 5).
Ramusio contemptuously suppresses the writer’s speculations about these
curious strangers being Germans or Russians.
[341] Less than a penny.
[342] “di mezo sapore”. Ramusio has “tutte dolci”.
[343] “Poponi”: Ramusio says “pomi”, apples.
[344] Or rather Buddha.
[345] Ramusio has suppressed this passage.
[346] Ramusio adds: “And bread made of corn and other things of the
kind”.
[347] Professor Dalla Vedova suggests that the “pescotto” of the
original may be the “Pesce persico” (_Perca fluviatilis_), or perch.
Ramusio, in his edition of 1563, however, has “pescietti”, which means
“small fishes” (sardines).
[348] Lenguazzi: perhaps the modern “linguattole”, or sole.
[349] Bisuccho, in Portuguese Besugo, the sea-bream (_Sparus
cantabricus_).
[350] The words within brackets are only to be found in the _Paesi_.
[351] Ramusio adds: “There are also horses as with us, and they are
highly valued by Christians and Moors alike”. Peutinger and the _Paesi_
say the same.
[352] Ramusio says: “silk-stuffs and bocassins”. He does not mention
the colours.
[353] Peutinger adds: “They are decent, quiet (fromm) people at his
court, and dress according to their condition and rank (adel)”.
[354] _Jubbi_ (Arabic) is a long coat or caftan; the _balandrau_
(Portuguese) is a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.
Ramusio calls the latter garments _palascani_.
[355] The actual distance is about 10,500 nautical miles, or 3,060
Portuguese leagues.
[356] In his second letter the writer recurs to this subject.
[357] These are the Laccadive islands, fourteen in number: but, as
their name implies (Laksha Dwipa = the Hundred Thousand Islands),
supposed to be much more numerous. Mr. Sneyd’s _Codex_ says there were
11,000 of these islands. The Maldives were known as Narikela Dwipa.
[358] That is the West Indies!
[359] Ramusio adds: “through vessels which go to Mecca”.
[360] Ramusio adds: “benzoin”.
[361] It should be 160.
[362] Ramusio adds: “many sapphires and other jewels”. He then says:
“Pepper and ginger grow around the said city of Calicut”. The paragraph
is worded obscurely, but my version seems to be preferable. Sapphires
are mentioned at the end of the letter.
[363] Ramusio does not mention almonds, nor does Peutinger.
[364] This expression proves that the letter was not written at one
sitting, but by degrees.
[365] Ramusio has much condensed the whole of this paragraph, and seems
to have misunderstood the writer. The statement that provisions were
sent from Melinde to Calecut can hardly be accepted, and it was perhaps
for this reason that Ramusio suppressed the name of that town. The
country around Calecut is certainly sandy, but it is not as sterile as
the bald statement of the writer would lead one to believe, for the
city lies in the midst of extensive groves of palm, mango, and jack
trees.
Peutinger thus summarises this passage: “The country around Kalekut is
mostly sand, and neither corn nor any other fruit grows there. These
are imported by sea.”
[366] Should be Chalechut, as Bandini prints it.
[367] The last two paragraphs have been omitted by Ramusio.
[368] Translated from the _Paesi novamente retrovati_, Vicenza, 1507.
[369] The true history of the Jewish colony in Malabar has been written
by Claudius Buchanan (_Christian Researches in Asia_, Edinburgh, 1812).
Ritter (_Erdkunde_, v, pp. 595-601) gives an excellent summary.
[370] Gaspar da Gama was quite right. There were no Christians at
Calecut when Vasco da Gama first visited that town, nor are there
many now. Cochin, and not Calecut, was the chief seat of the Syrian
Christians of Malabar. They were an offshoot of the church of Persia,
which recognised the Nestorian patriarch of Babylon (Mosul). After
the condemnation of their dogmas by the Council of Ephesus (431)
they sought a refuge in distant countries. After 1599 many of them
recognised the Pope, but after the ascendency of the Dutch (since
1653) some turned Protestants, whilst others recognised the Jacobite
bishop of Antioch as their head. Popularly they are known as S. Thomas
Christians, although there exists not the slightest evidence of that
Apostle ever having visited India. Their worship is of a simple
nature: they admit no images to their churches, reject the doctrine of
transubstantiation, and allow their priests to marry (G. Milne Rae,
_The Syrian Church in India_, 1892; Percy Badger, _The Nestorians and
their Ritual_, 1852; German, _Die Kirche der Thomaschristen_, 1877).
[371] Ramusio says: “excepting those called Jacobites and those of
Prester John.”
[372] Ramusio says forty days.
[373] Ramusio adds: “towards the Gulf of Persia”.
[374] Ramusio says 300 leagues. The real distance of Bahrein is about
550 leagues. There may be some confusion with the Manar pearl fishery.
[375] Varthema (p. 95) and Duarte Barbosa (p. 37) refer to the pearl
fishery of the Bahrein islands. They both describe the islanders as
Mohammedans. Mr. Bent (_Journal Royal Geographical Society_, xii, 1890)
visited the islands in 1889, and states that there is a good supply of
water. Indeed, a river such as is described in the letter only exists
some 250 miles away.
[376] King Manuel was better advised (see p. 115, note).
[377] Ramusio says: “is frightened”.
[378] These “anchors”, according to Varthema (p. 153), consist of a
block of marble, which has two ropes attached to it. On the African
coast a box fitted with stones is used for the same purpose.
[379] The next expedition was that sent out under Pedralvarez Cabral,
who left Lisbon in March, 1500, with thirteen vessels.
[380] In Book VIII of his _Natural History_.
[381] This last paragraph is not found in the _Paesi novamente
retrovati_, and is taken from Ramusio.
[382] This paragraph is rather puzzling. July 10th, 1499, was the date
of Coelho’s arrival. Of the four vessels, two are correctly stated to
have been burnt, though not near Cape Verde, namely, the store ship of
110 tons, and one of the vessels of 90 tons (the _S. Raphael_). Coelho
brought home the small vessel of 50 tons, and the “captain” himself is
stated to have returned in the remaining vessel of 90 tons.
[383] The Cape Verde islands.
[384] Grão or gran (Portuguese), kermes-grain, anciently scarlet, is
not mentioned by Ramusio.
[385] Rosebeeren (Roseberries) seems to stand for Rose mallus, or
Rossamalha, an aromatic resin containing benzoic acid, yielded by the
majestic Rasamala tree (_Altingia excelsa_) of Java, where it is used
as a substitute for benzoin.
[386] I need hardly direct the reader’s attention to the fact that the
fustas of the Sabayo were fought _after_ Vasco’s return from Calecut,
and that he visited neither Cochin nor Cananor in the course of this
first voyage.
[387] A MS. in the Torre do Tombo quoted by Texeira de Aragão
(_Boletim_, VI, 1886, p. 580), ornamented with the coloured coats of
arms of the _Counts_ of Vidigueira, and extending to 1641, seems to
be identical in several respects with the MS. from which the above
is quoted. The concluding portion, beginning with “returned to this
kingdom”, is taken word for word from the earlier _Jornal_. Vasco da
Gama is stated to have gone in the _S. Raphael_, whilst Paulo’s vessel,
the _S. Gabriel_, is said to have been destroyed on the homeward voyage
near Cabo de S. Vicente.
[388] Paulo da Gama came back in this vessel, his own having been burnt
by order of Vasco da Gama, off Tangáta. [_Note by the author._]
[389] Pavia, a small town twenty miles to the north of Evora.
[390] The 7th of April was a Saturday (see p. 34).
[391] The preceding dates agree with those in the _Journal_, but the
anchorage, two leagues from Calecut (see p. 48) was only reached on May
20th, and the stay at or off Calecut was certainly much longer than the
seventy-four days allowed by Rezende. In fact, seventy-four days would
only carry us from May 20th to August 1st.
[392] That is, the mouth of the Tagus.
[393] A sailing vessel occasionally propelled by oars.
[394] Henrique Lopes de Mendonça, _Estudos sobre navios Portuguezes_,
Lisbon (Ac. Real), 1892, p. 58.
[395] A pilot, Fernando Rodriques Berrio, resided at Lagos in 1502, and
there were other members of the same family (Varnhagen).
[396] Goes, _Chronica do Rei D. Emanuel_, 1790, I, p. 10.
[397] Only their type, for the legend below N. Coelho’s ship (“which
they broke up”) shows that these are not portraits of the actual
vessels, but fancy sketches. Coelho’s vessel was the first to return to
Lisbon; it was the store-ship which was broken up.
[398] _Obras de Luiz de Camões_, VI.
[399] Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 26.
[400] _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_, Lisbon, 1892, p. 99.
[401] _Esmeraldo_, p. 99.
[402] A ton register is of a capacity of 100 cubic feet; a ton
measurement is usually assumed to have a capacity of 40 cubic feet.
Hence 400 tons measurement would be equivalent to 160 tons register,
instead of 250 to 300.
[403] _Le construzione navali (Raccolta Colombiana)_, Rome, 1893, p. 76.
[404] The palmo de goa was equal to 293 m.m., and the _tonel_
consequently measured 2.42 cubic metres or 85 cubic feet. “Goa” has
nothing to do either with _agoa_, or with the town of that name in
India, but is a corruption of “gouê”, a measure anciently used by
shipbuilders in the Mediterranean (see Lopez de Mendonça, _loc. cit._,
p. 118).
[405] _Os Navios de Vasco da Gama_, Lisbon, June, 1892.
[406] _Noticia sobre e Não S. Gabriel_, Lisbon, August, 1892.
[407] Captain Braz d’Oliveira gives the following dimensions: length,
106 ft.; keel, 54.5 ft.; beam, 20 ft.; draught, aft, 10.5 ft.; depth,
18 ft.
[408] This consists in multiplying length of keel, breadth and depth,
and dividing by thirty. The result is expressed in _botte_.
[409] See J. de Barros, _Dec. I_, l. vi, c. 3.
[410] Barros and Castanheda, in addition to bombards, mention
spin-gards (wall-pieces) and one-pounder matchlocks. Correa (Stanley’s
_Vasco da Gama_) says that the ships, or some of them, in Vasco da
Gama’s second voyage were armed with six heavy guns below, four smaller
guns and four falconets on deck, and several swivel guns. The caravels,
though only manned by thirty men, carried four heavy guns below, six
falconets and twelve swivel guns.
[411] Note by Sir Clements R. Markham.
[412] D. Diogo Ortiz de Vilhegas was a native of Calçadinha, in Leon,
and came to Portugal as father-confessor and spiritual director of that
“excellent lady”, D. Joanna. King Manuel held him in high respect,
and appointed him Bishop of Tangier in 1491. Jointly with Masters
Rodriguez, the physician, and Jose Vizinho, he is responsible for
reporting adversely on the bold projects of Columbus. In 1500, he was
transferred to the See of Ceuta, and, in 1505, to that of Vizeu. He
never resided in his African dioceses. When Gama took leave of the King
at Montemór ó novo, Vilhegas is said to have celebrated Mass. He died
in 1519 at Almeirim.—(Paiva Manso, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, Lisbon,
1872, I, pp. 40, 47, 62.)
[413] Pero de Covilhão and Affonso de Paiva were despatched from
Santarem in 1487 to spy out the countries of the east. Covilhão, in
the course of his extensive travels, visited Hormuz, Calecut, and
the east coast of Africa as far as Sofala. He ultimately reached the
court of Prester John, and was never again allowed to leave it. These
travellers, too, received a map and instructions from D. Diogo de
Vilhegas. The best account of Covilhão’s adventures is that furnished
by Alvarez, c. 103 (see Lord Stanley’s translation, published by the
Hakluyt Society).
[414] Lucas Marcos visited Rome and Lisbon. The information furnished
by him included a vocabulary.—(Barros, _Da Asia_, _Dec. I_, l. iii, c. 5.)
[415] Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto was professor of astronomy and
mathematics in the University of Salamanca when King John II called
him to Portugal in 1492, and appointed him Astronomer Royal. He is
the author of _Ephemerides_, originally written in Hebrew, a Latin
translation of which, by José Vizinho, one of his pupils, was first
printed in 1496—on the eve of Vasco da Gama’s departure—although there
can be no doubt that these useful tables previously circulated in MS.
José Vizinho is perhaps identical with the physician José whom King
John had charged, jointly with Master Rodrigo, to prepare tables of
the declination of the sun, which would enable navigators to determine
their latitude after they had lost sight of the Pole star. Rudolf Wolf
(_Geschichte der Astronomie_, p. 97) credits Regiomontanus with having
produced the first set of “practical” tables for the use of mariners.
He does not even once mention Zacuto in his history, and states that
the tables of the great German astronomer were those made use of by
Dias and Vasco da Gama. As the _Ephemerides_ of Regiomontanus were
printed in 1474, they naturally became more widely known than those of
Zacuto, which only circulated in MS., and they were, perhaps, brought
to Portugal by Martin Behaim. It cannot, however, be doubted that the
tables which Vasco da Gama took with him were those of Zacuto.
For the contents of the first printed edition of Zacuto’s _Almanach
Perpetuum_, see Antonio Ribeiro dos Santos in _Memorias de Litteratura
Portugueza_, 2 edição, VIII, p. 46; for later reprints of the Tables of
the Declination of the Sun, see Luciano Cordeira in the _Boletim_ of
the Lisbon Geographical Society, 1883, p. 163.
[416] See Hellmann, in _Zeitschrift für Erdkunde_, 1897. The _Roteiros_
of João de Castro, containing these observations, were published at
Lisbon, 1833 and 1882.
[417] The description of this proposed series is of historical interest
(see _Alguns documentos_, 1892, p. 516).
[418] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 73 and 144. The “Sphere” was
a device bestowed upon D. Manuel by King João II. A coin called an
“Esphera de Ouro” was coined in Portuguese India. M.B. Lopez Fernandes
(_Memoria das moedas_, Lisbon, 1856, p. 121) had such a coin in his
possession. It had the device on the face, and a royal crown with the
word MEA on the obverse. Manuel de Faria (_Noticias de Portugal_, Disc.
IV, § 31) thinks that MEA stands for “Mine”, meaning that the whole
sphere was Manuel’s; but Fernandes is inclined to think that it stands
for MEIA, that is, “Half”. The coin in his collection had an intrinsic
value of about six shillings.
The Pelican was the device of King João II. It may have been on the
padrãos erected by Dias, but has not been discovered on those of Cão.
[419] See Texeira de Aragão (_Boletim_, VI, 1886, p. 562).
[420] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 38, 73, 94, 96.
[421] According to J. de Escalante de Mendoso (1575), quoted by
D’Albertis, _loc. cit._, p. 84.
[422] In quoting authorities I refer to the following editions:—João
de Barros, _Da Asia_, Lisbon, 1788; Castanheda, _Historia da India_,
Lisbon, 1833; Manuel de Faria y Sousa, _Asia Portuguesa_, Lisbon, 1666;
Gaspar Correa, _Lendas da India_, Lisbon, 1858-64; Damião de Goes,
_Chronica do Rei D. Manuel_, 1790.
[423] If Correa (I, p. 656) can be trusted, he still had a wife at
Cochin in 1506. Sernigi (see p. 136) credits him with a wife and
children at Calecut.
[424] Barros, _Dec. I_, iv, c. 1; Goes, I, c. 23; Castanheda, I, c. 2.
[425] Correa gives a circumstantial account of the embarkation in the
King’s presence, but the description of the paintings which were to
have been executed by the King’s order in illustration of the discovery
and “conquest” of India, shows very conclusively that the King was
_not_ there (_Alguns documentos_, p. 516).
[426] This, without a doubt, is the correct date. The author of our
“Journal”, Barros, Goes, Castanheda, and Faria y Sousa, they all agree
in this. Sernigi gives July 9th; Correa fixes upon March 25th as the
day of departure.
We may say, once for all, that the dates given in the “Journal” may
confidently be accepted as correct, allowing for a few _lapsi calami_
(or errors of the copyist), which can fortunately be rectified in
nearly every instance, as the Author names the day of the week, and
often even the name of the Saint to whom the day is dedicated.
[427] This date is doubtful. See p. 3, note 3. The wrong date is not
August 18th, but August 22nd.
[428] The variation being about 19° E., according to João de Castro,
the true course would have been nearly S. by E.
[429] See p. 4, note 1.
[430] See Admiralty “Chart showing the tracks of sailing vessels with
auxiliary steam power”; the valuable track-charts by Capt. A. Schück in
the _Jahresbericht_ of the Hamburg Geographical Society, for 1874; Dr.
G. Schott, “Die Verkehrswege” in _Zeitschrift für Erdkunde_, 1895, with
maps; the sailing directories of all ages since Duarte Pacheco wrote
his _Esmeraldo_ in 1505.
[431] According to Barros, Bartholemeu Dias kept in his company until
he took the direction of Mina.
[432] See, for instance, _The Voyage of François Leguat_, by Capt.
Pasfield Oliver (Hakluyt Society, 1891), i, p. 25.
[433] Modern sailing vessels do much better. The passage from São
Thiago to the Cape by way of Trinidad (5,140 miles) is made on an
average in forty-six days, being a daily run of 125 miles, as compared
with 54 miles daily, with which we have credited Vasco da Gama (see the
Table at the end of this Appendix).
[434] One league of Columbus = 4 Italian miles = 3.38 nautical miles.
[435] In note 3, p. 3, we have assumed a somewhat shorter course, but
after due consideration we now give the preference to the track laid
down upon our chart. On an old map of Africa, by H. Moll, a “tract”
passing to the east of Ascension and St. Helena is recommended as “a
good course of sailing from Great Britain to the East Indies in the
Spring and Fall”. What would Admiral Wharton say to this?
[436] These islands are distinctly shown on the Cantino Chart, but
unfortunately not named. They are not, however, the _Ys. Tebas_ of
Juan de la Cosa, as is supposed by the Editor of Spruner’s _Historical
Atlas_, for the chart of the Spanish pilot which contains this name
was completed before Cabral’s return. If we can credit a statement of
Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 825), who quotes Gaspar da Gama
as his authority, Cabral also discovered Tristão da Cunha. He certainly
must have been very near these islands when several of his vessels
foundered.
[437] King Manuel, in his letter of 1505, to King Ferdinand of Castile
(“Centenario do descobrimento da America”, Lisbon, 1892), says that
João da Nova sailed to the Terra de Santa Cruz (Brazil), and thence to
the Cape. He does not mention Ascension (Conceiçao). This, however, is
not conclusive, for Kings, unlike Popes, are not infallible. Barros,
Goes, and Galvão are our authorities for the discovery of the island of
Concepçao in 8° S.
[438] There is no doubt that the island referred to by Thome Lopes (see
Ramusio) as being 330 leagues from the Ilha dos Papagaios (Brazil), 775
leagues from the Ilha da Boa Vista (Cape Verdes), and 850 leagues from
the Cape, is the island now known as Trinidad. This island, on early
Portuguese charts, is called Ascenção menor.
[439] If the distance given by Giovanni da Empoli, who writes as
an eye-witness, can be trusted, this must be the Ascenção menor
(Trinidad), and not the island discovered by João da Nova, which is
only 400 leagues from Cape Verde.
[440] On Canerio’s chart St. Helena’s Bay is placed 32° 30´ S., the
true latitude being 32° 40´ S. Cantino, whose _outline_ is far more
correct places the Bay in 31° S.
[441] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 48. Compare Introduction, p.
xviii.
[442] See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 62, 67, 270.
[443] _The History of the Portuguese during the Reign of Emmanuel_
London, 1752, 1, p. 48.
[444] _Roteiro_, first edition, p. 143.
[445] For a discussion of these sites, see p. 18, _note_.
[446] _Africa Pilot_, iii, p. 241.
[447] Vasco da Gama thus took 24 days to cross from Melinde to India.
Cabral, João da Nova, Estevão da Gama and Affonso de Albuquerque
effected this passage in from 15 to 18 days. They crossed in August,
when the S.-W. monsoon blows freshly.
[448] _The Discoveries of the World_ (Hakluyt Society), p. 93.
[449] These “Flats” are a submerged coral reef lying between 12° 30´
and 13° 40´ N. The native name is Maniyal Par.
[450] According to the author of Add. MS. 20901 (British Museum),
Vasco da Gama “cast anchor in front of the most noble and rich city of
Calecut on May 22”. The date of this MS. is about 1516.
[451] On page 80, note 2, we have identified the island upon which
this padrão was placed with Pigeon Island, 14° 1´, on the ground of
its answering better to the description given by the author of the
_Roteiro_; but we see reasons for accepting the general opinion that
one of the islands off Mulpy (perhaps Coco Nut Island) must be meant,
although none of these islets is more than a mile from the coast,
instead of two leagues. Barros (Dec. 1, l. iv, c. ii.) locates the
Ilhéos de Santa Maria between Bacanor and Baticala.
[452] Cabral, on his homeward voyage in 1501, reached Lisbon from Cape
Verde in twenty days, but Juan Sebastian del Cano, in the _Victoria_,
took fifty-seven days to reach San Lucar from the Cape Verde Islands.
[453] In converting legoas into nautical miles we have assumed 100
legoas to be the equivalent of 338 miles. See _League_ in Index and
Glossary.
[454] Or thirty miles, if we exclude the five days wasted in a vain
effort to stem the Agulhas current (see p. 15).
[455] No account is taken of the four days lost in an attempt to sail
north (see p. 28).
[456] This includes a delay of fifteen (?five) days when burning the
_S. Raphael_.
[457] Charts on a larger scale, but of a later date, are available,
and enable us to trace the physical features of the coast, but their
nomenclature is not always that of the original discoverers. Nor are
we so fortunate as to possess such full descriptions of the coast as
are to be found in the “Africa Pilot”, for the _Esmeraldo de Situ
Orbis_ (1505) of the famous Duarte Pacheco Pereira stops short at the
Rio de Infante; whilst works such as Linschoten’s _Itinerarium ofte
Schipvaert_, belong either to a much later epoch, or are of too general
a nature to prove of use when attempting to identify the more obscure
place-names. I think it was Admiral Ignacio da Costa Quintella, the
author of the _Annaes da marinha Portugueza_, who regretted that the
task of writing the history of Portuguese exploration should have
devolved almost exclusively upon landsmen, who neglected to give
satisfactory accounts of the routes followed by the early navigators.
This regret we fully share.
[458] See, for instance, A. Mori, in _Atti IIº Congresso Geogr.
Italiana_, Rome, 1895, who describes maps by him in a “Ptolemy” in the
Biblioteca Nazionale at Florence.
[459] The late Dr. Kohl published a facsimile of this map in the
_Zeitschrift für Erdkunde_, I, 1856, but it is not very accurate.
That portion of the map which lies between the Guinea islands and
Dias’s furthest accompanies my Paper on “Cão, Dias and Behaim”, in the
_Geographical Journal_.
[460] A legend (near the southern tropic and on the meridian of Lisbon)
refers to Santa Cruz as “ysla descubierta por portugal”.
[461] There are flags at Abaran, c. etiopico and quinonico.
[462] A fine facsimile of this map was published at Madrid, in 1892, by
Antonio Cánovas Vallego and Prof. Traynor, together with a biographical
sketch of Juan de la Cosa by Antonio Vasáno.
[463] A. Galvano, _The Discoveries of the World_, London (Hakluyt
Society), 1862, p. 98; and _The Letters of Vespucci_, translated by Sir
C. R. Markham, _ib._ 1894.
[464] This carries us almost to Hawaii.
[465] The words “questo avemo visto”, to the south of Moçambique, point
to the use of an original sailing chart.
[466] Reproduced in Sir Clements R. Markham’s _Journal of Christopher
Columbus_, London, 1893, where also see Cantino’s letters.
[467] _Die topographischen Capitel des Indischen Seespiegels Mohit_,
von Dr. M. Bittner, Vienna, 1897, with thirty maps by Dr. Tomaschek.
[468] Even Ptolemy seems to have been in possession of some of these
Indian sailing charts, and Dr. Tomaschek suggests that the monstrous
size of his Taprobana, or Ceylon, is due to his having mistaken the
horizontal lines crossing these charts for parallels drawn at intervals
of a degree.
[469] Africa to the north of Mozambique measures 28° across on
Canerio’s chart, and 25° on Cantino’s, the actual breadth being 26°.
[470] _Le Portulan de Nicolas de Canerio_ (Bulletin de la Soc. de
Géogr. de Lyon, 1890).
[471] _Geographie du Moyen Age_, ii, p. 143.
[472] In Nordenskiöld’s _Atlas_ will be found facsimiles of these maps.
[473] Instead of a full translation of the two documents on this
subject, which are printed as an appendix to the original edition of
the _Roteiro_, we have given abstracts of all the available documents
bearing upon it. Most of these will be found _in extenso_ in Teixeira
de Aragão’s _Vasco da Gama e a Vidigueira_ (Boletim, Lisbon Geogr.
Soc., 1886, pp. 541-702); Luciano Cordeiro’s _De come e quando foi
feito Conde Vasco da Gama_ (Boletim, 1892, pp. 257-303); and Cordeiro’s
_O Premio da Descoberta_, Lisbon, 1897.
[474] The original document bestowing this title is not available, but
the King makes use of it in his Order of Nov. 19th, 1501.
[475] Compare Document 18 at end of this Appendix.
[476] See also Documents 10 and 11.
[477] Peragallo, _Carta de El-Rei D. Manuel ao Rei Catholico_,
Lisbon, 1892, p. 89. Leonardo Masser describes the Admiral as being
ill-tempered and unreasonable, and as exhibiting but little gratitude
in return for the favours conferred upon him by the King.
[478] Peragallo, _loc. cit._, p. 92. The highest incomes were enjoyed
by the Duke of Coimbra (16,000 cruz.), the Duke of Bragança (16,000
cruz.), the Bishop of Evora (12,000 cruz.), the Marquis of Villa Real
and the Archbishop of Lisbon (10,000 cruz. each).
[479] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, 1892, p. 285.
[480] Quoted by teixeira de Aragão, p. 572, from a document in the
Torre do Tombo.
[481] teixeira de Aragão, p. 573.
[482] This document was first printed as an Appendix to the second
edition of the _Roteiro_, and has since been published as an Appendix
to Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _Vasco da Gama_, and in _Alguns
Documentos_, p. 127. Its provisions were confirmed in favour of D.
Francisco da Gama by King John III, May 4th, 1526 (Cordeiro, _O Premio
da Descoberta_, pp. 48-55.)
[483] In 1434 (not 1433) Gil Eanes doubled Cape Bojador.
[484] In 1482 Diogo Cão discovered the Congo. We ought evidently to
read 1488, for the Congo is only 1,240 leagues from Lisbon, whilst the
1,885 leagues actually carry us to the Rio do Infante. The name is thus
spelt in this document as if the river had been named in honour of
Prince Henry, and not after João Infante, the companion of Dias.
[485] Published _in extenso_ in the 2nd edition of the _Roteiro_, p.
175.
[486] Departure from Lisbon, February 10, 1502; return, September 1,
1503.
[487] About _£_900. The King had this gold converted into a “custodia”,
which he presented to the church of Belem.
[488] Cordeiro, Boletim, 1892, p. 287.
[489] Teixeira de Aragão, p. 675.
[490] Leonardo da Chá Maser calls him “discreet and experienced,
although quite illiterate” (see Peragallo, _Carta de El-Rei D. Manuel_,
Lisbon, 1892, p. 89).
[491] This Gama was the third son of the first Vasco, and consequently
an uncle of the Admiral. He was Comptroller of the Revenues (“casa da
fazenda”) of the Order.
[492] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, 1892, p. 287.
[493] A town on the Tejo, 20 miles above Lisbon.
[494] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, 1892, p. 288. This _Alvaró_ was confirmed by
King John, June 17, 1522 (Cordeiro, _O Premio da Descoberta_, p. 45).
[495] Cordeiro, _O Premio da Descoberta_, p. 46.
[496] _Roteiro_, Appendice, p. 175.
[497] Niza, a town in the district of Portalegre, about 100 miles
to the N.E. of Lisbon. When the 5th Count da Gama was raised to the
dignity of a “Marquis” in 1648, he took his title from this town.
[498] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, 1892, p. 289.
[499] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, 1892, p. 292.
[500] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, 1892, pp. 278, 291.
[501] Cordeiro, pp. 274, 295.
[502] Cordeiro, _Boletim_, p. 295.
[503] Cordeiro, p. 280.
[504] Cordeiro, _O Premio da Descoberta_, p. 46.
[505] _Cordeiro_, p. 302. I.
INDEX AND GLOSSARY.
+Açoutado+, ilha do (Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S., 400° 40´ E., Map III), 32, 218
+Adarga+ (Arabic _el darakah_);
according to Jubinal (_Armeria Real_, Madrid, Plate 3), a short
spear with a target-like handguard, and a dagger projecting at
right angles; compare Burton’s _Camoens_, xiv, p. 571.
+Affonso, Martin+, interpreter, 12, 17, 176;
Boa Gente, 17
+“Africa Pilot,”+ quoted, 32, 93, 197
+Agonia+ (Arabic _El Jumbiyeh_) a crooked dagger worn in the waist
waist-belt, 30
+Agostinho+, Cabe de, Brazil (8° S., 35° W.), 205
+Agulhas+, Cabo das (34° 50´ S., 20° E., Map II), 168, 169, 215
+Agulhas+ current, xviii, 15, 195
+Ailly, Pierre d’+ (b. 1350, d. 1419), xvii
+Albertis, E. A. D’+, quoted 161, 174
+Albuquerque, Affonso de+ (Governor of India, 1509-15), 179, 191
+Alcacer do Sal+, Portugal (38° 20´ N., 8° 30´ W.), 159
+Alcaide+ (Arabic _Al Kadi_), a judge, 35
In Portuguese it means the governor of a province, town, or castle.
_Alcaide-mór_ governor in chief; _Alcaideria_, the district or
office of an alcaide.
+Alcochete+ (38° 46´ N., 80° 57´ W.), town, Portugal, 46
+Alenquer, Pero d’+, 175;
at S. Helena Bay, 5;
at the Cape, 9;
Cross Island, 14
+Alexander VI+, Pope (1492-1503), 115
+Alexandria+, Egypt, 78
+Algoa Bay+ (33° 50´ S., 26° E., Map II), 15, 221
+Aljofar+ (from Arabic _Jauhar_ or _Gohar_ i.e., “Jewel”). In
Portuguese it means seed-pearls.
+Alliacus+, _see_ +Ailly, Pierre d’+.
+Almadia+ (Arabic _El Maziyah_), a ferry-boat, dug-out, 20
+Almanach perpetuum+, 167
+Almeida, D. Francisco de+ (Viceroy of India, 1505-9);
at Mombaça, 38, 39;
at Malindi, 44;
at Anjediva, 80
+Almoxarife+ (Arabic), a receiver of customs or taxes.
+Almude+, a measure of capacity, holding 29½ pints.
+Aloes+, 99, 104, 213
+Alvares, Gonçalo+, master of the _S. Gabriel_, 176
+Alvarez, Francisco+ (Chaplain of Portuguese mission in Abyssinia,
1520-27), 24, 167
+Ambergris+, 135, 213, 219
+Ameixoeira, João de+, 177
+Anafil+ (Arabic _El Nafir_), a sort of trumpet, 22, 42
+Anchovies+, 92
+Andaman+ Islands (12° N., 93° E., Maps I and VI), 220, 214 L.
+Anjediva+ Islands (14° 45´ N., 74° 5´ E., Map IV), 80, 200
+Antonio, Nicoláo+, quoted, xxv
+Arabian Sea+, 46, 87, 123, 130, 135, 198, 200
+Aragão, Texeira de+, quoted, xxi, 91, 94, 95, 111, 112, 147, 148,
173, 175, 176, 178, 225
+Ascension+ Island, or Conçeicão (80° S., 14° 10´ E., Map I), 190, 191
+Ascençao menor+, or Trinidad (20° 20´ S., 29° 20´ W., Map I), 191
+Astrolabes+, 167
+Atambur+, or Betel-nut, 56, 96
+Badger, Rev. G. P.+, quoted, 61, 138
+Bahar+, a weight, at Calcutta equal to 268.16 kilo = 459 pounds.
It was divided into 20 farazolas (farzilas) of 100 fens each, and
roughly accepted as equal to 4 quintals.
+Bahrein+ islands, Persian Gulf (26° N., 50° 30´ E., Map I), 139
+Balandrau+, a coat, 41
+Balasci+ (rubies), 130
+Baldelli Boni+, quoted, 121, 179
+Bale+ (Arabic _Wale_), governor, 51
+Baltasar+, a Moor of Calecut, 181
+Bananas+, 57
+Bandini. A.+, quoted, 120
+Baqua+, stone of (bezoar), 96
+Barbosa, Duarte+, quoted, 32, 98, 99, 100, 103, 130, 139
+Barca+, a term vaguely applied by the author to sailing boats,
where others make use of the more definite terms of “_fusta_”, or
“_zambuk_”.
+Barros, João de+, quoted, xx, 8, 9, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 31, 38,
40, 45, 48, 51, 92, 94, 98, 99, 157, 161, 164, 169, 175, 178, 179,
180
+Bastos, E. Pinto+, 161
+Bastos, José+, xxxvi, 118
+Bees+, 6
+Behaim, Martin+, (b. 1459, d. 1506), 165
+Belnos+, quoted, 54
+Benapa+, Mtapwa (3° 56´ S., 39° 40´ E., Map III), 40
+Bengal+ (24° N., 100° E, Map I), 100, 101, 220
+Bent, Theodore+, quoted, 139
+Benzoin+, 99, 101, 103, 213
+Berchet, Prof. Guglielmo+, xxxvi, 119, 157, 158
+“Berrio”+, enters Rio dos bons Signaes, 19;
at Mombaça, 37;
at Anjediva, 84
+Berrio+, name of a pilot, 158
+Betel-nut+ (atambur), 56, 96
+Bezoar+ (Stone of Baqua), 96
+Biagi, Prof.+, xxxvi, 119
+Birch, Dr. Walter de Gray+, quoted, 145, 146, 149
+Bisarma+, a two-edged battle-axe, 67
+Bittner, Dr. M.+, quoted, 208, 216
+Bombards+, 3, 164
+Boni+, _see_ +Baldelli+.
+Bons signaes, Rio dos+ (18° S., 37° E., Map III), 19, 124, 146,
173, 196
+Braça+, or fathom, as used by seamen, equal to 8 palmas or 5.76 feet
+Braga, Alvaro de+, clerk of the _Berrio_, 67, 176
+Bragança, Duke of+, agrees to sell Vidigueira, 228
+Braz+, _see_ +São Braz+.
+Brazil wood+, 99, 102, 104
+Breech-loaders+, 164
+Bretschneider, E.+, quoted, 132
+Buchanan, Claudius+, quoted, 137
+Bull+ of Alexander VI (1497), 115
+Burton, Sir R.+, quoted, 20, 23, 33, 36, 44, 52, 53, 79
+Cabaya+, a silk robe reaching to the ankles.
+Cabral, Jorge+ (governor of India, 1549-50), 159, 160
+Cabral, Pedro Alvarez+, the navigator, 18, 38, 44, 178, 179, 190,
note 2 (supposed discovery of Tristão da Cunha), 205
+Caçadilho+, Cazadillo, village near Salamanca, Spain. _See_
+Vilhegas+.
+Cael+ (8° 40´ N., 78° 5´ E., Map I), 98
+Cairo+, Egypt, 78, 113
+Caldwell, Rev. Dr.+, quoted, 98
+Calecut+ (11° 15´ N., 75° 45´ E., Map IV);
arrival, 48;
description, 49, 125;
pagodas, 52, 126, 137, 139;
royal palace 55;
the Zamorin or King, 57, 127, 132;
Portuguese sailors visit the city, 69;
a Padrão set up, 74, 75;
commerce, 77, 96, 115, 127, 135, 142;
Sernigi’s account, 125, 142;
legend on Canerio’s map, 213
+Çamatarra+ (Sumatra, 0°, 110° E., Map I); 98, 101, 213, 220
+Cambay+ (22° 20´ N., 72° 35´ E., Map IV), 47, 213 A.
+Camoens+, quoted, 26, 178
+Çamolim+, _see_ +Zamorin+.
+Campo, Antonio de+, in Delagoa Bay, 18
+Cananor+ (11° 50´ N., 75° 20´ E., Map IV), 79, 146, 200
+Canaries+ (29° N., 140° W., Map I) sighted, 2
+Canerio’s Map+, 16, 18, 21, 32, 210, 212
+Canestrini+, quoted, 119
+Cantino, Alberto+, his chart, xix, 208, 212
+Cão’s+ padrão at Cape Cross, 169
+Cape of Good Hope+ (34° 20´ S., 18° 32´ E., Map II) doubled, 8, 92,
192, 215
+Cape Verde+ islands (10° N., 24° W., Map I), 2, 94, 141, 142
+Capua+, or +Capocate+ (11° 20´ N., 75° 44´ E., Map IV), 48, 52
+Caputo, M. C.+, xxxvi, 208
+Caravels+, 157, 158
+Carneiro, Antonio+ (King Manuel’s secretary), 233, 235
+Carvalho e Vasconcellos, Capt. E. J. de+, _see_ +Vasconcellos+.
+Casa da Mina+, the “House”, or office, charged with the affairs of
the “mine” on the Gold Coast.
+Castanheda, Lopez de+, quoted, xx, xxiv, 1, 5, 6, 9, 21, 23, 26, 39,
48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 67, 77, 79, 94, 157, 161, 164, 166, 169, 173,
175, 178, 183; his signature, xxii
+Castro, João de+, (Governor and Viceroy of India, 1545-48), 159, 168
+Catalan Chart+, 211
+Catena a poppa+, 165
+Çatiguam+, Sadigam, or Shadigam (Satgaon on Hugli, 22° 15´ N., 88°
5´ E., Maps I and VIII), 220, 213 D
+Cattle+ among the Hottentots, 11, 12
+Catual+ (Kot-Wal), governor of a fort, 51
+Çeitil+, a small copper coin, worth one-third of a farthing, 7
+Ceylon+, (Çillan, 8° N., 80° E., Map I), 77, 98, 115, 135, 136, 144,
214 K.
+Chãos+, ilhéos; _see_ +Ilhéos+.
+Charton+, quoted, 53; _see_ +F. Denis+.
+Charts+ of Indian pilots, 26
+Chinese+ at Calecut, 131
+Chomandarla+ (Choromandel, on south-east coast of India), 98
+Christians+ at Mombaça, 35, 36, 39;
at Malindi, 40, 44, 45;
in India, 24, 114, 115, 125, 231;
at Calecut, 49, 53, 137
+Cidadym+, of Harar, 78, note 5
++Çillan+, _see_ +Ceylon+.
+Çinguapura+, Singapore (1° 20´ N., 104° E., Maps I and VII), 18, 196
+Cinnamon+, 77, 81, 86, 98, 103, 113, 213, 214;
boughs, 113
+Cipangu+ (Japan), xvii
+Cloves+, 77, 100, 103, 113, 213
+Cobilhões, Pedro de+ (Cobillones), _see_ +Covilhã+.
+Cobre, Rio de+ (24° 50´ S., 34° 25´ E., Map III), 18, 196
+Cochin+ (10° N., 76° 12´ E., Map IV), 146
+Coco-nut+ palm, 27
+Coelho, Nicolau+, captain of the _Berrio_, 175;
at St. Helena Bay, 5;
crossing Kilimani Bar, 196;
lost sight of, 14;
alleged ascent of river in South Africa, 193;
at Moçambique, 22, 27, 29, 197;
at *Malindi, 44;
at Calecut, 51, 66;
at Anjediva, 83, 84;
at Rio Grande, 152;
return to Lisbon, 93, 94, 201
+Çofalla+, _see_ +Sofalla+.
+Coge+ (Arabic, _Khojah_), lord, master
+Coimbra+ (40° 10´ N., 8° 25´ W.), xxii
+Coimbra, João de+, 30, 175
+Coins+ at Calecut, 128
+Coleu+, Coulão, Coulam (9° 10´ N., 76° 30´ E., Map IV), 98
+Columbus, Bartholomeu+, map of world, xix
+Columbus, Christopher+, compared with Gama, xv;
his first voyage, 189;
his latitudes, xviii;
his journal, xix
+Compass+, Mariner’s, 26
+Compass+, equinoctial and variation, 168
+Conimata+, Sumatra? a corrupt spelling of, 101
+Convicts+, _see_ +Degradados+.
+Copper+, 18, 96
+Cordeira, Luciano+, quoted, xxi, 2, 168, 225
+Cormorants+, 6
+Coromandel+ (south-east coast of India), 98
+Corongolor+, Crangalor (10° 10´ N., 76° 10´ E., Map IV), 97
+Correa, Gaspar+, his untrustworthiness, xx, 56, 193, 194;
Herculano’s eulogy, xxxiii;
Vasco’s ships, 164;
his padrões, 169;
his portrait, 150;
number of men, 173;
convicts, 48, 178;
Gaspar da Gama, 179;
Monçaide, 180;
Davane, 21 note 4, 41, 181;
departure from Lisbon, 185;
doubling the Cape, 193;
alleged mutiny, 194;
transactions at Cananor, 79;
concoction of a letter to the Zamorin, 58
+Correa, Manuel+, 178
+Correa, Ayres+, 158
+Cosa, Juan de la+, his chart, xix, 205
+Costa, D. Jorge da+, 112
+Costa, P. Antonio Carvalho da+, xiii
+Coulão+ (Coulam, 9° 10´ N., 76° 30´ E., Map IV), 98
+Covilhã, Pedro de+, a priest, 177
+Covilhão, Pero de+, 24, 167
+Crangalor+, Quorongoliz (10° 10´ N., 76° 10´ E., Map IV), 97
+Cross-bows+, 10, 12
+Cross-staff+, 26
+Cruz+, ilha da, Brazil (5° S., 40° W., Map I), 14, 15, 205
+Cruz+, ilhéo da, Algoa Bay (33° 48´ S., 25° 45´ E., Map II), 15, 195
+Cruzado+, a Portuguese gold coin, weighing 71.25 grãos (4,608 grãos
= 1 marc = 229.5 grammes) of fine gold, and consequently worth 9_s._
8_d._ It retained this value up to 1555, when, being coined of gold
having a fineness of 22⅝ carat only, its value was reduced to
9_s._ 2_d._
Up to 1499, 380 réis were accepted as the equivalent of a
cruzado; between 1499 and 1517 the rate of exchange was 390
réis, and after that date 400 réis. This shows that the relative
value of gold to silver was assumed to have been as 1:10 (in
England about the same time the rate of exchange was as 1:11).
The value of 100 réis was consequently 30.5_d._ up to 1499,
29.82_d._ from 1499 to 1517, and 29.08_d._ after 1517 (see
Nunes, _O livro dos Pesos, 1555_, published at Lisbon in 1868;
and M. B. Lopes Fernandes, _Memoria das moedas correntes em
Portugal_, Lisbon, 1856).
+Dalla Vedova, Prof.+, xxxvi, 133
+Dameiroeiro, João+, 177
+Davane+, the Moor, 21, 41, 181
+Declination+ of the sun, 167, 168
+Degradados+ (convicts or banished men), 174
+Delagoa Bay+ (26° S., 34° E.), its discovery, 19, 221
+Dely+, Eli, Mount (12° N., 75° 15´ E., Map IV), 47. 198
+Denis, Ferd.+, quoted, xxxiv, 53, 78
+Dias, Bartholomeu+ sails to Elmina, 2;
his conflict at the bay of S. Braz, 10;
his last padrão, 14, 15, 195;
builds Gama’s ships, 159
+Dias, Diogo+, 176;
factor at Pandarani, 67;
carries a message to the Zamorin, 70;
his imprisonment, 71, 73;
liberated, 74
+Dias, Pedro+, a convict, 178
+Dogs+ of the Hottentots, 6
+Dress+ at Calecut, 133
+Elephants+, how they are captured, 102;
at Mossel Bay, 11;
in India, 98, 99, 100, 133, 140
+Eli+, Dely, mount (12° N., 75° 15´ E., Map IV), 47, 198
+Empoli, Giovanni da+, quoted, 6, 99, 191
+Escolar, Pero+, pilot of the _Berrio_, x, 148, 175; _see_ +Escovar+.
+Escovar, Pero+, was associated with Santarem in the discovery of the
Gold Coast, 1471; another Pero Escovar went as pilot to the Congo,
1490; Barros and Resende call the pilot of the _Berrio_ Esolar and
not Escovar.
+Esphera+ de ouro, a coin, 170
+Esteves, Pero+, a convict, 178
+Evora+ (38° 33´ N., 7° 55´ W.), 235, 236
+Falcão, Luiz de Figueiredo+, 119, 147, 157
+False Bay+, South Africa (34° 15´ S., 18° 30´ E., Map II), 9, 215
+Fanão+, a coin, at Calecut worth 7.45_d._ (_see_ p. 69 _n._).
+Farazola+, Frasila, weight, at Calecut, equal to 10.4 kilos.,
or 22 lbs.
+Faria, Manuel de+, 170
+Faria, Severim de+, quoted, 175
+Faria e Figueiredo, Francisco de+, xxx, 177
+Faria e Figueiredo, Pedro de+, 177
+Faria y Sousa+, quoted, xxi, 46, 157, 173, 175, 177, 178
+Ferdinand, Valentin+, 178
+Fernandez, M. B. Lopez+, 170
+Figueiredo+, _see_ +Faria+ and +Falcão+.
+Figueiro, João+, a priest, xxxi, 177
+Fish+, 133
+Flutes+, 11
+Food+ at Calecut, 132
+Foot, Captn.+, view of Mombasa, 35
+Foster, William+, xxxvi
+Fowls+, 17
+Fracanzio di Montalboddo+, editor of _Paesi novamente retrovati_,
q. v.
+Francisco de S. Maria+, quoted, 177
+Frankincense+, 104, 213
+Fumos+ (25° S., 32° E., Map III), 17, 217
+Fusta+, a galley, 83
+Gabriel+, _see_ São +Gabriel+.
+Gallois, Prof. L.+, xxxvi, 210
+Galvão, Antonio+, quoted, 173, 198, 206
+Gama, Estevão da+, nephew of Vasco, Voyage to India, 191
+Gama, Gaspar da+, at Anjediva, 84, 152;
tortured, 86;
information on countries to the south, 95, 115, 121;
his history, 179, 180
+Gama, Paulo da+, offered the command of the expedition, xiii;
captain of the _S. Raphael_, 1;
loses the flagship, 2;
rejoins his brother, 3;
at St. Helena Bay, 8;
tends the sick, 21;
at Moçambique, 26, 31;
his ship aground at Malindi, 44;
at Calecut, 51, 65;
at Anjediva, 85;
his ship burnt, 91, 153;
alleged breaking-up of his ship, 146, 147;
his death, 94, 147, 148
+Gama, Vasco da+;
His birth, xiii;
qualification as a navigator, xiv;
compared with Columbus, xv;
his observations for latitude, xviii;
authorities on his first voyage, xix;
his death, xiv
_First Voyage._—The ships, 147, 151, 157-160;
muster-roll, 173;
despatch by King Manuel, 185, 230;
Lisbon, dep., 1, 123, 146, 148, 151, 153, 185;
Cape Verde, 3, 186;
across the Southern Atlantic, xvii, 3, 142, 186;
first landfall, 5, 189;
St. Helena Bay, 5, 192;
doubling the Cape, 8, 192;
S. Braz Bay, 9, 192;
alleged mutiny, 194;
a gale, 14, 194;
ilhéos chãos, 14, 195;
Ilhéos da Cruz, 15, 195;
Dias’ furthest, 15, 195;
the Agulhas current, viii, 15;
Rio do Cobre, 16, 196;
Rio dos bons Signaes, 19, 146;
Mozambique, 22, 146, 151, 197;
false start for the north, 28, 197;
the _S. Raphael_ aground, 33, 197;
Mombasa, 34, 198;
Malindi, 40, 146, 151, 198;
across the Arabian sea, 46, 198;
landfall near Mount Eli, 47, 198;
at Capocate, 48, 199;
royal audiences, 56, 61, 126;
capture of hostages, 72, 115, 180
Departure from Calecut, 76;
supposed visits to Cochin and Cananor, 146, 147, 200;
S. Maria islands and Anjediva, 80, 200;
across the Arabian Sea, 87, 200;
Magadoxo, 88, 200;
Malindi, 89, 200;
the _S. Raphael_ burnt, 91, 201;
Mozambique, 92, 201;
S. Braz Bay, 92, 201;
doubling the Cape, 92, 201;
Rio Grande, 93, 201;
return to Lisbon, 94, 113, 122, 124, 148
Loss of life during the voyage, 124, 141, 231
Second Voyage to India, 1502-3, 191, 233
Honours and rewards bestowed upon Vasco da Gama, 225-232
Instructions to Cabral, 190.
+Garnett, Dr. R.+, 119
+Gazelles+, 6
+Genoese+ needles, 26
+George+, _see_ +São Jorge+.
+Germanus, Henricus Martellus+, his Map, 204
+Ghats+, Western, in India, 199
+Ginger+, 77, 103, 113
+Giovanni da Empoli+, 6, 99, 191
+Goa+ (15° 25´ N., 73° 50´ E., Map IV), 219
+Goes, Damião de+, quoted, xx, 5, 8, 18, 19, 21, 26, 40, 45, 50, 53,
56, 57, 94, 112, 159, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180
+Gold+ of Sofala, 33, 113, 124
+Gonçalves, André+, 176
+Greiff, Dr. G.+, 121
+Guillen, Felipe+, 168
+Gujarat+ (Guzerat, 22° N., 72° E., Map IV), F 45, 63
+Gulf-weed+, 4
+Gulls+, 8
+Guzerate+ (Gujarat, 22° N., 72° E., Map IV), 45, 63
+“Guzerati”+, a merchant of Guzerat, or Gujarat, at Calecut, 63
+Hamy, Dr. E. T.+, quoted, 18, 19, 21, 32, 206
+Harar+, Cidadym of, 78
+Harrisse, Mr.+, 205
+Helena+, _see_ +Santa Helena+.
+Hellmann, G.+, quoted, 169
+Herculano+, quoted, xxiv, xxxiii, 41, 65, 195
+Herons+, 4
+Heyd, W.+, 130
+Hirth, F.+, 132
+Horsburgh, Captain+, 188
+Horses+, 133
+Hostages+ taken at Calecut, 72, 115;
carried to Portugal, 76
+Hottentots+, meeting with, 11-13
+Hour-glasses+, 168
+Hulot, Baron+, xxxvi
+Ilha da Cruz+, _see_ +Cruz+.
+Ilhas primeiras+ (17° S., 39° E., Map III), 21
+Ilhéos chãos+, low islets, Algoa Bay (33° 50´ S., 29° 18´ E., Map
II), 4, 195, 216
+Images+, worshipped by Portuguese and Indians, 24
+Incense+, 104, 213
+Infante, Rio de+ (_i.e._, River of J. Infante), frequently called
Rio _do_ Infante, _i.e._, River of the Infante, Prince Henry (33° 30´
S., 27° 8´ E., Map II), 14, 216
+Ivory+, 18
+Jack-fruit+, 57
+Jaus, Rev. J. J.+, quoted, xxxvi, 52, 54, 97
+Java+, on Canerio’s Map, 211
+Jeronymo de São José+, 177
+Jews+ at Calecut, 137
+Jidda+, Red Sea (21° 30´ N., 39° 10´ E., Map I), 78
+Jordanus, Friar+, quoted, 98
+Jorge+, _see_ +São Jorge+.
_Jornal das Viagens_, 145, 146
+Juromenho, Visconde+, 159
+Justice+, administration of, at Calecut, 135
+Kilwa+, _see_ +Quiloa+.
+Kioni+, Quioniete (30° 38´ S., 39° 50´ E., Map III), 40
+Kirk, Sir John+, quoted, xxxvi, 34, 36, 38, 40, 42, 45, 90
+Kohl, Dr.+, 205
+Kopke, Diogo+, quoted, xxii, xxiv, xxxii, 4, 5, 6, 13, 19, 24, 26,
32, 33, 38, 78, 97, 98, 99, 101, 120, 194
+Krishna+ and +Devaki+, 53
+Lac+, 98, 101, 102, 104, 213
+Laccadivas+ (10° N., 73° E, Map I), 134, 198
+Lambel+, striped cloth, 11
+Lamu+ (2° 15´ S., 40° 20´ E., Map III), 219
+Lançarote+ (29° N., 14° W.); pass to lee of it, 2
+Larks+, 6
+Latitudes+ on early maps, 213;
observed by Colon, xix
_Laurie’s Sailing Directory_, 190
+League.+ The Portuguese (Castilian) legoa of 7,500 varas was equal
to 6,269 meters, or 20,568 feet, and 17.72 of these legoas were
consequently equal to one mean degree of a meridian. The Portuguese
pilots generally assumed 17½ of these legoas to be equal to 1°;
and had they known the real size of the earth the league would have
been 6,350 m., an error of only 1.27 per cent. in the estimate of the
size of the earth as determined by observation for latitude taken at
sea.
There can hardly be a doubt that the Italian mile was the
same as the old Roman mile, and had a length of 1,480 m.
Consequently, 4.236 of these miles were equal to a legoa, and
when Sernigi (see p. 124) reckons 4¼ of these miles to a
legoa he is very near the truth. On the Cantino chart 75 Italian
miles are = 1° = 17.5 Portuguese legoas, and if we accept this
estimate the legoa would be = 4.29 Italian miles. The Portuguese
pilots at the Conference of Badajoz (1525), maintained, however,
that 1 legoa = 4 Italian miles. As to Prof. Wagner’s “Portulano
mile” (_Report of Sixth International Geographical Congress_,
p. 698) of only 1,265 m., its shortness is obviously due to the
very common over-estimate of distances, even when there is no
mileage charge as in the case of London cabmen.
+Leal, J. da Silva Mendes+, quoted, 95
+Leiria+ (39° 42´ N., 8° 50´ W.), 159
+Lelewel, Joachim+, 211
+Leguat, F.+, quoted, 6
+Lemos, Gaspar de+, 205
+Leonardo+ of Camões, 178
+Linen cloth+, 18
+Lindsay, W. S.+, 159, 161
+Lingams+, 83
+Linschoten’s+ _Itinerarium_, 203
+Loadstone+ islands, 129
+Lopes, Thomé+, 191
+Lourenço, Fernão+, 159
+Machado, Barbosa+, xxv
+Machado, João+, a convict, 178
+Mafia+, island (70° 50´ S., 39° 50´ E., Map III), 33
+Magadoxo+ (2° 20´ N., 45° 25´ E.), 88, 200, 219
+Magelhães, Fernão de+, xv
+Magnetic Variation+, 168
+Malabar+, casts, 49
+Malacca+, Malagua (2° 10´ N., 102° 10´ E., Map I), 77, 100, 220, 213
F.
+Malayalam+, vocabulary, 105
+Malema Cana+, or +Canaqua+, pilot, 46, 181
+Malindi+, Melinde (3° 12´ S., 40° 10´ E., Map III), 40, 89, 125, 146
+Malmsey+, wine, 131
+Manicongo+ (Congo), 17
+Manso, Paiva+, quoted, 167
+Manuel, King+, his letters on Vasco da Gama’s first voyage, 111, 230;
quoted, 96, 173, 233;
rewards to Gama, 225
+Maps+, early, 203
+Marcel, Gabriel+, xxxvi
+Marcos, Lucas+, an Abyssinian priest, 24, 167
+Maria+, _see_ +Santa Maria+.
+Mariz+, _Dialogues_, xiv
+Markham, Sir Clements R.+, quoted, xxxvi, 120, 165, 206, 208
+Markham, Admiral Albert H.+, xxxvi
+Marlota+, a Moorish jacket or jerkin, 25
+Matikal+, a gold coin, value at Moçambique about 12_s._; see p. 25
+Martins, Fernão+, at Moçambique, 23;
at Calecut, xxix, 50, 57, 62, 176
+Martinz, Fernão+, Royal Chaplain, xvi
+McCrindle, J. W.+, quoted, 26
+Masser, Leonardi da Chá+, 180, 227, 233
+Mecca+ (21° 20´ N., 45° E., Map I), 47, 87, 113, 125, 130
+Melequa+, _see_ +Malacca+.
+Melinde+, _see_ +Malindi+.
+Melons+, 57
+Mendes, A. Lopes+, quoted, 80
+Mendoso, J. de Escalante de+, quoted, 174
+Mendonça, H. Lopez de+, 158, 161, 162
+Mercy+, river of, is identical with the Rio dos bons signaes, 19,
146, 173
+Mexia, Sancho+, at St. Helena Bay, 6, 177
+Millet+, 17
+Misericordia, Rio da+, is identical with the Rio dos bons signaes,
19, 169, 173
+Mitkal+ (matikal), gold coin, 25
+Moçambique+ (15° S., 40° 45´ E., Map III);
arrival, 22, 146, 151, 197;
trade, 23, 69;
a conflict on return voyage, 92, 201
+Moçambique+ current, 197
+Modobar+, Meduar on Lingga (2° 30´ N., 102° E., Map VII), 213, 220 E.
+“Mohit”+, quoted, 26, 208
+Moll, A.+, map of Africa, 190
+Moluccas+, 77
+Mombaça+ (4° 5´ S., 39° 40´ E., Map III); arrival, 34;
return, 91
+Monçaide+, a Moor, 48, 50, 72, 75, 79, 112, 115, 180
+Monte formosa+, Cotta Point (11° 30´ N., 75° 40´ E., Map IV), 199
+Money+, _see_ +Cruzado+, Real, Reis, matikals, fanão, xerafin
+Monsoons+, 136, 198, 200
+Montemór o novo+ (38° 40´ N., 8° 15´ W.), 185
+Moor, E.+, quoted, 53
+Moorish+ merchants at Calecut, 61, 62, 68, 127, 152
+Moplah+, 49
+Morelet, Arthur+, xxxiv
+Moreri+, xxv
+Mori, A.+, 205
+Mourá+, quoted, 25
+Mtwapa+, _see_ +Benapa+.
+Musk+, 100, 104
+Nairs+, at Calecut, 49
+Natal+, its discovery, 16
+Native+ navigation, 134, 139
+Navarrete, D. Martin Fernandez de+, xvii, note 2
+Nicobar Islands+ (7° N., 94° E., Map VII), 214 M., 220
+Nile+, river, 78
+Niza+ (39° 32´ N., 7° 40´ W.), 100 miles N.E. of Lisbon, 235
+Nova, João da+, 178, 190, 206, 210
+Nuguoquioniete+, _see_ +Takaungu+ and +Quioni+.
+Nunes, Antonio+, quoted, 25
+Nunes, Gonçalo+, 175
+Nunes, João+, 48
+Nunez, João+, a convict, 179
+Nunes, Pedro+, 168
+Nutmeg+, 100, 104, 113
+Oliveira, Fernando+, quoted, 162
+Oliveira, João Braz d’+, 162
+Olivença+, Spain (38° 40´ N., 7° 5´ E.), xiii
+Oporto+, in Portugal, xxiii
+Ortelius+, 115, 125
+Ortiz de Vilhegas+, _see_ +Vilhegas+.
+Osorio, D. Jeronymo+, quoted, 6, 26, 194
+Ouro, Rio do+ (west coast of Africa, 23° 50´ N., 16° E., Map I), 2
+Ouro, Rio do+, or Limpopo (25° 20´ S., 33° 30´ E., Map III), 19
+Pacheco Pereira, Duarte+, quoted, 161, 192
+Padrões+, 169;
at S. Bráz, 15;
of S. Raphael, 21;
at Calecut, 74, 75;
of S. Maria, 80;
S. Jorge, 92
+Padua+, baixos de, (13° N., 72° 20´ E., Map IV), 198
+Paesi novamente retrovati+, 120, 123, 124, 128, 137, 141
+Pagodas+, at Calecut, 53
+Paiva, Afonso de+, 167
+Paiva, Antonio da Costa+, editor of the _Roteiro_, xxii, xxxii
+Paiva, Baron Castello de+, editor of the _Roteiro_, xxxiii
+Palha, João+, 177
+Panane+ (10° 50´ N., 75° 55´ E., Map IV), 50
+“Pandarani”+ (11° 28´ N., 75° 40´ E., Map IV), 48;
at anchor there, 50;
detention, 63
+Parrots+, 100
+Pate+, town (2° 10´ S., 41° 2´ E.), 88
+Pater, Pedir+ (5° N., 96° 30´ E., Map I), 102
+Pearls+, 23, 138, 213, 214
+Pegu+ (17° 20´ N., 96° 30´ E. Map I), 100
+Pelele+, lip-disk, 20
+Pelican+, a device of King João II, 100
+Pemba+ Island (5° S., 39° 4´ E., Map III), 34
+Penguins+, 92
+Pepper+, 77, 103, 113, 213
+Peragallo+, quoted, 227
+Pereira, Duarte Pacheco+, _see_ +Pacheco+.
+Perestrello, M. de Mesquito+, quoted, 14, 15, 19
+Periplus+ of the Erythrean, 26
+Peurbach, G.+ (born 1423, died 1461), 68
+Peutinger, Conrad+, abstract of Sernigi’s letter, 121, 122, 141
+Pilots+, at Moçambique, 25; Mombaça, 37; Malindi, 45
+Pimentel’s+ _Roteiro_, quoted, 14
+Pinzon, Vicento Yanez+, 205, 206
+Pinto, Mendes+, quoted, 99
+Pirez, Gonçalo+, 177
+Pliny+, quoted, 140
+Polo, Marco+, quoted, xvii, 98, 211
+Porcelain+, 200, 213
+Precious stones+, 130, 140, 213, 214
+Prester John+, 24, 134
+Ptolemaic traditions+, 206, 207, 211, 167
+Ptolemy’s+ Taprobana, 209
+Quafees+, priests, 54
+Quicksilver+, 97
+Qualicut+, _see_ +Calecut+.
+Quiloa, Kilwa+ (9° S., 39° 30´ E., Map III), 32, 46, 233
+Quilon, Coulão+, (8° 52´ N., 76° 30´ E., Map IV), 98
+Quintal+, a weight, equal to 110 Portuguese pounds of 16 oz. each, 103
+Quintella, Admiral Ignacio da Costa+, 208
+Quioni, Kioni+ (3° 38´ S., 39° 50´ E., Map III), 40
+Quorongoliz, Corongolos+ (10° 10´ N., 76° 10´ E., Map IV), 97
+Rae, G. Milne+, quoted, 138
+Ramusio+, quoted, 120, 124, 126, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135,
136, 137, 138, 139, 141
+“Raphael”+, _see_ +“São Raphael”+.
+Real+ (plur. _réis_), a Portuguese silver coin. The Cologne marc
(229.5 grammes) of a fineness of 11/12ths, was coined into 2,280 réis
in 1485, into 2,340 in 1499, 2,500 in 1517, and 2,600 in 1555. _See_
+Cruzado+.
+Red Sea+, 47, 125, 130
+Regiomontanus+ (astronomer, born 1436, died 1575), 168
+Réis+, _see_ +Real+ and +Cruzado+.
+Reis, Rio dos+, Delagoa Bay (26° S., 33° E., Map III), 18, 217
+Resende, Garcia de+, xiv
+Restello+, suburb of Lisbon, 1
+Rezende, Pero Barretto de+, quoted, 94, 143, 149, 150, 157, 161
+Rhubarb+, 102, 104, 213
+Ribeiro’s+ map, 18
+Ribeyro, Leonardo+, 178
+Richthofen, Prof. F. von+ (geographer, born 1833), 132
+Rio de Infante+, _see_ +Infante+.
+Rio dos Bons Signaes+, _see_ +Bons Signaes+.
+Rio do Cobre+, _see_ +Cobre+.
+Rio Grande+, Guinea (11° 20´ N., 15° 30´ W., Map I), 93
+Rivara, Cunha+, quoted, 148, 175
+Rodriguez+ (or Rodrigo), the physician, 167
+Rodriguez, Damião+, 179
+Romish images+, 45, 53, 54
+Rosetta+, Egypt, 7, 8
+Rossamalha+, 144
+Roteiro+, the MS., xxii;
the author, xxv;
his style, xxviii;
Portuguese editions, xxxii;
French translations, xxxiv;
English translation, xxxv
+Rubies+, 98, 102, 113
+Sá, João de+, xxx, xxxi; 51, 54, 90, 94, 122, 176
+Sal, Ilha do+, Cape Verde (16° 40´ N., 23° W., Map I), 2
+Samori+ or +Samurin+, _see_ +Zamorin+.
+Sandalwood+, 213
+San Roman+, quoted, 173
+Santa Cruz, terra de+, or +Ilha de Cruz+, Brazil, 14, 15, 205
+Santa Helena+, Bay of, 5, 192; (32° 40´ S., 18° E., Map II), 5, 192
+Santa Maria+, Bay of, São Thiago, 3
+Santa Maria+, Ilhas de, India (13° 20´ N., 75° 20´ E., Map IV), 80,
200
+Santarem, Vizconde de+, quoted, 145, 146
+Santiago+, _see_ +São Thiago+.
+Santos, Antonio Ribeiro dos+, quoted, 168
+Santos, João dos+, quoted, 19
+São Braz+, bay, Mossel Bay (34° 10´ S., 22° 10´ E., Map II), 9, 92,
192
+“São Gabriel,”+ flagship, 1, 94, 112, 155, 163;
burnt, 146;
picture of, 155;
description of, 159
+São Jorge+, island (15° 2´ S., 40° 45´ E., Map III), 25, 28, 31, 92,
197
+“São Raphael,”+ Paulo da Gama’s ship, springs a mast, 16;
repaired, 20;
aground, 33;
at Anjediva, 88;
injured, 88;
burnt, 91
+São Raphael+, shoals (5° 20´ S., 39° 8´ E., Map III) and mountains of,
33, 91, 97, 201;
padrão of, 196
+São Thiago de Cacem+ (38° N., 8° 40´ W.), headquarters of the Order
of S. Thiago, 10 miles N. E. of Sines, 232, 234
+São Thiago+ (Samtiago), Cape Verde isles (15° N., 23° 30´ E., Map
I), 3
+São Thiago+, river of, St. Helena Bay (33° 45´ S., 18° 10´ E., Map
III), 5
+Sapphires+, 98, 102
+Schott, Dr. G.+, 187
+Schück, Capt. A.+, 187
+Scientific+ outfit of Vasco da Gama, 166
+Scurvy+, 20, 187, 200
+Seals+, 4, 6, 8, 13, 92
+Seal Island+ (Mossel Bay), 13
+Seed-pearls+, 23, 213
+Sernigi, Girolamo+, his letters, 119-142;
quoted, 158, 160, 173
+Setubal, João+, 178
+Sewn boats+, 26
+Sharifs+, 29
+Sheath+, over virile member, 6
+Siam+ (15° N., 110° E., Map I), 99
+Sickness+ at Mombaça, 35 (_see_ +Scurvy+).
+Silk+, 98, 99, 100, 213, 214
+Silva, A. A. Baldaque da+, quoted, xxxvi, 162
+Sinai+, mount, 78, 130
+Sines+ (37° 57´ N., 8° 50´ W.), xiii, 225, 227, 228, 233
+Singapore+, _see_ +Çinguapara+.
+Síwa-blower+, 43
+Sneyd, Mr. Ralph+, 119
+Sofala+, Çoffala, gold mines (20° S., 34° 30´ E., Map III), 212, 233
A.
+Sotilicayos+ (Cape Penguins), 13
+Sousa, João de+, quoted, 44, 79
+Sousa, Francisco de+, 177
+Speechley, Bishop J. W.+, xxxvi, 97, 105
+Spice Islands+, 135
+Spice trade+, 113, 127, 137, 214
+Spruner’s+ _Historical Atlas_, 190
+Stanley of Alderley, Lord+, quoted, xiv, xxxiv, 3, 8, 9, 19, 21, 40,
44, 48, 56, 58, 104, 173, 177, 178, 179, 194
+Storax+, 213
+Strassburg+, Ptolemy, maps of, 211
+Sumatra+ (Çamatarra, 0°, 110° E., Map I), 98, 101, 213, 220
+Takaunga+, Tocanuguo, Toça (3° 40´ S., 39° 50´ E., Map III), 40
+Tamugata+, Tangata, Mtangata (5° 15´ S., 39° 5´ E., Map III), 33, 93
+Taprobana+ (Ceylon), 115;
(identified with Ceylon), 139, 213
+Tausens+, imaginary islands, 205
+Tavira+ (37° 8´ N., 7° 40´ W.), a town in Algarve, 234
+Tebas+ or +Thebas+, imaginary islands, 205, 210
+Tenacar+, Tenasserim (12° 10´ N., 92° E., Map I), 99
+Terceira+, Azores (38° 40´ N., 27° W., Map I), 94
+Terra+, _see_ +Fumos+.
+Terra alta+, Sahara (24° 30´ N., 15° 30´ E., Map I), 2
+Terra da boa gente+ (24° 50´ S., 34° 25´ E., Map III), 17, 196
+Thebas+, imaginary islands, 205, 210
+Thiago+, _see_ +São Thiago+.
+Thomar+ (32° 38´ N., 8° 23´ W.), since 1356 principal seat of the
Order of Christ, 233
+Timoja+, the “pirate”, 82
+Tîmor+ (10° S., 125° E.), 101
+Tin+, 18, 100, 213
+Toar, Sancho de+, discovers Delagoa Bay, 18;
shipwrecked at Mombaça, 38
+Toleta de Martoloia+, 168
+Tomaschek, Dr.+, quoted, 26, 208
+Tonnage+ of vessels, 161
+Toscanelli’s+ letter, xvi
+Touca+, a cap, 20, 23
+Trinidad+ Island (20° 20´ S., 29° 20´ E., Map I), 187, 190, 191 (its
discovery)
+Trinity+, Order of, 177
+Tristão da Cunha+, Islands (37° 24´ S., 12° 20´ W., Map I), 189,
190, note 2
+Turtle Doves+, 6
+Tuuz+, Tor (28° 15´ N., 23° 30´ E., Map I), 78
+Valle, Pietro della+, quoted, 55
+Vallego, A. Cánovas+, 206
+Variation+ of the compass, 168
+Varthema+, quoted, 99, 102, 139
+Varnhagen+, 158
+Vasconcellos, E. J. Carvalho e+, xxxvi
+Velho, Alvaro+, xxx, xxxi, 178
+Veloso, Fernão+, at St. Helena Bay, 7;
muster-roll, 178
+Venice+, 78
+Vespucci, Amerigo+, 120, 179, 206, 211
+Vilhegas, Diogo Ortiz de+, 166, 167
+Vidigueira+ (38° 12´ N., 7° 48´ W.), 236, 237
+Villa de Frades+, village, one mile from Vidigueira, 235, 236
+Villafranca de Xira+, town on the Tejo, twenty miles above Lisbon
(38° 58´ N., 9° W.), 227, 234
+Villanova de Milfontes+, coast town, fifteen miles south of Sines
(37° 43´ N., 8° 45´ W.), 231, 234
+Villa Viçosa+ (38° 47´ N., 70° 24´ W.), 236
+Vizinho, José+, 167
+Vocabulary+ of Malayalam, 105
+Whales+, 4, 6
+Wieser, F. R. von+, xix
+Wine+ at Calecut, 131, 135
+Wolf, Rudolf+, quoted, 168
+Xarnauz+, Sornau, Siam, 99
+Xerafin+, a coin at Calecut, equal to 12 fanãos in gold, or 7_s._
5_d._
+Yule, Colonel+, quoted, 47, 98, 99, 130, 131
+Zacut+, the astronomer, 167, 168
+Zambuk+, _see_ +Barca+.
+Zamorin+, title of ruler of Calecut, 61;
his letter to Vasco da Gama, 75 (_see_ also +Gama+ and +Dias+).
+Zanzibar+, (6° 10´ S., 30° 10´ E., Map III), 92, 207, 218
+Zavra+, a dhau, 34
[Illustration: II.
THE CAPE
TO
NATAL
_E. G. R._
_George Philip & Son_]
[Illustration: III.
NATAL TO MAGADOXO
_E. G. R._
_Geo. Philip & Son_]
[Illustration: IV.
WEST COAST OF I N D I A
_E. G. R._
_Geo. Philip & Son_]
[Illustration: V.
ANONYMOUS [1502] Published by Dr. E. T. Hamy
HAKLUYT, S, I, v. XCIX]
[Illustration: VI.
CANTINO’S CHART. 1502
HAKLUYT, S, I, v. XCIX]
[Illustration: VII.
NICOLAS DE CANERIO 1502.
SOUTH AFRICA
HAKLUYT, S, I, v. XCIX]
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499" ***
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