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Title: Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians. (1898 N 17 / 1895-1896 (pages 129-444))
Author: Mooney, James
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians. (1898 N 17 / 1895-1896 (pages 129-444))" ***
Internet Archive (American Libraries), Wayne Hammond and
generously made available by the Bibliothèque nationale
de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr)
CALENDAR HISTORY OF THE KIOWA INDIANS
BY
JAMES MOONEY
Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895--96, Government Printing
Office, Washington, 1898, pages 129--444
CONTENTS
Page
Introduction 141
Age of aboriginal American records 141
Aboriginal American calendars 141
The Walam Olum of the Delawares 142
The Dakota calendars 142
Other tribal records 142
The Kiowa calendars 143
Annual calendars of Dohásän, Poläñ´yi-katón, Set-t'an,
and Anko 143
The Anko monthly calendar 145
Comparative importance of events recorded 145
Method of fixing dates 146
Scope of the memoir 147
Acknowledgments 147
Sketch of the Kiowa tribe 148
Tribal synonymy 148
Tribal sign 150
Linguistic affinity 150
Tribal names 152
Genesis and migration 152
Early alliance with the Crows 155
The associated Kiowa Apache 156
The historical period 156
Possession of the Black Hills 156
The extinct K'úato 157
Intercourse with the Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa 158
Recollections of other northern tribes 160
Acquirement of horses 160
Intercourse and war with the Comanche 161
Peace with the Comanche 162
Confederation of the two tribes 164
Neutral attitude of New Mexicans 165
Relations with other southern tribes 165
First official American notices, 1805--1807 165
Explanation of "Aliatan" and "Tetau" 167
Unsuccessful overtures of the Dakota 167
Smallpox epidemic of 1816 168
The Kiowa in 1820 168
The Osage massacre and the dragoon expedition, 1833-34 168
The treaty of 1837 169
Catlin's observations in 1834 171
Traders among the Kiowa 171
First visit to Fort Gibson 172
Smallpox epidemic of 1839-40--Peace with Cheyenne and Arapaho 172
Texan Santa Fé expedition 172
Cholera epidemic of 1849 173
Fort Atkinson treaty in 1853 173
Depredations in Mexico--Mexican captives 173
Defeat of allied tribes by Sauk and Fox, 1854 174
Hostile drift of the Kiowa 175
Defiant speech of Dohásän 175
Smallpox epidemic of 1861-62 176
Indian war on the plains, 1864 176
Vaccination among the plains tribes--Set-t'aiñte 177
The little Arkansas treaty in 1865 178
Death of Dohásän 180
Kiowa raids continued 181
The treaty of Medicine Lodge, 1867, and its results 181
Renewed hostilities 186
Battle of the Washita--Removal to the reservation 187
Further insolence of the Kiowa--Raids into Texas 188
Intertribal peace council, 1872 190
Joint delegation to Washington, 1872 190
Thomas C. Battey, first teacher among the Kiowa, 1872 193
Report of Captain Alvord 193
Release of Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, 1873 195
Haworth's administration, 1873-78 197
First school established by Battey 198
The outbreak of 1874-75 199
Causes of the dissension 199
The Comanche medicine-man 201
Apache and Arapaho friendliness 202
Further defiance 202
Battle of Adobe Walls 203
Friendlies collected at Fort Sill 203
Fight at Anadarko, the Wichita agency 204
Set-t'aiñte 206
Progress of the campaign 210
Surrender of the Cheyenne 212
Prisoners sent to Florida 213
The Germaine family 213
Surrender of the Comanche 214
Proposition to deport hostile tribes 214
Kicking-bird 216
Changed conditions 218
Epidemics of measles and fever in 1877--First houses built 218
Agency removed to Anadarko--The last of the buffalo 218
Threatened outbreak instigated by Dátekâñ 219
Epidemic of 1882--Beginning of church work 219
Leasing of grass lands 219
Pá-iñgya, the medicine man and prophet 220
Indian court established 220
Intertribal council of 1888 221
Death of Sun-boy--The last sun dance 221
Ghost dance inaugurated--Äpiatañ's journey in 1890 221
Enlistment of Indians as soldiers 223
Measles epidemic of 1892--Grass lands leased 223
Commission for allotment of lands--Protest against decision 224
Present condition--Agents in charge of confederate tribes 225
Summary of principal events 226
Sociology of the Kiowa 227
Absence of the clan system 227
Local divisions 227
Subtribes 227
The camp circle 228
Military organization--Yä`´pähe warriors 229
Heraldic system 230
Name system 231
Marriage 231
Tribal government 233
Character 233
Population 235
Religion of the Kiowa 237
Scope of their belief 237
The sun 237
Objects of religious veneration 238
Tribal medicines of other Indians 242
The sun dance 242
The Nadíisha-dena or Kiowa Apache 245
Tribal synonymy 245
Tribal sign 246
Origin and history 246
First official American notice 251
Treaties 251
Delegation to Washington, 1872--Friendly disposition 251
Progress toward civilization--Death of Pacer, 1875 252
Recent history and present condition 252
Population 253
The annual calendars, 1833--1892 254
1832-33. Money captured from American traders 254
1833. Massacre by the Osage and capture of the
_taíme_--Pedestrian war parties--Beheading 257
1833-34. Meteoric display 260
1834. Dragoon expedition--First official intercourse--Trade
established 261
1834-35. Bull-tail killed by Mexicans 269
1835. Cat-tail rush sun dance--Capture of Bóiñ-edal and
Cynthia Parker 270
1835-36. Big-face or Wolf-hair killed in Mexico 270
1836. Wolf creek sun dance--Kiñep visit Crows--Battle with
Cheyenne 271
1836-37. K`iñähíate killed in Mexico 271
1837. Cheyenne massacred on upper Red river 271
1837-38. Head-dragging winter 272
1838. Kiowa and allies defeat Cheyenne and Arapaho 273
1838-39. Battle with the Arapaho 273
1839. Peninsula sun dance 274
1839-40. Smallpox ravages the plains tribes 274
1840. Red-bluff sun dance--Peace with Cheyenne and Arapaho 275
1840-41. Hide-quiver war expedition--Expeditions against
Mexico 276
1841. Pawnee massacred on the South Canadian 276
1841-42. Encounter with Texan Santa Fé
expedition--´dalhabä´k`ia killed 277
1842. Repeated sun dance 279
1842-43. Crow-neck died 280
1843. Nest-building sun dance--Encounter with Texans 280
1843-44. Woman stabbed--Raid into Mexico--Trading post on
South Canadian 280
1844. Dakota sun dance--Dakota visit Kiowa 281
1844-45. Great expedition against Mexico--Ä´tahá-ik`i killed 282
1845. Stone necklace sun dance 283
1845-46. Bent establishes trading post on South
Canadian.--Allison's post on the Arkansas 283
1846. Págunhéñte initiated--The Ka´itséñk`ia 283
1846-47. Mustache-shooting winter--Fight with the Pawnee 285
1847. Fight with the Santa Fé traders; Red-sleeve killed 286
1847-48. Camp on upper South Canadian 287
1848. Kâ´itséñko initiated 287
1848-49. Antelope drive on the Arkansas; the ceremonies 287
1849. Cholera on the plains--Treaty negotiations postponed 289
1849-50. Fight with the Pawnee--The scalp dance 290
1850. Chinaberry sun dance on Beaver creek 292
1850-51. Tañgíapa killed in Mexico 292
1851. Dusty sun dance--Treachery of the Pawnee 293
1851-52. Woman elopes and is frozen--"Stealing" a woman 294
1852. Allied tribes defeated by Pawnee--Iron-shirt killed 294
1852-53. Race horse stolen by Pawnee boy 295
1853. Showery sun dance--_Taíme_ sacrilege 295
1853-54. Raid into Mexico, Päñgyägíate killed 296
1854. Medicine-lodge creek sun dance--Confederated tribes
defeated by Sauk and Fox 297
1854-55. Gyaí`koaóñte killed by the Älähó 299
1855. Sitting summer; horses worn out 300
1855-56. Big-head kills an Älähó--Raid into Mexico 300
1856. Prickly-pear sun dance 301
1856-57. Tipis seized by the Cheyenne 301
1857. Forked-stick-sprouting sun dance--Expeditions against
El Paso and the Sauk--Story of the _ä´poto_ 301
1857-58. Horses stolen by the Pawnee 305
1858. Timber-circle sun dance 305
1858-59. Gúi-k`áte killed by Mexicans--Expedition against
the Ute 306
1859. Cedar-bluff sun dance 306
1859-60. Gíaká-ite abandoned to die 307
1860. Attacked by troops with Indian allies--Increasing
hostility 308
1860-61. Crazy bluff winter--Revenge upon Caddo--Raid
into Texas--The _zótă´_ or driveway 309
1861. Horse sacrificed at sun dance--Sacrilege against
_taíme_--The lost war party 310
1861-62. Smallpox--Effect of gold discovery in Colorado 311
1862. Sun dance after the smallpox 311
1862-63. Expedition against Texas--The echo in the tree
tops--The Guadagya or travel song 312
1863. Sun dance on No-arm's river 313
1863-64. Death of Big-head and Kills-with-a-gun--Anko
calendar begins 313
1864. Ragweed sun dance--Kiowa stampede horses from Fort
Larned; general war upon the plains 313
1864-65. Muddy travel winter--Kiowa repel Kit Carson 314
1865. Peninsula sun dance 317
1865-66. Death of Dohásän and Tä´nkóñkya--Smith's trading
party 318
1866. German-silver sun dance--Whitacre the trader--Trade in
silver with Mexicans 318
1866-67. Attack on Texas emigrants; Ä´pämâdalte
killed--Andres Martinez captured 319
1867. Horses stolen by the Navaho--Kâitséñko initiated 319
1867-68. Medicine Lodge treaty--Expedition against the Navaho 320
1868. Sun dance on Medicine-lodge creek--Disastrous expedition
against the Ute--The _taíme_ captured 322
1868-69. Tängúădal killed; his medicine lance--Burial
expedition 325
1869. War-bonnet sun dance--Expedition against the Ute 326
1869-70. Bugle stampede--The Cheyenne on the warpath 326
1870. Plant-growing sun dance 327
1870-71. Set-äñ´gya brings home his son's bones--Drunken
fight--Negroes killed in Texas--Death of Ansó`te 328
1871. Koñpä´te killed--Arrest of Set-t'aiñte and other
chiefs--Tragic death of Setäñgya--The Kâitséñko death
song--Set-äñgya and Set-t'aiñte 328
1871-72 (1872-73). Peace with the Pawnee; removal to Indian
Territory 333
1872. Bíako shot by whites in Kansas 335
1872-73. Visit of the Pueblos--Dohásän's tipi
burned--Kiowa heraldic system 336
1873. Sun dance on Sweetwater creek--Gui-badái's wife stolen 336
1873-74. Set-t'aiñte released--Lone-wolf's son killed 337
1874. Sun dance on North fork--Set-t´aiñte gives his medicine
lance to Ä´`to-t'aiñ 338
1874-75. Fight at Anadarko--Gi-edal killed--Prisoners sent
to Florida 339
1875. Sun dance at Love-making spring--Escorted by troops 339
1875-76. Sheep and goats issued to Indians--Stock losses by
outbreak 339
1876. Sun dance on North fork--Sun-boy's horses
stolen--Dóhéñ´te dies 340
1876-77. A`gábaí killed by her husband--Enlistment of scouts 340
1877. Sun dance on Salt fork of Red river--Ravages of measles 341
1877-78. Buffalo hunt--Fever epidemic--Houses built for chiefs 342
1878. Repeated sun dance--Buffalo hunt under soldier escort 343
1878-79. Hunting party attacked by Texans; Ä´`to-t'aiñ killed 343
1879. Horse-eating sun dance--Last of the buffalo--Boy shot 344
1879-80. "Eye-triumph winter"--Expedition against the
Navaho--The talking owl 345
1880. No sun dance--Päbóte dies--Dead names tabooed 346
1880-81. Zoñtam's (?) house built--Last visit by the Pueblos 346
1881. Hot or hemorrhage sun dance--Instances of malformation 347
1881-82. The _dó-á_ contest--The _dó-á_ game--Dátekâñ's
medicine tipi 347
1882. No sun dance because no buffalo--Stumbling-bear's
daughter dies--Dátekâñ, the prophet 349
1882-83. Bót-édalte dies--Talk of grass leases 350
1883. Nez Percés visit Kiowa--The Nez Percé war--Taimete
succeeds to the _taíme_ 351
1883-84. House built by Gákiñăte--Children taken to
Chilocco--Visited by Sioux 352
1884. No sun dance--Kiowa haul freight 352
1884-85. House building--Woman stolen 353
1885. Little Peninsula sun dance--First grass money 353
1885-86. T'ébodal's camp burned 354
1886. No sun dance--Anko a policeman--Grass payment 354
1886-87. Suicide of Peyi 354
1887. Buffalo bought for sun dance--Grass
payment--Name changes 355
1887-88. Cattle received for grass leases 355
1888. Permission for sun dance refused--Excitement caused
by the prophet Pá-iñgya 356
1888-89. Sun-boy dies--Anko splits rails 357
1889. No sun dance--Grass payment 358
1889-90. Grass payment--The _Íâm_ dance 358
1890. Last attempt at sun dance; stopped by troops 358
1890-91. Ghost dance inaugurated; Ä´piatañ's
mission--Schoolboys frozen 359
1891. P´ódaläñte killed--The Cheyenne visit the Kiowa 361
1891-92. P´ódaläñte killed--Enlistment of Indian soldiers 362
1892. Terrible ravages of measles--Large grass
payment--Delegation to Washington--Appropriation for
house building 362
Kiowa chronology 365
Terms employed 365
The seasons 366
Kiowa moons or months 367
Moons or months of other tribes 369
The Anko monthly calendar: August, 1889--July, 1892 373
T´águñótal P´a Sän (August, 1889); no event 373
T´águñótal P´a; no event 373
Gákiñăt´o P´a; woman whipped 373
Ä`gâ´nti; no event 373
Tépgañ P´a; wagon stalled 373
Gañhíña P´a (January? 1890); annuity issue 374
Ka`gúăt P´a Sän; mares foal 374
Ka`guăt P´a; split rails 374
Aideñ P´a; horses lost 374
Pai Ä`gâ´nti; visit Cheyenne 374
Pai Tépgañ P´a; visit Cheyenne again--first ghost dance 374
Pai Gañhíña P´a (July, 1890); sun dance stopped--grass
payments 375
T´águñótal P´a Sän; no event 375
T´águñótal P´a; Äpiatañ goes to the messiah 375
Gákiñăt´o P´a; Sitting-bull comes 375
Ä`gâ´nti; no event 375
Tépgañ P´a; boys frozen 376
Gañhíña P´a (January? 1891); annuity issue 376
Ka`gúăt P´a Sän (February, 1891); Ä´piatañ returns 376
Ka`gúăt P´a; wire issue 376
Aídeñ P´a; no event 376
Pai Ägâ´nti (June, 1891); Caddo and Wichita agreement 376
Pai Tépgañ P´a (July, 1891); Fourth of July races 376
Pai Gañhíña P´a; Setk`opte's wife stolen 377
T´águñótal P´a Sän; the Pueblo dance 377
T´águñótal P´a; P´odalä´ñte killed 377
Gákiñat´o P´a; made medicine--cut wood 377
A`gâ´nti (November, 1892); lunar eclipse 377
Tépgañ P´a; no event 378
Gañhíña P´a (January? 1892); annuity issue 378
Ka`gúăt P´a Sän; wire issue 378
Ka`gúăt P´a: move camp--late frost 378
Aídeñ P´a (April, 1892); emigrant to Cheyenne country 378
Pai Ä`gâ´nti: Íatäkía dies--grass payment 378
Pai Tépgañ P´a; measles epidemic--grass payment 379
Pai Gañhíña P´a (July, 1892); Fourth of July races 379
T´águñótal P´a Sän (August, 1892); visit of Cheyenne and
Arapaho 379
Military and trading posts, missions, etc 381
The Kiowa language 389
Characteristics 389
Kiowa-English glossary 391
English-Kiowa glossary 430
Authorities cited 440
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
PLATE LVII. Range of the Kiowa and neighboring tribes (map) 141
LVIII. Gui-pägo or Lone-wolf, principal chief, 1866--1874 189
LIX. Tseñ-t'aiñte or White-horse 190
LX. Gui-k`áte or Sleeping-wolf (Wolf-lying-down) and wife 192
LXI. Quanah Parker, principal chief of the Comanche 202
LXII. Inside of Set-t'aiñte's shield 208
LXIII. Outside of Set-t'aiñte's shield 210
LXIV. Set-ĭmkía or Stumbling-bear (Pushing-bear) 219
LXV. Paí-tälyí or Sun-boy 221
LXVI. Andres Martinez ("Än´dali") 236
LXVII. The Porcupine in the tree, and flight of the Sun-woman 238
LXVIII. Peyote plant and button 241
LXIX. The _taíme_ 242
LXX. Arapaho sun-dance lodge, 1893 244
LXXI. Pacer (Peso), former head-chief of the Kiowa Apache 245
LXXII. Daha, a Kiowa Apache subchief 246
LXXIII. Kiowa migration route 249
LXXIV. Goñk`oñ or Apache John, a Kiowa Apache subchief 251
LXXV. The Sét-t'an annual calendar 254
LXXVI. Bóhon-kóñkya, "Quayhamkay," Gunpäñdâmä, and "Kotsatoah"
(after Catlin) 268
LXXVII. Sand mosaic of the Hopi Antelope priests 296
LXXVHI. Lawrie Tatum, with group of rescued captives 331
LXXIX. The Do-gíägyä-guat or tipi of battle pictures 337
LXXX. The Anko calendar 373
LXXXI. Anko 374
FIGURE 43. Zépko-eétte or Big-bow 151
44. Dohásän or Little-bluff, principal chief, 1833--1866 175
45. Set-t'aiñte (Satanta) or White-bear 178
46. Set-ängya (Satank) or Sitting-bear 189
47. Tseñ-t'aiñte or White-horse 191
48. Ä´do-eétte or Big-tree 192
49. "Ka-ati-wertz-ama-na--A brave man, not afraid of any Indian" 195
50. T'ené-angópte or Kicking-bird 196
51. Gui-pägo or Lone-wolf, present head-chief of the Kiowa 200
52. Ä´piatañ or Wooden-lance 222
53. H. L. Scott, Captain, Seventh, cavalry, U. S. A. 224
54. A group of Kiowa 225
55. The Kiowa camp circle 229
56. Mäñyí-tén or Woman-heart, a typical Kiowa 232
57. Gaápiatáñ (_alias_ Haitsĭki) or Feathered-lance, a typical
Kiowa 234
58. Gray-eagle, a Kiowa Apache subchief 247
59. Tsáyădítl-ti or White-man, present head-chief of the Kiowa
Apache 249
60. Dävéko, "The-same-one," a Kiowa Apache subchief and
medicine-man 250
61. Sét-t'án or Little-bear 254
62. Winter 1832-33--Money captured 255
63. Summer 1833--They cut off their heads 258
64. Winter 1833-34--The stars fell 261
65. The star shower of 1833 (from the Dakota calendars) 261
66. Summer 1834--Return of Gunpä´ñdamä´ 261
67. Meeting of the dragoons and the Comanche (after Catlin) 264
68. Kĭ´tskûkătû´k, the Wichita village on North fork in 1834 267
69. Winter 1834-35--Bull-tail killed 269
70. Summer 1835--Cat-tail rush sun dance 269
71. Winter 1835-36--Big-face killed 270
72. Summer 1836--Wolf-river sun dance 271
73. Winter 1836-37--Ki´ñähíate killed 271
74. Summer 1837--Cheyenne massacred 271
75. Battle pictures (from the Dakota calendars) 272
76. Winter 1837-38--Head dragged 273
77. Summer 1838--Attacked by Cheyenne 273
78. Winter 1838-39--Battle with Arapaho 274
79. Summer 1839--Peninsula sun dance 274
80. Winter 1839-40--Smallpox 274
81. Smallpox (from the Dakota calendars) 275
82. Summer 1840--Red-bluff sun dance 275
83. Winter 1840-41--Hide-quiver war expedition 276
84. Summer 1841--Pawnee fight 276
85. Winter 1841-42--´dalhabä´k`ía killed 277
86. Summer 1842--Repeated sun dance 279
87. Winter 1842-43--Crow-neck died 280
88. Summer 1843--Nest-building sun dance 280
89. Winter 1843-44--Woman stabbed 281
90. Summer 1844--Dakota sun dance 281
91. Winter 1844-45--Ä´tahá-ik`í killed 282
92. Giving the war pipe (from the Dakota calendars) 282
93. Summer 1845--Stone-necklace sun dance 283
94. Winter 1845-46--Wrinkled-neck's trading post 283
95. Summer 1846--Hornless-bull initiated 284
96. Dog-soldier initiated (?) (from the Dakota calendars) 285
97. Winter 1846-47--Mustache shooting 286
98. Summer 1847--Red-sleeve killed 286
99. Winter 1847-48--Winter camp 287
100. Summer 1848--Initiation sun dance 287
101. Winter 1848-49--Antelope drive 287
102. Antelope drives (from the Dakota calendars) 288
103. Summer 1849--Cholera sun dance 289
104. Cholera (from the Dakota calendars) 290
105. Winter 1849-50--Dance over slain Pawnee 292
106. Summer 1850--Chinaberry sun dance 292
107. Winter 1850-51--Buck-deer killed 293
108. Summer 1851--Dusty sun dance; flag stolen 293
109. Winter 1851-52--Woman frozen 294
110. Summer 1852--Iron-shirt killed 294
111. Winter 1852-53--Gúădaltséyu stolen 295
112. Summer 1853--Showery sun dance 295
113. Rain symbols (Chinese, Hopi, and Ojibwa) 296
114. Winter 1853-54--Pä´ñgyägíate killed 296
115. Summer 1854--Black-horse killed 297
116. Winter 1854-55--Gyai`koaóñte killed 299
117. Summer 1855--Sitting summer 300
118. Winter 1855-56--Big-head kills an Ä´lähó 300
119. Summer 1856---Prickly-pear sun dance 301
120. Winter 1856-57--Tipis left 301
121. Summer 1857--Forked-stick-sprouting sun dance 302
122. Winter 1857-58--Horses stolen 305
123. Summer 1858--Timber-circle sun dance 306
124. Winter 1858-59--Gúi-k`ate killed 306
125. Summer 1859--Cedar-bluff sun dance 306
126. Winter-1859-60--Gíaká-ite died 307
127. Summer 1860--Bird-appearing killed 308
128. Winter 1860-61--Crazy-bluff winter 309
129. Summer 1861--Pinto left tied 310
130. Winter 1861-62--Smallpox 311
131. Summer 1862--Sun dance after smallpox 311
132. Winter 1862-63--Tree-top winter 312
133. Summer 1863--No-arm's-river sun dance 313
134. Winter 1863-64--Big-head dies; Hâ´ñzephó`da dies 313
135. Summer 1864--Ragweed sun dance; soldier fight 314
136. Winter 1864-65--Ute fight 315
137. Summer 1865--Peninsula sun dance 317
138. Winter 1865-66--Tän-kóñkya died; Dohásän died 318
139. Summer 1866--German-silver sun dance 319
140. Winter 1866-67--Äpämâ´dalte killed 319
141. Summer 1867--Black-ear stolen; the Kâ´itséñko 320
142. Winter 1867-68--Medicine Lodge treaty; Navaho killed 320
143. Summer 1868--Ute fight 322
144. Winter 1868-69--Tängúadal killed 325
145. Summer 1869--War-bonnet sun dance 326
146. Winter 1869-70--Bugle scare 326
147. Summer 1870--Plant-growing sun dance; dusty sun dance 327
148. Winter 1870-71--Set-ängya's bones brought home; drunken
fight; negroes killed 327
149. Summer 1871--Set-t'aiñte arrested; Kóñpäte killed 328
150. Set-taíñte in prison 330
151. Winter 1871-72(1872-73)--Pawnee visit; camp on Long-tree
creek 333
152. Summer 1872--Viejo shot 335
153. Winter 1872-73--Pueblo visit; battle tipi burned 336
154. Summer 1873--Pa-kóñkya's horses killed 337
155. Winter 1873-74--Set-t'aiñte returns; Lone-wolf's son killed 337
156. Summer 1874--The medicine lance; Bluff-end sun dance 338
157. Winter 1874-75--Gi-edal killed; Kiowa imprisoned 339
158. Summer 1875--Love-making spring sun dance 339
159. Winter 1875-76--Sheep and goats issued 339
160. Summer 1876--Horse-stealing sun dance 340
161. Winter 1876-77--A'gábaí killed; scouts enlisted 341
162. Summer 1877--Measles sun dance 341
163. Winter 1877-78--Camp at Signal mountain; hunt on Pecan creek 342
164. Summer 1878--Repeated sun dance 343
165. Winter 1878-79--Ä'to-t´áiñ killed 343
166. Summer 1879--Horse-eating sun dance; boy shot 344
167. Winter 1879-80--Eye-triumph winter 345
168. Summer 1880--No dance; Päbóte died 346
169. Winter 1880-81--House built; Pueblo visit 347
170. Summer 1881--Hemorrhage or hot sun dance 347
171. Winter 1831-82--Dó-á game; medicine tipi 348
172. Summer 1882--Buffalo medicine; Pä´tso`gáte died 349
173. Winter, 1882-83--Bot-édalte dies; grass leases; camp on
Pecan creek 350
174. Summer 1883--Nez Percé sun dance 351
175. Winter 1883-84--House built; children taken; Sioux dances 352
176. Summer 1884--No sun dance; hauled freight 352
177. Winter 1884-85--Winter camp; Tónak`a's elopement 353
178. Summer 1885--Little Peninsula sun dance; grass payment 353
179. Winter 1885-86--Camp burned 354
180. Summer 1886--No sun dance; policemen; grass payment 354
181. Winter 1886-87--Peyi commits suicide 354
182. Summer 1887--No sun dance (?); grass payment 355
183. Winter 1887-88--Cattle payment 355
184. Summer 1888--Sun dance (?); Pá-iñgya's prophecy 356
185. Winter 1888-89--Winter camp; Sun-boy died; split rails 358
186. Summer 1889--No sun dance; grass payment 358
187. Winter 1889-90--Winter camp; grass payment; _Íâm_ dance 358
188. Summer 1890--Unfinished sun dance 359
189. Winter 1890-91--Sitting-bull comes; Ä´piatañ; boys frozen 359
190. Summer 1891--P'ódalä´ñte killed; visit Cheyenne 361
191. Winter 1891-92--Soldiers enlisted; P'ódalä´ñte killed 362
192. Summer 1892--Measles; grass payment 362
193. T'águñótal P'a Sän 373
194. T'águñótal P'a 373
195. Gakíñat'o P'a--Woman-whipped 373
196. Ä`gâ´nti 373
197. Tépgañ P'a--Wagon stalled 373
198. Gañhíña P'a--Annuity issue 374
199. Ka`gúăt P'a Sän--Mares foal 374
200. Ka`gúăt P'a--Split rails 374
201. Ai-deñ P'a--Horses lost 374
202. Pai Ä`gâ´nti--Visit Cheyenne 374
203. Pai Tépgañ P'a--Ghost dance 374
204. Pai Gañhíña P'a--Sun dance stopped; grass payment 375
205. T'aguñótal P'a Sän 375
206. T'aguñótal P'a--Ä´piatañ 375
207. Gákiñăt´o P'a--Sitting-bull 375
208. Ä`gâ´nti 375
209. Tépgañ P'a--School-boys frozen 376
210. Gañhíña P'a--Annuity issue 376
211. Ka`gúăt P'a Sän--Ä´piatañ returns 376
212. Ka`gúăt P'a--Wire issue 376
213. Ai-deñ P'a 376
214. Pai Ä`gâ´nti--Treaty sale 376
215. Pai Tépgañ P'a--Races 377
216. Pai Gañhíña P'a--Woman stolen 377
217. T'aguñótal P'a Sän--Pueblo dance 377
218. T'aguñótal P'a--P'odalä´ñte killed 377
219. Gákíñat'o P'a--Made medicine; cut wood 377
220. Ä`gâ´nti--Lunar eclipse 378
221. Tépgañ P'a 378
222. Gañhíña P'a--Annuity issue 378
223. Ka`gúăt P'a Sän--Wire issue 378
224. Ka`gúăt P'a--Move camp 378
225. Ái-deñ P'a--Immigrants arrive 378
226. Pai Ä`gâ´nti--Íatäkía dies; grass payment 378
227. Pai Tépgañ P'a--Measles; grass payment 379
228. Pai Gañhíña P'a--Fourth of July races 379
229. T'águñótal P'a Sän--Cheyenne dance 379
CALENDAR HISTORY OF THE KIOWA INDIANS
By JAMES MOONEY
INTRODUCTION
AGE OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN RECORDS
The desire to preserve to future ages the memory of past achievements is
a universal human instinct, as witness the clay tablets of old Chaldea,
the hieroglyphs of the obelisks, our countless thousands of manuscripts
and printed volumes, and the gossiping old story-teller of the village
or the backwoods cabin. The reliability of the record depends chiefly on
the truthfulness of the recorder and the adequacy of the method
employed. In Asia, the cradle of civilization, authentic history goes
back thousands of years; in Europe the record begins much later, while
in America the aboriginal narrative, which may be considered as fairly
authentic, is all comprised within a thousand years.
ABORIGINAL AMERICAN CALENDARS
The peculiar and elaborate systems by means of which the more cultivated
ancient nations of the south recorded their histories are too well known
to students to need more than a passing notice here. It was known that
our own tribes had various ways of depicting their mythology, their
totems, or isolated facts in the life of the individual or nation, but
it is only within a few years that it was even suspected that they could
have anything like continuous historical records, even in embryo.
The fact is now established, however, that pictographic records
covering periods of from sixty to perhaps two hundred years or more do,
or did, exist among several tribes, and it is entirely probable that
every leading mother tribe had such a record of its origin and
wanderings, the pictured narrative being compiled by the priests and
preserved with sacred care through all the shifting vicissitudes of
savage life until lost or destroyed in the ruin that overwhelmed the
native governments at the coming of the white man. Several such
histories are now known, and as the aboriginal field is still but
partially explored, others may yet come to light.
THE WALAM OLUM OF THE DELAWARES
East of the Mississippi the most important and best known record is the
_Walam Olum_ or "red score" of the Delawares, originally discovered in
1820, and published by Dr D.G. Brinton in 1885. It consists of a series
of pictographs designed to fix in memory the verses of a genesis and
migration chant which begins with the mythic period and comes down to
the advent of the whites about the year 1610. It appears to be genuine
and ancient, although the written chant as we find it contains modern
forms, having of course been reduced to writing within a comparatively
recent period.
It is said that the Cherokee seventy years ago had a similar long tribal
tradition which was recited by the priests on ceremonial occasions. If
so, it was probably recorded in pictographs, but tradition and record
alike are now lost.
THE DAKOTA CALENDARS
West of the Mississippi the first extended Indian calendar history
discovered was the "Lone-dog winter count," found among the Dakota by
Colonel Garrick Mallery, and first published by him in 1877. This
history of the Dakota was painted on a buffalo robe by Lone-dog, of the
Yanktonai tribe of that confederacy, and extends over a period of
seventy-one years, beginning in 1800. Subsequent investigation by
Colonel Mallery brought to light several other calendars in the same
tribe, some being substantially a copy of the first, others going back,
respectively, to 1786, 1775, and the mythic period.
In all these Dakota calendars there is only a single picture for each
year, with nothing to mark the division of summer and winter. As they
call a year a "winter," and as our year begins in the middle of winter,
it is consequently impossible, without some tally date from our own
records, to know in which of two consecutive years any event occurred,
i.e., whether before or after New Year. In this respect the Kiowa
calendars here published are much superior to those of the Dakota.
OTHER TRIBAL RECORDS
Clark, in his book on Indian sign-language, mentions incidentally that
the Apache have similar picture histories, but gives no more definite
information as concerns that tribe. He goes on to say that the Santee
Sioux claim to have formerly kept a record of events by tying knots in a
string, after the manner of the Peruvian quipu. By the peculiar method
of tying and by means of certain marks they indicated battles and other
important events, and even less remarkable occurrences, such as births,
etc. He states that he saw among them a slender pole about 6 feet in
length, the surface of which was completely covered with small notches,
and the old Indian who had it assured him that it had been handed down
from father to son for many generations, and that these notches
represented the history of his tribe for more than a thousand years,
going back, indeed, to the time when they lived near the ocean (_Clark,
1_).[1] In this case the markings must have been suggestive rather than
definite in their interpretation, and were probably used in connection
with a migration chant similar to that of the Walam Olurn.
[Footnote 1: See the list of authorities cited at the end of the
memoir.]
THE KIOWA CALENDARS
THE ANNUAL CALENDARS OF DOHÁSÄN, POLÄÑ´YI-KATÓN, SETT'AN, AND ANKO
So far as known to the author, the Dakota calendars and the Kiowa
calendars here reproduced are the only ones yet discovered among the
prairie tribes. Dodge, writing in 1882, felt so confident that the
Dakota calendar of Mallery was the only one ever produced by our Indians
that he says, "I have therefore come to the conclusion that it is
unique, that there is no other such calendar among Indians.... I now
present it as a curiosity, the solitary effort to form a calendar ever
made by the plains Indians" (_Dodge, 1_). Those obtained by the author
among the Kiowa are three in number, viz: the Sett'an yearly calendar,
beginning with 1833 and covering a period of sixty years; the Anko
yearly calendar, beginning with 1864 and covering a period of
twenty-nine years; and the Anko monthly calendar, covering a period of
thirty-seven months. All these were obtained in 1892, and are brought up
to that date. The discovery of the Anko calendars was an indirect result
of having obtained the Sett'an calendar.
A fourth Kiowa calendar was obtained in the same year by Captain H. L.
Scott, Seventh cavalry, while stationed at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, on the
Kiowa reservation, and was by him generously placed at the disposal of
the author, together with all his notes bearing on the subject. This
calendar was procured from Dohásän, "Little-bluff," nephew of the
celebrated Dohásän who was head chief of the Kiowa tribe for more than
thirty years. The nephew, who died in 1893 at an advanced age, told
Captain Scott that the calendar had been kept in his family from his
youth up, having originally been painted on hides, which were renewed
from time to time as they wore out from age and handling. The calendar
delivered by him to Scott is drawn with colored pencils on heavy manila
paper, as is also the Sett'an calendar obtained by the author. In both,
the pictographs are arranged in a continuous spiral, beginning in the
lower right-hand corner and ending near the center, the rows of
pictographs being separated from each other by a continuous spiral. In
both, the winter is designated by means of an upright black bar, to
indicate that vegetation was then dead, while summer is represented by
means of the figure of the medicine lodge, the central object of the
annual summer religious ceremony. The leading event of the season is
indicated by means of a pictograph above or beside the winter mark or
medicine lodge. In a few instances, in the earlier years, when the
medicine dance was omitted, the event recorded for the summer is placed
between the consecutive winter marks, without anything to show the
season, but toward the end, when the medicine dance had been practically
discontinued, the summer is indicated by the figure of a tree in
foliage.
The general plan of the Anko calendar is the same, excepting that the
winter pictographs are below the winter marks, with which they are
connected by lines, the winter marks forming a single row across the
page, with the center pole of the medicine lodge, the summer pictographs
above and the winter pictographs below. This calendar was originally
drawn with a black pencil in a small notebook, and afterward, by
direction of the author, redrawn in colored inks on buckskin. A
comparison of the three justifies the assertion that the Kiowa have a
recognized system of calendar pictography. In artistic execution the
Sett'an calendar ranks first.
Still another calendar, thought to have dated farther back than any of
those now under consideration, was kept by an old man of the Kiowa
Apache named Polä´ñyi-katón, "Rabbit-shoulder," and is supposed to have
been buried with him at his death, a few years ago.
From the evidence it is probable that the first calendar within the
present knowledge of the Kiowa was kept by the old chief Doha´sän, whose
hereditary tipi occupied the first place in the camp circle of the
tribe, and in whose family certain priestly functions in connection with
the medicine dance descended in regular succession. After his death in
1866 it was continued and brought down to date by his nephew and
namesake, whose last revision is now in possession of Captain Scott.
The Sett'an calendar is an inspiration, but not a copy, from the Dohásän
calendar, of which it is almost an exact duplicate, but with the
addition of one or two pictographs, together with greater skill and
detail in execution. Sett'an stated that he had been fourteen years
drawing it; i. e., that he had begun work on it fourteen years before,
noting the events of the first six years from the statements of older
men, and the rest from his own recollection. He knew of the Dohásän
calendar, although he claimed never to have seen it, but from internal
evidence and from the man's general reputation for untruthfulness it is
probable that he had seen it sufficiently often to be able to reproduce
it from memory.
This will be understood when it is explained that it is customary for
the owners of such Indian heirlooms to bring them out at frequent
intervals during the long nights in the winter camp, to be exhibited and
discussed in the circle of warriors about the tipi fire. The signal for
such a gathering takes the form of an invitation to the others to "come
and smoke," shouted in a loud voice through the camp by the leader of
the assemblage while standing in front of his tipi, or even without
passing outside, his voice easily being heard through the thin walls and
the smoke-hole of the lodge. At these gatherings the pipe is filled and
passed around, and each man in turn recites some mythic or historic
tradition, or some noted deed on the warpath, which is then discussed by
the circle. Thus the history of the tribe is formulated and handed down.
Sett'an, "Little-bear," who is a cousin of the old war-chief, in whose
family the author makes his home when with the tribe, voluntarily
brought in and presented the calendar without demanding any payment in
return, saying that he had kept it for a long time, but that he was now
old and the young men were forgetting their history, and he wanted it
taken to Washington and preserved there with the other things collected
from the tribe, that the white people might always remember what the
Kiowa had done.
THE ANKO MONTHLY CALENDAR
The original monthly calendar of Anko (abbreviated from
_Ankopaá-iñgyadéte_, "In-the middle-of-many-tracks") was drawn in black
pencil in a continuous spiral, covering two pages of the notebook in
which his yearly calendar was recorded, and was redrawn by him in
colored inks, under the inspection of the author, on the same buckskin
on which the other was reproduced. It begins in the lower left-hand
corner. Each moon or month is represented by a crescent, above which is
a pictograph to indicate the event, or the name of the moon, and
sometimes also straight tally marks to show on what day of the month the
event occurred or the picture was drawn. So far this is the only monthly
calendar discovered among North American tribes, but since the original
was obtained, Anko has made another copy for his own use and continued
it up to date. His young wife being far advanced in consumption, he
spends most of his time at home with her, which accounts in a measure
for his studious habit. On the later calendar he has noted with anxious
care every hemorrhage or other serious incident in her illness and every
occasion when he has had ceremonial prayers made for her recovery.
COMPARATIVE IMPORTANCE OF EVENTS RECORDED
An examination of the calendars affords a good idea of the comparative
importance attached by the Indian and by the white man to the same
event. From the white man's point of view many of the things recorded in
these aboriginal histories would seem to be of the most trivial
consequence, while many events which we regard as marking eras in the
history of the plains tribes are entirely omitted. Thus there is nothing
recorded of the Custer campaign of 1868, which resulted in the battle of
the Washita and compelled the southern tribes for the first time to go
on a reservation, while the outbreak of 1874, which terminated in their
final subjugation, is barely noticed. On the other hand, we find noted
such incidents as the stealing of a horse or the elopement of a woman.
The records resemble rather the personal reminiscences of a garrulous
old man than the history of a nation. They are the history of a people
limited in their range of ideas and interests, such materials as make up
the chronicles of the highland clans of Scotland or the annals of a
medieval barony.
It must be remembered, however, that an Indian tribe is simply a large
family, all the members being interrelated; this is particularly true of
the Kiowa, who number only about 1,100. An event which concerns one
becomes a matter of gossip and general knowledge in all the camps and is
thus exalted into a subject of tribal importance. Moreover, an event, if
it be of common note in the tribe, may be recorded rather for its value
as a tally date than for its intrinsic importance.
On this point Mallery says, speaking of the Lone-dog calendar, that it
"was not intended to be a continuous history, or even to record the most
important event of each year, but to exhibit some one of special
peculiarity.... It would indeed have been impossible to have graphically
distinguished the many battles, treaties, horse stealings, big hunts,
etc, so most of them were omitted and other events of greater
individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken for the year
count, the criterion being not that they were of historic moment, but
that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to
the recorders" (_Mallery, 1_).
A brief interpretation of the calendars here described was obtained from
the original owners in 1892. To this was added, in the winter of
1894-95, all that could be procured from T'ébodal, Gaápiatañ,
´dalpepte, Set-ĭmkía, and other prominent old men of the tribe,
together with Captain Scott's notes and the statements of pioneer
frontiersmen, and all available printed sources of information,
including the annual reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for
more than sixty years. The Dohásän calendar is still in possession of
Captain Scott. The Sett'an and Anko calendars are now deposited in the
Bureau of American Ethnology.
METHOD OF FIXING DATES
A few examples will show how the Kiowa keep track of their tribal and
family affairs by means of these calendars. Sett'an was born in
"cut-throat summer" (1833), and his earliest recollection is of the
"head-dragging winter" (1837-38). Set-ĭmkía, better known as
Stumbling-bear, was about a year old in "cut-throat summer" (1833). He
was married in "dusty medicine dance" summer (1851). His daughter
Virginia was born in the summer of "No-arm's river medicine dance"
(1863), and her husband was born a little earlier, in "tree-top winter"
(1862-63). Gruñsádalte, commonly known as Cat, was born in the "winter
that Buffalo-tail was killed" (1835-36); his son Angópte was born in
"muddy traveling winter" (1864-65), and his younger son Másép was born
in "bugle scare winter" (1869-70). Paul Setk'opte first saw light among
the Cheyenne the winter after the "showery medicine dance" (1853), and
joined the Kiowa in the autumn after the "smallpox medicine dance"
(1862).
SCOPE OF THE MEMOIR
As the Kiowa and associated Apache are two typical and extremely
interesting plains tribes, about which little is known and almost
nothing has been printed, the introductory tribal sketch has been made
more extended than would otherwise have been the case. As they ranged
within the historic period from Canada to central Mexico and from
Arkansas to the borders of California, they came in contact with nearly
all the tribes on this side of the Columbia river region and were
visitors in peace or war at most of the military and trading posts
within the same limits. For this reason whatever seemed to have
important bearing on the Indian subject has been incorporated in the
maps with the purpose that the work might serve as a substantial basis
for any future historical study of the plains tribes.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Acknowledgments are due to Captain H. L. Scott, Seventh cavalry,
U. S. A., Fort Sill, Oklahoma, for much valuable material and friendly
assistance; to ex-agent Lawrie Tatum, Springdale, Iowa, for photographs
and manuscript information; to Thomas C. Battey, Mosk, Ohio,
former Kiowa teacher, and to Mrs Elizabeth Haworth, Olathe, Kansas,
widow of former agent J. M. Haworth, for photographs; to Caroline M.
Brooke, Washington Grove, Maryland, for assistance in correspondence;
to Philip Walker, esquire, Washington, D. C., for translations; to De
Lancey W. Gill and assistants of the division of illustrations in the
United States Geological Survey; to Andres Martinez and Father
Isidore Ricklin, of Anadarko, Oklahoma, for efficient aid in many
directions; to Timothy Peet, Anadarko, Oklahoma, to L. A. Whatley,
Huntsville, Texas, and to my Kiowa assistants, Setk'opte, Setĭmkía,
´dalpepte, Tébodal, Gaápiatañ, Sett'an, Anko, and others.
SKETCH OF THE KIOWA TRIBE
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
_Be´shĭltcha_--Na-isha Apache name.
_Datŭmpa´ta_--Hidatsa name, according to old T'ebodal. Perhaps
another form of _Witapähätu_ or _Witapätu_, q. v.
_Gâ´-i-gwŭ_--The proper name as used by the tribe, and also the name
of one of the tribal divisions. The name may indicate a people having
two halves or parts of the body or face painted in different colors (see
the glossary). From this come all the various forms of Caygua and Kiowa.
_Cahiaguas_--Escudero, Noticias Nuevo Mexico, 87, 1849.
_Cahiguas_--Ibid., 83.
_Caiawas_--H. R. Rept., 44th Cong., 1st sess., I, 299, 1876.
_Caigua_--Spanish document of 1735, title in Rept. Columbian Hist.
Exposition, Madrid, 323, 1895.
_Caihuas_--Document of 1828, in Soc. Geogr. Mex., 265, 1870. This form
occurs also in Mayer, Mexico, II, 123, 1853.
_Caiwas_--American Pioneer, I, 257, 1842.
_Cargua_--Spanish document of 1732, title in Rept. Columbian Hist. Exp.,
Madrid, 323, 1895 (for Caigua).
_Cayanwa_--Lewis, Travels, 15, 1809 (for Cayauwa).
_Caycuas_--Barreiro, Ojeada Sobre Nuevo Mexico, app., 10, 1832.
_Cayguas_--Villaseñor, Teatro Americano, pt. 2, 413, 1748. This is the
common Spanish form, written also Caygüa, and is nearly identical with
the proper tribal name.
_Cayugas_--Bent, 1846, in California Mess. and Corresp., 193, 1850 (for
Cayguas).
_Ciawis_--H. R. Rept., 44th Cong., 1st sess., I, 299, 1876.
_Gahe´wă_--Wichita name.
_Gai´wa_--Omaha and Ponka name, according to Francis La Flesche.
_Kaiawas_--Gallatin, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, 20, 1848.
_Kaí-ó-wás_--Whipple, Pacific Railroad Report, pt. I, 31, 1856.
_Kaiowan_--Hodge, MS. Pueblo notes, 1895, in Bur. Am. Eth. (Sandia
name).
_Kaiowe´_--Powell _fide_ Gatschet, Sixth Ann. Rept. Bur. Eth., XXXIV,
1888.
_Kaî-wa_--Comanche name, from the proper form _Gâ´-i-gŭa_. As the
Comanche is the trade language of the southern plains, this form, with
slight variations, has been adopted by most of the neighboring tribes
and by the whites. The same word in the Comanche language also signifies
"mouse." The form _Kai-wa_ is that used by the Pueblo Indians of
Cochiti, Isleta, San Felipe, and Santa Ana--Hodge, MS. Pueblo notes,
1895, in Bur. Am. Eth.
_Kai-wane´_--Hodge, MS. Pueblo notes, 1895, in Bur. Am. Eth. (Picuris
name).
_Kawas_--Senate Ex. Doc. 72, 20th Cong., 104, 1829. _Kawa_--La Flesche,
Omaha MS. in Bur. Am. Eth. (Omaha name).
_Kayaguas_--Bent, 1846, in House Doc. 76, 30th Cong., 1st sess., 11,
1848.
_Kayaways_--Pike, Expedition, app. III, 73, 1810.
_Kayowa_--Gatschet, Kaw MS., 1878, in Bur. Am. Eth. (K aw and Tonkawa
name).
_Ka´yowe´_--Gatschet, in American Antiquarian, IV, 281, 1881.
_Kayowû_--Grayson, Creek MS. in Bur. Am. Eth., 1886 (Creek name).
_Kayuguas_--Bent, 1846, in Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, I, 244, 1851.
_Ka´yuwa_--Dorsey, Kansas MS. Voc., 1882, in Bur. Am. Eth. (Kaw name).
_Keawas_--Porter, 1829, in Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, III, 596, 1853.
_Keaways_--Farnham, Travels, 29, 1843.
_Ki´-â-wâ_--Lewis, Report, 1805, in Mess. from the President
Communicating Discoveries by Lewis and Clark, etc, 37, 1806.
_Kiaways_--Gallatin, in Trans. American Ethn. Soc., II, cvii, 1848.
_Kinawas_--Gallatin, in Trans. American Antiq. Soc., II, 133, 1836
(misprint).
_Kiniwas_--Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Exped., IV, 473, 1845 (misprint).
_Kiovas_--Möllhausen, Journey to the Pacific, I, 158, 1858 (misprint).
_Kiowas_--Rept. Comm'r Ind. Affairs, 240, 1834. This is the American
official and geographic form; pronounced _Kai´-o-wa_.
_Kiowahs_--Davis, El Gringo, 17, 1857.
_Kioways_--Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, 80, 1814.
_Kiwaa_--Kendall, Santa Fé Ex., I, 198, 1844 (given as the pronunciation
of _Caygüa_).
_Kuyawas_--Sage, Scenes in the Rocky Mountains, 167, 1846.
_Kyaways_--Pike (1807), Expedition, app. II, 16, 1810.
_Riana_--Kennedy, Texas, I, 189, 1841 (double misprint).
_Ryawas_--Morse, Rept. on Ind. Aff., app., 367, 1822 (misprint).
_Ryuwas_--Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, 85, 1814 (misprint).
_Ko´mpabi´ănta_--"Large tipi flaps," a name sometimes used by the Kiowa
to designate themselves.
_Kompa´go_--An abbreviated form of _Ko´mpabi´anta_.
_Kwu´'dă´_--"Coming out" or "going out;" the most ancient name by which
the Kiowa designated themselves. See _Te´pdă´_.
_Na'la´ni_--"Many aliens," or "many enemies;" the collective Navaho name
for the southern plains tribes, particularly the Comanche and Kiowa.
_Nĭ´chihinĕ´na_--"Rivermen," the Arapaho name, from _nĭ´chia_ river
and _hinĕ´na_ (singular _hinĕ´n_) men. The Kiowa are said to have
been so called from their long residence on the upper Arkansas.
_Ni-ci´-he-nen-a_--Hayden, Ethn. and Phil. Missouri Valley, 326, 1862.
_Nitchihi_--Gatschet in American Antiquarian, IV, 281, 1881.
_Shi´sh-i-nu´-wut-tsi´t-a-ni-o_--Hayden, Ethn. and Phil. Missouri
Val., 290, 1862. Improperly given as the Cheyenne name for the
Kiowa and rendered "rattlesnake people." The proper form is
_Shĭ´shĭnu´wut-tsĭtäni´u_, "snake [not rattlesnake] people," and is the
Cheyenne name for the Comanche, not the Kiowa, whom the Cheyenne call
_Witapä´tu_. The mistake arose from the fact that the Comanche and Kiowa
are confederated.
_Te´pdă´_--"Coming out," "going out," "issuing" (as water from a spring,
or ants from a hole); an ancient name used by the Kiowa to designate
themselves, but later than _Kwu´`da_, q. v. The two names, which have
the same meaning, may refer to their mythic origin or to their coming
into the plains region. The name _Te´pdă´_ may have been substituted for
Kwu´`da´, in accordance with a custom of the tribe, on account of the
death of some person bearing a name suggestive of the earlier form.
_Tepk`i´ñägo_--"People coming out," another form of _Te´pdă´_.
_Wi´tapähä´tu_--The Dakota name, which the Dakota commonly render as
people of the "island butte," from _wita_, island, and _pähä_, locative
_pähäta_, a butte. They are unable to assign any satisfactory reason for
such a name. See _Witapähät_.
_T'häpet'häpa´yit'he_--Arbuthnut letter in Bur. Am. Eth. (given as the
Cheyenne name for the Kiowa).
_Vi´täpä´tu´i_--Name used for the Kiowa by the Sutaya division of the
Cheyenne.
_Watakpahata_--Mallery in Fourth Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., 109, 1886.
_Wate-pana-toes_--Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, 85, 1814 (misprint).
_Watepaneto_--Drake, Book of Indians, xii, 1848 (misprint).
_Wetahato_--Lewis, Travels, 15, 1809 (misprint).
_Wetapahato_--Lewis and Clark, Expedition, Allen ed., I, 34, map, 1814.
_We-te-pâ-hâ´-to_--Lewis, Report, 1805, in Mess. from the President
Communicating Discoveries by Lewis and Clark, etc, 36, 1806.
(Incorrectly given as distinct from the Kiowa, but allied to them.)
_Wetopahata_--Mallery, in Fourth Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., 109, 1886.
_Wettaphato_--Morse, Report on Indian Affairs, app., 366, 1882.
_Wi´tăpähät_, _Wităp´ätu_--Cheyenne forms, derived from the Dakota form
_Witapähätu_, or vice versa. The Dakota render the name "island butte."
Attempts have been made to translate it from the Cheyenne language as
people with "cheeks painted red" (_wi´tapa_, red paint; _tu_, cheek
bone), but there is no evidence that this habit was specially
characteristic of the Kiowa. It may possibly be derived from the ancient
name _Te´pdă´_, q.v.
_Wi´-ta-pa-ha_--Riggs-Dorsey, Dakota-English Dictionary, 579, 1890.
TRIBAL SIGN
To make the sign for "Kiowa" in the sign language of the plains tribes,
the right hand is held close to the right cheek, with back down, fingers
touching and slightly curved, and the hand moved in a rotary motion from
the wrist. According to the Kiowa this sign had its origin in an old
custom of their warriors, who formerly cut the hair from the right side
of the head, on a line with the base of the ear, in order better to
display the ear pendants, while allowing it to grow to full length on
the left side, so as to be braided and wrapped with otter skin after the
common fashion of the southern plains tribes. This was in addition to
the ordinary small scalp-lock hanging down behind. This style of wearing
the hair, although now nearly obsolete from long association with tribes
of different habit, is still occasionally seen. It is shown in the
picture of the chief Big-bow, taken in 1870 (figure 43).
Dodge thus correctly explains the sign: "KIOWA--The open palm, held
bowl-shaped, to right of and beside the face, is passed round and round
in a circle. Supposed to indicate the peculiarity of these Indians in
cutting the hair of the right side of the head" (_Dodge, 2_).
The sign has no connection with the idea of "rattle-brain," "crazy
head," "crazy knife," "drinking water," or "prairie people rising up,"
as has been variously stated; neither is the sign ever properly made on
the left side. Such misconceptions have arisen from the careless making
of the sign by persons ignorant of its true meaning. The Cheyenne claim
that it refers to a former Kiowa custom of painting a stripe across the
upper lip and cheeks. This is probably only an attempt to explain the
name _Witapätu_, q.v., without any basis in fact, for, had such a custom
existed, it would have been indicated by drawing the finger across the
face. Moreover, in a series of forty figures painted for the author by
Kiowa Indians to illustrate their ancient styles of war paint, not one
is thus depicted.
LINGUISTIC AFFINITY
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 43--Zépko-eétte or Big-bow]
The Gâ´igwŭ´ or Kiowa, although originating in the far north, have
been known for the last sixty years as one of the principal and most
predatory tribes of the southern plains. Their linguistic affinity is
still uncertain, the language apparently having no connection with that
of any other tribe. This uncertainty, however, is due largely to the
paucity of the linguistic material thus far collected from them, and to
the fact that philologists have made the comparison with the languages
of the southern tribes, with whom the Kiowa were found most closely
associated, rather than with that of tribes nearer the Canadian border,
whence they have drifted to the south. Another thing which serves to
render comparison difficult is the fact that the Kiowa have the custom
of dropping from the language any word which suggests the name of a
person recently deceased, and substituting for the tabooed word another
which will convey the same idea. The old word may be restored after a
term of years, but it frequently happens that the new one keeps its
place and the original word is entirely forgotten. The change is a new
combination of existing roots, or a new use of an existing word, rather
than the deliberate invention of a new word, although in some instances
words seem to be borrowed for this purpose from existing languages. The
same custom exists to a limited degree among the Comanche, who may have
adopted it in consequence of their association with the Kiowa, and
perhaps among other tribes. With the Kiowa it is carried to such an
extent that old men sometimes remember as many as three names which have
been used in chronologic succession for the same object. Further
linguistic investigation may result in establishing their affinity with
the Athapascan, northern Shoshonean, or Salishan tribes.
TRIBAL NAMES
_Kiowa_, the name by which the tribe is commonly known to the whites, is
from the softened Comanche form of the name by which they call
themselves, Gâ´igwŭ´ (see the glossary). It is claimed by one or two
old men that Gâ´igwŭ´ was not originally their proper name, but a
foreign name adopted by the tribe, and untranslatable in their own
language. However that may be, it is now, in its root form, _Gâi_,
synonymous with Kiowa, whether applied to the individual, language,
territory, or utensils of the tribe. It is also the name of one of their
recognized tribal divisions. Ancient names used to designate themselves
are _Kwú'dă´_ and afterward _Tépdă´_, both names signifying "coming
out," perhaps in allusion to their mystic origin. These two names are
known now only to their oldest men. They sometimes refer to themselves
as _Kómpabíăntă_, or people of the "large tipi flaps," although, so far
as observation goes, their tipis are not peculiar in this respect. Their
name for Indians in general is _Gíăguádaltágâ_, "people of the red
flesh." Among other tribes they are called by various names, the best
known being the Dakota or Cheyenne form _Witapähätu_, of doubtful
translation. The tribal sign, a quick motion of the hand past the right
cheek, they explain as referring to a former custom of cutting the hair
on that side on a level with the ear.
GENESIS AND MIGRATION
According to Kiowa mythology, which has close parallels among other
tribes, their first ancestors emerged from a hollow cottonwood log at
the bidding of a supernatural progenitor. They came out one at a time
as he tapped upon the log until it came to the turn of a pregnant woman,
who stuck fast in the hole and thus blocked the way for those behind her
so that they were unable to follow, which accounts for the small number
of the Kiowa tribe. The same being gave them the sun, made the division
of day and night, exterminated a number of malevolent monsters, and
rendered the most ferocious animals harmless; he also taught them their
simple hunting arts and finally left them to take his place among the
stars. Other wonderful things were done for them by a supernatural boy
hero, whose father was the son of the Sun and whose mother was an
earthly woman. This boy afterward transformed himself into two, and
finally gave himself to the Kiowa in eucharistic form as a tribal
"medicine," which they still retain. Unlike the neighboring Cheyenne and
Arapaho, who yet remember that they once lived east of the Missouri and
cultivated corn, the Kiowa have no tradition of ever having been an
agricultural people or anything but a tribe of hunters.
Leaving the mythic or genesis period, the earliest historic tradition of
the Kiowa locates them in or beyond the mountains at the extreme sources
of the Yellowstone and the Missouri, in what is now western Montana.
They describe it as a region of great cold and deep snows, and say that
they had the Flatheads (_´daltoñ-ká-igihä´go_, "compressed head
people") near them, and that on the other side of the mountains was a
large stream flowing westward, evidently an upper branch of the
Columbia. These mountains they still call _Gá´i K'op_, "Kiowa
mountains." Here, they say, while on a hunting expedition on one
occasion, a dispute occurred between two rival chiefs over the
possession of the udder of a female antelope, a delicacy particularly
prized by Indians. The dispute grew into an angry quarrel, with the
result that the chief who failed to secure the coveted portion left the
party and withdrew with his band toward the northwest, while the rest of
the tribe moved to the southeast, crossed the Yellowstone (_Tsósá P'a_,
"pipe (?) stone river"), and continued onward until they met the Crows
(_Gaă-k'íägo_, "crow people"), with whom they had hitherto been
unacquainted. By permission of the Crows they took up their residence
east of that tribe, with which they made their first alliance. Up to
this time they had no horses, but used only dogs and the travois. For a
while they continued to visit the mountains, but finally drifted out
into the plains, where they first procured horses and became acquainted
with the Arapaho and Cheyenne, and later with the Dakota.
Keim, writing in 1870, says that the Kiowa "claim that their primitive
country was in the far north," from which they were driven out by wars,
moving by the aid of dogs and dog sledges. "From the north they reached
a river, now the south fork of the Platte. Their residence upon this
river is within the recollection of the old men of the tribe. Not
satisfied with the Platte country, they moved on across the Republican
and Smoky Hill rivers until they reached the Arkansas. Thence they
moved upon the headwaters of the Cimarron. Here they permanently located
their council fire, and after much fighting secured control of all the
country south of Arkansas river and north of the Wichita mountains and
headwaters of Red river" (_Keim, 1_).
There can be no doubt as to the correctness of the main points of this
tradition, which is corroborated by the testimony of the northern
Arapaho and other tribes of that region. While to the ordinary reader
the result of the quarrel may seem out of all due proportion to the
cause, it will not appear so to anyone familiar with Indian life and
thought. The savage is intellectually a child, and from the point of
view of civilized man his history is shaped by trivial things, as will
be sufficiently apparent from a study of the calendars. It is said that
a war between the Delaware and Shawano originated in a dispute between
two children concerning a grasshopper. The Crows themselves, according
to their own story, separated from their kinsmen the Hidatsa or Minitari
on the Missouri for a reason precisely like that of the Kiowa
tradition--a quarrel between two chiefs over the proper division of a
buffalo (_Matthews, 1_; _Clark, 2_.) A similar story is related to
account for the origin of one of the bands of the Dakota. Among
wandering hunters disputes in regard to the possession or division of
game have always been the most potent causes of separations and tribal
wars.
In regard to the dissatisfied band that went to the north, the Kiowa
have a fixed belief that their lost kindred, whom they call _Azä´tañhop_
("those who went away dissatisfied on account of the udder"), are still
in existence beyond the mountains somewhere to the north or northwest of
their old home, where they still speak the old Kiowa language. They
assert as positively that they have no relatives in any other quarter,
east, west, or south. Several stories are current in the tribe in
support of this belief. One woman, now about 80 years of age, when a
child was taken by her father with others on a visit to their old
friends, the Crows, and says that while there they met a white trader
from the north, who addressed them in the Kiowa tongue, which he said he
learned from a tribe living farther north, which spoke the Kiowa
language. Again, they say that when the Nez Percés (_´dalkatóigo_,
"people with hair cut round across the forehead"), who had been brought
down as prisoners to Indian Territory, visited them in 1883, they told
the Kiowa that they knew a people who lived in the "white mountains"
west of the old home of the Nez Percés in Idaho, and who spoke a
language similar to Kiowa. Whatever weight we may attach to these
stories, they at least offer a suggestion concerning the direction in
which the linguistic affinity of the Kiowa is to be sought.
Bearing on the subject of the early habitat of the tribe, it may further
be stated that, while making a collection among the Kiowa a few years
ago, the author obtained from them a small cradle which is essentially
different from any now in use among the Kiowa or any other of the
well-known prairie tribes, in that the buckskin covering is attached
directly to a solid board back, which is elaborately carved and painted
in the style characteristic of the tribes of the Columbia and the
northwest coast. On asking the old woman who made it, where she had
obtained the idea, she replied that it was the kind the Kiowa used to
make a very long time ago. On showing it afterward to Dr Washington
Matthews, the distinguished ethnologist and anatomist, he expressed the
opinion that such a cradle would produce a flattened skull. It is now in
the National Museum at Washington.
EARLY ALLIANCE WITH THE CROWS
The leading facts in the traditional history of the Kiowa are those of
their early residence at the extreme head of the Missouri and their
subsequent removal to the east and alliance with the Crows. It is
impossible to assign any definite date to this early migration from the
mountain country, but it was probably about or before 1700. It was
subsequent to the separation of the Crows from the Hidatsa, an event
which probably took place before the end of the seventeenth century
(_Matthews, 2_; _Clark, 3_), and it must have been long before the
discovery of the Black Hills by the Dakota, which, according to a
calendar of that people, occurred in 1775 (_Mallery, 2_). The present
_tai-me_ or sun-dance "medicine" of the Kiowa was obtained from the
Crows while the two tribes were neighbors in the north, at a date
probably very near 1765. It is probable that scarcity of game or
severity of climate had much to do with their original removal from the
head of the Missouri, but it is worthy of note that in all their
wanderings the Kiowa have never, for any long period, entirely abandoned
the mountains. After making friends with the Crows, they established
themselves in the Black Hills until driven out by the invading Dakota
and Cheyenne, and now for seventy years or more they have had their main
headquarters in the Wichita mountains.
The northern Arapaho, now living on a reservation in Wyoming, have
distinct recollection of this former northern residence of the Kiowa,
with whom in the old times they were on terms of intimate friendship.
While visiting them in 1892 they informed the author that when they
first knew the Kiowa that tribe lived about the Three forks of the
Missouri, near where are now Gallatin and Virginia City, Montana. This
information, obtained from old men without the use of leading questions,
and with the aid of good maps, tallies exactly with the earliest
tradition of the Kiowa tribe. They say further that the Kiowa moved down
from the mountains and eastward along the Yellowstone in company with
the Crows, and then turned southeastward to about the present
neighborhood of Fort Robinson, Nebraska, where they parted with the
Crows and continued southward. "Plenty-poles," then nearly ninety years
of age, first met the Kiowa when he was a small boy on the head of the
North Platte, west of the present town of Cheyenne, Wyoming.
The friendship between the Kiowa and the Crows was close and intimate,
in spite of occasional quarrels, and continued after the Kiowa had
entirely removed from the north and established themselves on the
Arkansas. They made common cause against the invading Dakota and
Cheyenne from the east, by whom they were finally dispossessed. As
already stated, the Kiowa obtained their present _tai-me_ or sundance
medicine from the Crows, and the sacred arrow lance of Tängúadal's
family came originally from the same source. For a long time after
removing from the north it was a frequent occurrence for Kiowa fathers
to make visits to the Crows and leave with that tribe their young
children for two or three years in order that they might learn the Crow
language and thus help to preserve the old friendship. There are still
several old people among the Kiowa who have a considerable Crow
vocabulary acquired in this way. Conversely, the northern Arapaho state
that the Crows refer to the Kiowa as their relatives, and that some of
them speak a little of the language acquired during similar visits to
the south.
THE ASSOCIATED KIOWA APACHE
Incorporated with the Kiowa, and forming a component part of their
tribal circle, is a small tribe of Athapascan stock, commonly known as
Apache or Kiowa Apache, but calling themselves _Nadiisha Dena_. They are
not a detached band of the Apache tribe proper of Arizona, as has
commonly been supposed, but came down with the Kiowa from the north, and
neither tribe has any tradition of a time when they were not associated.
They will be spoken of at length later on. This ancient Athapascan
alliance is another link in the chain connecting the Kiowa with the far
north.
THE HISTORICAL PERIOD
POSSESSION OF THE BLACK HILLS
We come now to more definite historic ground. Situated east of the
Crows, the Kiowa took possession of the Black Hills (_Sádalkáñi K`op_,
"stomach-rind, i. e., 'manifold,' mountains"), and having by this time
procured some horses, began to make raids on the Spanish frontiers to
the south, while they established a friendly trade and intercourse with
the Arikara and Mandan on the Missouri. They are mentioned under the
name of Cargua (for Caigua) in a Spanish document of 1732, and again as
Caigua in 1735. In 1748 the Spanish historian Villaseñor mentions the
"Cayguas," in connection with Comanche, Apache, Navaho, and Ute, as
among the hostile tribes of New Mexico (see the synonymy). It will be
remembered that the greater portion of what is now Colorado was
included with New Mexico under Spanish domination. If, as seems
possible, they are identical with the Manrhoat or Manrhout of La Salle,
allies of the Gattacka (Kiowa Apache), our knowledge of the tribe would
go back to 1682. They continued to occupy the Black Hills until about
the close of the last century, when they were driven out by the Dakota
advancing from the east, and by the Cheyenne who crossed the Missouri
from the northeast. The same pressure drove their old allies, the Crows,
farther westward.
The northern Cheyenne informed Grinnell that on first coming into their
present country they had found the region between the Yellowstone and
Cheyenne rivers, including the Black Hills, in possession of the Kiowa
and Comanche (?), whom they drove out and forced to the south. When the
author was among the Dakota some years ago, they informed him that they
had first known the Kiowa in the Black Hills, and had driven them out
from that region. This is admitted by the Kiowa, who continued at war
with the Dakota and Cheyenne until about 1840, when a permanent peace
was made. It does not appear that the Arapaho had anything to do with
this expulsion of the Kiowa, with whom they seem generally to have been
on friendly terms, although at a later period we find them at war with
the Kiowa, being probably drawn into hostilities through their
connection with the Cheyenne. As is well known to ethnologists, the
Dakota are comparatively recent immigrants from east of the Missouri.
They first reached the Black Hills in 1775, as already stated, so that
the final expulsion of the Kiowa must have occurred between that date
and 1805, when Lewis and Clark found the Cheyenne in possession of the
same region, the Cheyenne being then at war with the Dakota. Curiously
enough, there is no note of this war on any of the several Dakota
calendars covering this period, described and illustrated by Mallery,
although we find a reference to the killing of a Kiowa in the winter of
1814-15.
THE EXTINCT K'ÚATO
The Kiowa have a better memory, and one of their old hero stories
relates to the slaughter of an entire band of Kiowa by the Dakota. The
ill-fated band was called the _K'úato_, a name signifying "pulling up,
or pulling out" from the ground or from a hole, being indicated in the
sign language by the motion of "pulling up" with one or both hands.
According to the story the Kiowa, apparently nearly the whole tribe
together, were attacked by an overwhelming body of the Dakota. Finding
resistance hopeless, they fled, but the chief of the K'úato urged his
people not to run, "because if they did their relatives in the other
world would not receive them." Inspired to desperate courage by his
words, the K'úato faced the enemy and were all killed where they stood,
excepting one woman who had fled with the others. According to Te'bodal,
who was born about 1817 and is now the oldest man in the tribe, this
massacre took place when his grandfather was a young man, perhaps about
1770. Te'bodal himself remembered having seen the single woman survivor.
It is said that the K'úato spoke a peculiar dialect of the Kiowa
language, although recognized as a part of the tribe, and were noted for
doing foolish and ridiculous things, a statement borne out by the story
of their extermination.
INTERCOURSE WITH THE ARIKARA, MANDAN, AND HIDATSA.
Next to the Crows, the Kiowa have most to say of their friendship in
these old days with the Arikara (Ree), Mandan, and Hidatsa or Minitari
on Missouri river. For many years these three confederated tribes, now
reduced to about 1,100 souls in all, have occupied jointly a single
village on the northeastern bank of Missouri river, in the vicinity of
old Fort Berthold, about opposite Knife river, in North Dakota. In 1805
the three tribes, with a small subtribe, now extinct, occupied eight
villages, with a total population of nearly 6,000 souls. The Arikara
were then considerably farther down the river, while the others were
nearly in their present position. From the fact that Grand river, South
Dakota, is known to the Dakota as Arikara river it is probable that the
Arikara formerly had their residence there for a long period. In habits
and home life the three tribes are almost identical, being sedentary
agriculturists, living in substantial earth-covered log houses; but in
language they are quite distinct. The Arikara or Ree are a branch, of
the Pawnee and speak a dialect of that language; the Hidatsa,
Grosventres, or Minitari were formerly a part of the Crows and speak a
dialect of that language; while the language of the Mandan is distinct
from either of the others, although remotely cognate with the Hidatsa.
They are mentioned prominently by every traveler in that region during
the last century, the best description of them being given by Matthews
in his work on the Hidatsa.
The definite recollection which the Kiowa have of these tribes shows
that they must have been very intimate with them in former times,
especially with the Arikara, whom they call _K'át'á_, "biters,"
designating them in the sign language by a twisting motion of the closed
right band, with thumb extended, in front of the month, the allusion
being to gnawing corn from a cob. In the north the sign is sometimes
made with both hands, the right working against the left, the allusion
then being to shelling corn. The Arikara are preeminently distinguished
among the northern tribes as the corn-planting Indians, and are usually
designated in pictographs by the figure of a man with an ear of corn. It
is probable that they taught agriculture to the Mandan and Hidatsa. The
Kiowa further identify the K'at'a as being called _Paläni_ by the Dakota
and as speaking a language like that of the Pawnee. Stumbling-bear
claims to have met and talked with some of them on a former visit to
Washington. They have more to say of the Arikara than of the others,
probably because then, as now, they were the largest of the three
tribes, and also, as the Kiowa themselves say, because the Arikara
lived nearest, being probably located then, as at a later period, on Ree
or Grand river, in South Dakota, which is called by their name in the
various Indian languages. They describe the three tribes as living on
the Missouri (_Tsosâ P'a_) river, in earth-covered grass houses (really
log houses, filled in between the logs with grass and covered with
earth), and cultivating corn and tobacco, which they traded to the
Kiowa. One of the principal divisions of the Kiowa tribe, and the one to
which the great Dohásän and several other prominent chiefs belonged, is
the K`at'a or Arikara band, so called, the Kiowa state, on account of
their special intimacy with the Arikara in the old times, and not
because of Arikara descent. The name of the band must have originated,
of course, subsequently to the first acquaintance of the two tribes.
The Mandan they call _Dóhón_, "the last tipi," assigning as a reason for
the name that they lived farthest toward the east. The Mandan, unlike
the other tribes, did in fact have one of their villages on the farther
(eastern) bank of the Missouri. They also sometimes call them
_Dowákohón_, an older form of Dohon, and _Sabă´_, "stingy," perhaps from
some trade dispute. In the sign language the Kiowa designate them by
indicating tattoo marks, stating that the women, and sometimes the men,
tattooed the arms, breast, and around the lips. This agrees exactly with
Clark, who says that the proper sign for Mandan is intended to indicate
tattooing on the chin and lower part of the face. He states also, on the
authority of an old plainsman, that fifty years ago the Mandan women had
a small spot tattooed on the forehead, together with a line on the chin,
while of the men the chiefs alone were tattooed, this being done on one
side, or one-half of the breast, or on one arm and breast (_Clark, 4_).
It may be that the small tattooed circle on the foreheads of many Kiowa
women is an imitation from their Mandan sisters. Matthews says that he
has seen a few old men of the Hidatsa with parallel bands tattooed on
the chest, throat, and arms, but not on any other part of the body, or
on any young or middle-age persons in the tribe (_Matthews, 3_).
The Hidatsa or Minitari are known to the Kiowa as _Henóñko_, a name
which they can not translate. In this word the terminal _ko_ is the
tribal suffix, while _Henóñ_ is the root, possibly a derivative from
_Herantsa_, another form of Hidatsa, the Kiowa having no _r_ in their
language. To designate them in the sign language, they make a gesture as
if dipping up water with the hand, referring to their common name of
Minitari, "water crossers," or "water people." This sign is probably now
obsolete in the north, as it is not noted by either Clark or Mallery.
They say that the Henoñko called the Kiowa _Datûmpáta_. The Kiowa
describe the three tribes as about the same in regard to house-building
methods and the cultivation of corn and Indian tobacco. They have also a
distinct recollection of the peculiar "bull boats," tub-shaped and
covered with rawhide, used by the Mandan and their allies. They ascribe
these boats more particularly to the Mandan, from whom perhaps the
Arikara obtained them after moving up to the same neighborhood.
RECOLLECTIONS OF OTHER NORTHERN TRIBES
The old men who have most knowledge of this northern residence and
alliance with the Crows and Arikara say, after the Indian style of
chronology, that it was in the time when their grandfathers were young
men, and when they still had but few horses and commonly used dogs as
pack animals in traveling. One of the mythic legends of the tribe
accounts for the origin of the Black Hills (_Sádalkañi K`op_, "manifold
mountains"), and another deals with the noted Bear Lodge or Devil's
Tower (_Tsó-aí_, "tree rock," i. e., monument rock), near Sun Dance,
Wyoming, which they claim is within their old country. Beyond the
Yellowstone (_Tsósâ P'a_) they say lived the Blackfeet (_Tóñ-kóñko_,
"blackleg people") and the Arapaho Gros Ventres (_Bot-k`iägo_, "belly
people"). They knew also the Shoshoni (_Sondóta_, "grass houses"), who,
they say, formerly lived in houses of interwoven rushes or grass; the
Flatheads, the northern Arapaho, and of course the Dakota. It is
somewhat remarkable that they knew also the small tribe of Sarsi, living
on the Canadian side of the line at the source of the North
Saskatchewan, whom they describe accurately as a tribe living with the
Blackfeet and speaking a language resembling that of the Apache. They
call them _Pák`iägo_, which they render "stupid people," indicating the
tribe in the sign language by a sweeping motion of the right hand across
the thigh, perhaps from a confusion with _paki_, thigh. It is possible
that the name is not really of Kiowa origin, but is derived from _Päki_
or _Päkiani_, the Shoshoni name for the Blackfeet themselves. The Kiowa
call the Brulé Dakota _Pakí-gudălkantă_, "red-burnt thigh" people, with
the same gesture sign as for the Sarsi. Several prominent men of the
Kiowa tribe, among whom may be mentioned Gaápiatañ and Pátádal, are of
Sarsi descent. The maternal grandmother of the noted chief Setäñgya,
killed at Fort Sill in 1871, was a Sarsi woman who married a Kiowa man
during an interchange of friendly visits between the two tribes. By
reason of this Athapascan blood, those of Sarsi descent, including
Gaápiatañ, who is Setäñgya's nephew, consider themselves in a measure
related to the Kiowa Apache.
From the beginning the Kiowa say that they were usually on friendly
terms with the Crows, Arapaho, Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa, and, so far
as they can recollect, with the Shoshoni and Flatheads, the friendship
being interrupted, however, by occasional quarrels more or less serious.
They were frequently at war with the Cheyenne, and always, from their
first acquaintance, with the Dakota, Pawnee, and Ute. Their relations
with the southern tribes will be noted hereafter.
ACQUIREMENT OF HORSES
Although the Kiowa had no horses until they came down from the mountains
and settled near the Crows, it is probable that they obtained some very
soon afterward, probably from their friends the Crows. La Salle, in
1682, states that the Gattacka (Kiowa Apache) and Manrhoat (Kiowa?) had
then plenty of horses, which he says they had probably stolen from New
Mexico (_Margry, 1_).
The notice in Villaseñor would indicate that they were able to mount
some of their warriors as early as 1748, as it is hardly probable that
they would have been able to attract attention by their inroads so far
south as the Spanish settlements if their warriors had been obliged to
travel entirely on foot. With some tribes, however, notably the Pawnee,
it was a frequent practice for the warriors to go out on foot,
returning, if successful, mounted on the horses taken from their
enemies. Horses must also have been taken by the Kiowa from the
Comanche, who lived south of them in the territory adjoining the Spanish
possessions, and with whom the Kiowa were then at war. In the beginning
of the present century we find the Kiowa mentioned as possessing large
herds of horses, which they traded with the Arikara and Mandan for
European goods.
Horace Jones, interpreter at Fort Sill, states that at a council held at
Fort Cobb in 1868, Ten-bears, an old Comanche chief, scored the Kiowa
for their constant raids into Mexico and Texas in spite of their
promises to the government to cease such practices, saying to the
assembled Kiowa, "When we first knew you, you had nothing but dogs and
sleds. Now you have plenty of horses, and where did you get them if they
were not stolen from Mexico?" This must be interpreted, however, from a
point of comparison of the Comanche, who have long been noted for the
number of their ponies. It was certainly a case of the pot calling the
kettle black, as the principal business of both tribes for generations,
until confined to a reservation, was that of raiding their southern
neighbors in order to obtain horses and captives. It is unnecessary to
dilate on the revolution made in the life of the Indian by the
possession of the horse. Without it he was a half-starved skulker in the
timber, creeping up on foot toward the unwary deer or building a brush
corral with infinite labor to surround a herd of antelope, and seldom
venturing more than a few days' journey from home. With the horse he was
transformed into the daring buffalo hunter, able to procure in a single
day enough food to supply his family for a year, leaving him free then
to sweep the plains with his war parties along a range of a thousand
miles.
INTERCOURSE AND WAR WITH THE COMANCHE
While the Kiowa still occupied the Black Hills their nearest neighbors
toward the south were the Comanche, whose language and traditions show
them to be a comparatively recent offshoot from the Shoshoni of Wyoming,
and whose war parties formerly ranged from Platte river to central
Mexico. In 1724 Bourgmont describes them, under the name of Padouca, as
located between the headwaters of Platte and Kansas rivers. Like the
other prairie tribes, they drifted steadily southward, and about the
middle of last century were established chiefly about the upper Arkansas
and its principal tributaries. Long before this time, however, the
_Pénätĕka_ division had separated from the main body and gone down
into Texas. Pádouca, the name used by Bourgmont, is one form of the name
by which the Comanche are known to the Osage, Dakota, and related
tribes, and is probably derived from _Pénätĕka_.
As the Kiowa pressed southward before the advancing Dakota and Cheyenne,
they encountered the Comanche, resulting in a warfare continuing many
years, in the course of which the Comanche were gradually driven south
of the Arkansas. The war was finally terminated and a lasting peace and
alliance effected between the two tribes through the good offices of the
Spaniards of New Mexico.
PEACE WITH THE COMANCHE
Now the Kiowa tradition becomes clear and detailed. According to the
story which the old men had from their fathers, who were contemporary
with the events, the Kiowa advanced along the base of the mountains and
pushed the Comanche from the northern head streams of the Arkansas. When
both sides were about worn out with fighting, it happened that a small
party of Kiowa on a friendly visit to a Spanish settlement southwestward
from that river--perhaps Las Vegas or possibly Santa Fé--stopped to rest
at a house, which they particularly state was not a fort or trading
post. The house was a large one with several rooms, and by a curious
coincidence a party of Comanche had arrived shortly before and were then
talking in the next room, all unaware of the near presence of their
enemies. Hearing the voices and recognizing the language, the Kiowa at
once prepared for battle, and another bloody encounter was about to be
added to the long list, when their Mexican host, friendly to both sides,
interposed and represented to the Kiowa that now was their opportunity
to establish a lasting peace with their foes, offering his own services
as mediator. After some debate the Kiowa accepted his proposition, and
the kindly Mexican, going into the next room, informed the astonished
Comanche that a party of their hated enemies was outside waiting to talk
of peace. Being assured that no treachery was intended, they came out
and the leaders of the two parties saluted each other. The Kiowa leader,
whose name was Guik`áte, "Wolf-lying-down," and who was next in
authority to the principal chief of the tribe, assuming to speak for his
people, then expressed their desire for peace. To this the Comanche
leader, Päréiyä, "Afraid-of-water" (_Toñpeto_ in the Kiowa language),
replied that as this was a matter of grave importance, it would have to
be considered by the whole tribe, and invited the Kiowa to go back with
them to the Comanche country in order that the business might there be
fully discussed. The Kiowa hesitated, not yet being quite willing to
trust themselves in the lion's den, when Guik`áte, anxious to spare
further bloodshed, said, "I am a chief. I am not afraid to die. I will
go." A Comanche captive among the Kiowa volunteered to go with him.
Turning then to his followers, he said to them, "Go home and tell our
tribe that I am gone to make peace with the Comanche. Return for me to
this place when the leaves are yellow. If you do not find me here, know
that I am dead and avenge my death." He then dismissed them, and the
Kiowa started homeward, while he, with the captive and one or two
Mexicans accompanied the Comanche to their camps on _Gañta P'a_, the
Double-mountain fork of the Brazos, in Texas.
On arriving there with his escort, the Comanche were at first disposed
to regard him as an enemy and made a show of preparing to revenge upon
him the losses they had suffered at the hands of his people, but finding
that he was a brave man not to be easily frightened, they changed their
purpose and gave him a friendly welcome. He remained with them all
summer, being well entertained by them on the hunt and at their social
gatherings, and when at last the leaves began to turn, the tipis were
taken down, and the whole band, having long ago decided on peace, moved
off to meet the Kiowa at the appointed rendezvous. They had not long to
wait, for Indians observe the season changes closely, before the whole
warrior body of the Kiowa tribe appeared in sight, prepared either to
make a treaty of perpetual friendship or to avenge the death of their
chief, as the case might be. As they approached, the Comanche chief and
Guik`áte rode out to meet them, somewhat to the surprise of the Kiowa,
who had hardly hoped ever again to see their kinsman alive. He told the
story of his kind treatment at the hands of the Comanche and their
earnest desire for peace, and the result was a treaty of friendship and
alliance which endures to this day, the two tribes, with the
Kiowa-Apache, having ever since occupied a common territory and acted
together on all important occasions, notwithstanding radical differences
in language, ceremonies, and temperament. The former condition of
hostility is clearly shown by the fact that the common name of the Kiowa
for their present allies, the Comanche, is _Gyái'ko_, "Enemies."
This treaty with the Comanche must have been made toward the close of
the last century, probably about 1790. As there is no tally date in
Kiowa history until we come to "the year when the stars fell," i. e.,
1833, a description of the manner in which we arrive at this conclusion
may be of interest as a specimen of the ordinary methods of Indian
chronology.
Among the oldest men of the tribe are T'ébodal, "One who carries a
buffalo's lower leg," Gaápiatañ, "Feathered lance," (commonly known as
Heidsick, from his Comanche name of Haí-tsiki), and ´dalpepte,
"Bushy-hair" (Frizzle-head), all being prominent men and noted warriors
when in their prime. T'ébodal is the oldest man in the tribe, and as he
was "a well grown boy when the stars fell," is consequently now just
about 80 years of age, as the Indians consider a boy a young warrior at
17 or 18. Gaápiatañ is a few years younger, and ´dalpepte was "old
enough, to ride a horse when the stars fell," so that we may assume him
to be now (1896) about 70 years of age. It will be noted that, contrary
to general opinion, Indians are not remarkably long-lived.
Graápiatañ's estimate seems to place the event farthest back in point of
time. He fixes it by "a very old woman," who died eleven winters ago
(1885), and whose father had told her that the treaty with the Comanche
was made thirty-three years before she was born. Âdalpepte states that
it was made "when his father was a young man." T'ébodal says that it was
before he was born, but that his father knew both leaders who negotiated
the peace, and that he himself knew the Comanche leader, Päréiyä, as a
very old man, who was afterward killed by the Cheyenne at a time when
T'ébodal was grown to manhood and had already been to war. According to
the Kiowa calendar, the allied tribes made peace with the Cheyenne about
1840, so that the chief who negotiated the treaty for the Comanche must
have been killed shortly before that time, the Kiowa leader, Guik`áte,
being already dead. Balancing all the statements, we get 1790 as the
most probable approximate date. The principal chief of the tribe at the
time of the treaty was Políakyă, "Hare-lip," alias Kágiätsé,
"Thick-blanket." He was succeeded by Tsóñbohón, "Feather-cap," who was
succeeded by A'dáte, "Island-man," who was deposed in 1833 in favor of
Dohásän, who thenceforth ruled the tribe until his death in 1866.
CONFEDERATION OF THE TWO TRIBES
The peace thus made between the two tribes has never been broken, in
which fact there may be a sermon for those who regard the Indian as
faithless, when we consider how few European alliances have endured as
long. The Pénätĕka Comanche, who lived far down in Texas, were not
included in this compact and had very little connection even with the
northern bands of their own people until brought together under the
reservation system. Immediately after the treaty the Kiowa began to move
down and make their camps along and south of the Arkansas, which, until
that time, had been considered the northern boundary of the Comanche
country and the southern limit of the Kiowa range. In the territory
which they thenceforth held in common the Kiowa usually made their home
camps more to the northwest, about the Arkansas, while the Comanche kept
near to the Staked plains and the Texas frontier. Strengthened by their
alliance for war and defense, the confederated tribes were now able to
make a successful stand behind the Arkansas against further invasion
from the north. The raids of the Kiowa on the Mexican settlements,
hitherto desultory and ineffective, now became constant and destructive
and continued until both tribes were finally subjugated and confined to
their reservation after the outbreak of 1874. In these raiding
expeditions they frequently made headquarters in the Sierra Madre,
whence they descended upon the lower country on each side. Old men are
still living in the tribe who have raided as far south as the city of
Durango (which they know by this name) and southwest through Sonora and
Sinaloa to the Gulf of California. These war parties would sometimes be
absent two years. To the west they reached the great Colorado river and
tell of killing some Havasupai in their canyon home. In the east they
made captives on Matagorda bay, Texas.
NEUTRAL ATTITUDE OF NEW MEXICANS
According to the Kiowa and Comanche, whose statements are confirmed by
abundant testimony from other sources, the inhabitants of New Mexico,
from mercenary motives, usually held themselves neutral in this war on
their brethren to the south. New Mexican _Comancheros_ and domesticated
Pueblo Indians carried on a lucrative trade among these tribes at the
same time that Kiowa or Comanche war parties were ravaging the southern
provinces or selling horses and mules, taken in these raids, to the
inhabitants of Las Vegas and neighboring towns. The lances and tomahawks
used by their warriors were of Mexican manufacture, more slender and
graceful in design than those supplied to the northern tribes by English
and American traders. It was only by such tacit connivance or active aid
from the people of New Mexico that these tribes were able to carry on an
unceasing warfare of extermination as far south as Tamaulipas and
Durango in Mexico.
RELATIONS WITH OTHER SOUTHERN TRIBES
Subsequent to the treaty with the Comanche, and as a consequence of it,
the Kiowa made peace with the Mescalero Apache (_Ĕ´sikwita_), with whom
they had formerly been at enmity, having driven them from the Staked
plains into the mountains west of the Pecos. The friendship, however,
was somewhat precarious. They were also on friendly terms with the
Wichita and their associated tribes, the Waco, Tawákoni, and Kichai.
With the Caddo and the cannibal Tonkawa to the east, and with the Navaho
and Ute and presumably also the Jicarilla Apache on the west, they were
always at war. They usually carried on a friendly trade with the
neighboring Pueblos. Their relations with the Apache of Arizona were too
casual to be of a definite nature. They were at war with the Osage until
1834. To all these tribes the confederated Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache
held but one and the same relation after the alliance of about 1790.
FIRST OFFICIAL AMERICAN NOTICES, 1805--1807
The earliest official account of the Kiowa is given by the explorers
Lewis and Clark, who ascended the Missouri in 1804 and wintered among
the Mandan, before proceeding onward across the mountains and down to
the mouth of the Columbia. They do not appear to have met any of the
Kiowa, but heard of them from the tribes living on the river. By that
time the Kiowa, whom the explorers erroneously supposed were distinct
from the "Wetepahatoes," had been driven out of the Black Hills, which
were then in possession of the Cheyenne, while the Dakota held the
country to the eastward. The Kiowa were then on the Padouca or North
Platte. This agrees with the statements of old men of the Dakota
confederacy, who informed the writer that within their early
recollection that tribe had lived between the North Platte and the
Niobrara, having been expelled from the Black Hills by the Dakota of the
preceding generation.
The official report of Captain Lewis describes the Kiowa ("Kiawas" and
"Wetepahatoes") as living in 1805 on the North fork of the Platte, and
numbering 70 tipis, 200 warriors, and 700 souls, while the Kiowa Apache
("Cataka") lived somewhat farther north, on the headwaters of the two
forks of Cheyenne river, and are estimated at 25 tipis, 75 warriors, and
300 souls. While the figures thus given for the Apache are probably
nearly correct, those for the Kiowa are much too low, unless we assume
that they had been so greatly reduced by the war with the Dakota. The
alliances and wars of the two tribes, Kiowa and Apache, were the same,
they carrying on a defensive war with the Dakota and being at peace with
all the other tribes of the region, particularly with the Arikara,
Mandan, and Hidatsa. The account continues:
They are a wandering nation, inhabit an open country, and raise a
great number of horses, which they barter to the Ricaras, Mandans,
etc, for articles of European manufactory. They are a well-disposed
people, and might be readily induced to visit the trading
establishments on the Missouri. From the animals their country
produces, their trade would no doubt become valuable. These people
again barter a considerable proportion of the articles they obtain
from the Menetares, Ahwahhaways, Mandans, and Ricaras to the
Dotames and Castapanas.... Neither these people ("Kiawas"), the
Wetepahatoes, nor the Chyennes have any idea of exclusive right to
the soil (_Lewis and Clark, 1_).
The Dotames and Castapanas (for Castahanas) here mentioned are described
as living back of the Kiowa, between the head streams of the North
Platte and the Yellowstone, and were probably bands of the Shoshoni.
From this it appears that besides being well supplied with horses, with
which they carried on a profitable trade at this period with the tribes
on the Missouri, the Kiowa also acted as the trading medium between
these tribes and others living in the mountains beyond the Kiowa. The
officer suggests the mouth of Cheyenne river as the most suitable place
to establish a trading post for them. The Crows are described as having
then the same wars and friendships as the Kiowa, excepting that they
were at war with the Arikara as well as with the Dakota (_Lewis and
Clark, 2_).
The Comanche are described at this period (1805) under the name of the
"La Playes" division of "Aliatans" or "Snake Indians," as inhabiting the
plains from the headwaters of the Arkansas, and including the sources
of Red river, and extending from the mountains eastward indefinitely.
They were a wandering people, claiming no particular boundaries, and,
although possessing no guns, were brave and warlike. Their country
abounded in wild horses, besides great numbers which they raised
themselves (_Lewis and Clark, 3_).
In his volume published a few years later the explorer, Zebulon M. Pike,
states that the Kiowa, estimated by him to number 1,000 men, had in 1803
been driven by the Dakota into the mountains on the heads of the Platte
and Arkansas and north of the Comanche, where they were then wandering.
They owned immense herds of horses, were armed with bows, arrows, and
lances, hunted the buffalo, and were at war with the Dakota, Pawnee, and
"Tetau" (here meaning the Ute). In another place he mentions both Ute
and Kiowa as living in the mountains of northern Mexico--the present
Colorado and New Mexico--the former being more civilized from contact
with the Spaniards. He speaks also of meeting, in 1807, a party of Kiowa
and Comanche returning from a trading expedition to the Mandan (_Pike,
1_).
EXPLANATION OF "ALIATAN" AND "TETAU"
As the names Aliatan and Tetau here quoted from Lewis and Clark, with
their variants, have been the cause of much confusion in our western
tribal nomenclature, some explanation will not be out of place. Although
so unlike in appearance, these appellations are really but different
forms of the same word. The Ute of the mountain, region at the
headwaters of the Platte and the Arkansas, being a powerful and
aggressive tribe, were well known to all the Indians of the plains, who
usually called them by some form of their proper name, _Yútawáts_, or,
in its root form, _Yuta_, whence we get Eutaw, Utah, and Ute. Among the
Kiowa the name becomes _Íătä_(_-go_), while the Siouan tribes seem to
have nasalized it so that the early French traders wrote it as Ayutan,
Iatan, or Ietan. By prefixing the French article it became L'Iatan, and
afterward Aliatan, while by misreading of the manuscript word we get
Jatan, Jetan, and finally Tetau. Moreover, as the early traders and
explorers knew but little of the mountain tribes, they frequently
confounded those of the same generic stock, so that almost any of these
forms may mean Shoshoni, Ute, or Comanche, according to the general
context of the description.
UNSUCCESSFUL OVERTURES OF THE DAKOTA
As an incident of the war in progress during this period between the
Kiowa and the Dakota, we find it recorded on a calendar of the latter
tribe, under date of 1814-15, that a party of their people visited the
Kiowa camp on Horse creek for the purpose of making peace, but their
benevolent purpose was defeated by the occurrence of a sudden quarrel
between one of their own men and a Kiowa, which ended by the Dakota
sinking his tomahawk into the Kiowa's head, thus bringing the peace
negotiations to an abrupt close (_Mallery, 3_). The story, which well
illustrates the uncertainty of Indian temper, has a striking parallel in
Grinnell's story of "The Peace with the Snakes" (_Grinnell, Blackfoot,
1_). The Kiowa camp was at the junction of Kiowa creek with Horse creek,
which enters the North Platte from the south in Nebraska, just east of
the Wyoming line.
SMALLPOX EPIDEMIC OF 1816
In 1816 the smallpox made terrible ravages among all the tribes in the
region of the Red and Rio Grande, being probably communicated from the
Spanish settlements. The Comanche especially lost heavily (_Morse, 1_).
The Kiowa suffered in proportion, and their old men speak of this as the
first epidemic of smallpox within the memory of their tribe. It is
probable, however, that they had suffered in the same way some years
before, for we know that in 1801 a Pawnee war party, returning from New
Mexico, brought the smallpox home with them, with the result that it
spread among the tribes from the Missouri to the coast of Texas. The
prairie tribes are said to have lost more than half their population at
this time, while the Wichita, Caddo, and others in the south suffered
almost as severely (_Morse, 2_; _Lewis and Clark, 4_).
THE KIOWA IN 1820
In the account of his expedition up the Arkansas in 1820, Long speaks of
the Kiowa as wandering with the Arapaho and others over the prairies of
Arkansas and Red rivers, and having great numbers of horses, which they
traded to the Cheyenne and other northern Indians, who were not able to
rear them so easily in their colder and more barren country. He
describes a great gathering of tribes in 1815 on the South Platte,
apparently about the junction of Kiowa creek in Colorado, a region which
he mentions as frequented by the Kiowa, when the Cheyenne came down with
goods from the traders on the Missouri to meet and trade for horses with
the Kiowa, Arapaho, and "Kaskaia or Bad Hearts," and a party of traders
from St Louis (_James, Long's Ex., 1_). This appears to be the first
notice of the Kiowa as living on Red river--which, however, may here
mean the Canadian--and is evidence that they were at this time on
friendly terms with the Arapaho and Cheyenne, with both of which tribes
they were soon after at war. We learn also from this notice that the St
Louis traders had already begun to come out to trade with them on the
Arkansas, although none were regularly established in their territory
until some years later. The "Kaskaias" are probably the Kiowa Apache, or
possibly the Wichita.
THE OSAGE MASSACRE AND THE DRAGOON EXPEDITION--1833-34
We come now to the period covered by the Kiowa calendars, the first
important event of which is the massacre of a large number of the tribe
by a war party of Osage in the early spring of 1833. This led
indirectly to the expedition of the First dragoons in 1834, by which the
Kiowa, Comanche, Wichita, and associated tribes were first brought into
official relations with the United States. The massacre and the
expedition will be found treated at length in the proper place. When the
troops returned to Fort Gibson, in the eastern part of Indian Territory,
in August, they were accompanied by a party of one Waco, one Comanche,
three Wichita, and fifteen Kiowa chiefs or headmen, of whom the artist
Catlin says they were undoubtedly one of the most interesting groups
that had ever visited the frontier. Invitations were sent out to the
chiefs of all the neighboring tribes to come in to Fort Gibson and meet
their visitors from the west. A number responded, and a council lasting
several days was held under the auspices of Colonel Dodge of the
Dragoons, Indian Agent Major Armstrong, and Indian Commissioner General
Stokes, which paved the way for a friendly understanding between the
eastern and western tribes, and for both with regard to the United
States (_Catlin, 1_).
A year later, in August, 1835, as a result of the friendly relations
thus established, the chiefs of the Comanche and Wichita met the United
States commissioners at Camp Holmes, about 5 miles northeast of the
present site of Purcell, Indian Territory, and made their first treaty
with the government. The principal stipulation was that there should be
peace and friendship between the Comanche and Wichita on the one hand,
and the United States, Creek, Cherokee, and other immigrant tribes, and
the Osage on the other (_Treaties_).
THE TREATY OF 1837
Owing to a delay in the negotiations, the Kiowa who had attended the
meeting became impatient and returned home and consequently were not
parties to this treaty, but two years later a full delegation of Kiowa,
Apache, and Tawakoni went down to Fort Gibson, where the first treaty
between the United States and these tribes was made on May 26, 1837, and
was formally ratified the following year. In the document the three
tribes are called "the Kioway, Ka-ta-ka, and Ta-wa-karo nations of
Indians." The general terms of the treaty are the same as in that
previously made with the Comanche and Wichita, namely, peace and
friendship, with forgiveness of past injuries, and satisfactory
settlement of future disputes that might arise between these western
tribes and the Osage, Muscogee (Creek), and citizens of the United
States. All the tribes concerned were to have equal hunting rights on
the southern prairies as far west as the jurisdiction of the government
extended, and citizens of the United States were to have free right of
travel to and from Mexico and Texas through the Indian hunting grounds.
There was also a stipulation that if "any of the red people belonging to
the nations or tribes of Indians residing south of the Missouri river
and west of the states of Missouri and Arkansas, not parties to this
treaty," should be found in the country of the Kiowa, they should be
kindly treated by them. This was probably intended to refer only to the
immigrant tribes removed from the east, as it was hardly to be expected
that the Kiowa would act very hospitably toward any stray Dakota or
Pawnee who might occasionally visit the Arkansas in search of Kiowa
scalps or ponies. There was also a distinct understanding that it was
the desire of the government that perfect peace should exist between the
Kiowa and their allies and the republics of Mexico and Texas. The usual
presents were then distributed and everybody was happy (_Treaties_).
The peace thus made with the Osage and Creeks was never broken, although
in after years relations with the Osage were somewhat strained in
consequence of their serving as scouts against the allied southern
plains tribes. The promised friendship was also kept with regard to the
citizens of the United States until after the annexation of Texas, which
the Kiowa and Comanche never ceased to regard as a distinct and hostile
government, making a clear distinction between "Americans," i. e.,
settlers and emigrants from the north or Kansas side, and "Texans," whom
they regarded as a different nation and their enemies, in having driven
them from their best hunting grounds in violation of treaties and
without compensation.
The treaty commissioners on behalf of the government were General
Montfort Stokes and A. P. Chouteau, the latter being a member of the
noted pioneer trading company. Clermont and Roly McIntosh, head chiefs
of the Osage and Creeks, signed, with others, for their respective
tribes. Among the witnesses were a number of officers, stationed at Fort
Gibson, including, among others, the commanding officer, Colonel
Whistler, the noted Captain Bonneville, and Colonel R. L. Dodge, who had
led the dragoon expedition. The treaty was signed by ten Kiowa chiefs
and principal men, three Apache (whose Kiowa names only are given), and
four Tawakoni. Below are given the names of the Kiowa and Apache, as the
earliest on record from these tribes, excepting those given by Catlin,
together with the proper forms and translations of those which can be
identified.
_Kiowa_
Ta-ka-ta-couche, "Black Bird" (_Couche-kóñigya_, "black"?).
Cha-hon-de-ton, "Flying Squirrel."
Ta-ne-congais, "Sea Gull" (?) (_T'ené-kóñigyă_, "Black Bird").
Bon-congais, "Black Cap" (_Bohón-kóñigya_, "Black Cap").
To-ho-sa, "Top of the Mountain" (_Dohá-sän_, "Little Bluff").
Sen-son-da-cat, "White Bird."
Con-a-hen-ka, "Horned Frog" (_Séhänk`ia_, "Horned Toad Man"?).
He-pan-ni-gais, "Night."
Ka-him-hi, "Prairie Dog" (_Tséñhi_ ? "Dog").
Pa-con-ta, "My Young Brother."
_Apache_
Hen-ton-te, "Iron Shoe" (_Hâñ-doti_, "Iron Shoe, or Moccasin").
A-ei-kenda, "One who is Surrendered."
Cet-ma-ni-ta, "Walking Bear" (_Set-mänte_, "Bear Above? or Walking
Bear"?).
At this time the Kiowa were located on the upper waters of Arkansas,
Canadian, and Red rivers, in friendship with the Comanche and Wichita,
who occupied much of the same territory, but usually ranged more to the
east and south. They continued to occupy the same general region until
confined to their present reservation. Their war parties extended their
raids far beyond these limits, particularly toward the south.
CATLIN'S OBSERVATIONS IN 1834
Catlin, who saw them in 1834, describes them as a much finer race of men
than either the Comanche or Wichita, being tall and erect, with an easy
graceful gait, long hair reaching often nearly to the ground, with a
fine Roman outline of head, of a type common among the northern tribes,
but entirely distinct from that usually found in the south (_Catlin,
2_).
TRADERS AMONG THE KIOWA
From the statement of Lewis and Clark already noted, it appears that in
1805, while still located on the North Platte, the Kiowa had as yet no
communication with traders, but obtained supplies indirectly through the
tribes living farther east. From Pike's narrative, however, we learn
that James Pursley, "the first American who ever penetrated the immense
wilds of Louisiana," spent a trading season with the Kiowa and Comanche
in 1802 or 1803, under engagement with a French trader operating from
the Mandan country, and remained with them until the next spring, when
the Dakota drove them from the plains into the mountains at the heads of
the Platte and Arkansas (_Pike, 2_). From Long's statement, also
previously quoted, we learn that in 1815, the Kiowa having drifted
farther south in the meantime, traders from St Louis had begun to ascend
Arkansas river to trade with the Kiowa, Cheyenne, and other tribes near
its headwaters. From other sources it is apparent that before this time
they had had dealings also with the Spaniards of New Mexico. The first
regular American trading expedition to the Kiowa country was made in
1834 when, on the return of the visiting chiefs from Fort Gibson, a
company of eighty trappers and traders went back with them to their
homes on the upper Washita and Red rivers (_Catlin, 3_). In 1835,
shortly after the treaty with the Comanche at Camp Holmes, Colonel
Auguste Chouteau built on the same site a small stockade fort, where a
considerable trade was carried on with the Comanche, Kiowa, Wichita, and
associated tribes until his death three years later, when the place was
abandoned (_Gregg, 1_). The exact location of Camp Holmes and Chouteau's
fort was at a spring on a small creek, both still bearing the name of
Chouteau, on the east or north side of South (main) Canadian river,
about 5 miles northeast of where now is the town of Purcell, Indian
Territory. It was a favorite Indian camping ground and was the site of a
Kichai village about 1850.
Auguste Chouteau, the descendant of one of the early French founders of
St Louis, was the pioneer organizer of the Indian trade in the upper
Red river country, as were the Bents, also of French origin, on the
upper Arkansas. Under the name of _Soto_, Chouteau is still held in
affectionate remembrance by the Kiowa.
Chouteau's fort on the Canadian was considered to be in Comanche
territory. Shortly after the treaty with the Kiowa in 1837, he
established what they regard as the first trading post within their own
country, on the west bank of Cache creek, about 3 miles below the
present Fort Sill, Oklahoma. _Tomé-te_ (Thomas?) is the name by which
the Kiowa remember the trader in charge, who, however, did not remain
long. Another store was established nearly on the same ground by William
Madison (_Sénpo-zédalbe_, "Terrible-beard") in 1869, after the tribes
had been assigned to a reservation. In 1844, William Bent began building
trading posts on the South Canadian, in the Texas panhandle, near the
principal Kiowa trails. They also traded extensively at various points
on the Arkansas until their final removal to Indian Territory.
FIRST VISIT TO FORT GIBSON
With the treaty of 1837 and the building of the first trading post in
their country, the modern history of the Kiowa may be said to have
fairly begun. Their first introduction to American civilization was in
1834, when Dohásän and the other chiefs accompanied the troops back to
Fort Gibson, and again in 1837 when they went to the same place for the
purpose of making the treaty. Soon afterward arrangements were made by
Colonel Chouteau to have a delegation of Kiowa, Comanche, and their
associated tribes visit Washington and other eastern cities. A party of
chiefs visited Fort Gibson for this purpose in the summer of 1839, but
Colonel Chouteau having died during the previous winter, and the season
being then far advanced, it was deemed best to abandon the trip, and
accordingly they were given some presents and returned to their homes
(_Report, 1_).
SMALLPOX EPIDEMIC OF 1839-40--PEACE WITH THE CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO
In the winter of 1839-40 the Kiowa again suffered from the smallpox,
which had broken out in the north in the summer of 1837, nearly
exterminating the Mandan, and then swept the whole plains to the gulf.
In 1840 they made peace with the Arapaho and Cheyenne, with whom they
have ever since been on terms of intimate friendship (see the calendar).
They had already made peace with the Dakota, so that they were now on
good terms with all the tribes of the plains excepting the Pawnee and
Tonkawa, who seem always to have been outlawed tribes, without friends
or allies.
TEXAN SANTA FÉ EXPEDITION
In 1841 the Texan Santa Fé expedition passed through the country of the
Kiowa. Kendall, the historian of that ill-fated undertaking, describes
the tribe as occupying the prairies near the headwaters of Colorado,
Brazos, Wichita, and Red rivers, and incorrectly supposes that their
hunting grounds had never before been visited by white men. He says that
they seemed to be a powerful people, hitherto but little known, owing to
the fact that their range was south of the line of the Missouri traders
and north of that portion of the Comanche country with which the Texans
were acquainted. He speaks of their extraordinary horsemanship, and
credits them with the feat, ascribed also to other plains tribes, of
throwing themselves to one side of their horses while riding parallel
with their enemies in such a way as to conceal and protect their bodies
while discharging their arrows directly under their horses' necks. They
had then but few guns, and these were ineffective in their hands, but
were surprisingly expert in the use of shields, bows, and lances
(_Kendall, 1_). The disastrous encounter of the Texans with the tribe is
narrated in the proper place.
CHOLERA EPIDEMIC OF 1849
The next notable event in Kiowa history is the cholera epidemic of 1849.
It was brought from the east by California emigrants, and ravaged all
the tribes of the plains. The Kiowa remember it as the most terrible
experience in their history, far exceeding in fatality the smallpox of
nine years before. Hundreds died and many committed suicide in their
despair (see the calendar).
FORT ATKINSON TREATY IN 1853
For years the Kiowa and their confederates had been carrying on a
chronic warfare against Mexico and Texas, although generally friendly
toward Americans on the north. For the protection of the advancing
settlements and the traffic over the Santa Fé trail, now amounting to
over $2,000,000 annually (_Report, 2_), it was deemed necessary to end
this anomalous condition of affairs. Accordingly, on July 27, 1853, a
treaty was negotiated by agent Thomas Fitzpatrick, at Fort Atkinson, on
the Arkansas, in Kansas, with the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, by which
these tribes agreed to remain at peace with both the United States and
Mexico, and conceded the right of the government to establish roads and
military posts within their territory. In return for these concessions,
they were to receive an annuity of $18,000 for a term of ten years,
subject to a further extension of five years (_Treaties_). It is
somewhat remarkable that this treaty is not noted on the calendar,
neither does it seem to form a subject of conversation among the older
men.
DEPREDATIONS IN MEXICO--MEXICAN CAPTIVES
Although for obvious reasons the Indians were opposed to the
establishment of roads and military posts in their country, the chief
difficulty in the way of a treaty was their unwillingness to cease war
on Mexico. The proposition to restore their Mexican captives met a
prompt and decided refusal. As the Mexican captive element forms so
large a proportion of the blood of these three tribes, the remarks of
agent Fitzpatrick in this connection are of interest:
The chief difficulty which occurred in negotiating the present
treaty was not, however, presented in the article embracing the
foregoing points, but in that which contemplates a cessation of
hostilities against the neighboring provinces of Mexico and the
restoration of prisoners hereafter captured. For a long time these
tribes have been in the habit of replenishing their caballadas of
horses from the rich valleys and pasture lands which border upon
the Rio Grande. Yearly incursions have been made by them far into
the interior of Chihuahua and Durango, and they but seldom return
without having acquired much plunder, as well as many captives,
from the defenseless inhabitants of that country. The name of the
Comanche and Apache has become a byword of terror even in the
villages and beneath the city walls of those fertile provinces. The
consequences of those expeditions are twofold, for while they serve
to sharpen the appetite for pillage and rapine, they also tend to
keep up the numbers of the tribe. The large herds driven off
produce the former result, and the prisoners captured contribute to
the latter. The males thus taken are most commonly adopted into the
tribe, and soon become the most expert leaders of war parties and
the most accomplished of marauders. The females are chosen as wives
and share the duties and pleasures of the lodge. In fact, so
intermingled amongst these tribes have the most of the Mexican
captives become that it is somewhat difficult to distinguish them.
They sit in council with them, hunt with them, go to war with them,
and partake of their perils and profits, and but few have any
desire to leave them. Upon this account the chiefs of the nations
refused positively and distinctly to entertain any proposals or
make any treaties having in view giving up those captives now
dwelling amongst them. They stated very briefly that they had
become a part of the tribe; that they were identified with them in
all their modes of life; that they were the husbands of their
daughters and the mothers of their children, and they would never
consent to a separation, nor could any persuasion or inducement
move them to abate this position. All that could be accomplished
was to make a provision for the future (_Report, 3_).
Even this much, seems to have amounted to but little, for in the next
year we find the same agent-reporting that "so far as I can learn, they
have faithfully complied with the treaty stipulations, save one. It is a
difficult matter to make them understand that New Mexico now belongs to
the United States. They deny ever having consented not to war on
Mexicans. They say that they have no other place to get their horses and
mules from" (_Report, 4_).
DEFEAT OF ALLIED TRIBES BY SAUK AND FOX, 1854
In the summer of 1854 the Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Cheyenne, and others
of the plains tribes, organized a great expedition for the purpose of
exterminating the immigrant tribes in eastern Kansas, whose presence was
beginning to be felt in an ominous decrease of the buffalo. Although
this was perhaps the largest war party ever raised by the plains Indians
south of the Sioux country, being estimated to number 1,500 warriors,
they were ingloriously defeated with heavy loss by a party of Sauk and
Fox numbering hardly a hundred, the result being due to the fact that
the latter were armed with long-range rifles, while their enemies had
only bows and arrows. Almost every old man of the Kiowa now alive was
in this battle, which is famous among all the tribes of the southern
plains (see the calendar).
In the same year, according to Clark, a party of 113 Pawnee was cut off
and slaughtered almost to a man by an overwhelming force of Cheyenne and
Kiowa (_Clark, 19_). There is no record of this engagement on the
calendars, although several minor encounters with the Pawnee are noted
about this time.
HOSTILE DRIFT OF THE KIOWA
In the next few years we find little of importance recorded of the Kiowa
beyond concurrent statements of both military and civil officials that
they were growing constantly more insolent and unmanageable. In 1856 a
war party of nearly one hundred arrived at Albuquerque, New Mexico,
having passed through the center of the settlements of that territory,
on their way to attack the Navaho. They were turned back by the military
commander, committing several depredations as they retired (_Report,
5_). Two years later another large war party, together with some
Cheyenne, passed Fort Garland, Colorado, almost on the great divide, in
pursuit of the Ute (_Report, 6_).
[Illustration: FIG. 44--Dohásän or Little-bluff, principal chief,
1833--1866 (after Catlin, 1834)]
DEFIANT SPEECH OF DOHÁSÄN
On one occasion, during the distribution of the annuity goods on the
Arkansas, when fifteen hundred lodges of Cheyenne, Arapaho, Comanche,
Kiowa, and Apache were encamped along the river, the agent took the
opportunity to tell the Kiowa as plainly as possible that if they did
not cease their depredations the government would not only withhold
their presents but would send troops to punish them. The great chief
Dohásän, after listening in respectful silence to the end, sprang to his
feet, and, calling the attention of the agent to the hundreds of tipis
in the valley below, replied in a characteristic speech:
The white chief is a fool. He is a coward. His heart is small--not
larger than a pebble stone. His men are not strong--too few to
contend against my warriors. They are women. There are three
chiefs--the white chief, the Spanish chief, and myself. The Spanish
chief and myself are men. We do bad toward each other sometimes,
stealing horses and taking scalps, but we do not get mad and act
the fool. The white chief is a child, and like a child gets mad
quick. When my young men, to keep their women and children from
starving, take from the white man passing through our country,
killing and driving away our buffalo, a cup of sugar or coffee, the
white chief is angry and threatens to send his soldiers. I have
looked for them a long time, but they have not come. He is a
coward. His heart is a woman's. I have spoken. Tell the great chief
what I have said (_Report, 7_).
SMALLPOX EPIDEMIC OF 1861-62
In the winter of 1861-62 the smallpox, brought back from New Mexico by a
party of Kiowa returning from a trading trip, again ravaged the Kiowa,
Comanche, and other tribes of the plains (see the calendar). To prevent
a recurrence of the disease, the government soon afterward took measures
for vaccinating the western Indians. In the summer of 1863 a delegation
of Kiowa visited Washington and gave permission for the establishment of
mail stations along the roads through their country in southeastern
Colorado (_Report, 8_).
INDIAN WAR ON THE PLAINS, 1864
The chronic raiding still continued. In 1860 the troops had been ordered
to chastise the Kiowa and Comanche, but apparently with little effect.
Then came the rebellion, involving all the civilized and partly
civilized tribes of the south and reacting on the wild tribes of the
plains. At the same time the fugitive hostiles from the Sioux war in
Minnesota in 1862, who had taken refuge with their western brethren of
the same tribe, helped to increase the ferment. There is evidence also
that agents of the Confederacy had something to do with this result. In
the fall of 1863 it was learned that a combination had been formed by
the Dakota, Cheyenne, part of the Arapaho, the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache--all the principal fighting tribes--to inaugurate a general war
along the plains in the spring. To meet the emergency, messages were
sent out to the different tribes in June, 1864, directing all friendly
Indians to repair at once to certain designated military posts, with a
warning that all found away from these posts after a certain date would
be considered hostile. As it was difficult for troops to distinguish one
tribe from another, an order was issued at the same time prohibiting the
friendly Indians in eastern Kansas from going out on their usual buffalo
hunt upon the plains.
Only a part of the Arapaho, and later some of the Cheyenne, responded
and came in. After waiting a sufficient time, Governor Evans of Colorado
issued a proclamation in the summer of 1864 designating all Indians
remaining out as hostiles, whom all persons were authorized to kill and
destroy as enemies of the country, wherever they might be found
(_Report, 9_). In August the agent at Fort Lyon, Colorado, for the
Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Cheyenne, and Arapaho, wrote that "the orders
are to kill every Indian found in the country, and I am inclined to
assist in carrying the orders into effect" (_Report, 10_).
The official reports covering the summer of 1864 are full of notices of
murders and depredations on the plains. The agent of the Overland Mail
stated in August that as a consequence the company had been compelled to
abandon all its stations for a distance of 400 miles, while every ranch
within the same section had been deserted. He reported that the Indians
"arrogantly declare that the land belongs exclusively to them; they
intend to regain and hold it if they have to destroy every white man,
woman, and child to accomplish their purpose. It would seem that the
recent enormous emigration across the plains has alarmed many of the
tribes and infused into their rude minds the belief that the whites were
about to take possession of their country" (_Report, 11_). The great
emigration referred to was in consequence of the rush to the gold mines
of Pike's Peak, discovered in 1858.
VACCINATION AMONG THE PLAINS TRIBES--SET-T'AIÑTE
As usual, the Indians had deferred hostilities until the grass was
high enough in the spring to enable their ponies to travel. In April a
government physician, who had been sent among these tribes to vaccinate
them as a protection from the smallpox which had recently decimated
them, as already noted, found them all apparently friendly.
From him we have an interesting description of the appearance and
home life of the famous chief Set-t'aiñte. He writes from Fort Larned:
I have been two weeks among the Kiowas, about 40 miles up the
Arkansas river. I was four days in Satana's [_Set-t'aiñte_] or
White Bear's village, who is, I believe, their principal chief. He
is a fine-looking Indian, very energetic, and as sharp as a brier.
He and all his people treated, me with much friendship. I ate my
meals regularly three times a day with him in his lodge. He puts on
a good deal of style, spreads a carpet for his guests to sit on,
and has painted fireboards 20 inches wide and 3 feet long,
ornamented with bright brass tacks driven all around the edges,
which they use for tables. He has a brass French horn, which he
blew vigorously when the meals were ready. I slept with Yellow
Buffalo, who was one of the chiefs that visited Washington with
Major Colley. They have quite a number of cows and calves and a
good many oxen and some mules and American horses that they say
they stole from Texas. A body of Kiowas and Comanches and some
Cheyennes intend to make another raid into Texas in about five or
six weeks.
It will be remembered that Texas was at this time in armed rebellion
against the general government, a fact which confirmed the Indians in
their belief that Texans and Americans were two distinct and hostile
nations. With correct prophecy the doctor surmises that a successful
result in the contemplated raid will encourage them to try their hand
farther north. By this time he had vaccinated nearly all the Indians of
the upper Arkansas (_Report, 12_). Fort Larned, in western Kansas, was
then the distributing point for the goods furnished by the government to
the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache.
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 45--Set-t'aiñte (Satanta) or White-bear]
THE LITTLE ARKANSAS TREATY IN 1865
In a few months the grass was up and a change came o'er the spirit of
the dream. Hostilities had begun on the plains, and in order that the
innocent might not be punished with the guilty, the friendly tribes
along the eastern border had been forbidden to go out into the buffalo
country. This deprivation of accustomed privileges naturally caused
great dissatisfaction among the friendly Indians, who had come to depend
on their annual buffalo hunt to eke out their scanty food supply, and
they complained bitterly that the government had been feeding and
clothing the hostiles, while they themselves had been left to starve.
In a strong letter their agent writes that, while he has a desire to
shield all Indians from wrong and severe treatment, yet "lead, and
plenty of it, is what the Kiowas want and must have before they will
behave." He denounces them as murderous thieves, and says that he has
had personal experience of their insolence and outrages (_Report, 13_).
The incidents of this war noted on the calendar are the encounter at
Fort Larned, in which the Kiowa ran off the horses of the soldiers, and
the attack on a Kiowa camp by a detachment of troops and Ute Indians
under command of Kit Carson (see the calendar).
From the agent's report it appears that the Indians had begun
hostilities in the summer simultaneously on the Platte and the Arkansas,
and up to September had killed a number of people and run off several
thousand head of horses, mules, and cattle. Communication between the
Colorado settlements and the Missouri had been almost entirely cut off,
the overland coaches had to be supplied with large escorts, and emigrant
trains were compelled to combine for safety. It was thought that all the
tribes of the plains were on the warpath together. The Indians were well
mounted, knew the whole country perfectly, and so far, in every contest
on anything like equal terms, had proven themselves a match for the
white soldiers. As nearly the whole available force of the government
was then employed in suppressing the rebellion, no additional troops
could be sent to the frontier, and Governor Evans of Colorado asked and
received permission to raise a force of volunteers against the hostiles.
It was the opinion of many persons, including army officers stationed in
the country, that the whole trouble might have been averted had the
Indians been properly treated by the whites (_Report, 14_).
In spite of the serious condition of affairs it was evident that the
chiefs did not want war. Early in September peace overtures were
received from the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who soon after came in and
camped as directed near Fort Lyon, Colorado. A month later the agent
reported that the Kiowa and Comanche had committed no depredations for a
long time and were supposed then to be south of the Arkansas, near the
Texas border (_Report, 15_). Before the trouble began they had been
encamped on the Arkansas, near Fort Larned. As the tribes had now
expressed their desire for peace, a commission was sent out early in
1865 to meet them for that purpose. The commissioners met the Kiowa,
Comanche, and Apache on August 15 at the mouth of the Little Arkansas,
where now is the town of Wichita, Kansas, and received their promise to
cease hostilities and to meet the same commission in October to make a
regular treaty of peace. Three days later the Cheyenne and Arapaho
entered into a similar agreement at the same place. The Kiowa chiefs
signing the agreement were Dohásän as head chief, Gúi-pä´go
("Lone-wolf"), Sét-dayâ´-ite ("Many-bears"), Set-t'aiñte ("White-bear"),
Te'né-angópte ("Kicking-bird"), and Set-ĭmkía ("Pushing-bear," commonly
known as Stumbling-bear), with Sét-tádal ("Lean-bear") for the Apache,
and eight of the Comanche. Credit for this result is due largely to the
efforts of agent Leavenworth, who secured a suspension of military
operations while he went out to bring in the Indians, a matter of
peculiar difficulty in view of their fresh recollection of the massacre
of friendly Cheyenne by Colonel Chivington in the autumn of the
preceding year (_Report, 16_).
Pursuant to agreement, commissioners met the five tribes in October,
1865, at the mouth of the Little Arkansas, where treaties were made with
the Cheyenne and Arapaho on the 14th, with the Apache on the 17th, and
with the Kiowa and Comanche on the 18th. By the treaty with the Apache
they were officially detached from the Kiowa and Comanche and attached
to the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who agreed to relinquish their reservation
in southeastern Colorado for one farther south, in Kansas and Indian
Territory. The Kiowa and Comanche agreed to remove south of the
Arkansas, the reservation proposed for their future home being a tract
in western Texas and Oklahoma, as follows: Commencing on the Canadian
river where the eastern line of New Mexico crosses the same; thence
running south along said line to the southern boundary of New Mexico;
thence in a northeastwardly direction to the headwaters of Big Wichita
river; thence down said river to its mouth or its junction with Red
river; thence due north to Canadian river; thence up the Canadian to the
place of beginning. By this treaty, which was intended, to be only
temporary, they gave up all claims in Colorado, Kansas, and New Mexico,
and were restricted to southwestern Oklahoma and the region of the
Staked plain in Texas. Five white captives were surrendered by the Kiowa
and Comanche at the same time (_Treaty_).
DEATH OF DOHÁSÄN
In the course of the talk Dohásän, on behalf of his people, made a
vigorous protest against being confined to a reservation, claiming that
the Kiowa owned from Fort Laramie and the North Platte to Texas and had
always owned it, and that he did not want his country cut up and divided
with other tribes or given to the white man; his people wanted a large
country to roam over; they did not want to stay long in one place, but
wanted to move about; the Santa Fé road was open and would not be
disturbed, but the rest of their country he wanted let alone.
Notwithstanding this protest the treaty was signed. Among others
officially present were Kit Carson, William Bent, and Agent Leavenworth,
with William Shirley and Jesse Chisholm as interpreters (_Report, 17_).
Dohásän died shortly afterward, early in 1866, and with his death began
the rapid decline of the Kiowa tribe. He was succeeded by Gúi-pä´go,
"Lone-wolf," adopted father of the present chief of the same name. But
the Indian day was drawing to a close. Within a few years the Kiowa were
practically prisoners on a reservation, and their chiefs were the
creatures of petty factions and mere figureheads in the hands of the
government.
KIOWA RAIDS CONTINUED
As a result of these peaceful efforts, there were but few reports of
disturbances during the next year, excepting from the incorrigible
Kiowa. Notwithstanding all their promises, Set-t'aiñte led a war party
into Texas and returned with five captives, a woman and four children,
whom he brought into Fort Larned for ransom. The agent sharply reminded
him of his promise to cease such acts, and demanded the surrender of the
prisoners without compensation, whereon, under pretense of consulting
the other chiefs, Set-t'aiñte took them to Fort Dodge, where the
commander, compassionating their condition, rescued them for a large
sum. In reporting the circumstance, their agent urges that it is high
time the Kiowa were made to feel the strong arm of the government as the
only means of bringing them to a sense of their duty, as they even went
so far as to boast that stealing white women was a more lucrative
business than stealing horses (_Report, 18_).
Other complaints came in during the next year, but full investigation by
the military authorities satisfied them that with the exception of this
raid by Set-t'aiñte the Kiowa and Comanche were innocent (_Report, 19_).
Accordingly measures were taken to arrange a meeting with these tribes
to establish more definite treaty relations, as contemplated in the
provisional treaty of 1865. Preliminary to this meeting Agent Labadi,
with a small party, went from Santa Fé across to the Texas border, where
he met a large portion of the confederated tribes and urged on them the
necessity of keeping peace with the government, at the same time
demanding the free surrender of all white captives of the United States
held by them, concluding by telling them that all of their tribes
hereafter found north of the Arkansas would be treated as hostiles.
After a conference among themselves, the chiefs agreed to deliver up the
captives and end all difficulties, and arranged for a full meeting
later, when some absent chiefs should have returned. In regard to the
raids into Texas, they distinctly stated that they had been told by the
military officers of the government to do all the damage they could to
Texas, because Texas was at war with the United States (referring to the
recent rebellion), and that until now they were ignorant that peace had
been established. Although it is pretty certain that some of them at
least had already been told that the rebellion was at an end, yet there
can be no doubt that the peculiar relations which from the very
beginning had existed between Texas and the general government furnished
them a plausible excuse for the depredations (_Report, 20_).
THE TREATY OF MEDICINE LODGE, 1867, AND ITS RESULTS
The result of these negotiations was the treaty of Medicine Lodge on
October 21, 1867, by which the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were
officially confederated and agreed to come upon their present
reservation (see the calendar). This treaty merits extended notice,
inasmuch as it changed the whole status of the Kiowa and their allies
from that of independent tribes with free and unrestricted range over
the whole plains to that of pensioners dependent on the government,
confined to the narrow limits of a reservation and subject to constant
military and civilian supervision. For them it marks the beginning of
the end. Moreover, on the provisions and promises of this treaty are
based all the arguments for and against the late unratified agreement of
1892. It will be necessary first to review the situation.
For a number of years the Indian problem on the plains had been
constantly growing more serious. The treatment accorded by Texas to her
native and border tribes had resulted in driving them northward to the
country of upper Red river and the vicinity of the Santa Fé trail, where
they were a constant menace both to the trading caravans and to the
frontier settlers of Kansas and Colorado. In addition to the old Santa
Fé trail the thousands of emigrants to California and Oregon had
established regular roads across the plains, in the north along the
North Platte and in the south along the base of the Staked plain, while
the discovery of gold in Colorado in 1858 brought a flood of white
settlement into the very heart of the Indian country, driving away the
buffalo and narrowing the range of the tribes. Encroachments and
reprisals were becoming chronic, and it was evident that some
arrangement must be made by which the wild tribes could be assigned a
territory remote from the line of settlement and travel, where they
might roam and hunt undisturbed, without danger of coming into collision
with the whites.
The conditions a few years previous are well summed up by the veteran
trader William Bent, at that time agent for the Cheyenne and Arapaho, in
an official report dated October 5, 1859. In it he says:
The Cheyenne and Arapahoe tribes scrupulously maintain peaceful
relations with the whites and with other Indian tribes,
notwithstanding the many causes of irritation growing out of the
occupation of the gold region, and the emigration to it through
their hunting grounds, which are no longer reliable as a certain
source of food to them. These causes precipitate the necessity of
immediate and sufficient negotiations for the safety of the whites,
the emigrant roads, and the Indians....
The Kiowa and Comanche Indians have for two years appeared in full
numbers and for long periods upon the Arkansas, and now permanently
occupy the country between the Canadian and Arkansas rivers. This
is in consequence of the hostile front opposed to them in Texas, by
which they are forced toward the north, and is likely to continue
perpetual.... A smothered passion for revenge agitates these
Indians, perpetually fomented by the failure of food, the
encircling encroachments of the white population, and the
exasperating sense of decay and impending extinction with which
they are surrounded....
I estimate the number of whites traversing the plains across the
center belt to have exceeded sixty thousand during the present
season. The trains of vehicles and cattle are frequent and valuable
in proportion. Post lines and private expresses are in constant
motion. The explorations of this season have established the
existence of the precious metals in absolutely infinite abundance
and convenience of position. The concourse of whites is therefore
constantly swelling and incapable of control or restraint by the
government. This suggests the policy of promptly rescuing the
Indians and withdrawing them from contact with the whites, as the
element capable of such immediate management as may anticipate and
prevent difficulties and massacre. I repeat, then, as the
suggestion of my best judgment, that immediate and sufficient steps
be taken to assemble and finally dispose of these particular tribes
of Indians, viz, the Kiowa and Comanches, the Cheyennes, and the
Arapahoes, by reducing them, under treaties and arrangements, to
become agricultural and pastoral people, located within specific
districts, judiciously selected and liberally endowed, to which
they shall be restricted and the white men excluded from among
them. These numerous and warlike Indians, pressed upon all around
by the Texans, by the settlers of the gold region, by the advancing
people of Kansas and from the Platte, are already compressed into a
small circle of territory, destitute of food, and itself bisected
athwart by a constantly marching line of emigrants. A desperate war
of starvation and extinction is therefore imminent and inevitable
unless prompt measures shall prevent it (_Report, 21_).
Despite this warning no steps were taken toward a remedy, and in April,
1864, the irritation resulted in a war with the Cheyenne, speedily
involving also the Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, with several
bands of the Dakota. The most memorable incident of this war was the
massacre of 120 friendly Cheyenne, encamped under the protection of the
United States flag, near Fort Lyon, on Sand creek, Colorado, by Colorado
militia under Colonel Chivington, on November 29, 1864. Hostilities
ended with treaties made with the five tribes chiefly concerned at the
mouth of the Little Arkansas (now Wichita, Kansas), in October, 1865, as
already noted. Short as the war had been, it had cost the government
over $30,000,000 and an unknown number of lives (_Report, 22_).
From this time the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, as tribes, remained
quiet, according to the terms of the treaty, but it was otherwise with
the more northern Indians, who found themselves subjected to constant
aggressions in spite of all agreements. In July, 1866, a war broke out
with the Sioux, and in April, 1867, it spread to the Cheyenne and
Arapaho. Leading incidents of these campaigns were the massacre of
Lieutenant-Colonel Fetterman's whole command at Fort Phil. Kearney,
December 21, 1866, and the burning of a large Cheyenne village on the
Pawnee fork, by General Hancock, in April, 1867 (_Report, 23_).
At this stage of affairs Congress appointed a commission to establish
peace with the hostile tribes, by first ascertaining their grievances
and then making such treaties as would remove the causes of
dissatisfaction and afford protection to the frontier settlements,
emigrant roads, and railroads by assigning to the tribes reservations
where they could remain undisturbed in the future. This commission
consisted of N. G. Taylor, president, John B. Sanborn, Samuel F. Tappan,
J. B. Henderson, and Generals William S. Harney, Alfred H. Terry, and C.
C. Augur. Notwithstanding open war was in progress, they found no
difficulty in effecting friendly meetings with the various tribes. In
September and October, 1867, the commission held councils with the Sioux
and Crows and made treaties with the Cheyenne and Arapaho, and with the
Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, these being the treaties under which the
latter tribes hold their present or recent reservations and draw their
annuities.
In regard to the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, the commissioners state
that from the testimony they were satisfied that these tribes had
substantially complied with the terms of their treaty made two years
before on the Little Arkansas, the only serious violation being the
killing of James Box and the capture of his family in western Texas in
August, 1866. This is the Set-t'aiñte raid already noted. As excuse for
this, the commissioners state, the Indians urged that they supposed an
attack on Texas people would be no violation of a treaty with the United
States--that as we ourselves had been at war with the people of Texas,
an act of hostility on their part would not be disagreeable to us. In
regard to numerous other misdeeds credited to these tribes, they state
that the evidence pretty clearly demonstrates that the charges were
almost entirely without foundation (_Report, 24_).
After visiting some of the northern bands, the commissioners went to
Fort Larned, Kansas, whence they sent messengers to the Cheyenne and
Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, notifying them of their arrival
and purpose. They then proceeded to the general tribal rendezvous on
Medicine-lodge creek, about the present site of Medicine Lodge, Barber
county, Kansas, where they met the Indians, and the treaties were made
(see the calendar).
A treaty was first made with the Kiowa and Comanche on October 21, 1867,
and by a supplementary treaty made immediately afterward on the same
day, the Apache, at their own request, were formally confederated and
incorporated with them instead of with the Cheyenne and Arapaho, with
whom they had been united by the treaty of the Little Arkansas two years
before. The Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache together signed the treaty of
confederation, which was proclaimed August 25, 1868. At the same council
meeting was made the similar treaty with the Cheyenne and Arapaho, by
which those tribes held their late reservation and became entitled to
their current annuities. These treaties superseded all previous
agreements (_Treaties_).
The Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache treaty provides for peace and mutual
good will, and stipulates that the Indians shall refrain from further
attacks on the whites, and withdraw all opposition to the construction
of railroads and other roads and the building of military posts in the
western country, then or afterward to be authorized by the government.
The usual provision is made for an agency, schools, farmers, doctor,
blacksmith, etc. Article 6 provides for the selection of farming tracts
within the proposed reservation, to be recorded and held as the
individual property of such Indians as may desire to become farmers.
Article 2 sets apart for the use of the three confederated tribes their
present reservation, bounded on the east by the ninety-eighth meridian,
on the south and west by Red river and its North-fork, and on the north
by the Washita from the ninety-eighth meridian up to a point 30 miles by
river from Fort Cobb, and thence by a line due west to the North fork.
All within these bounds is solemnly "set apart for the undisturbed use
and occupation of the tribes herein named, and for such other friendly
tribes or individual Indians as from time to time they may be willing,
with the consent of the United States, to admit among them; and the
United States now solemnly agrees that no persons except those herein
authorized so to do, and except such officers, agents, and employés of
the government as may be authorized to enter upon [the] Indian
reservation in discharge of duties enjoined by law, shall ever be
permitted to pass over, settle upon, or reside in the territory
described in this article, or in such territory as may be added to this
reservation, for the use of said Indians."
By article 10 all obligations incurred by the United States under
previous treaties are canceled, and instead the government agrees to
deliver at the agency, "on the 15th day of October of each year, for
thirty years," the equivalent of a full suit of clothing for each Indian
man, woman, and child, for which purpose the agent is to make an annual
census of the tribes; "and in addition to the clothing herein named, the
sum of twenty-five thousand dollars shall be annually appropriated for a
period of thirty years" for the judicious purchase of such articles as
may seem proper to the condition and necessities of the Indians.
Provision is made for the expenditure of a portion of the clothing fund
in other ways for the benefit of the Indians, whenever, within the
period of thirty years, it might seem advisable, "but in no event shall
the amount of this appropriation be withdrawn or discontinued for the
period named." All annuity issues were to be made in the presence of an
army officer detailed for the purpose, who should inspect and report on
the quantity and quality of the goods and the manner of their delivery.
Provision is also made for establishing a sufficient number of schools
to continue for a period of not less than twenty years. The Indians
agree to surrender all claims to lands outside the reservation as
established in article 2, retaining, however, some temporary hunting
privileges south of the Arkansas. Several minor details are specified,
and by article 12 it is stipulated that no treaty for the sale of any
portion of the reservation thus agreed upon shall have force or validity
"unless executed and signed by at least three-fourths of all the adult
male Indians occupying the same."
The Kiowa signers were ten in number, of whom only Set-ĭmkía was still
alive in 1896. Their names were:
_Set-ä´ngya_, "Sitting-bear" (Satank).
_Set-t'aiñte_, "White-bear" (Sa-tan-ta).
_Gúato-kóñgya_, "Black-bird" (Wa-toh-konk, or Black Eagle).
_T'ene´-angópte_, "Kicking-bird" (Ton-a-en-ko, or Kicking Eagle).
_Taká-i-bodal_, "Spoiled-saddle-blanket" (Fish-e-more, or
Stinking Saddle).
_Mäñyí-tén_, "Woman-heart" (Ma-ye-tin).
_Set-ĭmkía_, "Pushing-bear" (Sa-tim-gear, or Stumbling Bear).
_Set-pä´go_, "Lone-bear" (Sit-par-ga, or Sa-pa-ga, or One Bear).
_Gaá-bohón_, "Crow-bonnet" (Corbeau, or The Crow).
_Set-emâ´-i_, "Bear-lying-down" (Sa-ta-more).
The Apache signers were:
_Babípa_ (Mah-vip-pah, Wolf's Sleeve).
_Gúañtekána_ (Kon-zhon-ta-co, Poor Bear).
_Chónshitá_ (Cho-se-ta, or Bad Back).
-------- (Nah-tan, or Brave Man).
-------- (Ba-zhe-ech, Iron Shirt).
_Tĭ´l-'lakaí_ (Til-la-ka, or White Horn).
The Comanche signers, of whom only Howia was alive in 1896, were:
_Päriăséaman_, "Ten-elks" (Parry-wah-say-men, or Ten Bears).
_Tĭ´pinävón_ (Tep-pe-navon, or Painted Lips).
_Tä´sawi_ (To-sa-in, To-she-wi, or Silver Brooch).
_Síacĭ´nika_, "Standing-head-feather" (Cear-chi-neka).
_Howía_, (Ho-we-are, or Gap in the Woods).
_Täyăkwoip_, "Sore-backed-horse" (Tir-ha-yah-guahip, or Horse's
Back).
_Ĭsanä´naka_, "Wolf-noise" (Es-a-nanaca, or Wolf's Name).
_Ätéstisti_, "Little-horn" (Ah-te-es-ta).
_Púiwi-tóyäbi_ "Iron-mountain" (Pooh-yah-to-yeh-be).
_Sä´riyo_, "Dog-fat" (Sad-dy-yo).
In addition to the signatures of the commissioners the treaty bears the
names of a number of witnesses, some of them noted in the pioneer
history of the southwest, including Thomas Murphy, superintendent of
Indian affairs, J. H. Leavenworth, agent for the three tribes, and
Philip McCusker, the interpreter, well known in connection with these
tribes until his death in 1885.
RENEWED HOSTILITIES
As no arrangements had yet been made for the removal of the Indians to
the south, most of them remained encamped on the Arkansas until June,
1868, when the Cheyenne became involved in difficulty with the military,
resulting in their flight southward to the Canadian and Washita. On the
return of the unsuccessful war party against the Ute, in which
Setdayâ´ite had been killed, as narrated in the calendar for that year
(see the calendar), the Kiowa also left the Arkansas and removed to the
south, thus anticipating measures by General Sherman to drive all these
tribes by military force upon the new reservations assigned them by the
late treaty, notwithstanding the fact that neither agency buildings nor
agents were yet established on either reservation. In pursuance of this
policy, General Sherman, in September, asked to have all issues
whatever to any of these tribes withheld until they had concentrated
near Fort Cobb on the Washita, and announced that after waiting a
sufficient time for them to reach that point he would solicit an order
declaring all Indians outside these reservations to be outlaws, "and
recommending all people, soldiers, and citizens to proceed against them
as such." He also proposed to declare forfeited the hunting privileges
outside these boundaries, guaranteed under the treaty. Despite the
agent's protest that the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache had done nothing to
deserve such treatment, and the statement of the acting commissioner
that Fort Cobb was not on the Cheyenne and Arapaho reservation at all,
military operations were begun in September, with this purpose in view,
with the result that all five tribes were again involved in war
(_Report, 25_).
However peaceable the Kiowa and Comanche may have been on the Kansas
frontier at this time, they were insolent enough in the south, for, in
addition to raids into Texas, the agent for the Wichita and associated
tribes, which had recently been removed to the vicinity of Fort Cobb,
reports that they had plundered the Wichita of nearly everything, burned
the agency, and forced the employees to leave to save their lives
(_Report, 26_).
BATTLE OF THE WASHITA--REMOVAL TO THE RESERVATION
The command of operations in Indian Territory was given to General
George A. Custer, who left Fort Dodge, Kansas, with eleven troops of the
Seventh cavalry and twelve troops of Kansas volunteers, and after
establishing Camp Supply, started on a winter campaign, intending to
strike the Indians when they would be least prepared for defense or
flight. The result was the "Battle of the Washita," on November 27,
1868, in which the Cheyenne village under Black-kettle was surprised and
totally destroyed, one hundred and three warriors, including
Black-kettle himself, being killed, a number of prisoners taken, and
nearly a thousand ponies captured and shot, thus practically rendering
the survivors helpless. The engagement occurred on the south bank of the
Washita, in Oklahoma, just above Sergeant-major creek. Most of the
Arapaho, Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were camped below along the river
for a distance of several miles; the whole forming the winter camp of
the allied tribes. The Kiowa, who were nearest, prepared to attack, but,
being taken at a disadvantage, agreed to go with the troops to Fort
Cobb, the proposed agency. Instead of doing this, however, the warriors
sent their families with their movables in a contrary direction and
attempted to slip away themselves in small parties until Custer seized
Lone-wolf, the head chief, and Set-t'aiñte, next in authority, and
threatened to hang them both unless the absentees delivered themselves
at Fort Cobb within two days. This brought matters to a head, and the
whole tribe, excepting a band which fled under Woman-heart (_Mäñyí-tén_)
toward the Staked plain, came in and surrendered at Fort Cobb within
the time specified, about the end of December, 1868. The two chiefs were
thereupon set at liberty. Most of the Comanche and Apache had already
come in immediately after the Washita fight. The Cheyenne and Arapaho
fled to the head of Red river, where they were followed by Custer, and
were brought in later to their own reservation (_Custer, 1_; _Record,
1_). As an effective means of holding these tribes in check for the
future, Fort Sill was established in the spring of 1869, nearly in the
center of the reservation, with the agency for the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache adjoining.
FURTHER INSOLENCE OF THE KIOWA--RAIDS INTO TEXAS
Although they had been compelled to settle on a reservation, the Kiowa
continued their raids into Texas, destroying property, killing white
people, and carrying away captives. On one occasion they even attacked
the agency at Fort Sill, killed and wounded several men, stampeded the
agency cattle and the quartermaster's mules, and defiantly challenged
the soldiers to come out and fight. Civil and military officials alike
agree that there was not the slightest excuse for these outrages, to
which they were encouraged by the Kwáhadi Comanche, who had never yet
come in from the Staked plain and who never ceased to ridicule those
Indians who had submitted. To put an end to this state of affairs, the
Commissioner in 1870 recommended the establishment of a line of posts
along the southern boundary of the reservation, and that the Kiowa and
Comanche should all be placed under military control until they had
learned to behave properly (_Report, 27_).
Affairs went on from bad to worse. In 1871 a large raiding party killed
seven men in Texas, torturing one over a fire, and capturing a number of
mules. The leaders had the hardihood to boast of their deed in the
presence of the agent and General Sherman, who promptly arrested the
three most prominent, Set-t'aiñte, Setängya, and Ä´do-eétte or
"Big-tree." Setängya (Satank) resisted and was killed. The other two
were sent to Texas for trial and punishment (see the calendar).
In 1872 another Commissioner declared that the point had been reached
where forbearance had ceased to be a virtue, and again recommended that
the three tribes be turned over to the military for punishment. He
states that a wholesome example is absolutely necessary to command
obedience, asserting that "so long as four-fifths of these tribes take
turns at raiding into Texas, openly and boastfully bringing back scalps
and spoils to their reservation, efforts to inspire very high ideas of
social and industrial life among the communities of which the raiders
form so large a part will presumably result in failure." At the same
time their agent reports that, although they had come regularly for
their rations during the preceding winter and spring, giving repeated
assurance of amity and peace, yet so soon as their horses were in
condition in summer the Kiowa had gone on the warpath, taking with them
a large number of the Comanche and Apache, and within a few months
had stolen hundreds of horses and mules, carried off several captive
women and children, and killed over twenty persons in Texas, besides
others in New Mexico and elsewhere. By withholding rations for three
months, he had compelled them to bring in two captives without ransom,
and states that he would continue to withhold supplies from them until
the other was surrendered. He declared, finally, that the Kiowa and some
bands of the Comanche were beyond control by him (_Report, 28_). The
calendar for this year (q. v.) also takes note of these raids.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVIII
PHOTOS BY JACKSON, 1872
GUI-PÄGO OR LONE-WOLF, PRINCIPAL CHIEF, 1866--1874]
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 46--Set-ängya(Satank) or Sitting-bear]
INTERTRIBAL PEACE COUNCIL, 1872
In the summer of 1872 the general council of the civilized tribes of
Indian Territory sent a commission to the wild tribes in the western
part of the territory to urge them to a permanent peace among themselves
and with the United States. This Indian commission met the chiefs and
headmen of the Caddo, Wichita, and affiliated tribes, the Cheyenne and
Arapaho, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, together with their
agents, near Fort Cobb, in July and August, and had several talks with
them, resulting in a general friendly feeling among the tribes, but
without any very substantial outcome in regard to the Kiowa, who
demanded the release of Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree as a preliminary to
negotiations. They did surrender two white captives, as already stated,
but this appears to have been due to the stoppage of rations by the
agent rather than to the efforts of the peacemakers. Notwithstanding the
rose-colored report of the commission, we learn from the agent that
while Kicking-bird, as always, was on the side of peace, White-horse
(_Tseñ-t'aiñte_), the notorious raider, declared that the old chiefs
might make peace, but he and the young men would raid when they chose,
while Lone-wolf, the head chief, declared that they would not make peace
or return their captives until Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree were released
and the Kiowa reservation extended from the Rio Grande to the Missouri.
He modified his terms, however, when he found that all rations and
annuities were to be cut off until the captives were unconditionally
released (_Report, 29_). About the same time the Kiowa invited the
Cheyenne to join them in forming a combination of the southwestern
tribes to make war on the whites and effect the release of the
imprisoned chiefs, but the Cheyenne refused the proposition (_Report,
30_).
Soon after, in the same year, another commission was sent out from
Washington to the same tribes to discuss with them the subject of their
own and the government's treaty obligations, and to warn them in plain
terms that unless they ceased their raids outside their reservations the
military would be directed to begin active operations against them, and
that all parties hereafter leaving the reservation to go into Texas
would be considered as hostiles to be attacked without inquiry and to be
followed into their camps, if necessary, for punishment.
JOINT DELEGATION TO WASHINGTON, 1872
An important object of the commission was to obtain a good
representative delegation of the several tribes to visit Washington,
with the view of impressing them on the way with the strength of the
whites, in order to obtain a better understanding on their arrival.
Although the other tribes generally responded promptly and
satisfactorily, the Kiowa, as usual, were disposed to be perverse. At
last, however, a party, including Lone-wolf, Woman-heart, Red-otter
(_Ápeñ-gúadal_), Dohásän (son of the former great chief), Sun-boy
(_Paí-tälyí_), Stumbling-bear, and others, met the commission on the
Washita and consented to send delegates to Washington on the promise
that their imprisoned chiefs, Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, should be
allowed to meet them at some point on the way, or that if five delegates
were sent, the prisoners should be allowed to accompany them. A
delegation had been selected to start for the east in September, when a
rumor came of a movement of troops in the vicinity of their remoter
camps, with the result that a number of the assembled Indians stampeded,
including several of the promised delegates. The Kiowa delegation, as it
finally left, consisted of four men--Lone-wolf, the head chief, Sun-boy,
_Gui-k`ate_ ("Wolf-lying down," improperly rendered "Sleeping-wolf") and
one other. The Apache delegates were Pacer, Daho, and Gray-eagle.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX
PHOTO BY LANNEY, 1892
TSEÑ-T'AIÑTE OR WHITE-HORSE]
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 47--Tseñ-t'aiñte or White-horse]
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 48--Ä´do-eétte or Big-tree]
In accordance with the promise, the two imprisoned chiefs were sent on
under guard to St Louis, where they were allowed to see and talk with
their friends, after which they were returned to the custody of the
governor of Texas. The whole delegation, which was the largest and most
important that had ever visited Washington, included representatives
of all the southern plains tribes, excepting the Cheyenne and the
Kwáhadi Comanche of the Staked plain. The latter had never entered into
a treaty and refused to be settled on a reservation, although protesting
their desire to be at peace. Whatever hopes may have been built on these
negotiations, the events of the next two years would seem to prove to
have been futile.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX
PHOTO BY JACKSON, 1872
GUI-K`ÁTE OR SLEEPING-WOLF (WOLF-LYING-DOWN) AND WIFE]
THOMAS C. BATTEY, FIRST TEACHER AMONG THE KIOWA, 1872
In December, 1872, Thomas C. Battey, a Quaker, the first teacher who
made any impression on the Kiowa, came among them after a short sojourn
with the Caddo, and remained about eight months. Although he
accomplished little in the way of education, owing to the restless
nomadic habits of the tribe, his influence with Kicking-bird
(_T'enéangópte_) probably kept that chief and his band from the warpath
in the outbreak of 1874. He has left a most interesting and valuable
narrative of his experiences among the Kiowa, who still hold him in
friendly remembrance as _Támĭsi_ (see _Battey_).
REPORT OF CAPTAIN ALVORD
The report of Captain Alvord, chairman of the commission, in regard to
the Kiowa, is a good summary of the situation as concerns them up to
date. He says:
The Kiowas, from their present attitude and their conduct during
the last two or three years, demand especial consideration. The
tribe numbers about 1,200. In 1868 they barely avoided a serious
conflict with the United States troops, and, although the larger
part of them were brought to within a reasonable distance of their
agency, and suitably located in the spring of 1869, they soon
returned to their favorite range between the Wichita mountains and
the eastern slope of the Staked Plains, whence unrestrained they
have most of the time since made frequent and successful
expeditions in different directions, chiefly into Texas. To a
certain extent they are subdivided into bands, and the chiefs of
these have evinced different degrees of friendship, but it would be
impossible to deal with them otherwise than as a tribe.
As already stated, their hostilities of the past year were pursuant
to their deliberate decision, and it is safe to state that at least
one-half of the terrible scenes of blood, fire, and pillage which
they have caused have never yet been reported to the Department.
The cold-blooded murders of inoffensive persons known to have been
committed by them within two years approach a hundred, and they
have now in their herds not less than a thousand stolen horses and
mules, including over two hundred taken within a few months from
the troops and agencies in their vicinity.
Lately they have yielded to a demand made upon them and given up
the only white captives known to be among them, and there is no
doubt that the present delegation, with the man at its head
acknowledged as the principal chief of the tribe, will make every
profession of friendship in the future and be anxious to cry quits
and begin anew on peace terms. Nevertheless, while I desire to give
this people all the credit they deserve, the opinion is very
positively expressed that these apparently friendly acts on their
part are no guarantees for the future, but simply repetitions of
their conduct every autumn, when it is highly important to them to
place themselves in position to receive during the winter months
the material aid in subsistence and clothing afforded by the
government. Gladly will they offer this fall certain terms of
peace, but these will be found wholly in their favor--entire
forgiveness for all past offenses, the possession of the greater
portion of their stolen property, and full restoration to the
rights and privileges of the plains Indians in general. But the
promises of future good conduct will be utterly worthless, and,
these terms granted, there will be every prospect of a renewal of
their depredations as soon as the early grass recuperates their
stock and they find themselves able to subsist on the prairies.
The present position of the Kiowas may not be exactly one of open
hostility, but it is certainly nothing less than the most offensive
insubordination. Their agent for the past three years, a sincere
member of the Society of Friends, a man who has proved himself
eminently fitted for the place, declares this tribe uncontrollable,
and states his belief that nothing less than military authority,
with perhaps some punishment by troops, will bring them into such
subjection as to again render the services of a civil agent of
benefit to them.
The Kiowas have no shadow of excuse for their conduct. For three
years they have received their annuity goods, of proper quantity
and quality; have drawn their rations regularly until their action
last spring compelled their agent to refuse them; and in no way
have they received any injury from the government troops or agents.
The arrest of two of their chiefs under due process of law, with
their subsequent trial and conviction in the state of Texas, must
not be forgotten; but the government at once interceded and secured
a commutation of their sentence, and the Kiowas were informed that
the fate of their chiefs depended on the future action of the
tribe. This can in no way be considered an excuse for them,
uncivilized as they are, and as a pretext it but makes their
conduct worse.
It is not only recommended, but strongly urged, that the United
States government no longer receive their proffer, but dictate to
this tribe its own terms of settlement, making sure guarantees of
safety to the lives and property of its citizens in the future.
I recommend that the representatives of the Kiowas now in
Washington be told, in the presence of the entire delegation, that
the government proposes to dictate its own terms to that tribe, and
that they be the following: The entire tribe to encamp before
November 30 at some suitable point near Fort Sill (for instance,
Crawford's creek), where every movement can be watched by troops.
All horses or mules found in their herds, undoubtedly taken from
the government and from private parties during the past two years,
to be given up within the same time, and the tribe to make good
from their other stock any such animals found with other tribes, by
them obtained from the Kiowas--and the tribe to surrender to the
proper authorities, for trial by United States courts, the three
most prominent men of those engaged in the greatest atrocities
during the past year. Also, that they be told that the recent
conduct of the tribe prevents all present hope of the release of
their two prisoner chiefs, and that the liberty of those and the
others to be given up will depend entirely upon future good
behavior. Also, that no annuity goods whatever be issued to them
for the present year, and that hunting parties be allowed to leave
camp only when accompanied by a proper detachment of troops.
It is recommended that the necessary arrangements be made at once
to have a sufficient body of troops in readiness to enforce
compliance with these terms. If such a force is known by the
Indians to be prepared to move by the 20th of November, it is
believed that the terms will be complied with on time. Otherwise
the movement should take place promptly on the 1st day of December,
and under a judicious officer the tribe can be reached and
compelled to yield with very little probability of an actual
conflict. As elsewhere suggested, it would be desirable to have a
proper representative of the Indian office accompany the troops.
Should these recommendations be approved, it would be well also to
notify them that, having come or been forced into camp as proposed,
they will be closely watched, and any movement, great or small, not
fully authorized by whoever has them in charge, will subject the
movers to immediate attack.
It is deemed especially important that the decision of the
department as to the course it will pursue toward the Kiowas be
fully explained to them, and to the Apaches and Comanches, before
the present delegation returns to the territory, and that all the
other tribes be warned that, in case of any resistance on the part
of the Kiowas, any Indians found aiding or communicating with them
will be summarily dealt with (_Report, 31_).
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 49--"Ka-ati-wertz-ama-na--A brave man, not afraid of any Indian"[2]]
[Footnote 2: The name given is a Comanche corruption.]
RELEASE OF SET-T'AIÑTE AND BIG-TREE, 1873
[Illustration: Photo by Soule, about 1870
FIG. 50--T'ené-angópte or Kicking-bird]
The principal event of 1873 was the release and return to their people
of the chiefs Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, who had been imprisoned in Texas
under jurisdiction of the state authorities (see the calendar). On the
assurance given to the delegates in Washington that their chiefs would
be restored to them in the spring, provided the tribe remained peaceably
on the reservation in the meantime, the Kiowa had conducted themselves
properly through the winter. With spring, however, came the Modok war,
with the killing of General Canby, which created such a distrust of
Indians in general that the people of Texas were unwilling to surrender
the prisoners, whom they regarded as hostages for the safety of the
frontier. Notwithstanding their disappointment, the Kiowa remained
quietly at home, patiently waiting until the government should bring
influence to bear on the governor of Texas to redeem its promise. The
prisoners, accompanied by Governor Davis of Texas and the Indian
Commissioner, were at last brought to Fort Sill, where a council was
held with the Kiowa in October. At the opening of the council the
governor of Texas made a number of hard demands as preliminary to the
surrender of the chiefs, although the government had already promised
their unconditional release in consideration of the good conduct of the
tribe during the last year. Some of these conditions were practically
impossible, and for a time it seemed as if the whole purpose of the
negotiations would be defeated, Kicking-bird, the leader of the friendly
element, declaring that the government had lied and that the white man
was no longer his friend, while Lone-wolf threatened war even though it
should mean the destruction of their people. It became evident that
there would be a desperate encounter if the chiefs were not now set free
as promised, and on the earnest representations of the Indian
Commissioner the governor finally yielded in his demands, and
Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree were released from custody on October 8, 1873,
subject, however, to rearrest by the state of Texas whenever it should
appear that any of the Kiowa had again been raiding there. Although this
condition was in violation of the promises made by the government, the
Indians were compelled to be satisfied. An unsuccessful attempt was made
by the governor to force the Comanche, by the delivery of hostages, to
similar conditions. To show their good will, however, a party of
Comanche volunteered to assist a detachment of troops in bringing in any
of their young men who might then be raiding in Texas. During their
absence on this errand a party of Texans visited the reservation and ran
off two hundred horses and mules _(Report, 32_; _Battey, 1_).
The Quaker teacher, Battey, who was present during the council, thus
describes the release of the chiefs:
Satanta and Big Tree, after embracing the governor, proceeded to
embrace the chiefs present, and immediately returned with them to
the agent's office, from whence they went to their rude home in
their camps. The reunion of these chiefs with their tribe and
families was impressive and affecting in the extreme. Joy beamed
upon every countenance, and their happiness was exhibited, as might
be expected, in the most wild and natural manner.
Reports continued to fill the newspapers of renewed raids into Texas by
Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, when Battey asserts--
To my certain knowledge the latter was at home, sick in his lodge,
and the former enjoying, after two years' confinement in prison,
the pleasures of the buffalo chase, on territory assigned for the
purpose (_Battey, 2_).
HAWORTH'S ADMINISTRATION--1873-78
At this time the various agencies were in charge of agents nominated by
different religious bodies in accordance with the "peace policy"
inaugurated by President Grant. The agent for the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache was J. M. Haworth, nominated by the Society of Friends, of which
body his acts show him to have been a consistent member, who held charge
for five years, from April, 1873, to April, 1878, including the
troublous period of the outbreak and subsequent readjustment. In spite
of the many difficulties at the time, he soon gained the confidence of
these wild and warlike people, and conceived and successfully
inaugurated the first substantial work of civilization among them in the
way of schools, farming and stock raising, and the building up of
friendly relations with the whites. He is held in grateful memory among
the Kiowa, who know him as _Sénpo gúadal_, "Red-beard." An extract from
his first report shows the spirit in which he met them and their quick
response:
When I took charge, I told the Indians in council that I had come
among them as their friend and desired us to live together as
friends. As a proof of my confidence in them, I had the soldiers
whom I found on duty removed, and relied upon them to conduct
themselves in a peaceable and friendly manner; told them with their
help we could make this a peaceable country to live in. I desired
them to refrain from raiding or stealing. The chiefs promised me
assistance; said if their young men would not listen, but ran off
and stole horses, they would bring in to me all they brought back,
and I could restore them to their owners. A short time ago I
reminded the Comanches of their promise--told them I had heard some
of their young men had been in Texas and brought back a number of
horses. Within two weeks from the time I spoke to them fifty-two
head of horses and mules were delivered to me as having been stolen
from Texas since I came in charge as agent. I did not make any
threats of stopping rations, or anything of the kind; simply
reminded them of their promises and appealed to their better
natures, with the very satisfactory result referred to (_Report,
33_).
FIRST SCHOOL ESTABLISHED BY BATTEY
Early in 1873 also, another Quaker, Thomas C. Battey, attempted the
first school work among the Kiowa, as already noted. Although a
conscientious worker, the force of their wandering habits and Indian
beliefs was still too strong, and the effort in its direct purpose was a
failure. He remained with them some months, however, and the good
impression he made had much to do with keeping the larger portion of the
tribe from the warpath in the subsequent outbreak. He thus sums up his
school experiment:
Having erected a tent and fitted it up, I commenced a school with
twenty-two children in attendance, which continued for something
over a week, during which time the children manifested their
aptitude to learn by the progress they made. The elder people also
manifested much interest in it by their frequent visits, their
attention to the exercises, and their encouraging words to the
children. About this time, much sickness prevailing among the
children in the camp, some superstitious Caddoes who happened there
attributed the sickness among them to me, telling them I was a bad
medicine man and had made some of their children sick when I was
with them, two of whom died. This had the effect to entirely break
up the school, though I continued my efforts to renew it for nearly
two months. Sometimes when I would get a few children collected,
they would be driven out by their old men. Sometimes young men
would come in, laugh at them, and abuse them until they would
leave. After about two months they became more unsettled, moving
from place to place almost continually, searching for better grass
for their stock, better water, more wood, to get buffalo, etc. As
we were seldom but a day or two in a place, I gave up all effort to
sustain a school (_Battey, 3_).
THE OUTBREAK OF 1874-75
CAUSES OF THE DISSENSION
But events were steadily drifting toward war again and the truce was of
brief duration, the unrest culminating in the general revolt commonly
known as the outbreak of 1874. As this was the last, and will forever
remain the last, combination of the southern plains tribes against the
power of the white man, resulting in their complete and final
subjection, it merits somewhat detailed attention.
In late raids into Texas several of the Comanche had been killed by the
hated Tonkawa, a small cannibal tribe, in their capacity of government
scouts (see the calendar, 1873-74). The wailing laments of the Comanche
women for their dead, and their appeals for vengeance, urged the
warriors to go down once more into Texas and exterminate the remnants of
the man-eaters who had escaped the massacre of twelve years before. To
add to their discontent, a lawless band of hunters organized in Dodge
City, Kansas, had, in the spring of 1873, established an adobe fort,
known as the "Adobe Walls," on the South Canadian, in the panhandle of
Texas, from which headquarters they were making inroads on the
guaranteed hunting grounds of the Indians and were slaughtering the
buffalo by thousands, in defiance of the government promises that such
intrusion would be prevented. It was also charged that they directly
incited disorder by selling whisky, arms, and ammunition to the Indians
in return for stolen stock. In his official report on the outbreak,
General Pope states emphatically that the unlawful intrusion and
criminal conduct of the white hunters were the principal cause of the
war (_War, 1_). This is confirmed by the testimony of white men employed
at the Cheyenne agency at the time, who stated to the author that just
before going out the Cheyenne chiefs rode down and assured them that
they need have no fear, as the Indians considered them as friends and
would not molest them, but were compelled to fight the buffalo hunters,
who were destroying their means of subsistence. "Then they shook hands
with us and rode off and began killing people."
Shortly before this the son and nephew of Lone-wolf, the principal chief
of the Kiowa, had been killed in Mexico. He went down with a party in
the summer of 1874 and buried their bodies, making a solemn vow at the
same time to kill a white man in retaliation, and thus communicating to
his people the bitterness which he felt himself (see the calendar,
1873-74). Lone-wolf is described by Battey about this time as being
several years older than Kicking-bird, not so far seeing, more hasty and
rash in his conclusions, as well as more treacherous and cunning, but
with less depth of mind. He was the acknowledged leader of the war
element in the tribe.
While lawless white men were thus destroying the buffalo, the Indians
themselves were suffering for food. The agent for the Cheyenne
reports that for nearly four months preceding the outbreak the rations
had fallen short, and expresses the opinion that if there had been a
full supply he could have held the tribe from the warpath. At the
same time they were being systematically robbed of their stock by
organized bands of horse thieves. The immediate cause of the outbreak
by the Cheyenne in May, 1874, was the stealing by these men of
forty-three valuable ponies belonging to the chief, Little-robe. In
attempting to recover them Little-robe's son was dangerously wounded,
in revenge for which the Cheyenne soon after killed a member of a surveying
party in the Kiowa country and at once began open hostilities
(_Report, 34_; _Battey, 4_).
[Illustration: Photo by Bell, 1888
FIG. 51--Gui-pägo or Lone-wolf, present head-chief of the Kiowa]
Agent Miles thus tersely sums up the provocation:
The lack of power to administer the law--to remove improper
characters from this reservation, to break up the various bands of
dissolute white men, horse and cattle thieves, known to be
operating in our vicinity--is the prime cause that may be assigned
for the serious outbreak among the Cheyennes on this reservation.
As elsewhere stated, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were assured by
the President, on their recent visit to Washington, that improper
white men and buffalo hunters should be kept from their country at
all hazards, and they very naturally expected that some effort
would be made to keep that promise; but they have looked in vain,
and the Cheyennes, being the most restless of the two tribes, grew
tired and endeavored to avenge their own wrongs. The result of such
a proceeding could have but one ending, and that was to bring them
into conflict with the general government (_Report, 35_).
THE COMANCHE MEDICINE-MAN
At this critical juncture a young medicine-man named Ĭ´sätaí arose
among the Kwáhadi Comanche--the wildest and most intractable portion of
the tribe--with claims of supernatural powers. He asserted his ability
to cure all diseases and to restore the dead to life, and said that he
had been taken up repeatedly into the home of the Father of the Indians,
above the sun and far above the abode of the white man's God, and that
there he had been given control of the elements, with power to send
rain, wind, thunder, lightning, or drought upon the earth as he pleased.
What was most to the purpose, he promised to protect all who should
believe in him, as he could produce cartridges in unlimited quantities
from his stomach for his friends, and could so influence the guns of the
whites, and particularly of the soldiers, that they would not shoot
Indians, even though the latter stood in front of the muzzles. It was
the old story of the Indian medicine-man that has been familiar from the
time of the Shawano prophet to the messiah of the ghost dance.
His words created great excitement among the Comanche, nearly all of
whom believed him. Some of his deluded followers asserted that they had
themselves seen him ascend into the sky and again descend to earth, and
at another time had seen him produce from his stomach nearly a wagon
load of cartridges. Finally he commanded the tribe to assemble in May,
1874, at the junction of Elk creek (_Donä´i P'a_, "Pecan river") with
the North fork of Red river, to see the proofs of his mission and to
hear his message to the people. So great an impression had his fame
produced by this time that even the friendly chiefs attended, as well as
the main body of the Cheyenne and a part of the Kiowa. This was a new
departure for the Comanche, who, according to all authorities, had never
before "made medicine" as a tribe (_Report, 36_; _Battey, 5_).
On assembling at the designated spot the Indians were harangued by
the medicine-man, who told them that their god commanded them to
avenge their murdered kindred. Accordingly a party was made up to
go to Texas and kill the Tonkawa, who, as has been stated, were
cannibals, for which reason, and for the additional one that they
constantly served as scouts against the other Indians, they were
regarded with common hatred by all the tribes. Learning of the
proposed expedition, Agent Haworth warned the commander of Fort
Griffin, near which post the Tonkawa were located, who had them
removed to the post for safety. This being reported to the
confederate tribes by their spies, they changed their program and
decided to go out on the plains and kill the buffalo hunters at
Adobe Walls.
Finding that the whole purpose of the gathering was warlike, those
who desired to avoid trouble determined to return to the agency,
but found that such a move had been anticipated by the hostiles,
who declared that they would prevent any return, even if they had
to kill the ponies of the friendlies to do it. Notwithstanding, a
number of the Comanche, chiefly of the Penätĕka band, made the
attempt and succeeded in getting away to the agency. The main body
of the tribe, the warlike Kwáhadi, and all the Cheyenne, decided
for war (_Report, 37_). A few of the Kiowa were also among them,
but as yet only one chief, Woman-heart, had smoked the war-pipe
with the Comanche and Cheyenne, the rest of the tribe being still
near the agency (_Battey, 6_). During all the subsequent troubles
the Apache remained quiet and peaceable in the friendly camp at
Fort Sill.
APACHE AND ARAPAHO FRIENDLINESS
During the whole period of the outbreak the Arapaho also remained loyal
and friendly, in accordance with their treaty pledges and their general
character, although the Cheyenne, with whom they were confederated, were
the most determined of the hostiles. As soon as it became manifest that
trouble was at hand, the Arapaho came in to the agency of the two tribes
at Darlington to warn the agent and his employés, and, as a proof of
their friendship, furnished an Indian police force, who stood guard over
the agency every night until all danger was past. The sole exception to
their uniform friendly conduct was the assassination of an employé named
Frank Hollowell (or Holloway), in July, 1874, by two young Arapaho, the
principal of whom was afterward convicted of the crime and died in
prison. This was the only hostile act committed at the Cheyenne and
Arapaho agency during the outbreak (_Report, 38_).
FURTHER DEFIANCE
The hostile Comanche and Kiowa now began to steal stock from around the
agency at Fort Sill, and in response to a message sent to their camp by
the agent, defiantly replied that they would not return the stock now,
but would keep it to make peace with when they came back in the fall.
They added that they would not molest the agency further if not
interfered with by the soldiers, but if the soldiers came upon them they
intended to come in and kill anyone they met (_Battey, 7_).
One or two trifling encounters occurred in May between the troops and
Indians, presumably Comanche and Kiowa, in western Texas, and others
more serious in June farther north, in Indian Territory and the
adjoining part of Kansas, the Indians concerned being probably chiefly
Cheyenne.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI
PHOTO ENG CO. N.Y.
PHOTO BY LANNEY 1892
QUANAH PARKER, PRINCIPAL CHIEF OF THE COMANCHE]
BATTLE OF ADOBE WALLS
In the latter part of June, 1874, the confederated Comanche, Cheyenne,
and Kiowa made a combined attack upon the buffalo hunters intrenched in
the fort of the Adobe Walls, on South Canadian river, in the Texas
panhandle. The engagement began about the 27th, and continued several
days, the Indians attacking with desperate courage, urged on by their
medicine-man, who had assured them that the bullets of the whites could
not hurt them. The hunters, however, had a small field cannon, and with
this, protected as they were by the solid walls of adobe, they finally
compelled the Indians to withdraw with considerable loss. The
medicine-man excused the result on the ground that his medicine was for
guns and not for cannon. The combined force was led by Quanah, the
present noted head chief of the Comanche, who informed the author that
he had seven hundred warriors in the fight, but added sententiously, "No
use Indians fight adobe." The result convinced him of the falsity of the
claims of medicine-men, against whom he has ever since used his powerful
influence in his tribe. Finding their position untenable without
military protection, which was refused by the general commanding the
department, the buffalo hunters soon afterward abandoned the fort. The
location is known among the Kiowa as "The place where Quanah led his
confederates" (see _Report, 39_; _War, 2_; Record, 2).
On July 3 a small wagon train in charge of Patrick Hennessey and three
other men, loaded with supplies from Wichita, Kansas, for the Wichita
agency at Anadarko, was attacked by Cheyenne on the trail where now
stands the town of Hennessey, Oklahoma. The four white men were killed
and scalped, the stores and mules taken, and the wagons burned.
Hennessey was tortured by being tied to a wagon wheel and burned upon a
pile of grain taken from his own wagon. This last deed was the work of
some Osage who came up while the Cheyenne were still there, and who
secured the larger share of the plunder. These same Osage were
ostensibly friends of the whites, and had completely deceived their
agent and missionary into the belief that they were doing all in their
power to quiet the hostile tribes. The bodies of three of the men killed
were buried by a neighboring ranchman, who had warned them of their
danger only a few hours before, and unsuccessfully endeavored to
persuade them to turn back. Hennessey's remains were buried two days
later by a party under agent Miles(_Battey, 8_; _Report, 40_).
FRIENDLIES COLLECTED AT FORT SILL
By this time the Cheyenne agency at Darlington was closely surrounded by
bands of hostiles. Arming a small force of employés, the agent proceeded
north to Wichita, Kansas, for assistance, after sending a courier
through by night to Colonel Davidson at Fort Sill for temporary aid.
That officer promptly sent a troop of cavalry, which, however, was
intercepted at the Wichita agency (Anadarko), then threatened by the
Kiowa and Comanche. In response to the appeals of Agent Miles, a
sufficient force of cavalry and infantry was sent from Fort Leavenworth
to protect the Darlington agency. As soon as it had appeared that war
was inevitable, Whirlwind, head chief of the tribe, with his band of
Cheyenne, had moved into the agency, where he remained steadfastly
peaceable. White-shield also ranged himself on the side of peace, and
consented to carry a message to the hostile camp, as a result of which
Little-robe and a number of others broke away at night and came into the
agency, being compelled to abandon their tipis and most of their
household goods to effect their escape (_Report, 41_).
The Kiowa medicine dance, which was held usually in June, had been
postponed on account of the absence of Lone-wolf, who had gone to Texas
after the bodies of his son and nephew. On his return it was held at a
point on the North fork of Red river (see the calendar, 1874), being
attended in force by the Comanche and Cheyenne, who made a strong effort
to engage the Kiowa in the war. The dance closed on the 3d of July, when
a small minority, led by Lone-wolf and Swan, decided for war and joined
the hostiles, but the majority, under Kicking-bird, declared for peace
and came in to the agency at Fort Sill. Here the friendly Indians of the
different tribes belonging to the agency--Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache--were directed to encamp together on Cache creek, where they were
enrolled by order of Colonel Davidson, after which none were to be
allowed to come in and join the camp of the friendlies without
surrendering their arms and obtaining a guarantee from the agent that
they were guiltless of hostile acts. Similar orders were carried out in
regard to the Indians of the Wichita agency at Anadarko. The enrollment
showed four-fifths of the Kiowa among the friendlies, although, as the
agent remarks, doubtless some of them did not deserve the name. With
some inconsistency, Lone-wolf sent a message declaring his desire for
peace and asking permission to come in to the friendly camp; but, as he
was considered the leader and one of the most guilty of the hostiles,
his request was refused. In the meantime orders had been issued from the
War Department, on July 21, authorizing the military to punish the
hostiles wherever found, even to pursuing them upon their reservations.
General Pope, commanding the department, at once set the troops in
motion, and a vigorous campaign began from the north and south of the
exposed territory.
FIGHT AT ANADARKO, THE WICHITA AGENCY
Late in August a band of Nokoni Comanche came into the camp of friendly
Comanche at the Wichita agency (Anadarko), desiring to remain. Colonel
Davidson, commanding at Fort Sill, went over with a detachment of
troops to receive their surrender. They agreed to give up their arms,
and had already delivered a number of guns and pistols, when a question
arose as to the bows and arrows, and a messenger was sent to the
commanding officer to decide the matter. While the messenger was gone,
the chief, Red-food, gave a whoop--whether as a battle signal or merely
to call another chief, is a disputed point--and was immediately fired
upon by the guard. Lone-wolf and his Kiowa were on the ground and at
once opened fire on the troops. A general fight ensued (August 22), the
excitement being intense, as it happened to be ration day and nearly all
the Indians of the Wichita agency were present--Caddo, Wichita,
Delaware, and Pawnee--as well as a large number of the Kiowa, Comanche,
and Apache of the other agency. Runners hurried to all the camps with
the news that the troops were killing the Indians; but, notwithstanding,
the fighting was confined to the Kiowa and Comanche, who attacked the
agency, burning the schoolhouse, sacking Shirley's trading store,
burning several houses of the friendly Indians, killing at least four
citizens, and wounding several soldiers. While some fled to places of
safety, others kept up the attack until next day, when, failing in a
final attempt to take and burn the agency, they withdrew. According to
the statement of the Indians, they lost two men and one woman killed and
a few wounded. A part of the Kiowa engaged had been enrolled at Fort
Sill among the friendlies, but had gone without permission to the
Wichita agency some days before. Some of the Comanche who fled at the
time of the fight came in soon after and reported to Colonel Davidson,
and, on being assured that no harm was intended them, returned with him
to the friendly camp at Fort Sill. In regard to this encounter, the
Comanche disclaimed any hostile intention at the start, and the fact
that they had voluntarily come in and surrendered their guns would show
that it was the result of a panic arising from a misunderstanding (see
the calendar; also _Report, 42_; _Battey, 9_; _Record, 3_).
As showing the moral effect of a knowledge of the power of the white
man, it is worthy of record that only one of the Kiowa delegates to
Washington in 1872 joined the hostiles, that one, Lone-wolf, being
avowedly incited to his course by a thirst for vengeance for his son
(_Report, 43_). As a commentary on the treatment frequently accorded
"friendlies" during an outbreak, it may also be noted that the enrolled
Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were located two miles from Fort Sill, where
Texas horse thieves stole over nineteen hundred of their animals within
a year, while they themselves were kept almost at starvation point by
the contractor's failure to supply their rations. Notwithstanding these
discouragements they continued loyal, and sent as many of their children
to school as could be accommodated (_Battey, 10_).
After the fight at the Wichita agency most of the Kiowa and Comanche
concerned fled to the Staked plain, where the hostiles made their chief
headquarters. Some others not already enrolled now came in and asked
permission to join the friendly camp. Set-t'aiñte, Big-tree,
Woman-heart, and Poor-buffalo (Pá-tádal, "Lean-buffalo-bull"), who had
been enrolled at the beginning, but had gone without permission to the
Washita and fled from there at the time of the fight, came in soon after
to the Cheyenne agency at Darlington and surrendered with a large number
of their people, saying that they were tired of war, but did not like
Fort Sill. As it was believed that they had taken part in hostilities,
they were not allowed again to resume their position as friendlies, but
were sent back as prisoners of war to Fort Sill, where their arms and
horses were taken from them and the men were imprisoned, the chiefs
being put in irons. Soon afterward Set-t'aiñte was returned to the Texas
penitentiary (_Report, 44_).
SET-T'AIÑTE
Set-t'aiñte, "White-bear," better known as Satanta, who was thus finally
removed from the field of action, is one of the most prominent men in
Kiowa history, being noted among the most daring and successful warriors
of the tribe, while in authority he held the rank of second chief,
standing next after Lone-wolf. He has already been mentioned as a
leading chief in 1864. His eloquence and vigor of expression in his
native language, a peculiarly forcible one, had gained for him the title
of the "Orator of the Plains." Every line of his strongly marked
features showed the character of the man--a brave, forceful, untamable
savage (figure 45). The persistent efforts of the Kiowa to secure his
release prove the estimation in which he was held by his tribe. He came
early into prominence and was one of the signers of the treaty of 1867,
his name being second on the list. His seizure by General Custer the
next year, in order to compel the Kiowa to come into the reservation,
and his subsequent release, have been narrated. His arrest in 1871 for
being concerned in an attack upon a wagon train in Texas, the
commutation of the death sentence, and his release by the state
authorities in 1873, have also been noted in the proper place. He was
still, however, considered as a hostage for the good conduct of his
people, and subject to rearrest whenever they became troublesome. As was
almost inevitable, he became involved in the outbreak of the succeeding
year, although apparently more by accident than deliberate purpose, and
on coming in to Cheyenne agency with others in the fall of 1874 he was
again arrested and turned over to the military authorities and by them
sent back to the state penitentiary at Huntsville, Texas, to serve out
his life sentence (_Report, 45_). When informed by Horace P. Jones, the
government interpreter at Fort Sill, that he was to be returned to
prison, he expressed himself bitterly, claiming that he had kept his
parole and that there were others far more guilty than he. What affected
him most was the entire separation from his people. He was taken back to
prison in November, 1874, and four years later, refusing to live longer
in confinement, he committed suicide by throwing himself from an upper
story of the prison, October 11, 1878 (_Whatley letter_).
Set-t'aiñte, whose name among the Kiowa is still one to conjure by,
first acquired his title of "Orator of the Plains" in connection with
the events which led to the treaty of Medicine Lodge, in 1867. He was
already sufficiently distinguished among his own people as a leader on
the warpath. In May preceding the treaty he visited Fort Larned, and,
confronting General Hancock, he denounced agent Leavenworth and
complained of the aggressions of the white men in a fiery speech, which
is described as a masterly effort, from its opening, when he called the
sun to witness that he would "talk straight," to the close, when,
looking around over the prairie, he said that it was large and good, and
declared that he did not want it stained with blood.
A few months later he escorted General Harney and the commissioners from
the post to the spot where the Indians were gathering for the treaty. In
spite of stringent orders before starting, the soldiers and camp
followers soon began an indiscriminate slaughter of the buffalo along
the line of march. As described by a correspondent--
They recklessly shot down the buffalo, simply that they might boast
of it. After cutting out their tongues, they left the carcasses
where they fell. The reader will readily perceive that when the
Indians complain at every council of the decrease of the buffalo,
such wanton waste of good meat could not be a pleasing sight to the
greatest chief on the American plains. Satanta, never backward in
speech, resented in strong terms the shooting of his game on his
own ground. Said he, while his eyes flashed and his lips curled
with scorn: "Has the white man become a child, that he should
recklessly kill and not eat? When the red men slay game, they do so
that they may live and not starve." Sound logic! Only persons
devoid of sense or honor could have been guilty of such conduct in
the enemy's country, especially when the commissioners were
endeavoring to conciliate them with presents and reconcile them to
the propositions about to be propounded.
The protest had its effect, no more shooting was allowed, and those
responsible for the outrage were placed under arrest.
On behalf of the confederate tribes, he made the leading speech in reply
to the commissioners. It is thus given by the correspondent of the New
York Times:
"You, the commissioners, have come from afar to listen to our
grievances. My heart is glad, and I shall hide nothing from you. I
understood that you were coming down to see us. I moved away from
those disposed for war, and I also came along to see you. The
Kiowas and Comanches have not been fighting. We were away down
south when we heard, you were coming to see us. The Cheyennes are
those who have been fighting with you. They did it in broad
daylight so that all could see them. If I had been fighting I would
have done it by day and not in the dark. Two years ago I made peace
with Generals Harney, Sanborn, and Colonel Leavenworth at the mouth
of the Little Arkansas. That peace I have never broken. When the
grass was growing in the spring, a large body of soldiers came
along on the Santa Fé road. I had not done anything and therefore I
was not afraid. All the chiefs of the Kiowas, Comanches, and
Arapahos are here today; they have come to listen to good words. We
have been waiting here a long time to see you and are getting
tired. All the land south of the Arkansas belongs to the Kiowas and
Comanches, and I don't want to give away any of it. I love the land
and the buffalo and will not part with it. I want you to
understand well what I say. Write it on paper. Let the Great Father
see it, and let me hear what he has to say. I want you to
understand also, that the Kiowas and Comanches don't want to fight,
and have not been fighting since we made the treaty. I hear a great
deal of good talk from the gentlemen whom the Great Father sends
us, but they never do what they say. I don't want any of the
medicine lodges [schools and churches] within the country. I want
the children raised as I was. When I make peace, it is a long and
lasting one--there is no end to it. We thank you for your presents.
All the headmen and braves are happy. They will do what you want
them, for they know you are doing the best you can. I and they will
do our best also. When I look upon you, I know you are all big
chiefs. While you are in this country we go to sleep happy and are
not afraid. I have heard that you intend to settle us on a
reservation near the mountains. I don't want to settle. I love to
roam over the prairies. There I feel free and happy, but when we
settle down we grow pale and die. I have laid aside my lance, bow,
and shield, and yet I feel safe in your presence. I have told you
the truth. I have no little lies hid about me, but I don't know how
it is with the commissioners. Are they as clear as I am? A long
time ago this land belonged to our fathers; but when I go up to the
river I see camps of soldiers on its banks. These soldiers cut down
my timber; they kill my buffalo; and when I see that, my heart
feels like bursting; I feel sorry. I have spoken."
The above is a plain unvarnished statement of facts, such as no
Indian on the plains could produce but Satanta. It must be
remembered that in cunning or native diplomacy Satanta has no
equal. In worth and influence Red Cloud is his rival; but in
boldness, daring, and merciless cruelty Satanta is far superior,
and yet there are some good points in this dusky chieftain which
command admiration. If a white man does him an injury, he never
forgives him; but if on the other hand the white man has done him a
service, death can alone prevent him from paying the debt. The
speech of Satanta caused the commissioners to look rather blank,
and when he pictured in his usual graphic manner how he loved his
land, his buffalo, and his traditions, there was a world of feeling
in his tones, betraying his knowledge of the vast difference
between the power of the aggressive pale face and his waning race.
A certain dim foreboding of the Indian's fate swept across his
mind, and in its passage lit his eyes up with a fierce light, and
his voice rose to a pitch of frenzy as he exclaimed: "We don't want
to settle--I love to roam over the prairie; there I am free and
happy."
His farewell speech, to the commissioners at the conclusion of the
treaty is thus noted in the same newspaper:
On this occasion the old chief was accompanied by one hundred of
the principal warriors of the Kiowa tribe; and immediately after
its close, this tribe, as well as the Comanches, struck camp and
left for the Cimarron River in the south. He spoke with a gravity
and earnestness that added force to his words. "If," said he, "the
treaty bring prosperity to us, we of course will like it the
better. If it bring prosperity or adversity, we will not abandon
it." He alluded delicately to the fact that the white man often
forgot to keep his treaties with the Indian; and then at the close,
referring to the treaty just made, he rose to the heights of
friendship, offering his heart and his hospitality, and adding:
"For your sakes, the green grass shall not be stained with the
blood of the whites. Your people shall again be our people, and
peace shall be our mutual heritage. Good-bye. You may not see me
again. But remember Satanta as the white man's friend." He is
spoken of as having a very grave yet musical voice, and at times
displays the deepest emotion.
Another who heard him on this occasion says:
The great chief, Satanta, in delivering his address spoke with a
dignity and force that could not but be appreciated. He is a great
orator and of unbounded influence in the council (_Ind. Miscel.,
xii, 3804--3833_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII
INSIDE OF SET-T'AIÑTE'S SHIELD]
He is thus described by Keim in 1870:
For several years Satanta has filled the office of head chief. A
peculiar dash of manner; a grin equal to all occasions; a
remarkable shrewdness exhibited in managing affairs between the
different tribes with which his people come in contact, or their
intercourse with the national government, have won for him a
prestige which he has very well maintained. Satanta, when I first
met him, was a man of about fifty years of age. He rose first
through prowess on the warpath, and afterward through skill in
council and diplomacy. He had an intelligent face, and was large in
frame and of muscular development, exhibiting also a tendency to
obesity. Lately Satanta has found a threatening rival in Lone-wolf,
the war chief of the tribe (_Keim, 3_).
Three years later we get the following notice from one who saw him with
Big-tree, in 1873, while serving his first incarceration in the Texas
penitentiary:
In the corridor of the penitentiary I saw a tall, finely-formed
man, with bronzed complexion, and long, flowing, brown hair, a man
princely in carriage, on whom even the prison garb seemed elegant,
and was told that it was Satanta, the chief of the Kiowas, who with
his brother chief, Big-tree, is held to account for murder. I was
presently introduced to a venerable bigamist who was Satanta's
chosen boon companion, on account of his smattering of Spanish, and
through this anxious prisoner was presented at court. Satanta had
come into the workroom, where he was popularly supposed to labor,
but where he never performed a stroke of work, and had seated
himself on a pile of oakum, with his hands folded across his
massive chest [figure 150]. His fellow prisoner explained to
Satanta, in Spanish, that we desired to converse with him,
whereupon he rose and suddenly stretching out his hand gave mine a
ponderous grasp, saying: "How!" He then responded, always through
the aged wife-deceiver, to the few trivial questions I asked, and
sat down, motioning to me to be seated with as much dignity and
grace as though he were a monarch receiving a foreign ambassador.
His face was good; there was a delicate curve of pain at the lips,
which contrasted oddly with the strong Indian cast of his other
features. Although he is much more than 60 years old, he hardly
seemed 40, so erect, elastic, vigorous was he. When asked if he
ever expected liberation, and what he would do if it should come,
he responded, "Quien sabe?" with the most stoical indifference.
Big-tree was briskly at work plaiting a chair seat in another
apartment and chewing tobacco vigorously. His face was clear cut
and handsome, his coal black hair swept his shoulders, and he only
paused to brush it back and give us a swift glance as we entered,
then briskly plaited as before (_Scribner, 1_).
The particular offense for which Set-t'aiñte was first arrested was a
raid upon some teamsters on Salt creek, Jack county, Texas. In response
to a letter of inquiry, the following concise statement in regard to his
prison life and tragic death was obtained from Mr L. A. Whatley,
superintendent of Texas penitentiaries, writing from Huntsville, under
date of March 3, 1896:
At the July term of the district court of Jack county, in the year
1871, Satanta was convicted of murder and sentenced to life
imprisonment in the Texas state penitentiary. He was received at
the Huntsville prison on the 2d of November, 1871. Upon the
recommendation of President U. S. Grant, Governor E. J. Davis, on
August 19, 1873, set Satanta at liberty upon parole, i. e.,
conditioned upon his good behavior. It seems, however, that he
violated his parole, for he was arrested and recommitted to the
prison at Huntsville by Lieutenant General Sheridan on the 8th of
November, 1874. On October 11, 1878, Satanta committed suicide by
throwing himself from the second story of the prison hospital,
from the effects of which he died within a few hours. He was buried
at the prison cemetery, where his grave can be identified to this
day. During the period of his incarceration in this prison Satanta
behaved well, but was very reticent and stoical.
Such was the end of the man who had said: "When I roam over the prairie
I feel free and happy, but when I sit down I grow pale and die."
Set-t'aiñte was distinguished by his war paint, which was red, his face,
hair, and the upper part of his body being painted red, his tipi also
being painted entirely red, with streamers of the same color at the ends
of the poles. He carried a ceremonial "medicine lance," feathered like
an arrowshaft, which seems to have been an ancient heirloom from the
Crows. He had a grim sort of humor, rather characteristic of his tribe.
At a council held at Fort Dodge in the spring of 1867 he was presented
by General Hancock with a full suit of general's uniform, and showed his
appreciation of the gift by leading an attack on the post shortly
afterward arrayed in his new toggery (_Custer, 2_). This attack was
probably in fulfillment of a promise made a few months before, when it
is said he sent a message to the commander of the post saying that his
stock was getting poor--this was in winter--and he hoped the government
animals at the post would be well fed, as he would be over in a short
time to get them (_Report, 46_). He left a son, who inherited his
father's name and shield, as well as his bold hawk-like features. This
is the young man mentioned by Custer in his "Life on the Plains." He
enlisted in the Indian troop at Fort Sill, and on his death in 1894 made
a formal will, giving his father's shield to Captain H. L. Scott, of the
Seventh cavalry, commander of the troop, in whose possession it now is.
The representation here given (plates LXII, LXIII) is made by his
permission. A sister of the elder Set-t'aiñte still lives, and, with a
friendly, hospitable disposition, seems to combine many of her brother's
strong traits of character. Since the death of the younger Set-t'aiñte
the name is tabooed, in accordance with tribal custom, and the chief is
referred to only under his boy name of Gúatoñ-bain, "Big-ribs."
PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN
The campaign against the hostiles was now pressed vigorously. A large
force of troops under Colonel (now Major-General) Nelson A. Miles
started from Fort Supply toward the southwest to strike the enemy in the
direction of the Antelope hills, while a smaller body from New Mexico,
under Major W. R. Price, moved down the South Canadian to assist him. On
August 30 Miles encountered the Indians in force near the head of the
Washita, and after a running fight, lasting several days, drove them out
on the Staked plain, with a loss of several killed, besides a
considerable portion of their horses and camp outfit. A few days later
the supply train in charge of Captain Wyllis Lyman, Fifth infantry, was
attacked near the head of the Washita. The men corralled the wagons, and
defended themselves for several days until relief arrived from Fort
Supply. On September 12 the detachment under Major Price had a severe
encounter with a large force of Indians between Sweetwater creek and the
Washita, on the eastern boundary of the Panhandle, but finally repulsed
them, pursuing them several miles. The assailants were supposed to have
been the Kiowa who had recently stampeded from the Wichita agency (see
the calendar 1874-75; also _Record, 4_; _War, 3_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII
OUTSIDE OF SET-T'AIÑTE'S SHIELD]
On September 26 and 27, 1874, Colonel (afterward General) Ranald S.
Mackenzie, Fourth cavalry (_Mángomhéñte_), "No index-finger," on account
of the loss of that finger), whom the Comanche already knew to their
sorrow, with a detachment of his regiment, after repelling two attacks,
surprised a large body of Cheyenne and their allies in a canyon near Red
river, Texas, destroying over a hundred tipis and capturing their entire
camp outfit, with over fourteen hundred horses and mules. This was the
severest blow the Indians had yet received. On October 9, Colonel George
P. Buell, Eleventh infantry, struck and destroyed a large Kiowa camp on
the Salt fork of Red river, and eight days later Captain Adna R.
Chaffee, Sixth cavalry, surprised and destroyed another camp north of
the Washita, the Indians fleeing without attempting a defense (_Record,
5_).
As a result of these successive losses the Indians became discouraged,
and early in October the Comanche sent messengers asking permission to
come into the agency. Permission being given, Täbinä´naka, White-wolf,
and Red-food, with their people, started in and were met on Elk creek by
a detachment from Fort Sill, under Major G. W. Schofield, who received
their surrender and brought them in to the fort. Others came in a few
days later and surrendered, making in all about four hundred Indians
with about two thousand horses. Other Comanche and Kiowa in small
parties continued to come in, the men being imprisoned under guard as
fast as they arrived. Big-bow was allowed to go back to induce the Kiowa
to come in, and was successful, returning in February, 1875, with
Lone-wolf, Red-otter (_Apeñ-gúădal_), Swan (_Tsä´dal-t'aiñ_), Dohásän,
and Poor-buffalo, and their people, who were met on their way in by the
interpreter, Philip McCusker, and some friendly Comanche, to whom they
surrendered their arms and horses. Poor-buffalo and his band had been
enrolled among the friendlies, but had fled at the time of the agency
fight. This left only a few of the Kiowa out, and these also came in
soon after. In the meantime small bodies of Cheyenne were coming in and
surrendering at their agency, but the main body still remained out
(_Report, 47_; _Record, 6_).
On November 6 a small detachment of the Eighth cavalry under Lieutenant
H. J. Farnsworth had a fight with about a hundred of the Cheyenne on
McClellan creek, Texas, in which several were killed and wounded on both
sides. Two days later Lieutenant Frank D. Baldwin, with some of the
Fifth infantry and Sixth cavalry, attacked a camp of Cheyenne near the
same place and rescued two little white girls named Germaine, who had
been captured more than a year before. The pursuit was continued by
another detachment under Captain Charles D. Viele, Tenth cavalry. On
November 28 Captain Charles A. Hartwell, Eighth cavalry, again
encountered and defeated the Cheyenne on Muster creek, Texas. Several
other skirmishes occurred during the month, in each of which the
Indians--chiefly Cheyenne--were the losers, and on the 28th of December
Captain A. B. Keyes, of the Tenth cavalry, succeeded in capturing, on
the North Canadian, an entire band of that tribe, with all their ponies,
after having followed them 80 miles. Most of the operations during
October and November were by troops from Fort Sill under command of
Lieutenant-Colonel John W. Davidson, Tenth cavalry, commanding officer
of the post (_Record, 7_).
SURRENDER OF THE CHEYENNE
The campaign was vigorously prosecuted during the winter and into the
spring of 1875. The forces engaged consisted of eight troops of the
Sixth cavalry under Majors Charles E. Compton and James Biddle, four
troops of the Eighth cavalry under Major Price, and four companies of
the Fifth infantry, the whole under the immediate command of Colonel
(now Major-General) Nelson A. Miles. During this period the troops were
constantly engaged in scouting over the territory involved, keeping the
Indians so constantly on the move that they were unable to lay in any
stock of provisions. This active work was continued by the troops upon
the exposed and barren plains of that region during a winter of
unprecedented severity, and as the season advanced, the difficulty of
supplying the necessary forage and subsistence increased so that no
little hardship and privation resulted, but the troops bore everything
with fortitude and without complaint. By extraordinary effort enough
supplies reached the troops to enable them to remain in the field until
their work was done, and at length, early in March, 1875, the southern
Cheyennes, completely broken down, gave up the contest, and under their
principal chief, Stone-calf, the whole body of that tribe, with a
trifling exception, surrendered themselves as prisoners of war. At the
same time they restored the two elder captive Germaine girls. They gave
up also their horses, bows and arrows, with some guns, but secretly hid
most of their valuable firearms (_Record, 8_).
The main body of the Cheyenne surrendered to Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas
H. Neil, Sixth cavalry, near the agency (Darlington), on March 6, 1875,
and were at once disarmed and placed under guard, their ponies being
confiscated and sold. Their agent says:
A more wretched and poverty-stricken community than these people
presented after they were placed in the prison camp it would be
difficult to imagine. Bereft of lodges and the most ordinary
cooking apparatus; with no ponies nor other means of transportation
for food or water; half starved and with scarcely anything that
could be called clothing, they were truly objects of pity; and for
the first time the Cheyenne seemed to realize the power of the
government and their own inability to cope successfully therewith
(_Report, 48_).
On the 27th of April they were formally transferred from the charge of
the military to that of the agent and declared to be again at peace
with the government. Throughout this whole period the Arapaho camped
near the agency, in spite of short rations and all the other
difficulties of their position, had maintained untarnished their treaty
obligations.
PRISONERS SENT TO FLORIDA
It had been determined, on the surrender of the hostiles, to select some
of the most prominent leaders from each tribe concerned for a term of
confinement at some military prison in the east. Accordingly
thirty-three of the Cheyenne were selected, with two Arapaho, who,
though not concerned in the outbreak, had been guilty in other ways.
Among the Cheyenne selected was one woman, who was identified as having
participated in the murder of the Germaine family. While ironing the
prisoners on April 6, a young warrior named Black-horse, stung by the
taunts of the women, kicked over the blacksmith and attempted to escape,
but was immediately shot down by the guard. The Cheyenne at once
attacked the guard with guns and arrows. A troop of cavalry was quickly
ordered up from Fort Reno, 2 miles away, when the Cheyenne fled to the
sandhills on the river bank across from the agency, where they had
secreted a quantity of firearms and ammunition, and, digging pits in the
sand, opened fire on the troops. A severe engagement ensued, the Indians
holding their position until dark, several being killed or wounded on
each side. During the night they fled, and when daylight came nothing
remained of the prison camp but a few worn-out tipis. Most of the
Indians soon afterward surrendered; but a band of about sixty, including
the murderers of the Germaine family, attempted to escape to the Dakota
country, and had made their way to the vicinity of Fort Wallace, Kansas,
when they were intercepted by a detachment under Lieutenant A. Henley,
Sixth cavalry, who cut off about half of them from the rest. On their
refusal to surrender, he attacked them and killed nineteen, captured
over one hundred and twenty-five ponies, and burned their camp, with the
loss of two soldiers killed. The remainder escaped to the northward. The
thirty-five Cheyenne and Arapaho prisoners selected for imprisonment
were sent to Fort Marion, near St Augustine, Florida (_Record, 9_;
_Report, 49_).
THE GERMAINE FAMILY
The Germaine girls referred to were part of a family of that name who
had been attacked by the Cheyenne at their home on Smoky Hill river.
Kansas, on September 13, 1874. The father, mother, brother, and one
sister were killed, and four other sisters carried off, two of whom were
young women. On November 8, 1874, the two little girls, aged five and
seven, were rescued by Lieutenant Baldwin, as already noted, in an
encounter on the edge of the Panhandle. The two elder sisters were held
until the Cheyenne under Stone-calf surrendered, after having been
prisoners nearly seven months, during which time they had suffered all
the horrors of Indian captivity. General Miles became the guardian of
all four, a comfortable home was provided for them at Fort Leavenworth,
and Congress authorized the stoppage of an amount sufficient for the
support of the children from the annuities of their captors, the
southern Cheyenne. A woman identified by them as having taken part in
the murder was sent with the other prisoners to Florida (_Record, 10_;
_Report, 50_).
Atrocities were, however, not confined to one side. In April, 1875, a
party of Texans attacked six Comanche, killing four men and a woman,
only one man escaping. The dead Indians, including the woman, were
beheaded, and the heads carried to the nearest town, where they were
said to have been preserved in alcohol (_Report, 51_).
SURRENDER OF THE COMANCHE
In response to overtures made through scouts Stilwell and Kilmartin,
another party of Comanche, numbering nearly two hundred, partly Kwáhadi,
came into Fort Sill in April and surrendered to Colonel (General) R. S.
Mackenzie, who had succeeded Colonel Davidson in command of the post,
delivering up their arms and over seven hundred horses and mules. Soon
afterward Mackenzie sent another message to the Kwáhadi Comanche,
Quanah's band, through Dr J. J. Sturm, an experienced frontiersman. He
found them near the head of Red river and succeeded in persuading them
to return with him to Fort Sill, where they arrived on June 2, 1875, and
surrendered their arms and over fifteen hundred head of stock. The band
numbered over four hundred, including a few Apache. These were
practically the last of the hostiles, and thus the outbreak came to a
close about a year after it had begun. Although the Indians had become
impoverished by loss of stock and camp equipage, their loss in killed
was very small. Only about twenty were captured, the remainder having
surrendered voluntarily (_Report, 52_).
About thirty-five hundred horses and mules had been surrendered by the
Kiowa and Comanche when they came in. Of these nearly eight hundred were
shot, one hundred were given to the Tonkawa scouts, several hundred more
were given to the military scouts or were stolen, some were returned to
their owners, and about sixteen hundred were sold for the benefit of the
Indians, realizing about $22,000, which Colonel Mackenzie decided to
invest in sheep and goats, with the intention of converting them into
pastoral tribes like the Navaho (see the calendar, 1875-76). The first
horses surrendered had been shot before this economic idea occurred to
anyone. In addition to their losses by the surrender, about two thousand
horses and mules had been stolen by Texas horse thieves from the
friendly Indians camped near the agency (_Report, 53_).
PROPOSITION TO DEPORT HOSTILE TRIBES
As a means of rendering the late hostiles forever harmless, and
compelling them to give up their nomadic hunting life and settle down to
earn their own living, it was proposed to deport several thousands of
them, practically about all of the Cheyenne, Comanche, and Kiowa tribes,
to a remote district, where they were to be disarmed, dismounted, and
compelled to work in return for the supplies to be furnished by the
government. Congress having appropriated funds for the purpose,
arrangements were made with the Quapaw in April, 1875, by special agent
Major C. F. Larrabee for the purchase of a portion of their reservation
in the northeastern corner of Indian Territory. Preparations were
commenced for their removal, but in consequence of an adverse report
made by the commissioner appointed to remove them, the plan was
abandoned (_Report, 54_).
As had been done in the case of the Cheyenne and Arapaho, a number of
the Kiowa and Comanche were selected from among the late hostiles and
sent about the first of May, 1875, to join their predecessors in
military confinement at Fort Marion, Florida. It is somewhat of a
coincidence that the exiled Apache of Geronimo's band who were removed
from Arizona as prisoners of war in 1886 to the same Fort Marion are now
located at Fort Sill, upon the Kiowa reservation, to which, point they
were brought, in September, 1894, after a temporary sojourn at Mount
Vernon Barracks, Alabama. Nine Comanche and twenty-six Kiowa were
selected, making, with the Cheyenne and Arapaho, a total of seventy
prisoners sent to Florida. Of the Kiowa the most prominent were
Lone-wolf, Swan, Woman-heart, and White-horse, the last named being
selected on account of his previous record as a notorious raider,
although he had been enrolled with the friendlies during the outbreak
(_Report, 55_). It was of course the intention to select for punishment
those who had been most conspicuous or guilty in the outbreak, but the
selection being left principally to Kickingbird, that chief, with a
natural desire to shield his friends, picked out only a few of the
prominent leaders, making up the quota with Mexican captives and young
men of no great reputation. Following is the list of Florida prisoners
from the Kiowa tribe, as furnished by the Indians:
1. _Gui-pägo_, "Lone-wolf," head chief and adopted father of the present
head chief of the same name.
2. _Mäñyí-ten_, "Woman-heart," a chief and signer of the Medicine Lodge
treaty.
3. _Tseñ-t'áñte_, "White-horse," a chief.
4. _T'ené'taide_, "Bird-chief," a chief.
5. _Tsädal-t'aiñ_, "White-goose," i. e. "Swan," a chief.
6. _Paä´ti_, "Buffalo-bull's-entrails," a chief.
7. _Mamä´nte_, "Walking-above," alias _Dahä´ti_, "Medicine-man," a chief
and noted medicine man--died in Florida.
8. _Gui-bótte_, "Wolf-stomach"--died in Florida.
9. _É'pea_, "We-(they)-are-afraid-of-him"--died in Florida.
10. _Gobe_, "Wild-horse."
11. _Zon-k'ía_, "Tooth-man," alias _Kíñasáhe-k'ia_,
"Green-shield-man"--died in Florida.(?)
12. _Etälyidónmo_, "He-(they?)-hunts-for-boys."
13. _Máñ-kopédal_, "Flat-nose"--dead.
14. _Set-mänte_, "Bear-above," or "Sky-bear"--dead.
15. _T'enépíabi_, "Humming-bird"--still living; now a policeman.
16. _Woháte_, "Cow" (_jargon_)--still living.
17. _Pä´da-i_, "Twin"--still living.
18. ---- ("Double-vision"--Report, 56).
19. _P´ódal-â´dalte_, "Snake-head," alias _Zoñtam_, "Hole-bite" (Paul
Zotom)--still living.
20. _Set-k´opte_, "Mountain-bear" (Paul Saitkopeta)--still living.
21. _Belo_ (i. e., _Pedro_)--a Carrizo Indian captive from Mexico, still
living.
22. _Bíako_ (Viejo?)--a Mexican captive, still living.
23. _Päli_ (Valdez?)--a Mexican captive, still living.
24. _Añgáite_, "Ankle"--a Mexican captive, still living.
25. _Bóloi_--a Mexican captive, still living.
26. _Goho_, "Kick"--a Mexican captive, still living.
It is notable, as showing the comparative vitality of the races under
new conditions, that of the twenty Indians on the list only five are
still alive, and one of these is dying of slow consumption, while all of
the six Mexican captives are still in vigorous health. Of the twenty
Kiowa and Comanche who signed the treaty of 1867 only two were alive in
1896.
The prisoners while in Florida were merely kept under surveillance and
were not subjected to close confinement. Philanthropic white people took
an interest in them, especially in the younger ones, and undertook to
give them rudimentary instruction in civilization and Christianity. When
they were finally released in May, 1878, a number of the young men
consented to remain a few years longer in the east to acquire an
education, among whom were eight of the Kiowa. Those who were not taken
into private families were placed in the Normal Institute at Hampton,
Virginia, originally established for the education of negroes. Soon
after, fifty other young Indians were assembled at Hampton, which thus
became also an Indian school. The success of this experiment led to the
establishment of the Indian school at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in 1879
(_Report, 57_).
Several of the young Kiowa were received in refined and philanthropic
families in the north, with the purpose of educating them to be
missionaries among their people on their return. One of these, Paul
Zotom (Zoñtam), was regularly ordained as a deacon in the Episcopal
church. (_Report, 58_). He returned in the summer of 1881, but has sadly
fallen from grace. Another, Paul Saitkopeta (Setk'opte), after similar
careful training in a refined family with the same purpose in view,
returned a year later nearly dead from consumption contracted in the
east, and although of more manly character than Zotom is now almost
helpless for any practical purpose, being a confirmed invalid, and has
reverted to many of the Indian customs. Setk'opte is a Kiowa by adoption
only, being the son of a Cheyenne chief by a Pawnee captive woman.
KICKING-BIRD
The noted chief, T'ené-angópte, "Kicking-bird," who had been so long a
leader of the peace element among his people, died suddenly on May 5,
1875. It was suspected at the time, and is still believed by some of the
tribe, that he had been poisoned by his enemies of the war party, but
although the matter was investigated it could not be proven. Like so
many others of the Kiowa, he was of mixed origin, his paternal
grandfather having been a Crow captive taken when a boy and adopted into
the tribe. Although a young man, he had a commanding influence among his
people, and on the failure of the war party under Lone-wolf became
recognized as the principal chief of the Kiowa. An untaught savage, he
was yet a man of fine native ability and thoroughly versed in the
traditions and ceremonials of his people. Recognizing early the
inevitable changes consequent upon the advent of the white man, he
deliberately abandoned the warpath and addressed himself to the task of
preparing his people to meet the new conditions. From that time forward
his voice and example were always on the side of peace and civilization.
By this course he drew upon himself the hatred of the conservatives and
the war party, who denounced him as a coward and a traitor, charges
which he met and refuted in characteristic fashion. When the question of
peace or war came to a final issue in 1874, his powerful influence held
more than two-thirds of the Kiowa from the warpath, and by his exertions
afterward he secured the best possible terms for the defeated hostiles.
It was by his invitation and assistance that Battey organized the first
school in the tribe in 1873. His last counsel to his people was to
remain at peace with everybody and to follow the advice of their
teachers, and he declared that he was dying "holding on to the white
man's hand." At the request of his family, Agent Haworth took charge of
his body and gave it Christian burial, this being the first instance of
the kind in the history of the tribe (_Report, 59_; _Battey, 11_).
His long-continued attachment to the whites at one time so far
brought him into disrepute with his tribe that they charged his
friendship to cowardice, called him a woman, and refused to listen
to his counsels. Finding his influence in the tribe nearly gone, he
raised a force, conducted a raid into Texas, and had a severe
engagement with the white soldiers, where he led his men with such
ability and coolness as to come off victorious and win a testimony
of respect from the commander of his enemy's forces. On his return
home he again advocated peace with the whites, and has steadily
continued to do so from that time to the present. The tribe,
thoroughly convinced of his bravery, no longer attribute his desire
for peace to cowardice, and listen to his eloquent arguments, in
most cases yielding to his counsels; so that he really stands at
the head of all those Kiowa who are disposed to live peaceably, as
Lone-wolf does at the head of those occupying a less friendly
position (_Battey, 12_).
Another characteristic incident is recorded by Battey. Shortly before
the outbreak some trouble occurred between Kicking-bird and the chiefs
disposed to hostility, who accused him of having lied about them. A
meeting was arranged at the agency to talk it over, and as the Indians
were greatly excited some trouble was anticipated. When, the Kiowa began
to arrive, each as he entered the office and seated himself strung his
bow and placed it where it could be instantly seized for action, put his
quiver of arrows in convenient position, also placing three or four
arrows across his lap, loosened his revolver, and turned the handle
ready for grasping, while many of them trembled with excitement. When
the room was nearly filled, Kicking-bird, accompanied only by his
brother and another friend, rode up coolly, as if unaware of what might
be going on inside. Securing their ponies, they entered the office,
Kicking-bird in advance. Looking around the circle, he took in the
situation at once, and seating themselves, he and his companions coolly
proceeded to place their bows, arrows, and revolvers in the same
position for convenient use if necessary. Then addressing the agent,
Kicking-bird informed him of the charges against himself (Kicking-bird),
and called upon him to keep back nothing that he had told him, but to
tell his people his whole talk (_Battey, 13_).
CHANGED CONDITIONS
With the close of the outbreak and the subsequent readjustment of
affairs came a great change in the condition of the Kiowa and their
confederated tribes. The old chiefs who had so often led them on the
warpath were dead or in prison; their horses, which to prairie warriors
were almost as essential as the bow or rifle, had been taken from them,
together with their weapons; military posts and garrisons had been
established in their midst and the chain of white settlements had been
drawn closer around them; their old allies, the Cheyenne, had been
rendered powerless to help them, and, more than all, their unfailing
commissary, the buffalo, had practically disappeared. They felt that
they were powerless in the hands of the stronger race, and with a deep
sigh of regret for their vanished sovereignty they literally put their
hands to the plow and endeavored in their weak fashion to follow the
white man's road. The warriors, realizing that their time was too short
to learn new ways, were anxious to see their children prepared to meet
the changed conditions, and in consequence the schools were soon
crowded, some of the chiefs even assisting the teachers in the work of
organizing. Henceforth we find them trying to follow the new path with
patient resignation, in spite of difficulties and frequent neglect, with
only occasional weak ebullitions of the old fighting temper when aroused
by some particularly aggravated grievance.
EPIDEMICS OF MEASLES AND FEVER IN 1877--FIRST HOUSES BUILT
In 1877 an epidemic of measles in the tribe carried off a large number
of children. It was followed immediately afterward by an outbreak of
fever. In the fall of the same year the government, through agent
Haworth, built a number of houses for the prominent chiefs, these being
the first Indian houses on the reservation (see the calendar). In
accordance with a new plan of employing Indians at agencies, a police
force of about thirty natives was organized in 1878. The result in this
as in all other cases has been eminently satisfactory (_Report, 60_).
AGENCY REMOVED TO ANADARKO--THE LAST OF THE BUFFALO
For years Indians and agents alike had complained of the location of the
agency at Fort Sill. In consequence of repeated representations of
the matter, it was removed toward the close of 1879 to Anadarko on the
Washita and consolidated with the Wichita agency at that point, where it
still remains (_Report, 61_). As a result, the Kiowa, who had previously
been together in a single camp on Cache creek below the fort, now began
to scatter and take up individual farms along the Washita and on the
creeks north of Mount Scott. This year may be taken as the date of the
disappearance of the buffalo from the Kiowa country, the Indians during
the summer of 1879 being reduced to the necessity of killing and eating
their ponies to keep from starving, in consequence of the almost total
failure of their annual hunt (see the calendar). Thereafter the
appearance of even a single buffalo was a rare event.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL. LXIV
PHOTO BY SOULE, ABOUT 1870
PHOTOS BY JACKSON, 1872
SET-ĬMKÍA OR STUMBLING-BEAR (PUSHING-BEAR)]
In the same year died Lone-wolf, the principal chief and leader of the
war element in the late outbreak. Dohásän, Set-ängya, and Set-t'aiñte
being already gone, his death may be said to mark the end of the war
history of the Kiowa. Shortly after his return from Florida he had
conferred his name and succession upon the present bearer of the name,
who had been the comrade of his son, killed in Texas, although not
related by blood. The succession is now disputed by Ä´piatañ, the nephew
of the first Lone-wolf.
THREATENED OUTBREAK INSTIGATED BY DÁTEKÂÑ
In June of 1881 there was considerable excitement caused by threats of
an outbreak by the Kiowa on account of dissatisfaction with the rations.
Their attitude became so threatening that the more peaceable Wichita and
associated tribes became alarmed, and troops were sent from Fort Sill to
prevent trouble, which had the effect of quieting the unrest (_Report,
62_). It is possible that the Kiowa were instigated to this course by
Dátekâñ, who soon afterward began preaching the return of the buffalo
and the old Indian life (see the calendar, 1882).
EPIDEMIC OF 1882--BEGINNING OF CHURCH WORK
In the fall of 1882 the tribe suffered from an epidemic of whooping
cough and measles (_Report, 63_). In 1883 the first church was built at
the agency by Reverend J. B. Wicks of the Episcopal church, who had been
conducting missionary work among the associated tribes for about two
years previously. It was built and supported, however, by the Wichita
and affiliated tribes, the Kiowa and Apache as yet taking little
interest in such matters (_Report, 64_). The work was abandoned shortly
after and not resumed until 1887, when the Methodists entered the field,
followed later by the Presbyterians, Baptists, and Catholics.
LEASING OF GRASS LANDS
For some time various agents had called attention to the fact that the
Indians had a large surplus of valuable grass lands, which might be made
to yield them a considerable income if leased to cattlemen. The
suggestion being approved by the department, an arrangement was made
with several large cattle firms. The first money payment to the Indians
under this agreement was made in the summer of 1885, but only to the
Comanche, as the Kiowa and Apache for a year longer refused to accept
the money, believing this to be a scheme to deprive them of their lands.
There is no official notice of this at the time, for the reason that the
arrangement was at first only a matter of tolerance and mutual agreement
between the Indians and cattlemen, without formal official recognition
or responsibility for several years afterward.
PÁ-IÑGYA, THE MEDICINE-MAN AND PROPHET
In the spring of 1887 a prophet named Pá-iñgya, "In-the-middle," revived
the doctrine which had been taught five years before by Dátekâñ of the
speedy return of the buffalo and the revival of the old Indian life,
adding the usual accompaniments of invulnerability for his followers and
the destruction of the whites and unbelieving Indians by fire and
whirlwind. He claimed also the power to resurrect the dead and to
destroy his enemies with a glance as by a lightning stroke. His
preaching aroused great excitement among the Kiowa, and nearly the
entire tribe was soon enrolled among his adherents, including every
prominent chief except Stumbling-bear and Sun-boy. He established
headquarters on Elk creek, at the extreme western end of the
reservation, to which all his followers repaired. Here, by the friction
of a stick upon a block of wood, he kindled a sacred fire, from which
the devotees took brands to light and warm their tipis, being commanded
to throw away the white man's matches or flint and steel, together with
the white man's dress and weapons. As the day appointed for the final
cataclysm approached, the Indians took their children from the schools
at the agency in order that they might escape the destruction which was
soon to overwhelm the intrusive race, and left in a body for the
rendezvous on Elk creek. The movement alarmed the whites, who saw that
there was trouble brewing, but could get no explanation of the reason.
In anticipation of an outbreak, the agent, Captain Hall, summoned the
troops to his assistance. With a small escort he visited the prophet's
camp, and through the medium of Stumbling-bear invited the chiefs to a
conference, with the result that the Kiowa agreed to return to their
homes and await developments. As the time came and went without
supernatural event, they became satisfied that the prophecy was a
delusion, and the excitement died out. Pá-iñgya still lives, and when
the messiah revelation spread among the southern tribes a few years
later he hailed it as the delayed fulfillment of his own prophecy (see
the calendar).
INDIAN COURT ESTABLISHED
As a practical step toward educating the Indians in civilized forms of
self-government and to save the time consumed by the agent and other
officials in trivial concerns, an Indian court consisting of three
judges was organized upon the reservation in 1888 for the trial of minor
offenses and questions, the first judges appointed being Quanah,
Lone-wolf, and Tawákoni Jim, head chiefs respectively of the Comanche,
Kiowa, and Wichita (_Report, 65_). This court is still in successful
operation.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV
PHOTOS BY JACKSON; 1872
PAÍ-TÄLYÍ OR SUN-BOY]
INTERTRIBAL COUNCIL OF 1888
The questions of railroads through the reservations, intrusions,
allotments, and the ultimate opening of Indian Territory to white
settlement, had now assumed such proportions that the civilized tribes
had become alarmed and had called an intertribal council to debate
measures to meet the emergency. The council met at Fort Gibson, in the
Cherokee nation, in June, 1888, with representatives of about twenty
tribes in attendance. Although recognizing civilization as their
ultimate destiny, they were strongly opposed to any change in the tribal
holding of their lands, and the sentiment was practically unanimous
against allotment or any disturbance of the existing tribal system. The
delegates and speakers from the Kiowa and associated tribes were
Täbinä´naka and White-wolf for the Comanche, Big-tree for the Kiowa.
White-man for the Apache, and Caddo Jake for the Caddo, Wichita, and
smaller bands (_Report, 66_).
DEATH OF SUN-BOY--THE LAST SUN DANCE
In the fall of 1888 died Pai´-tälyi´, "Sun-boy," one of the last of the
prominent chiefs of the old days of the buffalo hunt and the warpath
(see the calendar). The summer of 1890 is notable for the last sun dance
(_k`adó_) undertaken by the tribe. On this occasion the agent, making
objection to the ceremony, which the Indians refused to abandon, ordered
out the troops from Fort Sill to prevent it. On their arrival, although
the Kiowa were at first disposed to resistance, upon the advice of
Stumbling-bear and some other of the cooler heads, they finally
dispersed to their homes, leaving the unfinished medicine lodge standing
(see the calendar).
GHOST DANCE INAUGURATED--ÄPIATAÑ'S JOURNEY IN 1890
In the fall of 1890 Sitting-bull (Hänä´chä-thíak), an Arapaho, came and
inaugurated the ghost dance among the Kiowa. As this subject is treated
at length in the author's work on "The Ghost-dance Religion," in the
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, it need only be
mentioned here. Like all the neighboring tribes except the Comanche, the
Kiowa went heart and soul into the new religion, which was in line with
the previous prophecies of Dátekâñ and Pá-iñgya. A few months later they
sent Ä´piatañ, "Wooden-lance," a prominent young man of the tribe, to
find the messiah and investigate and report upon his doctrine. On his
return in the following spring he denounced the new teacher as an
impostor, whereupon the Kiowa abandoned the dance. Within the last two
years, however, they have revived the ghost-dance ceremonies with all
the old-time vigor (see the calendar).
[Illustration: FIG. 52--A´piatañ or Wooden-lance]
In the same winter, in January, 1891, three boys ran away from the
government school at the agency in consequence of the harshness of a
teacher, and a day or two later were found frozen to death in the
mountains, having been overtaken by a blizzard while attempting to
reach their homes. The affair naturally created intense excitement in
the tribe and threats were made against the teacher who was responsible
for the occurrence, but the matter finally quieted down without the
necessity of calling on the troops (see the calendar).
ENLISTMENT OF INDIANS AS SOLDIERS
In March, 1891, the Secretary of War authorized the enlistment of an
Indian contingent for each of the cavalry and infantry regiments serving
in the west. In pursuance of this plan, a troop was enlisted from among
the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache tribes in the fall of 1891 and placed
under the command of Lieutenant (now Captain) H. L. Scott, and
designated as troop L, of the Seventh cavalry, then stationed at Fort
Sill. Of this troop probably two-thirds were Kiowa and Apache. The
experiment did not prove satisfactory, and all of the Indian companies
have now been disbanded. The Kiowa troop maintained its existence
longest, under Captain Scott, who was peculiarly fitted for the position
by his intimate and sympathetic acquaintance with Indian habit and
belief and his expert knowledge of the sign language. For this reason he
has several times been selected by the War Department to investigate
threatened troubles among the associated tribes, particularly during the
critical period of the ghost dance, and has also been selected by the
Indians themselves to represent their interests at Washington (see the
calendar; also _War, 4_).
MEASLES EPIDEMIC OF 1892--GRASS LANDS LEASED
The year 1892 was signalized by several important events. Early in the
spring an epidemic of measles broke out among the children in the Kiowa
school. Instead of isolating and nursing the sick, the superintendent in
charge sent the infected children home to their camps, thus spreading
the disease broadcast, resulting in the death of about two hundred and
twenty persons, nearly all children, among the Kiowa and Apache, or
fifteen per cent of the entire number. The superintendent was soon
afterward removed. This epidemic was the most terrible calamity that has
befallen the tribe in many years. Every family lost relatives, and in
addition to the large number of deaths thousands of dollars' worth of
property, in the form of horses, wagons, blankets, etc, was destroyed at
the graves in accordance with the Indian custom (see the calendar).
As by this time the Indians had learned that the leasing of their grass
lands would be a substantial benefit to themselves, they held a joint
council in the spring of the same year and authorized Quanah, Lone-wolf,
and White-man, head chiefs of the three confederate tribes, to go as
delegates to Washington, where they succeeded in negotiating leases for
nearly all of their surplus grass lands for an aggregate annual rental
of nearly $100,000. This money, with that received by the Indian
soldiers, has been invested largely in houses and improved stock. Today
probably half the Indians of the three tribes are owners of houses paid
for with their own money (see the calendar).
[Illustration: FIG. 53--H.L. Scott, Captain, Seventh cavalry, U.S.A.]
COMMISSION FOR ALLOTMENT OF LANDS--PROTEST AGAINST DECISION
In the autumn of 1892 a commission, which had already concluded
agreements with several other tribes, visited the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache to negotiate with them for the distribution of individual
allotments and the sale of the remainder of their reservation. As the
terms of the Medicine Lodge treaty, under which they hold their present
reservation, do not expire until August 25, 1898, the Indians were
opposed to any change in the existing conditions, but by bringing strong
pressure to bear upon them, an agreement was finally reached by which
the reservation was to be thrown open immediately upon the ratification
of the contract by Congress. On learning the true nature of the
instrument, the Indians denounced the interpreter and demanded that
their names be stricken from the paper. This being refused, they
repudiated in council the action of the chiefs who had signed, and
elected other representatives to go to Washington to protest against the
whole proceeding. The delegates chosen were Ä´piatañ, already mentioned,
Apache John (_Goñk'oñ_, "Stays-in-tipi") and Piänä´vonĭt,
"Big-looking-glass," for the Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche, respectively,
with Captain Scott, U. S. A., and Andres Martinez (_Ä´ndali_), an
influential Mexican captive among the Kiowa, as interpreter. The
delegation arrived in March, 1894, and made such representation of the
matter that no action was taken upon the agreement, and it is still
unratified.
[Illustration: FIG. 54--A group of Kiowa]
PRESENT CONDITION--AGENTS IN CHARGE OF CONFEDERATE TRIBES
Realizing that a change is inevitable in the near future, the Indians
are going to work, and with the aid of the money received for their
grass lands invested in houses, cattle, and improved breed of horses,
the opening of small farms, and the general educational work of the
schools, there is a fair prospect that at the expiration of their
present treaty in 1898 they will be able to meet the new conditions (see
52d Cong., 2d sess., Senate ex. doc. 17--Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache
Agreement; 53d Cong., 2d sess., misc. doc. 102--Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache memorial).
Following are the names of the agents who have been in charge of the
Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche since they were first brought upon the
reservation in December, 1868. Of the earlier ones, Haworth
(_Senpo-gúadal_, "Red-beard") is held in best remembrance:
1869--Laurie Tatum (Kiowa name, _Dän-pá-iñgya-t'á-i_, "Bald-head").
1873, April--J. N. Haworth (_Sénpo-gúadal_, "Red-beard").
1878, April--P. B. Hunt (_Tádalk`ia_, "Lean-man").
1885, September--J. Lee Hall (_K`ódal-gúadal_, "Red-neck").
1887, September--E. E. White, special agent (_T'áiñte_, "White").
1888, September--W. D. Myers (_Maiz_).
1889, October--Charles E. Adams (_Ädam_).
1891, December--George D. Day (_Ĭmasä´nmot_, "Grinning").
1893, June--Hugh G. Brown, captain Twelfth infantry.
1893, November--Maury Nichols, lieutenant Seventh infantry
(_Dogúatal-taíde_, "Young Man Chief").
1894, October--W. H. Abell, special agent (_Pá-ehémgó`te_, "Lame-bull").
1894, November--Frank D. Baldwin, captain Fifth infantry.
SUMMARY OF PRINCIPAL EVENTS
The principal events in the history of the Kiowa may be summarized as
follows:
1700 (about)--Migration from the mountains to the Yellowstone region.
1732--Mentioned in Spanish document of New Mexico.
1770 (about)--Massacre of the K'úato and expulsion from the Black Hills.
1790 (about)--Peace and alliance with the Comanche.
1805--First American mention; Kiowa then on North Platte.
1833--Massacre by the Osage and capture of the _taíme_.
1834--Dragoon expedition and first official intercourse with United
States.
1837--First treaty, at Fort Gibson.
1839--Smallpox epidemic.
1849--Cholera epidemic.
1854--Defeat of plains tribes by the Sauk.
1864--General outbreak of plains tribes.
1866--Death of Dohásän.
1867--Medicine Lodge treaty; Kiowa agree to go on reservation.
1868--Battle of the Washita; Ute capture the _taíme_.
1869--Kiowa go upon present reservation.
1871--Setängya killed.
1872--First attempt to establish schools.
1874--Outbreak of Cheyenne, Comanche, and Kiowa.
1879--Practical disappearance of the buffalo.
1881--Dátekâñ's prophecy.
1886--First money for grass paid to Kiowa and Apache.
1887--Pá-iñgya's prophecy.
1890--Last sun dance; beginning of the ghost dance in the tribe.
1892--Measles epidemic; unratified agreement of land sale.
SOCIOLOGY OF THE KIOWA
ABSENCE OF THE CLAN SYSTEM
The clan system does not exist among the Kiowa, and there is no evidence
that they have ever had it. This may be a surprise to those disciples of
Morgan who have assumed that because the system is found among the
eastern tribes and certain tribes of the southwest and extreme northwest
it is therefore universal and a necessary factor in tribal development.
It is by no means universal, and it is doubtful if it exists among the
Athapascan tribes of British America, the tribes of the Columbia region,
Oregon, or California, or any of the recognized Shoshonean stock with
the exception of the Hopi. The Cheyenne and Sioux of the plains seem to
know as little of it as do the Kiowa. Clark, in his "Indian Sign
Language," says: "I cannot help feeling that Mr Morgan's careful study
of the form of government of the Iroquois league colored his writings in
regard to all other Indians. Certain it is that no trace now exists of
such organization among many of the plains tribes." In another place he
states that among the majority of the plains tribes, and perhaps the
western Indians generally, judging from their laws of inheritance and
marriage customs, the system never did exist (_Clark, 5_). Gatschet, in
his great work on the Klamath language, declares that the Klamath
Indians of Oregon are absolutely ignorant of the clan system, while
Hale, in the "Iroquois Book of Rites," takes the ground that the system
is simply an artificial invention, adopted for convenience and spreading
from various local centers. In support of the idea that it is artificial
rather than natural he points out the fact that it is not found among
the Polynesian tribes, who are on about the same plane of development as
our Indians (_Hale, 1_). In the United States the clan system seems to
be found more particularly among the agricultural tribes.
LOCAL DIVISIONS
Before they were confined to the reservation the Kiowa were grouped into
two general local divisions, known, respectively, as _T'ó-k`íñähyup_,
"cold men" (i.e., men of the cold, or northern, country), and
_Gwáhalégo_, from the Comanche name Kwáhadi or Kwáhari. These terms were
practically equivalent to "northern" and "southern," the former ranging
chiefly along Arkansas river and the Kansas frontier, while the latter,
as the name indicates, associated more with the Kwáhadi Comanche of the
region of the Staked plain. As they were merely temporary local
designations and not proper band or gentile names, they have now ceased
to be of any practical importance.
SUBTRIBES
The Kiowa have six recognized divisions or subtribes, including the
Apache, who form a component part of the Kiowa tribal circle. The
extinct K'úato formerly made a seventh, but their position in the
circle is now forgotten. These divisions are not clans or gentes
(social) based on marriage regulations, but subtribes (political), each
division having had originally its own chief, subordinate to the
recognized head chief of the tribe, with certain peculiarities of
dialect and sometimes its special "medicine" or religious ceremonial.
They may have been in the beginning distinct cognate tribes, with the
exception of the Apache, which confederated at a later period for mutual
assistance. The Comanche, although now allied with the Kiowa, have no
part in their tribal organization or ceremonies.
THE CAMP CIRCLE
The names of the bands and their order in the camp circle on the
occasion of all tribal gatherings are as follows:
1. _K`at'a_, "Biters," i. e., Arikara. This is the largest and most
important division, occupying the first place in the camp circle,
immediately south of the door or entrance. To it belonged Dohásän, the
great chief who ruled the Kiowa for more than thirty years. To his
family was assigned the hereditary duty of furnishing the buffalo for
each annual sun dance. At present the K`at'a may be said to constitute
the aristocracy of the tribe. The name is said not to indicate an
admixture of Ree or Arikara blood, but simply a more intimate trading
association with that tribe in early days. As this association was
comparatively modern, the word may be a substitute for another name
discarded, in accordance with a Kiowa custom, in consequence of the
death of some noted individual of the same name. They are sometimes
called _Gâ´i-K`at'a_, "Kiowa K`at'a," to distinguish them from the
Arikara proper.
2. _Ko gúi_, "Elk." This band took the lead in war ceremonials. A`dáte,
whose camp was surprised and destroyed by the Osage in 1833, was its
chief. Set-t'aiñte and the first Big-bow also belonged to this band.
3. _Gâ´-igwû_, "Kiowa proper." This may have been the original nucleus
of the Kiowa tribe, as the name would seem to imply. Although not
numerous, they are held in much respect, are the keepers of the _taíme_,
and have charge of the _K`ado Dó_, or priestly tipi, at the sundance
ceremony. The western side of the circle properly belongs to them, but
in consequence of their small number individuals of other bands
sometimes camp with them.
4. _Kiñep_, "Big Shields." To them belonged the _gadómbitsóñhi_ image or
idol, now lost, which was exposed in front of the _taíme_ image at the
annual sun dance.
5. _Semät_, "Thieves," i. e., Apache. Although a distinct tribe, they
have formed an integral part of the Kiowa tribal circle from the
earliest traditionary period.
6. _Koñtä´lyui_, "Black Boys," or _Síndiyúi_, "Sindi's children." No
reason is assigned for either of these names, which are about equally
common, Sindi is the great mythic hero of the Kiowa. They are a small
band, and occupy the last place in the circle.
7. _K'úato_ "Pulling Up." These were exterminated by the Dakota about
1780, as already related. They spoke a peculiar dialect of Kiowa. It is
not now known what position they occupied in the tribal circle.
Clark mentions four of these divisions, under the names of Elk
(_Kogúi_), Shield (_Kiñep_), Cut-Off (_K`at'a_), and Black
(_Koñtälyui_), and adds, "some claim five, the Apache Kiowa band"
(_Clark, 20_).
[Illustration: FIG. 55--The Kiowa camp circle]
MILITARY ORGANIZATION--YÄ`´PÄHE WARRIORS
The Kiowa have an elaborate military organization, now fast becoming
obsolete, known as _Yä´pähe_, "Warriors." A similar organization is
found among most of the prairie tribes, and is commonly known to the
whites as the Dog-soldier society, from an imperfect rendering of the
name of one of the principal bands. The Kiowa organization consists of
six orders, each having its own dance, songs, insignia, and duties. The
members were first enrolled as boys among the "Rabbits," and were
afterward promoted, according to merit or the necessities of war, in
regular progression, to higher ranks. Only the bravest few, however,
ever attained the highest order, that of the _Kâ-itséñko_. Almost every
able-bodied man was enrolled. The orders, beginning with the lowest, are
as follows:
1. _Polä´ñyup_ or _Tsä´ñyui_, "Rabbits." Boys above the age of eight or
ten years, who were drilled in their future duties as warriors by
certain old men. The step of their dance is intended to imitate the
jumping of a rabbit.
2. _Ädaltóyui_ or _Téñbeyu´i_, "Young (wild) Sheep."
3. _Tseñtä´nmo_, "Horse Head-dresses." (?)
4. _Toñkóñko_, "Black Legs."
5. _T'äñpéko_, "Skunkberry People" or _Tséñ-â'dalka-i_, "Crazy Horses."
6. _Kâ´-itsénko_, "Real or Principal Dogs (?)." These were the picked
men of the warriors and were limited to ten in number. According to the
myth, their founder saw in a vision a body of warriors dressed and
painted after the manner of the order, accompanied by a dog, which sang
the song of the Kâ´-itséñko and commanded him, "You are a dog; make a
noise like a dog and sing a dog song." Their peculiar insignia and
obligations will be described in another place (see the calendar, summer
1846.)
Clark gives the names of the Kiowa orders as follows, omitting the
Poläñyup: Raven Soldiers or Black Leggings (_Toñkoñko_); Sheep
(_Ädaltóyui_); Feather Head (_Tseñtä´nmo_); Horse (_Kâ-itséñko_);
Warclub (_T'äñpéko_). He adds, "The Kiowa Apache have only three bands,
viz: 1st, Big Horse; 2d, Raven; 3d, Swift Fox" (_Clark, 6_).
At home the Yä`pähe acted as camp police and leaders in the tribal
ceremonies; abroad they were the warriors and conductors of the hunt.
Battey gives an illustration of the system as he once saw it in
practical operation:
Being determined that none of their thoughtless young men should go
raiding in Texas and thereby bring trouble upon the tribe, the
Kiowas, immediately after the whole tribe got together on Pecon
creek, organized a military system, under the control of the war
chiefs, which was immediately put into operation. By this a strong
guard of their soldiers were continually watching day and night
while in camp to prevent any such enterprise from being undertaken.
In moving from place to place these soldiers marched on each side
of the main body, while a front guard went before and a rear guard
behind, thus preventing any from straggling.
Their buffalo hunts were conducted in the same military order. The
soldiers, going out first, surrounded a tract of country in which
were a large herd of buffalo, and no one might chase a buffalo past
this ring guard on pain of having his horse shot by the soldiers.
Within the ring hundreds of men on horseback were chasing and
shooting the huge creatures with revolvers or bows and arrows until
each had killed as many as his female attendants could skin and
take care of (_Battey, 14_).
HERALDIC SYSTEM
In connection with their military and social organization the Kiowa and
Apache have a system of heraldry, which finds tangible expression in
the painting and ornamentation of their shields and tipis. There were
formerly about fifty shield patterns used in the two tribes, and all the
warriors carrying shields of the same pattern constituted a close
brotherhood, with similar war cries, body paint, and ceremonial taboos
and regulations. Every prominent family also had its heraldic tipi,
which occupied its fixed place in the tribal camp circle. Special taboos
and rules belonged to the tipi as to the shield, and the right of
hereditary descent was as nicely regulated as property ownership among
the whites. This system of heraldry will form the subject of a future
monograph.
NAME SYSTEM
Their system of personal names is also interesting. All the names have
meaning and are as much a part of the owner as his hand or his foot.
Children are usually named soon after birth by one of the grandparents
or other relative not the parent; the name is commonly suggested by some
passing incident, but may be hereditary, or intended to commemorate the
warlike deed of some ancestor. In this way a girl may bear a war name
bestowed by her grandfather to preserve the recollection of his own
achievement. There are no ordinal names as among the eastern Sioux, no
clan names as among the Shawnee, and no names which indicate the band of
the individual. Young men as they grow up usually assume dream names, in
obedience to visions, and these are sometimes superseded in later life
by names acquired on the warpath, the hunt, or in council. Frequently an
aged warrior, who feels that his day is near its close, formally gives
his name to some young man who seems to him to merit the honor; the
older man then assumes a new name, or more frequently lives out his
remaining years without a name, being referred to and addressed simply
as "old man." Sometimes the old warrior, having outlived the need of a
name and not regarding any younger man as worthy to bear it,
deliberately "throws it away" and is henceforth nameless. Should he die
without having bestowed his name upon a successor, the name dies with
him and can not be revived. The name of the dead is never spoken in the
presence of the relatives, and upon the death of any member of a family
all the others take new names--a custom noted by Raleigh's colonists on
Roanoke island more than three centuries ago. Moreover, all words
suggesting the name of the dead person are dropped from the language for
a term of years, and other words, conveying the same idea, are
substituted. The same custom exists among the Comanche and perhaps among
other tribes.
MARRIAGE
[Illustration: FIG. 56--Mäñyi-tén or Woman-heart, a typical Kiowa]
Marriage among the Kiowa, as among the plains tribes generally, is a
simple affair, with none of the elaborate ceremonials found among the
Hopi and other sedentary Indians. About all that is necessary is that
the maiden of the young man's choice shall be willing, and, this having
been ascertained by the lover, he sends some friend as a mediator to her
parents to make an offer of ponies or other property to compensate them
for the loss of their daughter. If both sides come to an agreement, the
match is made, and the young couple, with the assistance of their
friends, set up housekeeping on their own account. Compulsion is no more
brought to bear upon the girl than in civilized communities; the brother
of the girl has as much to do with the decision of the case as her
parents, and continues to claim a sort of guardianship over her even
after her marriage. The marriageable age is about fourteen for girls and
sixteen for boys. In general the husband goes to live among his wife's
people instead of taking her to his own camp. The father seems to
exercise more control over his children than among tribes having the
clan system and mother right. There appears to be no fixed rule of
inheritance, but shield, tipi, and band name usually descend in the male
line. The husband avoids the mother-in-law, but not to the same extent
as among other plains tribes. Polygamy is allowed, but is not frequent,
only a few of the Kiowa now having two wives, and none more than that
number. In the old times it was more common, in consequence of the
surplus of women resulting from the killing off of the men in their
constant wars. The father of T'ebodal is famous for having had ten
wives; Quanah, the present head chief of the Comanche, has six. It was
common to marry sisters of the same family, and according to tribal
custom, which had analogy among the ancient Hebrews, the man who married
the eldest daughter had first claim upon her sisters.
Divorce is easy and without ceremony, but not so common as might be
supposed, there being many couples that have lived faithfully together
for nearly half a century. Adultery is punished by taking or destroying
the property of the guilty man. The woman is simply "thrown away" by her
husband, although in theory her life is forfeited. In former times he
might kill her or cut off her nose, as was done also among the
neighboring tribes, but this latter custom is now only a memory.
TRIBAL GOVERNMENT
The tribal government was formerly committed to the care of a head chief
and the chiefs of the several bands, together with the war chiefs, who
had control in military affairs. Women had no voice in the government.
From the evidences of tradition and the statements of old men, the
chiefs in former times, before tribal customs were demoralized by the
advent of the conquering race, must have exercised almost despotic
powers and were feared as well as respected by their people. Their last
great chief was Dohásän, who died in 1866, since which time no one has
had the unquestioned allegiance of the whole tribe. The present
officially recognized head chief is Lone-wolf, the adopted son of the
hostile leader of the same name in the last outbreak. The elder
Lone-wolf formally bestowed his own name upon the younger man in 1879,
thus publicly recognizing him as his successor. Camp and ceremonial
regulations were enforced and their violation punished by the Yä'´pähe,
acting under direction of the war chiefs. Personal grievances were
avenged by the injured party or by his nearest relatives, without
interference by the tribe.
CHARACTER
[Illustration: FIG. 57--Gaápiatáñ (_alias_ Haitsĭki) or Feathered-lance,
a typical Kiowa]
In character the Kiowa are below the standard. Having been intimately
associated with them for some years, the author would be better pleased
to make a different showing, but truth compels the statement. Tribal
traits are strongly marked among Indians. The Sioux are direct and
manly, the Cheyenne high-spirited and keenly sensitive, the Arapaho
generous and accommodating, the Comanche practical and businesslike, but
the Kiowa, with some honorable exceptions, are deficient in all these
qualities. They have the savage virtue of bravery, as they have
abundantly proven, but as a people they have less of honor, gratitude,
and general reliability than perhaps any other tribe of the plains. The
large infusion of captive blood, chiefly Mexican, must undoubtedly have
influenced the tribal character, but whether for good or evil the
student of heredity must determine.
The report of Captain Alvord, already quoted at length, affords a good
insight into Kiowa character. Gregg in 1844 described them as "one of
the most savage tribes that infest the western prairies" (_Gregg, 7_).
Captain (afterward General) John Pope ten years later called them
deceitful and unreliable and "absolutely destitute of most of the
chivalrous characteristics which distinguish the Comanche brave."
General Pope in 1870 denounced them as being altogether the worst
Indians the government had to deal with, having been for twenty-five
years past "the most faithless, cruel, and unreliable of all the Indians
of the plains." About the same time General Sheridan expressed his
lasting regret that he did not hang Set-t'aiñte and Lone-wolf and punish
the whole tribe when he first met them. The Quaker Battey, a good friend
of theirs, describes them as "the most fierce and desperately
bloodthirsty tribe of the Indian Territory"--a people who had hitherto
resisted all attempts to bring them into friendly relations with the
government or to a knowledge of civilization, still continuing to commit
depredations upon the white settlements, stealing horses and mules,
murdering men and women and carrying their children into captivity. He
says it would probably be difficult to find in the whole tribe a man
whose hands had not been imbrued in blood. Clark states that in personal
appearance, intelligence, and tenacity of purpose he considers them
inferior to the Comanche (_Pacific, 1_; _War, 5_; _Battey, 16_; _Clark,
8_).
POPULATION
It is always difficult to estimate the population of a roving tribe, and
almost invariably first reports are greatly exaggerated. This is
particularly true of the Kiowa, whose restless disposition and
inveterate habit of raiding made them equally at home anywhere along a
frontier of a thousand miles. Excluding some extravagant early
estimates, the statements of the most competent observers, and the
official reports since they have been put upon the reservation, all
indicate that the combined population of the confederated Kiowa and
Apache was never much more than 1,600, or 1,800 at the greatest, of whom
the Apache numbered nearly one-fourth. No really accurate count was ever
made until after their final subjugation in 1875, and it is worth noting
that their numbers, which had been reported at 2,774 and 2,302 in the
preceding two years, at once fell to 1,414, and remained nearly
stationary at that figure until the epidemic of 1892. Battey's estimate
in 1873 (in which he probably means to include the Apache) of 1,600 to
1,650 is probably very nearly correct. In 1892 the Kiowa numbered 1,014
and the Apache 241, a total of 1,255, being a decrease from 1,476 in the
previous year in consequence of the epidemic of measles. In November,
1896, they numbered: Kiowa 1,065, Apache 208, a total of 1,273. The
associated Comanche at the same time numbered 1,545. In each of these
tribes there is a large captive element of which, no separate account is
taken, but investigation would probably show that at least one-fourth of
the whole number have more or less of captive blood. The captives are
chiefly Mexicans and Mexican Indians, with Indians of other tribes, and
several whites taken from Texas when children, including one old man who
still remembers having gone to school in Germany and having crossed the
ocean with his parents (see Pope in _Pacific, 2_).
Some of the estimates are based on the number of tipis or warriors, an
uncertain ratio, which varies greatly in different tribes. With the
Kiowa it may be assumed to equal 2 warriors and 6 or 7 souls to a tipi.
Below are given the various estimates and enumerations, beginning with
the earliest, that of Lewis and Clark in 1805. The estimates of 1807,
1810, 1841--1845, and perhaps of 1850 probably include the Apache.
1805--Kiowa and Wetepahatoe, 70 tipis, 200 warriors, 700 souls (Lewis
and Clark, 5).
1810--1,000 warriors, i. e., about 3,000 souls (Pike, Expedition, 1810).
1814--Wate-pana-toe and Ryuwa, 200 warriors, 900 souls (Brackenridge,
Views of Louisiana, 85, 1814).
1820--Wettaphato, 1,000 souls, 900 souls (Morse, 3).
1828--140 families (i. e., about 950 souls?) (Spanish, doc. of 1828, in
Societa Geog. Mex., 265, 1870).
1829--Keawas, 1,000 souls (Porter, in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III,
596, 1853).
1836--Kioways, 1,800 (estimate in Schoolcraft, III, 611).
1841-45--1,800 souls (Indian Reports for these years; for the same
period the Comanche are estimated at 19,200).
1846--400 tipis, 2,000 souls (Bent, in Rept., 1846).
1849--300 warriors, 1,500 souls, a "careful estimate" (Neighbors,
Report, 1849; he estimates the Comanche at 4,000 warriors and 20,000
souls).
1850--Kayuguas, 2,000 souls, not to exceed (War, 6).
1851--1,500 souls, probably not more than (Pacific, 3).
1854--2,800 souls (Agent Whitfield, Report, 1855; in the same report we
find another agent estimating the Kiowa and Comanche at 20,000 in 1852).
1865--1,800 (Report, 1865); 1,500 to 1,700 souls, about 280 tipis,
without Apache (Agent Leavenworth, in Report on Condition of Indian
Tribes, 37, 1867).
1866--Kiowa and Comanche, without Apache, 2,800 (Report, 1866).
1867--280 tipis, 1,680 souls, without Apache (estimate in report of
Medicine Lodge treaty, Indian Miscellany).
1867-68--Kiowa and Comanche, without Apache, 4,000 (Report, 1867 and
1868). The peace commission at the same time, 1867, estimates these two
tribes at 14,800.
1869-70--1,896 (Reports for 1869 and 1870).
1871--1,776 (Report).
1872--1,200; 1,930 (Report).
1873--2,000 (Report); 1,600 to 1,650 at 6 to a tipi (Battey, 17).
1874--1,700 (Report; all following are from the official reports).
1875--1,070.
1876--1,090.
1877--same.
1878--1,120.
1879--1,138.
1880--1,139.
1881--1,145.
1882--1,176.
1883--1,167.
1884--1,152.
1885--1,169.
1886--1,164.
1887--1,179.
1888--1,121.
1889--1,142, "a very careful census."
1890--1,140.
1891--1,151.
1892--1,014 (decrease from epidemic).
1893--1,017.
1894--same; taken from preceding.
1895--1,037.
1896--1,065.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV
PHOTO BY HILLERS, 1894
ANDRES MARTINEZ ("ÄN'DALI")]
RELIGION OF THE KIOWA
SCOPE OF THEIR BELIEF
In religion the Kiowa are polytheists and animists, deifying all the
powers of nature and praying to each in turn, according to the occasion.
Their native system has no Great Spirit, no heaven, no hell, although
they are now familiar with these ideas from contact with the whites;
their other world is a shadowy counterpart of this. There is an
indistinct idea of transmigration, owls and other night birds being
supposed to be animated by the souls of the dead, with a general belief
in ghosts, witches, and various sorts of good and bad "medicine." Dreams
and visions are supernatural revelations, to be trusted and obeyed
implicitly.
A curious instance of the persistence of the Indian beliefs in spite of
educational influences is afforded by the case of the late Kiowa
interpreter, a full-blood Indian, who had been reared and educated in
the east, graduated in theology, and was ordained to the ministry,
married a white woman, and returned as a missionary to his people. The
Indians accused him of deceiving them as to the terms of the treaty, and
told him that he "could not live," and he died shortly afterward in the
belief that he had been bewitched by the medicine-men as a punishment
for his part in the negotiations. The fact is a matter of official
record, as well as of contemporary newspaper publication.
THE SUN
The greatest of the Kiowa gods is the Sun; by him they swear, to him
they make sacrifice of their own flesh, and in his honor they held the
great annual _k'ado_ or sun dance. Next to the sun the buffalo and the
_señi_ or peyote plant claim reverence, and these too may be reduced to
the same analysis, as the buffalo bull in his strength and majesty is
regarded as the animal symbol of the sun, while the peyote, with its
circular disk and its bright center, surrounded by white spots or rays,
is its vegetal representative. The _â'dalbeáhya_ also derives its origin
from the sun. Unlike the agricultural tribes, they pay but little
attention to the rain gods and seem to have no reverence for the snake.
Each shield order prays to some special deity, and every man has also
his own personal "medicine," somewhat like the guardian angel or patron
saint of the Catholic system. There are also supernatural heroes, of
whom the Sun-boy and Sindi are the greatest, with ogres, dwarfs, water
people, monsters, and all the other features of the orthodox fairy book.
OBJECTS OF RELIGIOUS VENERATION
Their most sacred objects of religious veneration are the _Â'dalbeáhya_,
the _Taíme_, the _Gadómbitsoñhi_, and the _señi_ or peyote. Their great
tribal religious ceremony is the _k'ado_ or. sun dance. Their tribal
religion is that which centers around the _â'dalbeáhya_ and the _taíme_.
The worship of the peyote, although now general, excepting among the
oldest men, is comparatively modern with the Kiowa, having been adopted
from the more southern tribes. These two systems are compatible and
auxiliary to each other. In 1890 the new religion of the ghost dance was
introduced among the Kiowa. It is essentially different from the older
Indian systems and antagonistic to them, being based on the doctrine of
one God, although it preaches a return to the old Indian life.
The _Â'dalbeáhya_ (the word has some connection with _âdal_, "hair," and
scalp) is the eucharistic body of their supernatural hero teacher, the
Sun-boy, and has been known among them almost from the beginning of
their existence as a people. According to the myth, which has close
parallels in other tribes, a girl was one day playing with some
companions when she discovered a porcupine in the branches of a tree.
She climbed up to capture it, but as she climbed the tree grew, carrying
her with it, until it pierced the arch of the sky into the upper world;
here the porcupine took on his proper form as the Son of the Sun; they
were married and had a son. Her husband had warned her that, in her
excursions in search of berries and roots, she must never go near the
plant called _äzón_ (pomme blanche, _Psoralea esculenta_) if its top had
been bitten off by a buffalo. Like Eve, or Pandora, she longed to test
the prohibition, so one day while digging food plants she took hold of a
pomme blanche which a buffalo had already cropped and pulled it up by
the root, leaving a hole through which she saw far below the earth,
which she had forgotten since the day that she had climbed the tree
after the porcupine. Old memories awakened, and full of an intense
longing for her former home she took her child and fastening a rope
above the hole began letting herself down to the earth. Her husband,
returning from the hunt, discovered her absence and the method of her
escape, and throwing a stone after her through the hole, before she had
reached the end of the rope, struck her upon the head and she fell to
the ground dead. The child was uninjured, and after staying some time
beside the body of his mother he was found and cared for by Spider
Woman, who became a second mother to him. One day in playing he threw
upward a gaming wheel, which came down upon his head and cut through his
body without killing him, so that instead of one boy there were now twin
brothers. After many adventures, in the course of which they rid the
world of several destructive monsters, one of the brothers walked into a
lake and disappeared forever under its waters, after which the other
transformed himself into this "medicine," and gave himself in that shape
to the Kiowa, who still preserve it as the pledge and guardian of their
national existence. This _â´dalbeáhya_, or, as it is sometimes called,
the _tä´lyí-dá-i_, "boy-medicine," is in ten portions, in the keeping of
as many priests. Its chief priest is T'ébodal, the oldest man of the
tribe, with whom the author once had the opportunity of seeing the pouch
in which it is carried, for no man, unless possibly the priest himself,
has ever been permitted to open it and look upon the contents. It is
kept in a small pouch fringed with numerous scalps, in a special tipi
appointed for its residence; it is brought out for use in connection
with a sweat-house ceremony as individuals may desire to sacrifice to
it, and not, like the _taíme_, at tribal gatherings. It is briefly
mentioned by Clark in his work on the sign language (_Clark, 7_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ENTHOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII
THE PORCUPINE IN THE TREE, AND FLIGHT OF THE SUN WOMAN (FROM THE NATIVE
DRAWING.)]
The _Gadómbítsoñhi_, "Old-woman-under-the-ground," belonged to the Kiñep
band of the Kiowa. It was a small image, less than a foot high,
representing a woman with flowing hair. It was exposed in front of the
_taíme_ at the great sun-dance ceremony, and by some unexplained
jugglery the priest in charge of it caused it to rise out of the ground,
dance in the sight of the people, and then again sink into the earth. A
few years ago it was stolen by a crazy Indian from the priest who
guarded it and has never since been recovered, although there are
stories in the tribe of hunters belated in the mountains, or beside
unfrequented streams, who have caught glimpses of a wailing dwarf with
disheveled hair who vanished as soon as discovered, and is believed to
have been the lost _gadómbítsoñhi_.
The _Señi_, "prickly fruit," the peyote or mescal plant, is a small
species of cactus of the genus _Lophophora_ (Coulter), which grows in
the stony hill country along the Mexican border. On account of its
medical properties and its wonderful effect upon the imagination, it is
regarded by the Indians as the vegetal incarnation of a deity, and a
whole system of myth and ritual has grown up in connection with its use.
The rite originated among the more southern tribes, and has come through
the Mescalero and Comanche to the Kiowa within about fifty years. The
ceremony was first brought to public notice by the author and may be the
subject of a more extended monograph at some future time.
Another ritual, pertaining more particularly to women, was dedicated to
the Star Girls, or Pleiades (_Dä´-mä´tán_). Its last priestess died a
few years ago.
The great, central figure of the _k`adó_, or sun dance, ceremony is the
_taíme_. This is a small image, less than 2 feet in length, representing
a human figure dressed in a robe of white feathers, with a headdress
consisting of a single upright feather and pendants of ermine skin, with
numerous strands of blue beads around its neck, and painted upon the
face, breast, and back with designs symbolic of the sun and moon. The
image itself is of dark-green stone, in form rudely resembling a human
head and bust, probably shaped by art like the stone fetishes of the
Pueblo tribes. It is preserved in a rawhide box in charge of the
hereditary keeper, and is never under any circumstances exposed to view
except at the annual sun dance, when it is fastened to a short upright
stick planted within the medicine lodge, near the western side. It was
last exposed in 1888 (see the calendar). The ancient _taíme_ image was
of buckskin, with a stalk of Indian tobacco for a headdress. This
buckskin image was left in the medicine lodge, with all the other
adornments and sacrificial offerings, at the close of each ceremony. The
present _taíme_ is one of three, two of which came originally from the
Crows, through an Arapaho who married into the Kiowa tribe, while the
third came by capture from the Blackfeet.
The tobacco upon the head of the ancient _taíme_ is another evidence
of the northern origin of the Kiowa, as the Kutenai, Blackfoot, and
other tribes living near and across the Canadian border are noted for
their cultivation of tobacco, and have a special tobacco dance and
ceremonies. The more remote tribes along the northwest coast are
equally celebrated for their carving in stone, the material used being
commonly a black slate, and the original stone _taímes_ may have come
from that region.
According to the legend, which is told with the exactness of an
historical tradition, an Arapaho, who was without horses or other
wealth, attended with his tribe the sun dance of the Crows and danced
long and earnestly before the "medicine," in hope that it would pity him
and make him prosperous. The chief priest of the Crows rewarded him by
giving him the _taíme_ image, notwithstanding the protests of the Crows,
who were angry at seeing such favor shown to a stranger. Fortune now
smiled upon the Arapaho; he stole many horses and won new blessings for
himself by tying numerous ponies to the medicine lodge as a sacrifice to
the _taíme_, until at last his herd was of the largest. Being now grown
wealthy, when next his own people visited the Crows he collected his
horses and started back with them, but the jealous Crows followed
secretly, untied the _taíme_ bag from the pole in front of his tipi and
stole it, as Rachel stole her father's gods. On discovering his loss the
Arapaho made duplicates, which he took back with him to his own people.
He afterward married a Kiowa woman and went to live with her tribe,
bringing with him the _taíme_, which thus became the medicine of the
Kiowa. Since that time the _taíme_ has been handed down in his
family, the keeper being consequently always of part Arapaho blood.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII
PEYOTE PLANT AND BUTTON]
The present guardian is a woman, Émaä, who succeeded to the office on
the death of Taíméte, "_Taíme_-man," in 1894; she is the ninth
successive guardian, the Arapaho being the first. The fifth keeper,
Ánsogíani, "Long Foot," or Ánso'te, held it forty years--from before the
Osage massacre until his death in the winter of 1870-71. Assuming that
the combined terms of the first four guardians equaled in time the
combined terms of the last four--i. e., about sixty or sixty-five years,
or from about 1830 to 1894--we would have 1770 as the approximate date
when the Kiowa obtained the present _taíme_ image. As previously stated,
they already had the ceremony and an equivalent image of buckskin. Of
the two _taíme_ images, both of which were of the same shape and
material, one, the "man," was small, only a few inches in length, while
the other, the "woman," was much larger. It is believed among the Kiowa
that the Crows still have the originals which they stole from the
Arapaho.
Long afterward, after the Kiowa had confederated with the Comanche, the
latter had a fight with the Blackfeet, in which they killed a warrior
and captured his medicine. The Comanche captor, so the story goes, kept
the medicine one night in his tipi, but it kept up a strange noise,
which so frightened him that the next day he gave it to a Kiowa, who
pulled off a long "tooth" attached to it, and thenceforth it was silent.
Learning afterward that it was a part of the _taíme_ medicine, he gave
it to the _taíme_ keeper, who put it with the other images. It is said
to have been nearly similar in appearance to the smaller image.
The complete _taíme_ medicine thus consisted of three decorated stone
images, a large one or "woman," a smaller one called a "man," and a
third one closely resembling the second. They were kept in a rawhide
case known as the _taíme-bíĭmkâ´i_, shaped somewhat like a kidney (see
figure, summer 1835), and painted with _taíme_ symbols, the large image
being in one end of the case and the two smaller ones at the other; some
say that the third image was kept in a separate box by a relative of the
_taíme_ priest. The smaller images, like the ark of the covenant, were
sometimes carried to war, the box being slung from the shoulders of the
man who carried it, and consequently were finally captured by the Ute.
The large image, the "woman" _taíme_, was never taken from the main home
camp.
The _taíme_ has been twice captured by enemies, first by the Osage in
1833, and again by the Ute in 1868. In the first instance the Osage
surprised the Kiowa camp and captured all the images with the bag,
killing the wife of the _taíme_ priest as she was trying to loosen it
from its fastenings, but returned it two years later, after peace had
been made between the two tribes (see the calendar, 1833 and 1835). In
the other case the Kiowa had taken the two smaller images, as a
palladium of victory, upon a war expedition, when they were met by a war
party of Ute, who defeated them, killed the bearer of the medicine, and
carried off the images, which have never since been recovered. The
larger image is still with the tribe (see the calendar, 1868; also plate
LXIX).
TRIBAL MEDICINES OF OTHER INDIANS
Nearly every important tribe, excepting perhaps those aboriginal
skeptics, the Comanche, has or did have a tribal "medicine" equivalent
to the _taíme_, around which centers the tribal mythology and ceremonial
with which the prosperity and fate of the tribe is bound up. With the
Cheyenne this is a bundle of sacred arrows, now in the keeping of one of
the southern bands near Cantonment, Oklahoma. With the Arapaho it
consists of a pipe, a turtle, and an ear of corn, all of stone, wrapped
in skins, and kept by the hereditary priest with the northern branch of
the tribe in Wyoming. Among the Omaha it was a large shell, now
preserved in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Massachusetts. With the
Creeks it is a set of graven metal tablets, possibly relics of De Soto's
disastrous expedition through the gulf states, religiously guarded by
the priest of the Wind clan of the nation in Indian Territory.
THE SUN DANCE
The great tribal ceremony of the Kiowa was the _k`adó_, or sun dance,
which was commonly celebrated annually when the down appeared on the
cottonwoods, i. e., about the middle of June. In their calendar system
the summers are counted by _k`adós_, the winters being designated as
"cold seasons." On this occasion the whole tribe encamped in a circle,
each band in its appropriate place, with the _k`adó_ or medicine lodge
in the center. Within the medicine lodge the _taíme_ was exposed during
the continuance of the ceremony, which lasted four days, although the
preliminary buffalo hunt and other necessary arrangements occupied much
more time. Space forbids a detailed account of the ceremony, which was
common to most of the prairie tribes, and has been described with more
or less accuracy by various writers. The Kiowa sun dance resembled that
of the Dakota, Cheyenne, and other tribes in its general features--the
search for the buffalo, the arrangement of the camp circle, the
procession of the women to cut down the tree for the center pole of the
medicine lodge, the sham battle for possession of the pole, the building
of the medicine lodge, and the four days' dance without eating,
drinking, or sleeping. It differed radically, however, in the entire
absence of those voluntary self tortures which have made the sun dance
among other tribes a synonym for savage horrors. With the Kiowa even the
accidental shedding of blood on such an occasion was considered an evil
omen, and was the signal for abandoning the dance; voluntary laceration
by way of sacrifice was practiced at other times, but not at the
_k'ado_. Among the Kiowa the center pole must always be cut down by a
captive woman. On account of the dread in which the _taíme_ is held, by
reason of the many taboos connected with it, they have also a captive,
taken from Mexico when a boy and given to the _taíme_ for this special
purpose, to unwrap it and set it in place at the ceremonial exposure, so
that should any regulation be inadvertently violated, the punishment
would fall upon the captive and not upon the tribe. It is hardly
necessary to state that this Mexican captive has as perfect faith in the
_taíme_ as the priestly keeper himself.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIX
THE TAIME]
In the Sett'an calendar the summer is always designated by a rude figure
of the medicine lodge. On the Anko calendar the distinction is made by
the decorated center-pole of the lodge. Medicine-lodge creek, where the
famous treaty was negotiated, derives its name from several medicine
lodges formerly standing on its banks near the southern Kansas line,
this being a favorite spot for the sun dance with both the Kiowa and
Cheyenne. The following description of the medicine lodge is from
Battey's account of the Kiowa sun dance witnessed by him in 1873, to
which account the reader is referred (_Battey, 15_):
The medicine house is situated nearly in the center of the
encampment, is circular in form, and about 60 feet in diameter,
having its entrance toward the east. It is built by erecting a
forked post, 20 feet high, perhaps, for a central support; around
this, and at nearly equal distances, are 17 other forked posts,
forming the circumference of the building. These are from 12 to 15
feet in height, and all of cottonwood. Small cottonwood trees are
tied on the outside of these, in a horizontal position, with ropes
of rawhide, having limbs and leaves on them. Outside of these small
cottonwood trees are placed in an upright position, thus forming a
wall of green trees and leaves several feet in thickness, in the
midst of which many hundred spectators afterwards found a cool
retreat, where they could observe what was going on without making
themselves conspicuous. Long cottonwood poles extend from each of
the posts in the circumference to the central post, and then limbs
of the same are laid across these, forming a shady roof one-third
of the way to the center.
The central post is ornamented near the ground with the robes of
buffalo calves, their heads up, as if in the act of climbing it.
Each of the branches above the fork is ornamented in a similar
manner, with the addition of shawls, calico, scarfs, etc., and
covered at the top with black muslin. Attached to the fork is a
bundle of cottonwood and willow limbs, firmly bound together and
covered with a buffalo robe, with head and horns, so as to form a
rude image of a buffalo, to which were hung strips of new calico,
muslin, strouding, both blue and scarlet, feathers, shawls, etc.,
of various lengths and qualities. The longer and more showy
articles were placed near the ends. This image was so placed as to
face the east. The lodges of the encampment are arranged in circles
around the medicine house, having their entrances toward it, the
nearest circle being some 10 rods distant....
The ground inside the inclosure had been carefully cleared of
grass, sticks, and roots, and covered several inches deep with
clean white sand. A screen had been constructed on the side
opposite the entrance by sticking small cottonwoods and cedars deep
into the ground, so as to preserve them fresh as long as possible.
A space was left, 2 or 3 feet wide, between it and the inclosing
wall, in which the dancers prepared themselves for the dance, and
in front of which was the medicine. This consisted of an image
lying on the ground, but so concealed from view in the screen as to
render its form indistinguishable; above it was a large fan made
of eagle quills, with the quill part lengthened out nearly a foot
by inserting a stick into it and securing it there. These were held
in a spread form by means of a willow rod or wire bent in a
circular form; above this was a mass of feathers, concealing an
image, on each side of which were several shields highly decorated
with feathers and paint. Various other paraphernalia of heathen
worship were suspended in the screen, among these shields or over
them, impossible for me to describe so as to be comprehended. A
mound had also been thrown up around the central post of the
building, 2 feet high and perhaps 5 feet in diameter.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX
ARAPAHO SUN-DANCE LODGE, 1893]
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXI
PHOTO BY JACKSON, 1872
PACER (PESO), FORMER HEAD-CHIEF OF THE KIOWA APACHE]
THE NADIISHA-DENA OR KIOWA APACHE
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
_Apaches_--Agent Thomas Fitzpatrick, Ind. Report, 52, 1850. This has
been their official popular name for the last fifty years.
_Apaches of Arkansas river_--Agent J. W. Whitfield, Report, 255, 1855.
_Apaches of the Plains_--Pope, 1854, in Pacific Railroad Survey, 17,
1855.
_Kiowa Apaches_--Clark, Indian Sign Language, 33, 1885.
_Ésikwíta_--Properly the name of the Mescalero Apache, but in various
forms--Essequeta, etc--has sometimes been incorrectly applied to the
Kiowa Apache.
_Gáta`ka_--Mooney, Misc. Ind. MS. So called by the Pawnee.
_Ca´takâ_--Lewis, Report, 1805, in Mess. from the President
communicating discoveries by Lewis and Clark, etc, 38, 1806.
_Cataha_--Lewis, Travels, 15, 1809 (misprint).
_Cattako_--Lewis and Clark, Discoveries, 23, 1806.
_Cuttako_--American State Papers, IV, 710, 1832.
_Gataea_ (for Gataca)--La Salle, 1682, in Margry, Découvertes, II, 168,
1877.
_Gataka_--Harris, Coll. Voy. and Travels, I, map, 685, 1705.
_Gattacka_--La Salle, 1682, in Margry, Découvertes, II. 201, 1877.
_Gû´ta`k_--La Flesche, Omaha and Ponca name, probably derived from the
Pawnee.
_Ka-ta-ka_--Kioway, Kataka, and Towakaro treaty; ratified 1838.
_Kattekas_--French, Hist. Colls. of Louisiana, new series, I, 153, note,
1869.
_Quataquois_--La Harpe, 1719, in Margry, Découvertes, VI, 289.
_Quataquon_--Beaurain, 1719, ibid.
_Tha`ká-hinĕ´na_} Mooney, Misc. Ind. MS. Arapaho names, derived from_
_Tha`ká-itän_ } _Gáta`ka_ and _hinĕ´na_, "people," or _itâ´n_,
"tribe."
_Gĭnä's_--Mooney, Misc. Ind. MS. Wichita name.
_Kántsi_--Mooney, Misc. Ind. MS. Caddo collective name for the Apache
tribes, signifying "liars;" hence Cancy, etc.
_K`á-pätop_--A generic Kiowa name for several tribes cognate with the
Apache, including Apache proper, Mescalero, Lipan, and Kiowa Apache. It
signifies "knife-whetters," or "whetstone people." The name became
obsolete about six years ago in consequence of the death of a Kiowa
chief named _K`á-pä'te_.
_Kĭsínăhĭs_--Mooney, Misc. Ind. MS. Kichai name.
_Mûtsiănă-täníu_--Cheyenne name, signifying "whetstone people."
_Nadíisha-déna_--The name used by themselves, signifying "our people" or
"people of our kind;" singular, _Ná-isha_. _Déna_, "people," is the word
which, in the various dialectal forms of _dina_, _tĭné_, _dĭ'nĕ_,
_tûne_, _nde_, etc, enters into so many tribal names of the Athapascan
stock.
_Prairie Apache_--Whitfield in Rept. Comr. of Ind. Aff., 297, 1854.
_Sádalsómte-k`íägo_--Another Kiowa name for the Kiowa Apache, signifying
"weasel people."
_Semät_--The name by which the Kiowa call them, signifying "thieves;"
the name which designates this tribe alone, superseded a few years ago
the more general term _K á-pä´top_.
_Tagúi_--The old Kiowa name for the Apache tribes generally, superseded
for a time by _K á-pä´top_, but now again in use. Cf _T'a`ká-i_, "white
man."
_Tâ´gugála_--Hodge, Pueblo MS. Notes, 1895. The Jemez name for the
Apache tribes, including the Kiowa Apache.
_Tágukerésh_--Hodge, Pueblo MS. Notes, 1895. The Pecos name for the
Apache tribes, including the Kiowa Apache.
_Tashĭn_--Mooney, Misc. Ind. MS. Comanche generic name for the Apache
tribes.
TRIBAL SIGN
Right index finger rubbed briskly up and down along the back of left
index finger. This is the generic sign for all tribes of Apache
connection, including Apache proper, Navaho, Mescalero, Lipan, and Kiowa
Apache. It is commonly interpreted to mean "knife whetters" or
"whetstone people," and this is also the meaning of the generic term for
Apache in most of the plains languages. It is possible, however, that
this is a misconception of the original purpose of the sign, which may
have had reference to a peculiar musical instrument found in various
forms among the Pueblo and other Indians of the southwest. Clark says:
I have heard two distinct conceptions for this gesture, the
Cheyenne claiming that the sign came from a peculiar musical
instrument made from an elk horn, which produced weird-like sounds
by rubbing it backward and forward with a stick, and the second (I
do not remember what tribe gave me the conception) from a specially
good whetstone which the Apaches made and used (_Clark, 9_).
In a personal letter to the author Grinnell states, on Cheyenne
authority, that the sign "is not _whetting a knife_, which would be
performed by one open flat hand on back of other flat hand, and not
_poor_, which would be passing right forefinger down over back of left
forefinger held vertically. The sign is said by the Cheyenne to refer to
a musical instrument used in old times by the Apache. This instrument
was played by passing the forefinger back and forth over the flat
surface of the instrument, from which surface a tongue protruded, which,
when struck, vibrated and made the sound, somewhat after the manner of
the Jew's-harp."
ORIGIN AND HISTORY
The Kiowa Apache are a small tribe of Athapascan stock, numbering now
about two hundred and twenty-five, associated with the Kiowa from the
earliest traditional period and forming a component part of the Kiowa
tribal circle, although reserving their distinct language; they call
themselves _Nadíisha-dena_, "our people." In the early French records of
the seventeenth century, in Lewis and Clark's narrative, and in their
first treaty, in 1837, they are called by various forms of the name
_Gáta`ka_, the name by which they are known to the Pawnee, although this
does not necessarily imply that the word is of Pawnee origin. They are
possibly the Kaskaia or "Bad-hearts" of Long in 1820. The Kiowa call
them by the contemptuous title of _Semät_, "thieves," a recent
substitute for the older generic term _Tagúi_, applied also to other
tribes of the same stock. They are now commonly known as Kiowa Apache,
under a mistaken impression, arising from the fact of their Athapascan
affinity, that they are a detached band of the Apache nation of Arizona.
On the contrary, they have never had any political connection with the
Apache proper and were probably unaware of their existence until about
one hundred years ago. A few Mescalero Apache from New Mexico are now
living with them, and individuals of the two tribes frequently exchange
visits, but this friendly intimacy is a matter of only sixty or eighty
years' standing, resulting from the peace between the Kiowa and
Comanche, as already recorded.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXII
PHOTOS BY JACKSON, 1872
DAHA, A KIOWA APACHE SUBCHIEF]
[Illustration: Photo by Hayden Survey, 1872
FIG. 58--Gray-eagle, a Kiowa Apache subchief]
They have not migrated from the southwest into the plains country, but
have come with the Kiowa from the extreme north, where they lay the
scene of their oldest traditions, including their great medicine story.
Their association with the Kiowa antedates the first removal of the
latter from the mountains, as both tribes say they have no memory of a
time when they were not together. It is probable that the Kiowa Apache,
like the cognate Sarsi, have come down along the eastern base of the
Rocky mountains from the great Athapascan hive of the Mackenzie river
region instead of along the chain of the Sierras, the line followed by
the kindred Tototin, Wailaki, Navaho, and Apache proper, and that,
finding themselves too weak to stand alone, they took refuge with the
Kiowa, as the Sarsi have done with the Blackfeet.
In regard to this northern origin and early association Clark says, in
his valuable work on the sign language: "Tradition locates the Kiowas
near and to the southwest of the Black Hills, Dakota, and without doubt
they had previous to that time lived near the Missouri river. The
Apaches with whom they are now associated were at this time with them."
In another place he states that an old Apache told him, about 1881, that
he was then about seventy years of age and had been born near Missouri
river, northeast of the Black Hills (_Clark, 10_). Keim chooses to call
them Lipan, in which he is mistaken, the Lipan being still another
Athapascan tribe living farther south, and states that "these people are
improperly known as Apaches and so called in the official documents of
the government. They say of themselves that they are not Apaches, that
the Apaches live away to the west." He says that they have a tradition
of having formerly lived in the Bad-lands of Dakota, whence they drifted
to the south, but adds somewhat naively that there is no other authority
for this than their own story (_Keim, 4_).
As the Apache are practically a part of the Kiowa in everything but
language, they need no extended separate notice. Curiously enough their
authentic history begins nearly seventy years earlier than that of the
dominant tribe with which they are associated. They are first mentioned
by the French explorer La Salle, in an undated letter of 1681 or 1682,
under the name of Gattacka. Writing from a post in what is now Illinois,
he says that the Pana (Pawnee) live more than 200 leagues to the west,
on one of the tributaries of the Mississippi, and are "neighbors and
allies of the Gattacka and Manrhoet, who are south of their villages,
and who sell to them horses, which they probably steal from the
Spaniards of New Mexico." In another fragmentary letter of 1682, written
from the same place, he proposes to make an overland journey by means of
horses, "which may easily be had, as there are many with the savages
called Pana, Pancassa, Manrhout, Gataea, Panimaha, and Pasos, who lie
somewhat remote, it is true, but yet communication with them is very
easy by means of the river of the Missourites, which flows into the
river Colbert" (_Margry, 1_). In modern terms Pana, Pancassa (or
Paneassa), Gataea (for Gataca), Panimaha, Missourites, and Colbert are
respectively Pawnee, Ponca (?), Kiowa Apache, Pawnee-Maha or ----,
Missouri, and Mississippi. Paso is problematic, and Manrhoet or
Maurhout, which in both letters is mentioned in connection with the
Kiowa Apache, may possibly be some obsolete name for the Kiowa
themselves.
[Illustration: FIG. 59--Tsáyăditl-ti or White-man, present head-chief of
the Kiowa Apache]
[Illustration: FIG. 60--Dävéko, "The-same-one," a Kiowa Apache subchief
and medicine-man]
From these references it is plain that the Kiowa Apache--and presumably
also the Kiowa--ranged even at this early period in the same general
region where they were known more than a hundred years later, namely,
between the Platte and the frontiers of New Mexico, and that they
already had herds of horses taken from the Spanish settlements. It
appears also that they were then in friendship with the Pawnee. From
the fact that they traded horses to the other tribes, and that La Salle
proposed to supply himself from them or their neighbors, it is not
impossible that they sometimes visited the French fort on Peoria lake.
On a map in Harris' Collection of Voyages and Travels, published in
1705, we find the "Gataka" marked--probably on the authority of early
French documents--on the west side of the Missouri, above the Quapaw
(see the Kiowa Apache synonymy, page 245). In 1719 La Harpe found them
("Quataquois") living in connection with the Tawákoni and other
affiliated tribes in a village which has been identified by Philip
Walker, Esquire, of Washington, as situated on the south bank of the
Cimarron, near its junction with the Arkansas, in what is now the Creek
nation of Indian Territory (_Margry, 2_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV
PHOTOS BY HILLERS, 1894
GOÑKOÑ OR APACHE JOHN, A KIOWA APACHE SUBCHIEF]
FIRST OFFICIAL AMERICAN NOTICE
The official history of the Apache begins nearly a hundred years later.
In 1805 the explorers Lewis and Clark describe the "Ca´takâ," whom they
apparently did not meet, as living between the heads of the two forks of
Cheyenne river, in the Black Hills region of northeastern Wyoming, and
numbering twenty-five tipis, seventy-five warriors, and three hundred
souls. This appears to be a singularly close estimate. The Kiowa lived
near them, on the North Platte, and both tribes had the same alliances
and general customs. They were rich in horses, which they sold to the
Arikara and Mandan, but had no trader among them, and the mouth of
Cheyenne river was suggested as a suitable place for the establishment
of a trading post for them both (_Lewis and Clark, 6_).
TREATIES
In 1837, in connection with the Kiowa and Tawákoni, they made their
first treaty with the government, as has already been described at
length in treating of the Kiowa. They are called Kataka in the treaty,
this being apparently the last official use of that name, and
thenceforth they have been known as Apache. Their subsequent history is
that of the Kiowa. In 1853 they are mentioned as a warlike band ranging
the waters of Canadian river, in the same great plains occupied by the
Comanche, with whom they often joined in raiding expeditions (_Report,
67_).
By the treaty of the Little Arkansas, in 1865, they were officially
detached from the Kiowa and attached to the Cheyenne and Arapaho. This
was done at the request of the Apache themselves, in consequence of the
unfriendly attitude of the Kiowa toward the whites. But the arrangement
had no practical force, and by the treaty of Medicine Lodge, in 1867,
they were formally reunited to the Kiowa. This latter treaty was signed
by six chiefs on behalf of the Apache, Gúañtekána, "Poor-bear," being
then their principal chief (see the treaty, _ante_). A part of the
Apache continued to live with the Cheyenne and Arapaho until after the
readjustment at the close of the outbreak of 1874-75. In keeping with
the general conduct of the tribe, they remained peaceable and friendly
throughout the trouble (_Report, 68_).
DELEGATION TO WASHINGTON, 1872--FRIENDLY DISPOSITION
They participated with the Kiowa and others in the joint delegation
which visited Washington in October, 1872, being represented on that
occasion by Pacer the principal chief, Daho, and Gray-eagle. In his
official report Captain Alvord, chairman of the commission which had
charge of the delegation, says of the Apache:
The Apache who are in the Indian Territory number about five
hundred, are recognized by the supplemental treaty of 1867 as
confederated with the Kiowa and Comanche, and have generally been
controlled by and acted with the Kiowa. More or less of them have
constantly participated in the marauding of the others, but as a
tribe or band it is believed that they are better disposed than
their associates, and that the professions of friendship which are
made by their three principal chiefs, now in Washington, are in
good faith, and may be received accordingly. I think that if they
can be removed from the evil influences of the Kiowa and Comanche,
they will do well (_Report, 69_).
PROGRESS TOWARD CIVILIZATION--DEATH OF PACER, 1875
On the return of the delegation the Apache in good faith commenced to
learn the ways of civilization and to earn their own living. Their agent
reports:
The Apache were very attentive, working themselves with the hoe.
Apache John, a chief, is especially deserving of mention. He worked
hard, had all the weeds hoed out, and in addition, to his corn has
a fine crop of watermelons, some of which he brought me as a
present. It was a very nice sight to see one who a few months ago
was regarded as a wild and dangerous man drive up in his wagon (I
had given him one) and unload from it a number of fine melons of
his own cultivation and raising (_Report, 70_).
The next year, 1874, started out with even more encouraging prospects.
The Apache chiefs worked in their own fields as an example to their
people, and at the request of Pacer a school was established among them
by A. J. Standing, who, like Battey and Haworth, was a Quaker. All went
well until summer, when the Cheyenne, Comanche, and a part of the Kiowa
took up arms in defense of their hunting grounds, as already narrated,
more or less involving the other tribes, and putting a complete stop to
the work of civilization. By direction of the agent the Apache, at the
beginning of the trouble, repaired to the friendly camp at Fort Sill,
where during all the disturbance they maintained their loyalty and kept
the peace, and afterward used their good offices to bring about the
surrender of the hostiles, as they had done previously in 1869 (_Report,
71_).
Pacer, head chief of the Apache, died in the summer of 1875. He was a
man of considerable ability and is frequently mentioned in the official
reports of the period, as well as by Battey. He had been the consistent
advocate of friendly relations with the whites, and on his death was
given a civilized burial, at the request of his people, as had been done
in the case of Kicking-bird, the Kiowa chief, who died shortly before
(_Report, 72_).
RECENT HISTORY AND PRESENT CONDITION
The Apache participate with the Kiowa and Comanche in the benefits of
the leases of grass lands. They suffered terribly in the epidemic of
1892, losing more than one-fourth of their number. They joined in the
protest against the late unratified agreement and were represented in
the joint delegation of 1894 by Goñkoñ, "Stays-in-tipi," or Apache John.
In dress, customs, and general characteristics they resemble the Kiowa,
but are much more agreeable and reliable in disposition. They join with
them in the sun dance and the peyote rite, and have no distinct tribal
ceremony of their own, although they have a "horse medicine" of
considerable repute. In 1896 they numbered two hundred and eight, under
the head chieftainship of White-man, and resided chiefly on Apache creek
and in the vicinity of the Kichai hills.
POPULATION
Below is given the population of the Apache at different periods, all
but the first estimate (_Lewis and Clark, 6_) being taken from the
annual Indian reports. They have probably never numbered much over three
hundred and fifty:
1805--Ca´takâ, 25 tipis, 75 warriors, 300 souls.
1850--50 lodges (=325 souls?).
1854--40 lodges (Fitzpatrick); 320 (Whitfield, Report of 1855).
1865--500 (Report), 40 lodges, with 4 or 5 to a lodge (Leavenworth, in
Report on Condition of Indian Tribes, 37, 1867).
1867--800 (?), 70 tipis, 420 souls (estimate in report of Medicine Lodge
treaty--Indian Miscel.).
1868--Same.
1869--300 (Report of 1870).
1870--Same.
1871--378.
1872--380^a; 517^b.
1873--774 (?).
1874--602 (?).
1875--344.
1876--325.
1877--343.
1878--344.
1879--315.
1880--334.
1881--337.
1882--340.
1883--337.
1884--308.
1885--319.
1886--332.
1887--Same.
1888--348.
1889--349; "a very careful census."
1890--326.
1891--325.
1892--241 (decrease from epidemic).
1893--224.
1894--Same, taken from preceding.
1895--226.
1896--208.
THE ANNUAL CALENDARS, 1833--1892
WINTER 1832-33
[Illustration: FIG. 61--Sét-t'án or Little-bear]
_Â'dal-hâ´ñgya Ähágyä-de Sai_, "Winter that they captured the money." The
first event recorded occurred about New Near, in the winter of 1832-33,
being an encounter with a small party of Americans, resulting in the
death of Gúi-kóñgya, "Black-wolf," and the capture of a large quantity
of silver coin. The winter is indicated according to the regular system
by a black bar below the principal figure, which is that of a man with
the picture of a black wolf over his head and joined to it by a line.
The breechcloth shows the figure to be that of a man, the black wolf
connected by a line expresses his name, while the red spot with blood
gushing from it between the shoulders shows that he was shot through the
body. Beside it is a very good picture of a silver dollar to indicate
the money captured. This last does not appear on the Dohásän calendar,
although the capture gives name to the winter.
[Illustration: Fig. 62--Winter 1832-33--Money captured]
According to the Kiowa story, a war party led by Tóñp'ódal-kyä`tó,
"Lame-old-man," met a small train in charge of a few Americans close to
South Canadian river (_Gúădal P'a_, "Red river"), a short distance below
the entrance of a southern creek, which they call _T'ä´ñpeä´ P'a_,
"Skunkberry-bush river," about opposite the present town of Lathrop, in
the panhandle of Texas. They call Americans _Hâñpóko_, "Trappers," for
the reason that the first Americans known to the tribe were trappers.
Texans are considered as of a different nation, and are distinguished as
_Tehä´neko_ from the Spanish _Tejano_. In this instance the Americans
were traveling eastward, and as the place was remote from any regular
trail the Indians were at a loss to know why the whites were there. The
Kiowa attacked the train, killed several of the party, and captured the
money, with the loss to themselves of but one man, Gúi-kóñgya. They
found a few coins upon the ground, but this being the first money they
had ever seen, they did not know its proper use, and so beat the coins
into disks to be fastened to straps worn attached to the scalp lock, and
hanging down behind (hence the name for money, _â´dal-hâñ´gya_,
literally "hair metal"). After leaving the place they met some Comanche,
who already knew the use of money, and on hearing the story told them
the value of the silver pieces, upon which the Kiowa returned and
searched until they succeeded in finding a large quantity. From this it
appears that whatever trade the Kiowa had previously carried on with the
Spanish settlements had been by barter in kind, as was usual along the
Indian frontier in the early days. This was some time before the
beginning of regular intercourse with Americans.
Gregg, the author of a most valuable account of the early Santa Fé
trade, passed over the same ground a few years later and gives full
details of the affair with its tragic sequel. His description of the
location agrees with the Indian statement, and his account explains
also how the whites happened to be traveling in such an unfrequented
place. The Kiowa statement was obtained without any reference to Gregg.
It was somewhere in this vicinity that a small party of Americans
experienced a terrible calamity in the winter of 1832-3 on their
way home, and as the incident had the tendency to call into play
the most prominent features of the Indian character, I will digress
so far here as to relate the facts.
The party consisted of twelve men, chiefly citizens of Missouri.
Their baggage and about ten thousand dollars in specie was packed
upon mules. They took the route of the Canadian river, fearing to
venture on the northern prairies at that season of the year. Having
left Santa Fé in December, they had proceeded without accident thus
far, when a large body of Comanches and Kiowas were seen advancing
towards them. Being well acquainted with the treacherous and
pusillanimous disposition of these races, the traders prepared at
once for defence; but the savages, having made a halt at some
distance, began to approach, one by one or in small parties, making
a great show of friendship all the while, until most of them had
collected on the spot. Finding themselves surrounded in every
direction, the travelers now began to move on in hopes of getting
rid of the intruders, but the latter were equally ready for the
start, and mounting their horses kept jogging on in the same
direction. The first act of hostility perpetrated by the Indians
proved fatal to one of the American traders named Pratt, who was
shot dead while attempting to secure two mules which had become
separated from the rest. Upon this the companions of the slain man
immediately dismounted and commenced a fire upon the Indians, which
was warmly returned, whereby another man of the name of Mitchell
was killed. By this time the traders had taken off their packs and
piled them around for protection, and now falling to work with
their hands they very soon scratched out a trench deep enough to
protect them from the shot of the enemy. The latter made several
desperate charges, but they seemed too careful of their own
personal safety, notwithstanding the enormous superiority of their
numbers, to venture too near the rifles of the Americans. In a few
hours all the animals of the traders were either killed or wounded,
but no personal damage was done to the remaining ten men, with the
exception of a wound in the thigh received by one, which was not at
the time considered dangerous.
During the siege the Americans were in great danger of perishing
from thirst, as the Indians had complete command of all the water
within reach. Starvation was not so much to be dreaded, because in
case of necessity they could live on the flesh of their slain
animals, some of which lay stretched close around them. After being
pent up for thirty-six hours in this horrible hole, during which
time they had seldom, ventured to raise their heads above the
surface without being shot at, they resolved to make a bold sortie
in the night, as any death was preferable to the death which
awaited them there. As there was not an animal left that was at all
in a condition, to travel, the proprietors of the money gave
permission to all to take and appropriate to themselves whatever
amount each man could safely undertake to carry. In this way a few
hundred dollars were started with, of which, however, but little
ever reached the United States. The remainder was buried deep in
the sand, in hopes that it might escape the cupidity of the
savages, but to very little purpose, for they were afterward seen
by some Mexican traders making a great display of specie, which was
without doubt taken from this unfortunate cache.
With every prospect of being discovered, overtaken, and butchered,
but resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible, they at
last emerged from their hiding place and moved on silently and
slowly until they found themselves beyond the purlieus of the
Indian camps. Often did they look back in the direction where from
three to five hundred savages were supposed to watch their
movements, but much to their astonishment no one appeared to be in
pursuit. The Indians, believing, no doubt, that the property of the
traders would come into their hands, and having no amateur
predilection for taking scalps at the risk of losing their own,
appeared willing enough to let the spoliated adventurers depart
without further molestation.
The destitute travelers having run themselves short of provisions,
and being no longer able to kill game for want of materials to load
their rifles with, they were very soon reduced to the necessity of
sustaining life upon the roots and the tender bark of trees. After
traveling for several days in this desperate condition, with
lacerated feet and utter prostration of mind and body, they began
to disagree among themselves about the route to be pursued, and
eventually separated into two distinct parties. Five of these
unhappy men steered a westward (_sic_) course, and after a
succession of sufferings and privations which almost surpassed
belief, they reached the settlements of the Creek Indians, near the
Arkansas river, where they were treated with great kindness and
hospitality. The other five wandered about in the greatest state of
distress and bewilderment, and only two finally succeeded in
getting out of the mazes of the wilderness. Among those who were
abandoned to their fate and left to perish thus miserably, was a Mr
Schenck, the same individual who had been shot in the thigh, a
gentleman of talent and excellent family connections, who was a
brother, as I am informed, of the Honorable Mr Schenck, at present
a member of congress from Ohio (_Gregg, 2_).
The Kiowa had undoubtedly attacked the traders, believing them to be
their enemies the Texans, instead of Americans, as the place was outside
of what were then the limits of the United States, and over a hundred
miles from the trail usually traveled by the American traders to Santa
Fé. This is apparent from Gregg's experience in 1839 in nearly the same
place. While proceeding up the Canadian with an escort of dragoons they
fell in with a large party of Comanche, and after a doubtful preliminary
talk, in which the Comanche very pointedly refused to smoke the
proffered pipe, the officer began to speak of the advantages of peace
and friendship, and invited some of their headmen to visit the great
chief at Washington and make a treaty.
But they would not then converse on the subject. In fact, the
interpreter inquired, "Are we not at war? How, then, can we go to
see the _Capitan Grande_?" We knew they believed themselves at war
with Mexico and Texas, and probably had mistaken us for Texans....
Upon this we explained to them that the United States was a
distinct government and at peace with the Comanche. On this
explanation the chiefs said they were glad to see Americans in
their country and hoped more of them would come (_Gregg, 3_).
SUMMER 1833
_Ĭmk`ódaltä-dé Pai_, "Summer that they cut off their heads." This
picture commemorates one of the most vivid memories of the older men of
the tribe--a wholesale massacre by the Osage, who cut off the heads of
their victims and deposited them in buckets upon the scene of the
slaughter. Set-t'an, the author of the calendar, was born in this
summer. The picture of a severed head with bloody neck and a bloody
knife underneath is sufficiently suggestive. The absence of the usual
figure of the sun-dance lodge shows that no dance was held this summer,
owing to the fact that the Osage captured the _taime_ medicine at the
same time. The massacre occurred just west of a mountain called by the
Kiowa _K`ódaltä K`op_, "Beheading mountain," on the headwaters of Otter
creek, not 2 miles northwest from Saddle mountain and about 25 miles
northwest from Fort Sill.
It was in early spring and the Kiowa were camped at the mouth of
Rainy-mountain creek, a southern tributary of the Washita, within the
present limits of the reservation; nearly all the warriors had gone
against the Ute, so that few, excepting women, children, and old men,
were at home. One morning some young men going out to look for horses
discovered signs of Osage and immediately gave the alarm. According to
one story, they found a buffalo with an Osage arrow sticking in it;
according to T'ébodal and other old men, they came upon the Osage
themselves and exchanged shots, wounding an Osage, but with the loss of
one of their own men killed. On the alarm being given, the Kiowa at once
broke camp in a panic and fled in four parties in different
directions--one party toward the west, another toward the east, and two
other bands, among whom was T'ébodal, then a boy, went directly south
toward the Comanche. Three of these escaped, but the fourth, under
A`dáte, "Island-man," thinking the pursuit was over, stopped on a small
tributary of Otter creek, just west of the mountain.
[Illustration: FIG. 63--Summer 1833--They cut off their heads]
Early in the morning, almost before it was yet light, a young man (whose
grandson was present during T'ébodal's narration) went to look for his
ponies, when he saw the Osage creeping up on foot. He hastily ran back
with the news, but all the camp was still sleeping, except the wife
A`dáte, who was outside preparing to scrape a hide. Entering the tipi,
he roused the chief, who ran out shouting to his people, "_Tsó bätsó!
Tsó bätsó!_"--To the rocks! To the rocks! Thus rudely awakened, the
Kiowa sprang up and fled to the mountain, the mothers seizing their
children and the old men hurrying as best they could, with their
bloodthirsty enemies close behind. The chief himself was pursued and
slightly wounded, but got away; his wife, Sémätmä, "Apache-woman," was
taken, but soon afterward made her escape. One woman fled with a baby
girl on her back and dragging a larger girl by the hand; an Osage
pursuing caught the older girl and was drawing his knife across her
throat when the mother rushed to her aid and succeeded in beating him
off and rescued the child with only a slight gash upon her head. A boy
named Äyä, "Sitting-on-a-tree" (?), was saved by his father in about the
same way, and is still alive, an old man, to tell it. His father, it is
said, seized and held him in his teeth, putting him down while shooting
arrows to keep off the pursuers, and taking him up again to run. A party
of women was saved by a brave Pawnee living in the camp, who succeeded
in fighting off the pursuers long enough to enable the women to reach a
place of safety.
The warriors-being absent, the Kiowa made no attempt at a stand; it was
simply a surprise and flight of panic-stricken, women, children, and
old men, in which everyone caught was butchered on the spot. Two
children were taken prisoners, a brother and sister--about 10 and 12
years of age, respectively--of whom more hereafter. The Kiowa lost five
men killed and a large number of women and children; none of the Osage
were killed, as no fight was made. When the massacre was ended, the
enemy cut the heads from all the dead bodies, without scalping them, and
placed them in brass buckets, one head in each bucket, all over the camp
ground, after which they set fire to the tipis and left the place. When
the scattered Kiowa returned to look for their friends, they found the
camp destroyed, the decapitated bodies lying where they had fallen, and
the heads in the buckets as the Osage had left them. The buckets had
been obtained by the Kiowa from the Pawnee, who procured them on the
Missouri and traded them to the southern tribes. For allowing the camp
to be thus surprised the chief, A`dáte, was deposed, and was superseded
by Dohá, or Doháte, "Bluff," better known as Dohásän, who thenceforth
ruled the tribe until his death, thirty-three years later.
Among the victims of the massacre was a Kiowa chief who had been present
the previous winter at the attack on the American traders. His friends
buried with him a quantity of silver dollars which had formed his share
of the spoil on that occasion. An old woman, the last remaining person
who knew the place of sepulture, died a few years ago.
In this affair the Osage also captured the _taíme_ medicine, already
described, killing the wife of the _taíme_ keeper as she was trying to
unfasten it from the tipi pole to which it was tied; her husband, Ansó
te, escaped. In consequence of this loss, there was no sun dance for two
years, when, peace having been made between the two tribes, as will be
related farther on, the Kiowa visited the Osage camp, somewhere on the
Cimarron or the Salt fork of the Arkansas, and recovered it, afterward
giving a horse in return for it. Dohásän, who conducted the
negotiations, asked the Osage about it and offered a pinto pony and
several other ponies for it. The Osage said that they had it, and went
home and brought it, but in token of their friendship refused to accept
more than a single pony in return. On this occasion both _taíme_ images
were captured, together with the case in which they were kept.
Two points in connection with this massacre deserve attention. First,
the Osage war party was on foot; this, as the Kiowa state, was the
general custom of the Osage and Pawnee, more especially the latter, who
are sometimes called _Domáñk`íägo_, "Walkers," by the Kiowa, and was
occasionally followed by other tribes, including also the Kiowa.
Grinnell states that the Blackfeet always went to war on foot
(_Grinnell, Blackfeet, 2_). There was an obvious advantage in the
practice, as a foot party could more easily travel and approach a
hostile camp without attracting observation, relying on themselves to
procure horses to enable them to return mounted. T'ébodal, when a young
man, was twice a member of a large Kiowa war party which went out on
foot. The Kiowa say that the Pawnee in particular went afoot on war
expeditions, and more recently when they visited other tribes for the
purpose of a social dance, in the latter case always returning with
large numbers of ponies given them by their entertainers (see summer
1851 and winter 1871-72). Gregg says that small war parties of the
Pawnee were accustomed to rove on foot through every part of the plains,
even to the Mexican frontier, but generally returning mounted on
captured horses. When, on one occasion, his train was attacked upon the
upper Canadian, he says:
It was evidently a foot party, which we looked upon as another
proof of their being Pawnees, for these famous marauders are well
known to go forth upon their expeditious of plunder without horses,
although they seldom fail to return well mounted (_Gregg, 4_).
Dunbar says that Pawnee runners have been known repeatedly to travel
over 100 miles in twenty-four hours or less, going at a swinging trot,
without stopping on the way for sleep or food (_Clark, 11_).
Secondly, it is to be noted that the Osage beheaded the Kiowa without
scalping them. This, the Kiowa say, was a general Osage practice; in
fact, according to the Kiowa, the Osage never scalped their enemies, but
cut off the heads and left them unscalped upon the field. They kept
tally of the number killed, however, and when an Osage warrior had
killed four he painted a blue half circle, curving downward, upon his
breast. So far as Kiowa knowledge goes, no other tribe of the plains
practiced the custom of beheading, but all of them scalped their
enemies. It seems certain, however, that the Dakota at an early period
had the same custom, as they are called "Beheaders" in several Indian
languages, while their name is indicated in the sign language by drawing
the hand across the throat to signify the same thing. Clark says:
In former times the Sioux Indians, if they had time, cut off the
heads of their slain enemies and took them to their first camp
after the fight, where the entire scalp was taken off. To make it
particularly fine, they kept on the ears with the rings and
ornaments. In case a woman had lost some of her kin by death, and
her heart was, as they say, _bad_, she was at times allowed to go
with the war party, remaining in the camp established near the
point of attack. The head of a slain foe would be given to her, and
after removing the scalp she would make her heart _good_ by
smashing the skull with a war club (_Clark, 12_).
Among other tribes, as well as the Osage, especially in the north, the
number of enemies slain or other brave deeds performed was sometimes
indicated by the style of body paint or dress adornment. Among the Kiowa
the number of transverse stripes upon a woman's legging indicates the
scalps or _coups_ won by some warrior kinsman.
WINTER 1833-34
_D'ä´-p'é'gyä-de Sai_, "Winter that the stars fell." This winter takes
its name from the memorable meteoric display which occurred shortly
before daylight on the morning of November 13, 1833. It was observed
throughout North America, and created great excitement among the plains
tribes, as well as among a large part of our own population; the event
is still used as a chronologic starting point by the old people of the
various tribes. It is pictorially represented on most of the Dakota
calendars discussed by Mallery in his valuable work on the Picture
Writing of the American Indians. Set-t'an was born in the preceding
summer, and the small figure of a child over the winter bar indicates
that this is his first winter or year; the stars above his head
represent the meteors.
[Illustration: FIG. 64--Winter 1833-34--The stars fell]
The Kiowa say it occurred in the winter season, when they were camped on
a small tributary of Elm fork of Red river, within the present Greer
county, Oklahoma. The whole camp was asleep, when they were wakened by a
sudden light; running out from the tipis, they found the night as bright
as day, with myriads of meteors darting about in the sky. The parents
aroused the children, saying, "Get up, get up, there is something awful
(_zédălbe_) going on!" They had never before known such an occurrence,
and regarded it as something ominous or dangerous, and sat watching it
with dread and apprehension until daylight. Such phenomena are always
looked upon as omens or warnings by the ignorant; in Mexico, according
to Gregg, it was believed to be a sign of divine displeasure at a
sacrilegious congress which had recently curtailed the privileges of the
church, while in Missouri it was regarded by some as a protest from
heaven against the persecution of the Mormons then gathered near
Independence (_Gregg, 5_).
[Illustration: FIG. 65--The star shower of 1833 (from the Dakota
calendars)]
SUMMER 1834
The figure is intended to commemorate the return of the girl captured by
the Osage in the massacre of the preceding summer. The tipi above the
female figure, with which it is connected by a line, indicates her name,
Gunpä´ñdamä, Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole(-woman) (see the glossary,
_Gunpä´ñdamä_). She was restored to her friends by a detachment of the
First dragoons from Fort Gibson. Although this occurred in the summer,
the season is not indicated by the usual figure of the medicine lodge,
for the reason that, the _taíme_ being still in possession of the Osage,
there was no sun dance held that year. It is omitted also in the picture
for the preceding summer, the _taíme_ having been captured early in the
spring.
[Illustration: FIG. 66--Summer 1833-34--Return of Gunpä´ñdamä]
As the return of this girl was the object of the first American
expedition up Red river, and the beginning of our official and trading
relations with the Comanche, Kiowa, Wichita, and affiliated tribes, it
merits somewhat extended notice. The expedition and subsequent council
are noted in the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1834
(page 240), and are described at length in the journal of Lieutenant
Wheelock (_Greer, 1_), and in the letters of the artist Catlin, who
accompanied the party and painted the first pictures ever made of any of
these tribes. The resulting treaties of 1835 and 1837 are noted in the
Commissioner's reports for these years (_Report, 74_). The first Indian
story of the occurrence is here given:
After the massacre at _K`ódaltä K`op_, already described, the Osage
returned to their own country, where there was a soldier camp (i. e.,
Fort Gibson), bringing with them the Kiowa girl Gunpä´ñdamä
(Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole) and her brother, taken at the time of the
massacre. The woman captured at the same time had escaped and made her
way back to her people. At Fort Gibson the soldiers told the Osage that
as they and other Kiowa were all alike Indians they should be friends.
They then bought the two captive children from the Osage and proposed
that some of the Osage should return with them (the soldiers) to the
Kiowa country, there to give back the children to their friends and
invite the Kiowa to come down to the fort and make a permanent treaty of
peace and friendship between the two tribes. The Osage agreed, and
accordingly a large party of soldiers, accompanied by a number of Osage,
with the girl Gunpä´ñdamä, set out for the Kiowa country. The little boy
had been killed by a sheep before starting. With them went also the
famous trader, Colonel Auguste Chouteau, called "Soto" by the Kiowa, the
first American trader known to the Kiowa, Wichita, and associated
tribes. Up to this time the Kiowa had been at war with the Osage and had
no knowledge of our government, and these dragoons were the first United
States troops they had ever seen. The soldiers first met the Comanche,
who told them that the Kiowa were near the Wichita village at the
farther end of the mountains. When the troops arrived at the village,
the Kiowa were afraid and kept at a distance until they saw the girl,
which convinced them that the soldiers were their friends. The girl was
given back to her people, and at the request of the soldiers a number of
Kiowa, including the head chief, Doháte, returned with them and the
Osage to the camp at Fort Gibson. They do not remember whether any of
the Apache went. There the soldiers entertained the Kiowa with food,
coffee, and sugar, and gave them blankets and other presents. A treaty
of peace was made between the Kiowa and soldiers (i. e., Americans), and
the Osage and other Kiowa were invited to trade with Chouteau, who
promised to bring goods to their country. Since that time the two tribes
have been friends. Hitherto the Kiowa had never had any traders in their
country, but after this peace a regular trade was established. The first
trader, whom they call Tóme or Tóme-te (Thomas?) came soon afterward and
built a trading post on the west side of Cache creek, about 3 miles
below the present Fort Sill; but he did not stay long.
Dohá, Doháte, or Dohásän (Bluff or Little-bluff), the head of the tribe
at the time of this expedition, had superseded A`dáte, who had been
deposed as a punishment for having allowed his people to be surprised
and massacred by the Osage. In his youth Dóha had been, known, as
Äanóñte. He was the fourth head chief of the tribe from the time of the
treaty with the Comanche, the order of succession being Políăkya
(Harelip), alias Kágiätsé (Thick-blanket); Tsóñbohón (Feather-cap),
A`dáte, and Dohásän. He continued to be recognized as head chief until
his death in 1866. The name is hereditary in the family, which is one of
the most prominent in the tribe, and has been borne by this
chief--distinguished as Old Dohásän--by his nephew, who died at an
advanced age at Anadarko in the winter of 1893-94, and by his son. The
older men state that the father of the great Dohásän was also called
Dohá, and that his son, after assuming the same name, was known as
Dohásän, (Little-bluff) for distinction. He is spoken of as Doháte as
frequently as Dohásän.
According to one informant, at the time of the Osage massacre Chouteau
had a trading post about a day's journey east of the present Fort Sill,
and the Kiowa went to him and told him of their misfortune, whereupon he
went to Fort Gibson and induced the soldiers to rescue the captives from
the Osage and return them to their friends. This is perhaps a confusion
of events. The trading post referred to was at Chouteau spring, on the
east side of Chouteau creek which flows into the South Canadian from the
east, about 5 miles northeast of the present town of Purcell, Indian
Territory. It does not appear, however, to have been established until
after, and as a result of, this expedition.
The expedition is described in detail by the artist Catlin, who
accompanied it and was present at the council on its return. As the
Comanche, Kiowa, and Wichita lived so remote from the frontiers, they
had not yet been brought into official connection with the United
States, and consequently had several times, as we have seen, come into
collision with small parties of Americans on the borders of their
country. The government had for some time been desirous of entering into
treaty relations with them, more especially as the plan of colonizing
the eastern tribes in the western country had been put into operation.
As the Osage, who were already in treaty relations with the government,
had several captives taken from the more western tribes, it was decided
to purchase these prisoners and send them home under military escort as
a token of the friendly intentions of the government, with an invitation
to the chiefs of those tribes to come to the military post and make a
treaty with the United States, the Osage, and the immigrant tribes.
Accordingly, the two Kiowa children and two Wichita children, captives,
were purchased from the Osage and brought to Fort Gibson; unfortunately,
the little Kiowa boy was killed near the post shortly after by a blow
from a ram. An expedition of the First dragoons was organized, under
command of General Leavenworth, to restore the children to their
parents and open communication with their tribes. The troops, numbering
about four hundred, left Fort Gibson toward the end of June, 1834,
taking with them the three children and accompanied by about thirty of
the Osage, Cherokee, Delaware, and Seneca tribes, together with the
artist Catlin, and, according to the Indian account, Chouteau and
perhaps another trader. Their interpreter was a Cherokee with a "very
imperfect" knowledge of Spanish, through which language he hoped to open
communication with Spanish-speaking Indians among the tribes visited;
his ignorance probably accounts for the atrocious names and etymologies
given by Catlin. The march in the heat of summer proved so severe that
by the time the command reached the junction of Washita and Red rivers
about one third of the number, including the commanding general, were
prostrated; the remainder, constantly dwindling, pushed on in charge of
Colonel Henry Dodge, keeping a general northwest course along the divide
between the two streams. They were considered to be within the Comanche
country after crossing the Washita.
[Illustration: FIG. 67--Meeting of the dragoons and the Comanche (after
Catlin)]
Having traveled about two weeks, they one day discovered a large party
of Comanche several miles ahead, sitting quietly on their horses
watching the movements of the advancing troops, and holding, their long
lances in their hands, the blades glistening in the sun. As the cavalry
advanced toward them the Indians retreated to another ridge. This was
repeated several times, until at last, says Catlin--
Colonel Dodge ordered the command to halt, while he rode forward
with a few of his staff and an ensign carrying a white flag. I
joined this advance, and the Indians stood their ground until we
had come within half a mile of them and could distinctly observe
all their numbers and movements. We then came to a halt, and the
white flag was sent a little in advance and waved as a signal for
them to approach, at which one of their party galloped out in
advance of the war party on a milk-white horse, carrying a piece of
white buffalo skin on the point of his long lance in reply to our
flag.... The distance between the two parties was perhaps half a
mile, and that a beautiful and gently sloping prairie, over which
he was for the space of a quarter of an hour reining and spurring
his maddened horse and gradually approaching us by tacking to the
right and left like a vessel beating against the wind. He at length
came prancing and leaping along till he met the flag of the
regiment, when he leaned his spear for a moment against it, looking
the bearer full in the face, when he wheeled his horse and dashed
up to Colonel Dodge with his extended hand, which was instantly
grasped and shaken. We all had him by the hand in a moment, and the
rest of the party seeing him received in this friendly manner,
instead of being sacrificed, as they undoubtedly expected, started
under full whip in a direct line toward us, and in a moment
gathered like a black cloud around us.... The warrior's quiver was
slung on the warrior's back, and his bow grasped in his left hand
ready for instant use if called for. His shield was on his arm; and
across his thigh, in a beautiful cover of buckskin, his gun was
slung, and in his right hand his lance of fourteen feet in length.
Thus armed and equipped was this dashing cavalier, and nearly in
the same manner all the rest of the party (_Catlin, 4_).
When the purpose of the expedition had been explained to them, the
Comanche said that their great village was a few days farther ahead, and
abandoning their war expedition, they turned and escorted the troops to
their camp. According to statements made by old men of the tribe to
Horace P. Jones, post interpreter at Fort Sill, this Comanche village in
1834 was situated on Chandler creek, close to its junction with Cache
creek, about ten miles north of the present Fort Sill. The artist gives
a glowing account of the surrounding country and of their reception by
the Comanche.
Having led us to the top of a gently rising elevation on the
prairie, they pointed to their village at several miles distance,
in the midst of one of the most enchanting valleys that human eyes
ever looked upon. The general course of the valley is from
northwest to southeast, of several miles in width, with a
magnificent range of mountains rising in distance beyond, it being
without doubt a huge spur of the Rocky mountains, composed entirely
of a reddish granite or gneiss, corresponding with the other links
of this stupendous chain. In the midst of this lovely valley we
could just discern amongst the scattering shrubbery that lined the
banks of the water courses, the tops of the Comanche wigwams and
the smoke curling above them. The valley for a mile distant about
the village seemed speckled with horses and mules that were grazing
in it. The chiefs of the war party requested the regiment to halt
until they could ride in and inform their people who were coming.
We then dismounted for an hour or so, when we could see them,
busily running and catching their horses, and at length several
hundreds of their braves and warriors came out at full speed to
welcome us, and forming in a line in front of us, as we were again
mounted, presented a formidable and pleasing appearance. As they
wheeled their horses, they very rapidly formed in a line and
dressed like well-disciplined cavalry. The regiment was drawn up in
three columns, with a line formed in front, by Colonel Dodge and
his staff, in which rank my friend Chadwick and I were also
paraded, when we had a fine view of the whole manoeuvre, which
was picturesque and thrilling in the extreme.
In the center of our advance was stationed a white flag, and the
Indians answered to it with one which they sent forward and planted
by the side of it. The two lines were thus drawn up face to face
within 20 or 30 yards of each other, as inveterate foes that never
had met; and to the everlasting credit of the Comanches, whom the
world had always looked upon as murderous and hostile, they had all
come out in this manner, with their heads uncovered, and without a
weapon of any kind, to meet a war party bristling with arms and
trespassing to the middle of their country. They had every reason
to look upon us as their natural enemy, as they have been in the
habit of estimating all pale faces; and yet instead of arms or
defences, or even of frowns, they galloped out and looked us in our
faces, without an expression of fear or dismay, and evidently with
expressions of joy and impatient pleasure, to shake us by the hand,
on the bare assertion of Colonel Dodge, which had been made to the
chiefs, that we came to see them on a friendly visit.
After we had sat and gazed at each other in this way for some half
an hour or so, the head chief of the band came galloping up to
Colonel Dodge, and having shaken him by the hand, he passed on to
the other officers in turn and then rode alongside of the different
columns, shaking hands with every dragoon in the regiment; he was
followed in this by his principal chiefs and braves, which
altogether took up nearly an hour longer, when the Indians
retreated slowly toward their village, escorting us to the banks of
a fine, clear stream and a good spring of fresh water, half a mile
from their village, which they designated as a suitable place for
our encampment (_Catlin, 5_).
While there the artist painted the pictures of the chief men of the
tribe, together with camp scenes. The pictures form a part of the Catlin
gallery in the National Museum at Washington, District of Columbia. In
his usual incorrect style, he estimated the population of the tribe at
thirty thousand to forty thousand. It may possibly have been one-tenth
of that number.
After a few days the command, guided by some of the Comanche, started
for the Wichita village lying farther to the west. After four days'
march, keeping close along the base of the mountains, they reached the
village, which was situated on the northeast bank of the North fork of
Red river, about 4 miles below the junction of Elm fork, and within the
present limits of the reservation. It was close to the mouth of Devil
canyon, with the river in front and the mountains behind. It was an old
settlement site of the Wichita, having been occupied by them as far back
at least as about the year 1765 (_Lewis and Clark, 8_). Catlin thus
describes it:
We found the mountains inclosing the Pawnee [i.e., Pawnee Pique, or
Wichita] village, on the bank of Red river, about 90 miles from the
Comanchee town. The dragoon regiment was drawn up within half a
mile or so of this village and encamped in a square, where we
remained three days. We found here a very numerous village
containing some five or six hundred wigwams, all made of long
prairie grass thatched over poles which are fastened in the ground
and bent in at the top, giving to them in distance the appearance
of straw beehives, as in plate 173 [figure 68 herein], which is an
accurate view of it, showing the Red river in front and the
"mountains of rocks" behind it. To our very great surprise we have
found these people cultivating quite extensive fields of corn
(maize), pumpkins, melons, beans, and squashes; so, with these aids
and an abundant supply of buffalo meat, they may be said to be
living very well (_Catlin, 6_).
The picture by Catlin gives a good idea of the location and a tolerable
idea of the peculiar conical grass houses of the Wichita, who have
always been noted as an agricultural tribe. As usual, however, he has
grossly overestimated their number, attributing to the village five or
six hundred houses, and to the Wichita and Kiowa eight to ten thousand
population. It is very doubtful if the two tribes, with all their
affiliated bands, ever numbered a total of twenty-five hundred. The
Wichita village may have had, all told, seventy or eighty houses. When
the author examined the ground, in 1893, the circular depressions where
the houses had stood were still regular in shape and plainly visible.
According to Wichita information, the village was called Kĭ´tskûkătû´k,
a name which seems to refer to its situation beside the mountain, and
was abandoned soon after 1834, when the tribe removed to a new location,
where Fort Sill is now located. From there they again removed to Rush
spring, about 25 miles farther east, where Marcy found them in 1852. The
mountains immediately about the site of the village visited by the
dragoons are still known to the Kiowa as _Do`gúat K`op_, "Wichita
mountains," the name not being applied by them to the more eastern
portion of the range.
[Illustration: FIG. 68--Kĭ´tskûkătû´k, the Wichita village on Northfork
in 1834 (after Catlin)]
The meeting with the Wichita threatened at the start to be hostile.
Having learned that they had in their possession a captive white boy,
Colonel Dodge demanded that he be surrendered. They repeatedly
denied having any knowledge of the boy or the circumstances attending
his capture until, being convinced by the sight of their own children
brought back by the dragoons that the intentions of the white
visitors were friendly, they produced him.
An order was immediately given for the Pawnee and Kiowa girls to be
brought forward. They were in a few minutes brought into the
council house, when they were at once recognized by their friends
and relatives, who embraced them with the most extravagant
expressions of joy and satisfaction. The heart of the venerable
chief was melted at this evidence of the white man's friendship,
and he rose upon his feet, and taking Colonel Dodge in his arms
and, placing his left cheek against the left cheek of the colonel,
held him for some minutes without saying a word, whilst tears were
flowing from his eyes. He then embraced each officer in turn in the
same silent and affectionate manner, which form took half an hour
or more before it was completed.
From this moment the council, which before had been a very grave
and uncertain one, took a pleasing and friendly turn, and this
excellent old man ordered the women to supply the dragoons with
something to eat, as they were hungry. The little encampment, which
heretofore was in a woeful condition, having eaten up their last
rations twelve hours before, were now gladdened by the approach of
a number of women who brought their "back loads" of dried buffalo
meat and green corn, and threw it down amongst them. This seemed
almost like a providential deliverance, for the country between
here and the Comanchees was entirely destitute of game and our last
provisions were consumed.
The council thus proceeded successfully and pleasantly for several
days, whilst the warriors of the Kiowas and Wicos [Wacos], two
adjoining and friendly tribes living farther to the west, were
arriving, and also a great many from other bands of the Comanchees,
who had heard of our arrival, until two thousand or more of these
wild and fearless-looking fellows were assembled, and all, from
their horses' backs, with weapons in hand, were looking into our
pitiful little encampment of two hundred men, all in a state of
dependence and almost literal starvation, and at the same time
nearly one-half the number too sick to have made a successful
resistance if we were to have been attacked (_Catlin, 7_).
The result of the council was that a large delegation from the allied
tribes returned with the troops to Fort Gibson, where arrangements were
made for the subsequent treaties of 1835 and 1837, as already described,
which mark the beginning of the modern history of the Kiowa, Comanche,
Wichita, and affiliated bands.
The Wichita, as well as the Kiowa, still remember this friendly meeting.
Nasthoe, a Wichita chief, in giving testimony in 1894 in regard to the
location of the old village, said: "I was told that the white people and
the Osage and the Kidi-ki-tashe [Wichita] came to that old village,
where they lived and brought that girl and boy, and inside of one of
those tipis they had made a feast among themselves, and the soldiers had
fired their guns around there. The meaning of that was a peace" (_Greer
County, 1_).
While with this expedition Catlin painted a number of portraits, the
first on record from these tribes. He has this to say of his Kiowa
subjects:
The head chief of the Kioways, whose name is Teh-toot-sah [Dohásän,
see page 175], we found to be a very gentlemanly and high-minded
man, who treated the dragoons and officers with great kindness
while in his country. His long hair, which was put up in several
large clubs and ornamented with a great many silver brooches,
extended quite down to his knees. This distinguished man, as well
as several others of his tribe, have agreed to join us on the march
to Fort Gibson, so I shall have much of their company yet, and
probably much more to say of them at a future period. Bon-son-gee
(The New Fire) [Bohón-kóñkya, Black-cap], is another chief of this
tribe, and called a very good man; the principal ornaments which he
carried on his person were a boar's tusk and his war whistle, which
were hanging on his breast. Quay-ham-kay (The Stone Shell) is
another fair specimen of the warriors of this tribe ...
Wun-pan-to-mee (The White Weasel) [Gunpü´ñdamä´,
Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole], a girl, and Tunk-aht-oh-ye (The
Thunderer), a boy, who are brother and sister, are two Kioways who
were purchased from the Osages, to be taken to their tribe by the
dragoons. The girl was taken the whole distance with us, on
horseback, to the Pawnee village, and there delivered to her
friends, as I have before mentioned; and the fine little boy was
killed at the fur trader's house, on the banks of the Verdigris,
near Fort Gibson, the day after I painted his portrait, and only a
few days before he was to have started with us on the march. He was
a beautiful boy of nine or ten years of age, and was killed by a
ram, which struck him in the abdomen, and knocking him against a
fence, killed him instantly. Kots-a-to-ah (The Smoked Shield) is
another of the extraordinary men of this tribe, near 7 feet in
stature, and distinguished not only as one of the greatest
warriors, but the swiftest on foot in the nation. This man, it is
said, runs down a buffalo on foot, and slays it with his knife or
his lance as he runs by its side! (_Catlin, 8_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI
BÓHON-KÓÑKYA, "QUAYHAMKAY," GUNPÄÑDÂMÄ, AND "KOTSATOAH" (AFTER CATLIN)]
Two of those mentioned by Catlin--Dohásän and Bóhón-kóñkya--were signers
of the first Kiowa treaty, in 1837, and are still well remembered, as is
also the girl, Gunpä´ñdamä´. The other names are too badly mangled to be
identified, and the memory of the swift runner seems to have utterly
perished.
WINTER 1834-35
[Illustration: FIG. 69--Winter 1834-35--Bull-tail killed.]
_Pá-tón Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Bull-tail was killed." He was
killed by the Mexicans. The figure above the winter sign has a blood
spot upon the body to represent the wound, while the erect cue from the
head indicates his name.
[Illustration: FIG. 70--Summer 1835--Cat-tail rush sun dance.]
The Kiowa had made their winter camp on the Washita, when a war party
set out against the _Toñhéñ-t'a`ká-i_ (Mexicans of the waterless
country), or Chihuahuans. Having started late, they camped all winter at
a mountain toward the southern edge of the Staked plain, known as
_Déngyä-kóñ K`op_, or "Black-ice mountain." One morning in the early
spring, while several men were out looking for their ponies, they were
suddenly surrounded by the Mexicans and all killed, including Pa-ton,
who was shot through the body. Their comrades saw the fight from a
distance, but, being outnumbered and therefore afraid to come near to
help them, they got away as soon as they could.
SUMMER 1835
_Donpä K`ádó_, "Cat-tail rush sun dance." This was the first sun dance
held by the Kiowa after the recovery of the _taíme_ from the Osages,
already narrated, and is thus distinguished because it was held at a
place where a great many cat-tail rushes (_Equisetum arvense_) were
growing on the south bank of North Canadian river, at the Red hills,
about 30 miles above the present Fort Reno, Oklahoma. The soft white
portion of the lower part of the stalk of this rush is eaten raw by the
Indians with great relish. The picture above the medicine lodge
represents the _taíme_ _bíĭmkâ-í_ or rawhide box in which the _taíme_ is
kept.
It was immediately after this dance that a war party of Kiowa made the
raid far down toward the coast in which they captured Bóiñ-edal
(Big-blond), now the oldest captive in the tribe. This man, sometimes
known to the whites as Kiowa Dutch, was born in Germany and is now,
according to his own account, about 70 years of age. He remembers having
gone to school in Germany as a small boy, and came to this country, when
about 8 or 9 years of age, with his father, stepmother, and an elder
brother. He describes the place where they located as being a small
settlement on a large river, up which ships could sail, where there were
alligators and trees with long moss, and which was within a day's ride
of the sea. The people were engaged in raising cotton, his family being
the only Germans. From other evidence it seems to have been about
Matagorda or Galveston bay, showing that the Kiowa carried their raids
in this direction even to the coast. Within a year of their coming, and
before he had learned English, a Kiowa war party attacked the settlement
at night, carried off himself, his mother, and his brother, and probably
killed his father; his mother was taken in another direction and he
never saw her again; she was afterward ransomed by Tométe, the trader
already mentioned; his brother committed suicide during the cholera
epidemic of 1849; Bóiñ-edal is still with the tribe. As his name
indicates, he is a typical German in appearance, and still remembers a
few words of his mother language, besides having a fair knowledge of
English and Spanish, although he does not remember his own name or
birthplace. It was about the same time that the Comanche raided Barker's
fort, on the Navasota, in eastern Texas, and carried off the girl
Cynthia Parker, who afterward became the mother of Quanah, the present
chief of the tribe. The story of these captives may have a hundred
parallels among the three confederated tribes.
[FIG. 71--Winter 1835-36--Big-face killed]
WINTER 1835-36
Tó`-edalte (Big-face) was shot through the body and killed by the
Mexicans while on a raid into old Mexico. This is Set-t'an's statement,
which is borne out by the picture of a man, whose name is indicated by
the figure of a big head or face above. Other informants, however, deny
any knowledge of such a man, and in the notes accompanying the Scott
calendar he is called Wolf-hair. The gunshot wound is indicated in the
ordinary way.
SUMMER 1836
_Gui P a K`ádó_, "Wolf-river sun dance." The figure of a wolf or coyote
above the medicine lodge indicates that the dance was held on _Gui P a_
or Wolf river, i. e., Wolf-creek fork of the North Canadian. Soon after
the dance the Kiowa moved to another camp north of the Arkansas, while
the Kiñep band went on to pay a social visit to the Crows and buy from
them ermine and elk teeth for ornamenting their buckskin shirts and the
dresses of the women. After they had gone, those who remained behind
were attacked in their camp by the whole Cheyenne tribe, but the Kiowa
threw up breastworks and defended themselves until their assailants were
compelled to retire.
[Illustration: FIG. 72--Summer 1836--Wolf-river sun dance]
WINTER 1836-37
_K`íñähíate Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that K`íñähíate was killed."
K`íñähíate ("Man") was killed in an expedition against the
_Ä´-t'á`ká-i_, "Timber Mexicans," or Mexicans of Tamaulipas and the
lower Rio Grande. The tribe was camped on upper Red river at the time.
The name is indicated by a small figure of a man above a similar larger
figure, with which it is connected by a line, the death wound being
indicated on the lower figure. No better illustration of the wide range
of the Kiowa could be given than the fact that while one band was thus
raiding in Mexico another, as we have just seen, was visiting upon the
upper Missouri.
[Illustration: FIG. 73--Winter 1836-37--K`íñähíate killed]
SUMMER 1837
_Säk`ota Ä´otón-de Pai_, "Summer that the Cheyenne were massacred," or
_Á`k`ádo Pai_, "Wailing sun-dance summer." The figure is the
conventional Indian symbol for a battle, with the party attacked
defending themselves behind breastworks thrown up in the sand, and the
arrows flying among them; below the main figure is another of a man
wearing a war bonnet. Compare the battle pictographs from the Dakota
calendars as given by Mallery (figure 75).
[Illustration: FIG. 74-Summer 1837--Cheyenne massacred]
At the time of the fight the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were camped
upon a small tributary of Scott creek (_Pohón-ä P'a_, "Walnut creek"),
an upper branch of the North fork of Red river, southward from the
present Port Elliott in the panhandle of Texas. It was in early summer,
and they were preparing for the sun dance; a young man was out alone
straightening arrows when he saw two men creeping up, with grass over
their faces. Thinking they were Kiowa deer hunters, he advanced to meet
them, when they fired and wounded him and his horse; he fled back to
camp and gave the alarm, and Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache rushed out in
pursuit. They soon came up with a small party of the enemy, who proved
to be Cheyenne. The Kiowa and their allies killed three of them there,
and following the fugitives killed several others; continuing along the
trail down the north side of the creek to a short distance below its
junction with Sweetwater, they came upon the main camp of the Cheyenne,
who dug holes in the sand and made a good defense, but were at last all
killed except one, who strangled himself with a rope to avoid capture.
The bodies of the dead Cheyenne, 48 in number, were scalped, stripped,
and laid along the ground in a row by the victors. Six Kiowa were
killed, including the grandfather of the present Lone-wolf. T'ébodal,
the oldest man now in the tribe, was engaged in this encounter.
[Illustration: FIG. 75--Battle pictures (from the Dakota calendars)]
Set-t´an states that one Cheyenne wearing a war bonnet was killed as he
came out of a tipi (see figure 271). Other informants do not remember
this, but say that the Kiowa captured a fine medicine lance in a
feathered case, and also a _pabón_ or Dog-soldier staff, of the kind
carried by those who were pledged to die at their post. The stream where
the battle took place is since, called _Sä´k`ota Ä´otón-de P'a_, "Creek
where the Cheyennes were massacred." The summer of the occurrence is
sometimes called _Á'k`ádá Pai_, "Wailing sun-dance summer," because,
although the Kiowa wailed for their dead, the sun dance was not on that
account abandoned.
WINTER 1837-38
_A´daltem Etkúegán-de Sai_, "Winter that they dragged the head." The
figure above the winter mark shows a horseman carrying a bloody scalp
upon a lance and dragging a bloody head at the end of a reata.
Three Comanche, two men and a woman, were camped alone one night in a
tipi on the Clear fork of the Brazos (_Ä´sese P'a_, "Wooden-arrowpoint
river"), in Texas, when one of them noticed somebody raise the door-flap
and then quickly drop it again; he told the others, and as silently and
swiftly as possible they ran out, and jumping over a steep bank of the
creek hid themselves just a moment before their enemies returned and
fired into the vacated tipi. The Comanche returned the fire from their
hiding place and then made their escape to a Kiowa camp near by. In the
morning the Kiowa returned to the spot, together with the Comanche, and
found a dead Arapaho lying where he had been shot; they scalped and
beheaded him, and brought the head into camp dragging at the end of a
reata. The old German captive, Bóiñ-edal, then a little boy and who had
been with the Indians about two years, witnessed this barbarous
spectacle and still remembers the thrill of horror which it sent through
him.
[Illustration: FIG. 76--Winter 1837-38--Head dragged.]
SUMMER 1838
_Gúi-p'ágya Sä´k`ota Ĭmdóhä´pa-de Pai_, "Summer that the Cheyenne
attacked the camp on "Wolf river." The combined warriors of the Cheyenne
and Arapaho organized a great war party against the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Apache, to revenge the defeats of the previous two years. They attacked
the camps of the three confederated tribes on Wolf creek (_Gui P'a_), a
short distance above where that stream joins Beaver creek and forms the
North Canadian, in Oklahoma. They killed several women who were out
digging roots and some men whom they found out on the prairie after
buffalo, but were unable to take the camp, as the Kiowa and their allies
sheltered themselves in holes dug in the ground so as to form a circular
breastwork. Among others the Kiowa lost Gui-k`ate and several other
distinguished men.
[Illustration: FIG. 77--Summer 1838--Attacked by Cheyenne.]
The figure shows the warriors of the three confederate tribes, indicated
by the three tipis, within the breastwork, with the bullets and arrows
flying toward them, the bullets (from which it is evident that the
Cheyenne had some guns) being represented by black dots with wavy lines
streaming behind to indicate the motion.
WINTER 1838-39
While the Kiowa were all together in their winter camp some who had gone
out upon the prairie discovered a party approaching. They returned and
gave the alarm, upon which all the warriors went out and attacked the
strangers, who proved to be Arapaho, killing them all. Set-t'an's
father, Tĕn-píäk`ia ("Heart-eater"), was wounded in the leg in this
fight, as indicated by the figure of a man, with blood flowing from a
wound in the leg, below the battle picture.
[Illustration: _Fig._ 78--Winter 1838-39--Battle with Arapaho.]
SUMMER 1839
_Píhó K`ádó_, "Peninsula sun dance." The peninsula or bend is indicated
by a line bending around the medicine lodge. The dance is thus
designated because held in the _píhó_, or peninsula, on the south side
of the Washita, a short distance below Walnut creek, within the present
limits of the reservation. This dance simply serves as a tally date, as
nothing of more special interest is recorded for the summer. It would
seem that the incursions of the Cheyenne and Arapaho had prevented the
usual holding of the _k`ádó_ for the two preceding years.
[Illustration: Fig. 79--Summer 1839--Peninsula sun dance.]
WINTER 1839-4O
_Tä´dalkop Sai_, "Smallpox winter." The Kiowa were ravaged by the
smallpox, the second visitation of that disease within their memory, the
first having been in 1818. The disease is indicated in the conventional
Indian manner by means of the figure of a man covered with red spots
(compare figures from Mallery's Dakota calendar; see also 1861-62 and
1892). It was brought by some visiting Osage, and spread at once through
the Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche, killing a great number in each tribe.
The Kiowa and Apache fled to the Staked plain to escape it, and the
Comanche in some other direction.
[Illustration: _Fig._ 80--Winter 1839-40--Smallpox.]
This was the great smallpox epidemic which began on the upper Missouri
in the summer of 1837 and swept the whole plains north and south,
destroying probably a third, if not more, of the native inhabitants,
some whole tribes being nearly exterminated. The terribly fatal result
of smallpox among Indians is due largely to the fact that their only
treatment for this disease and for measles, both of which came to them
from the whites, is the sweat bath followed by the cold plunge. In this
instance the disease first broke out among the passengers of a steamer
in the Missouri river above Fort Leavenworth, and although every effort
was made to warn the Indians by sending runners in advance, the sickness
was communicated to them. It appeared first among the Mandan about the
middle of July, 1837, and practically destroyed that tribe, reducing
them in a few weeks from about sixteen hundred to thirty-one souls.
Their neighboring and allied tribes, the Arikara and Minitarí, were
reduced immediately after from about four thousand to about half that
number. The artist Catlin gives a melancholy account of the despair and
destruction of the Mandan.
[Illustration: _Fig._ 81--Smallpox (from the Dakota calendars)]
From the Mandan it spread to the north and west among the Crows,
Asiniboin, and Blackfeet. Among the last named it is estimated to have
destroyed from six to eight thousand (_Clark, 13_). As the plains tribes
were then almost unknown to the general government, we find little of
all this in the official reports beyond the mention that over sixty
lodges of Yanktonais Dakota--perhaps four hundred persons--died by this
disease about the same time (_Report, 75_). In 1838 it reached the
Pawnee, being communicated by some Dakota prisoners captured by them, in
the spring of that year. From the best information it seems probable
that at least two thousand Pawnee perished (_Clark, 14_), about double
the whole population of the tribe today. It probably continued southward
through the Osage until it reached the Kiowa and Comanche the next year,
although it is possible that it may have come more directly from the
east through the emigrating Chickasaw, who brought it with them to
Indian Territory in the spring of 1838 (_Report, 76_). We learn (_Gregg,
6_) that the disease ravaged New Mexico in the spring of 1840 and was
again carried east to the frontiers of the United States by the Santa Fé
traders.
SUMMER 184O
[Illustration: FIG. 82--Summer 1840--Red-bluff sun dance.]
_Gúadal Dóhá K`údó_, "Red-bluff sun dance," so called because held at
_Gúadal Dóha_ on the north side of the South Canadian, about the mouth
of Mustang creek, in the panhandle of Texas. The (red) figure over the
medicine lodge is intended to represent the "red bluff." The Red hills
on the North Canadian above Fort Reno are called by the same name, but
distinguished by the prefix _Sä´k`odal_, "Cheyenne."
The prominent event of this summer was the peace made by the Arapaho and
Cheyenne with the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache--a peace which, with
trifling interruptions, has been kept to this day. According to the
Kiowa account, the first overtures were made by the Cheyenne, who sent
two delegates with proposals, but the Kiowa were suspicious and sent
them back. The Cheyenne then made a second attempt, with more success,
and a peace was concluded. The Arapaho were included in this treaty,
but, as the Kiowa say, had always been in doubtful friendship, even when
their allies, the Cheyenne, were at war with the Kiowa. On the occasion
of the notable massacre of Cheyenne, in 1837, the Arapaho were camped
with the Kiowa and left to give the alarm to their friends. This agrees
with the conduct of the Arapaho in more recent times in remaining
neutral while their Cheyenne confederates were at war with the whites.
WINTER 1840-41
_Ká-i Sabíña Dam Sai_, "Hide-quiver war expedition winter." The figure
of a quiver is above the winter mark. This winter is so called on
account of a notable war expedition made by the old men into Mexico,
they equipping themselves with old bows and quivers of buffalo skin, as
all the younger warriors had already gone against Mexico, carrying all
the more efficient weapons and ornate quivers. The latter were usually
of panther skin or Mexican leather, but never of deer, antelope, or
buffalo skin if it could be avoided.
[Illustration: FIG. 83--Winter 1840-41--Hide-quiver war expedition.]
SUMMER 1841
As the Kiowa were constantly moving about this summer, no sun dance was
held. The Arapaho met and attacked a party of Pawnee at _T'aíñ Dóhá_,
"White bluff," on the upper South Canadian, near the line of New Mexico,
and killed all of them. The Pawnee threw up breastworks, but, according
to the Kiowa account, an Arapaho medicine-man who knew the proper
medicine song sat down facing the breastworks and sang the song, moving
his hands as in the hand game, and thus "drove them out," when they were
killed in line one after another as they ran. The Kiowa were not present
at the fight, but met and joined the Arapaho just afterward, when a
final treaty of peace was concluded between the two tribes.
Stumbling-bear visited the spot some years afterward and saw the
skeletons of the dead Pawnee warriors still lying as they fell.
[Illustration: FIG. 84--Summer 1841--Pawnee fight.]
The figure represents the bluff with the Pawnee below it, the tribe
being indicated by the peculiar Pawnee scalplock and headdress (see
winters 1849-50 and 1852-53, and summer 1851). The breastwork is
omitted, perhaps through oversight. As there was no sun dance this
summer, the medicine lodge is not represented. It will be noted that the
"white bluff" is drawn only in outline, i. e. white, while the figure of
the "red bluff" (summer 1840) is filled in with red.
WINTER 1841--1842
_´dalhabä´-k`ia Ehótal-de Sai_ "Winter that ´dalhabä´k`ia was killed."
_´dal-habä´_ or _âdl-habä´_, "sloping, or one-sided hair," is the name
applied to a style of wearing the hair shaved close over the right side
of the head, so as to display the ear pendants, and at full length on
the left. The hair is not braided, but is sometimes tied, and the
scalplock is worn as usual. The man killed, who was a noted war chief,
wore his hair in this fashion, hence his name. The picture is intended
to represent the style of hair dress, with the mark of a wound on the
body to show where he was shot. The bird on top of his head is intended
to represent an ornament of red woodpecker feathers, which he wore on
the left side of his head. Another Kiowa chief present on this occasion
was K'adógyä´`tó, "Old-man-of-the-sun-dance," so called because
consecrated to the _taíme_, the sacred image of the sun dance.
[Illustration: FIG. 85--Winter 1841-42--´dalhabä´k`ia killed.]
The fight occurred in the fall of 1841 on a small stream called by the
Kiowa _Tóñ-zó`gódal P'a_, "Swift-water river," or _Päbo P'a_,
"American-horse river," south of Red river, near the Staked plain, and
apparently a head branch of Pease river in northwestern Texas. The whole
Kiowa tribe was camped on the stream when a party of Texan soldiers
advanced against them. Five scouts who were in advance of the soldiers
were killed by the Kiowa and their horses captured, but with the loss of
´dalhabä´k`ia. Abandoning their camp, the Kiowa fled, but returning a
few days later, they found the soldiers still there and succeeded in
killing another. On account of the number of large American horses
captured by the Kiowa in this encounter the stream was afterward called
by them "American-horse river."
The party encountered by the Kiowa on this occasion was the Texan Santa
Fé expedition, and the fight occurred on August 30, 1841. The whole
story as given by Kendall corresponds remarkably with the Indian
account, which was obtained without any knowledge of the printed
statement on the part of either the author or his informants, having
been handed down orally for over half a century. The affair occurred, as
already stated, on the edge of the Staked plain while the party was
searching for Red river and near a stream which Kendall calls the
Quintufue. Several days previously the expedition had met a number of
Kiowa, who had acted insolently, and were apparently responsible later
on for several missing horses and mules.
On the 28th the Texans had crossed the stream and come suddenly upon the
main camp of the Kiowa, who fled at their approach.
Scarcely had we unsaddled our horses and turned them loose before
one of our hunting parties came in and reported that a large body
of Indians were in our immediate vicinity, and that they had driven
off an immense _cavallada_ or drove of horses. Soon another party
arrived with information that they had met a small body of Indians,
one of whom spoke Spanish. They said that they were Caygüas, and on
being interrogated concerning the direction towards Santa Fé, gave
equivocal answers. They pointed to the southwest, however, to what
appeared a passage through the hills, and said that was the
direction to Chihuahua. They pretended to know nothing about Rio
Colorado or Red river. These Indians were mounted on fine horses,
were dressed in buckskin, and armed with lances and bows and
arrows.
The stream upon which we were now encamped appeared to have its
source in the long chain of hills upon our left and ran in nearly a
northeast direction. A short distance above us, occupying a
beautiful situation on the same stream, the main camp of the
Indians in our neighborhood was discovered. It had apparently been
just deserted, the inhabitants in their great haste to drive off
and secure their horses not having time even to cache their other
property. Tent poles, skins, numerous rough utensils, besides a
quantity of dried buffalo, mustang, and deer meat were found
precisely as they had left them. The latter we appropriated to our
own use, and in our half-starving condition was found extremely
palatable....
Two days later they were preparing for their morning start, when
suddenly a young man came dashing into camp from the northward,
evidently much agitated, and announced that a large body of Indians
were pursuing a party of our men directly towards us. Scarcely had
he finished speaking before firing was heard but a few hundred
yards distant, a slight roll of the prairie concealing the
combatants from our sight. Fast as they could mount horses a party
of some fifty of our men dashed off toward the scene of strife,
while the wagons were drawn up in square, the cattle and horses
brought inside, and every preparation made to resist an attack,
which was now considered certain. The first impression was that the
scouting parties had been entirely cut off and that these successes
would induce the Indians to attack our main body.
Just as the party of our men who had gone out to the relief of
their companions reached the spot the Indians retreated; but their
bloody work was done. Scattered about within the circumference of a
few yards were the dead bodies of Lieutenant Hull and four of our
men, stripped, scalped, and horribly mutilated, while the
appearance of the ground gave strong evidence that manfully and
with strong hearts they had resisted the attack of their
adversaries. They had left camp but a short time previous, probably
with the hope of finding water, and in returning had been thus
cruelly murdered. But one look at their mangled bodies was
sufficient to stir deep feelings of revenge in every heart, and
madly did our men spur their horses in pursuit, with the vain hope
of avenging the death of their companions. The Indians were at
least four times their number, yet they retreated, and being far
better mounted were able to keep out of the way. So near, however,
were our men that they could plainly see the dead bodies of several
of the Indians packed upon extra horses they had with them for that
purpose. The prairie warriors always have horses trained especially
to carry off their dead or wounded companions, which they take with
them on going into action, and it is considered one of the greatest
calamities that can befall them if they are compelled to leave one
of their number in the hands of an enemy.
The pursuit of the bloodthirsty Caygüas, for such the Indians
proved to be, was continued by our men until it was evident that
they could not be overtaken, and then reluctantly given up.
Several times during the chase the Indians reined up their
well-trained horses on the higher rolls of the prairies and formed
in line as if intending to give battle; but before our men could
get within gunshot they were off again with lightning speed across
the plain. On returning to the spot where our men had fallen, a
closer examination showed how hard and desperate had been the
struggle. Lieutenant Hull had received no less than thirty arrow
and lance wounds before he fell, and the broken stock of one of
Colt's rifles was still retained in the grasp of a stout man named
Mayby, plainly telling us that he had fought to the last, and that
after discharging the piece he had still continued the combat. The
heart of one of the men was cut out, and had not the Indians been
driven off the other bodies would have been mutilated in the same
way. Two of the horses of our unfortunate comrades were lanced
close by; the others were probably in better condition and more
able to run, and had been taken off as spoils by the savages. It
was evident enough that Lieutenant Hull and his men had retreated
from the Indians until they had found it impossible to elude them,
and that they had then thrown themselves from their horses in a
body and sold their lives at a fearful rate. The resistance they
made had probably terrified their adversaries and induced them to
fly when they saw our party coming up, although they outnumbered
the Texans at least as three to one.
A party of fifty well-armed men, taking with them shovels, were
sent out immediately on the melancholy errand of burying our
murdered companions, while the main body retraced their steps
toward the Quintufue...
They [the Kiowas] appear to be on terms of peace with the New
Mexicans so far as it suits their interest and convenience--no
further; at one time trading and exchanging their skins in amity,
and almost in the same breath making a descent upon the unprotected
frontiers, plundering and frequently murdering the inhabitants.
When we passed through their country a party of Mexican traders
were among them bartering meal, blankets, and trinkets for buffalo
and deer skins. Some of these Mexicans we afterward saw, and from
them learned that ten of their warriors, besides a principal chief,
were killed by Lieutenant Hull and his brave companions before they
were overpowered. The traders also gave us an account of their
ceremonies on returning to camp with their scalps and trophies. A
wild dance was executed by the braves in celebration of their
victory, while the women tore their hair and faces and ran naked
through the prickly pear and thorn bushes in token of their grief
for the loss of their husbands and brothers (_Kendall, 2_).
[Illustration: FIG. 86--Summer 1842--Repeated sun dance.]
SUMMER 1842
_Ä´dăldä K`ádó_, "Repeated sun dance." The summer is called by this name
because, as indicated in the figure, it was remarkable for two sun
dances held at the same place on _K`ádó P'a_, or "Sun-dance creek"
(Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek, which enters the North Canadian near 100°).
This could happen only when two individuals in succession had been so
instructed in dreams. In this instance the two dreamers belonged to
different camps and made their requests of the _taíme_ keeper almost
simultaneously. After the first sun dance, when the _taíme_ priest had
gone home, instead of taking down the medicine lodge and building a new
one, they decked it with fresh leaves and held the second dance in it.
WINTER 1842-43
_Gaá-k`ódălte Hém-de Sai_, "Winter that Crow-neck died." The chief
Gaá-k`ódălte, or "Crow-neck," died in the late fall of 1842 at _Gómgyä
Dan_, "Wind canyon," above _Gáñta P'a_, "Trading river," an upper branch
of Double-mountain fork of Brazos river in Texas. He was a Kiñep with a
Crow wife (see summer, 1836), and was the adopted father of the German
captive, Bóiñ-edal, already mentioned. The figure shows him in
connection with a crow, to indicate his name.
SUMMER 1843
_Ä´ntsenkúădal-de K`ádó_, "Nest-building sun dance." The figure is
intended to show a bird's nest at the top of the center pole of the
medicine lodge. This dance, like the last, was held on _K`ádó P'a_,
which was a favorite resort for the purpose, as the name indicates, at
least five Kiowa sun dances having been held there. The occasion is
rendered memorable by the fact that a crow built her nest and laid her
eggs upon the center pole of the medicine lodge after the dance was
over.
[Illustration: FIG. 87--Winter 1842-43--Crow-neck died.]
After the dance a war party under (the former) Big-bow and Kicking-bird
went into Texas and captured a number of horses. On their return they
met a party of soldiers carrying American flags, and believing them to
be Americans (i. e., Northerners, as distinguished from Texans), whom
they regarded as friends, they shook hands with them and gave them back
the horses. They afterward learned that the whites were Texans, who had
adopted this stratagem to deceive them. The Texans also had with them a
captive Comanche and a Mexican. The Kiowa rescued the Comanche, but left
the Mexican, as no one wanted him.
WINTER 1843-44
The event here recorded occurred at or immediately after the sun dance
in the summer of 1843, but is indicated above the winter mark as a
matter of convenience. The figure represents a woman wounded in the
breast.
After the women have cut down the trees for the medicine lodge they drag
them to the place where the lodge is to be erected, escorted by a body
of warriors in front and on each side. A warrior frequently invites a
woman to get up and ride behind him, and the invitation is generally
accepted. Among some tribes a procession in which the women ride behind
the men is a feature of the ceremony. Although this is customary, it
sometimes gives rise to jealous feelings on the part of husbands or
lovers. On this occasion, at the invitation of the chief Dohásän, a
woman got upon his horse behind him, which so enraged her husband that
he stabbed her. The woman recovered, and the husband received no other
punishment than a rebuke from Dohásän, who told him that he ought to
have better sense, as he (Dohásän) was a great chief and an old man--too
old to be running after girls.
[Illustration: FIG. 88--Summer 1843--Nest-building sun dance.]
Immediately after the dance, a war party under Gíădedéete
(Faces-the-line), went against the _Ä´-t'a`ká-i_ (Timber Mexicans) or
Mexicans of Tamaulipas. They killed a number of people and destroyed
houses, but on recrossing the Rio Grande encountered a body of Mexican
troops when Gíădedéete and two others were killed.
In the following winter K`ódal-aká-i, "Wrinkled-neck," a clerk of the
Bents, built a log trading house about a mile below _Gúadal Dóha_, "Red
bluff," on the South Canadian, near the mouth of Mustang creek and a few
miles above Adobe Walls, in the Texas panhandle (see winters 1845-46 and
1864-65). It is also stated that the same man, at a later period, built
another trading post at a fine spring a few miles above this one at
_Gúadal Dóha_ on the same (north) side of the river.
[Illustration: FIG. 89--Winter 1843-44--Woman stabbed.]
SUMMER 1844
_K`ódalpäk`iä K`ádó_, "Dakota sun dance." A number of mounted Dakota
paid a friendly visit to the Kiowa to dance and receive presents of
ponies, while the Kiowa were engaged in the sun dance, which was held,
like the last two preceding, on _K`ádó P'a_ or Kiowa Medicine-lodge
creek. Although the Dakota had been at war with the Kiowa when the
latter lived in the north, the two tribes had now been friends for a
long time, so long that the old men do not remember when the peace was
made.
[Illustration: Fig. 90--Summer 1844--Dakota sun dance.]
The Dakota are represented by the figure of a man's bust, wearing a
_k`ódalpä_ or necklace bracelet of long shell or bone tubes, popularly
known among the traders as Iroquois beads. The Kiowa call the Dakota the
_K'ódalpä-k`íägo_, "Necklace people," and say that the Dakota were the
original wearers of such necklaces.
The explanation appears to be a myth founded on a misconception of the
tribal sign for Dakota, which is the same as for necklace, i.e., a
sweeping pass of the hand across the throat, but commonly translated
"beheaders" when applied to that tribe.
WINTER 1844-45
_Ä´-tahá-ik`í Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that War-bonnet-man was killed."
The figure shows a man wearing a war-bonnet (_ä´-tahá-i_) and with a
wound in his breast. He is further distinguished by the crosses (stars)
with which his war shirt is ornamented. This "medicine shirt" was
covered with dark-blue stars, with a green moon in front, in addition to
which he wore a fine war-bonnet. He was also called Sét-k`ódalte,
"Bear-neck."
The brother of Zépko-eéte (Big-bow, grandfather of the present old
Big-bow, from whom he takes his name) had been killed in Tamaulipas, and
at the last sun dance Big-bow had "given the pipe" to the Kiowa and
their allies to revenge him. A large party of over two hundred warriors,
including a number of Apache and Comanche, set out under Big-bow, and
after crossing the Rio Grande and approaching the Salado (_Señ P'a_,
"Cactus river") they reached a stone fort, in which a small number of
Mexicans, not soldiers, had taken refuge. The Mexicans had with them
their families, also two Indians, who wore feather crests upon their
heads. The fort was so provided with loopholes that they could fire upon
the attacking party, themselves remaining concealed. The first attack
was repulsed, and Ä´-tahá-ik`í was killed; but the besiegers succeeded
in piling wood against the log walls of the fort and setting fire to it,
when all the defenders were either burned or killed as they tried to
escape. ´dalpepte took part in this affair. After this fight the Kiowa
warriors went farther into Mexico and had another encounter, in which
Big-bow, the leader, was killed, in consequence of which the war party
returned home.
[Illustration: FIG 91--Winter 1844-45--Ä´-tahá-ik`í killed.]
"Giving the pipe" is the ceremonial way of enlisting recruits for a
large war party. For small expeditions the invitation is given as
described in treating of the _Gúa-dágya_ (winter 1862-63). At the time
of the annual summer assemblage for the sun dance the organizer of the
expedition, who must necessarily be a person of some prominence,
sends a pipe to the leaders of each of the principal warrior
orders--_Kâ´itséñko_, _T'äñpéko_, etc.--in turn. If these leaders
sanction the enterprise, they themselves smoke and present the pipe to
the members of their orders at their next meeting, and all who smoke
engage themselves by this act to join the expedition at the time
appointed by the original giver of the pipe. No one is obliged to smoke
against his will, but when a sufficient number have determined upon the
expedition, it takes precedence of all others, and no other parties or
individuals may start out against the enemy in any direction until this
expedition is concluded.
[Illustration: FIG. 92--Giving the war pipe (from the Dakota
calendars).]
SUMMER 1845
_Tsó-`k`ódal K`ádó_, "Stone-necklace sun dance." The figure above the
medicine lodge is intended to represent a girl, distinguished by short
sleeves, with a stone hanging from her neck.
This dance, like the three preceding, was held on _K ádó P'a_ (Kiowa
Medicine lodge creek), which was a favorite stream for the purpose, on
account of the abundance there of cottonwoods, of which the medicine
lodge was constructed. The event which distinguished the dance was
the death of a girl named Tsó-k`ódalte (for Tsó-k`ódalpä-te),
"Stone-necklace," who was much beloved by her father, and the consequent
wailing for her during the season of the ceremony.
[Illustration: FIG. 93--Summer 1845--Stone-necklace sun dance]
WINTER 1845-46
In this winter K`ódal-aká-i, "Wrinkled-neck," built a trading post on
the South Canadian. The picture is sufficiently suggestive. This post
was in the panhandle of Texas, on the north bank of the South Canadian
(_Gúadal P'a_, "Red river"), just above Bosque Grande creek and about 2
miles above the entrance of Red-deer creek (_Ko`gá-i P'a_, "Elk creek").
It was in a swampy and well-timbered location, just west of one of the
main trails from Arkansas river southward. It was owned by William Bent,
called by the Kiowa Máñtahák`ia ("Hook-nose-man," "Roman-nose") who, in
the spring of 1844, had built a trading post, as already noted, at
_Gúadal Dóha_, higher up on the same river. Both were in charge of a
clerk known to the Kiowa as K`ódal-aká-i, "Wrinkled-neck."
The removal of Bent's base of operations from the Arkansas to the
Canadian seems to have marked the southward drifting of the tribes, in
consequence of the destruction of the buffalo and the encroachments of
the Dakota, as noted by Frémont and other western explorers of this
period. At the same time the Kiowa had dealings with another trading
post, kept by William Allison, known to them as Tsódal-héñte, "No-arm,"
on Arkansas river at the junction of upper Walnut creek, in Kansas. As
has been stated, the first trading post ever established in their
country was built by Chouteau, on Cache creek, near the present Fort
Sill.
[Illustration: FIG. 94--Winter 1845-46-Wrinkled-neck's trading post]
SUMMER 1846
_Pá-guñhéñté Äópäñ-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when Hornless-bull was made a
Kâ´itséñi-k`ia." The figure beside the medicine lodge represents a man
with the feather headdress and paint of the Kâ´itséñko, the chief order
of the warrior society. There is nothing to indicate the name of the
individual, which is carried in the memory of the artist. This dance was
held on a small tributary of the North Canadian, a short distance above
Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek.
The Yä´`pähe or military organization of the Kiowa has been already
noted. The highest order was the Kâ´itséñko, or "Real dogs (?)," a
select body of ten of the bravest warriors, who were pledged to lead
every desperate charge and to keep their place in the front of battle
until they won victory or death. With this purpose in view, their leader
carried a ceremonial arrow, with which he anchored himself to the ground
by means of a broad sash of elk-skin, which encircled his neck like a
collar and hung down at his right side to the earth; at the lower end,
where it trailed upon the ground, there was a hole, and when forming
line for the charge it was his duty to dismount in front of his
warriors, and, by thrusting the arrow through this hole, to fix himself
in this position, there to remain until his party was victorious, or
until, seeing that all was lost, they gave him liberty to retreat by
pulling out the arrow from the ground. Should they forget this in the
hurry of their flight, he must remain and die at his post. During the
action, also, he was obliged to remain stationary, without endeavoring
in any way to avoid the danger.
[Illustration: FIG. 95--Summer 1846--Hornless-bull initiated.]
Whenever a leader died or was killed another was selected from among the
Kâ´itséñko to carry the arrow. As the regulations governing it were
adhered to very strictly, it can readily be understood that on the
occasion of an election the office usually sought the man. As the Kiowa
or other tribes, however, had no desire to sacrifice their bravest men
needlessly, the ceremonial arrow or its equivalent was carried only when
the expedition meant war to the bitter end against the enemy. In the
absence of this emblem of his rank the owner took his place as an
ordinary warrior. He might even lend it to a warrior who wished to
distinguish himself in a war party while the owner remained at home; but
should he do this when any serious expedition was in preparation, he was
considered to be a coward and was degraded from his rank. The leaders of
the Tóñkóñko, "Black legs," another warrior order, carried a lance
somewhat resembling a shepherd's crook and called a _pabón_, which had
nearly the same purpose as the arrow of the Kâ´itséñko. The noted chief
Set-ängya, who was killed at Fort Sill in 1871, was the leader of the
Kâ´itséñko at that time, and deliberately invited death in accordance
with the obligation of his office.
The Kâ´itséñko initiations took place only on the occasion of a sun
dance and were not of frequent occurrence, so that the event was always
a matter of considerable importance. The membership was always kept up
to the requisite number of ten. The prominent feature of the ceremony
was the investiture of the new members with the _ópäm-yaípo_, or collar
sash of the order; hence the verb _äópä_, "to initiate into the
Kâ´itséñko," which is derived from the verb _äópäñ_, "to tie with a rope
around the neck." This ceremony evidently explains the picture from the
Dakota calendar (figure 96) which Mallery translates "they made bands of
strips of blankets in the winter," and goes on to say: "These bands were
of mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the heels. They also
made rattles of deer-hoofs by tying them to sticks with bead-covered
strings. The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle in his
hand." The rattle was also a part of the ceremonial equipment of the
Dog-soldiers, and as the Dakota calendar does not distinguish between
seasons, the ceremony may as easily have taken place in the summer, the
ordinary season for Indian celebrations on the plains.
[Illustration: FIG. 96--Dog-Soldier initiated(?) (from the Dakota
calendars).]
Of the ten _ópäm-yaípo_, the principal one, called the _yaípo-kóñkya_,
"black rope," was made of elk-skin colored black and was worn by the
leader, the most noted of whom in recent memory was Set-ängya. Three
were made of red cloth and were called _yaípo-gúădal_, "red ropes,"
while the remaining six were made of elk-skin dyed red and were called
simply _ópäm-yaípo_. Any of the Kâ´itséñko was at liberty, if he did not
choose to go on a particular expedition, to lend his sash to another for
the occasion; but if cowardice was suspected to be his motive for this
action he was degraded from his rank and the sash taken from him and
given to a braver man. Usually each one had a younger partner (_tsä_),
whom he allowed to wear his sash while in camp or even on less important
expeditions, but when any great war party was on foot, he must wear it
and go himself or run the risk of being considered a coward. When a
wearer became too old to go to war, he formally resigned his sash to
some younger man whom he deemed worthy to wear it, the recipient
acknowledging the honor with presents of blankets or other property.
Sometimes the sash was publicly taken from a warrior grown too old to
wear it in battle, but this was not necessarily regarded as a
degradation when there was no implication of cowardice.
WINTER 1846-47
_Sénpága Etá`ga-de Sai_, "Winter when they shot the mustache." The
figure represents a man shot in the mustache or upper lip by an arrow.
The long hair and the breech-cloth shows that he was an Indian, and the
beard or mustache is exaggerated to accentuate the idea. Mustaches are
not infrequent among the older men of the Kiowa, and Set-ängya had
almost a full beard.
While the Kiowa were encamped for the winter on Elk creek, a tributary
of the North fork of Red river, within the limits of the present
reservation, a band of Pawnee coming on foot stole a number of their
horses. The Kiowa pursued them northward and overtook them on the
Washita and recovered the horses after a fight in which one Pawnee was
killed. In this action Set-ängya engaged a Pawnee and was about to stab
him with his lance when, his foot slipped on the snow, causing him to
fall, and the Pawnee sent an arrow through Set-ängya's upper lip.
SUMMER 1847
_Mâ´nka-gúădal Ehótal-de Pai_, "Summer that Red-sleeve was killed." The
figure shows the Indian leader with his war-bonnet and red sleeve. The
medicine lodge is absent, showing that there was no sun dance that year.
[Illustration: FIG. 97--Winter 1846-47--Mustache shooting.]
Mânka-gúădal is the Kiowa name of the Comanche chief Red-sleeve
(Îkämosa?), who was killed in an attack against a party of Santa Fé
traders in Kansas, where the Santa Fé trail crossed Pawnee fork of the
Arkansas, below the present Fort Larned, which was not built until 1859.
Pawnee fork, properly called by the Kiowa _Aíkoñ P'a_, "Dark-timber
river," is sometimes called by them from this circumstance
_Mâ´nka-gúădal-de P'a_, "Red-sleeve's river." According to the story
told by the Kiowa, they and the Comanche were out in search of the
Pawnee when they met at this point a large party of white men with
wagons--evidently Santa Fé traders. Red-sleeve wanted to attack them,
but Set-ängya, the Kiowa leader, refused, saying that the whites were
their friends. Red-sleeve then taunted the Kiowa as cowards, put on his
war-bonnet, and, calling his Comanche, attacked the traders. The Kiowa,
wishing to avoid trouble, drew off. About the first fire a bullet went
through the leg of Red-sleeve and into the spine of his horse, so that
the animal fell, pinning his wounded rider to the ground. He called on
Set-ängya to help him, but the Kiowa chief refused on account of the
taunt of cowardice, and the white men came up to Red-sleeve and shot
him.
[Illustration: FIG. 98--Summer 1847--Red-sleeve killed.]
As the government had but little communication with the tribes of the
southern plains until some years after the Mexican war, there is no
direct notice of this occurrence in the official reports, but a letter
by agent Fitzpatrick in the report of the Indian Commissioner for 1848,
the year after the attack upon the train, bears out the statement of
the Kiowa that they were anxious to keep peace with the whites, even at
the risk of quarreling with the Comanche and losing some very profitable
business opportunities. Speaking of depredations upon parties traveling
on the emigrant roads and the Santa Fé trail, he says:
Before leaving there [Bent's fort] last February I had an interview
with some of the Kiaway chiefs, and who have heretofore been allies
of the Comanches. They expressed themselves as sorry for having
anything to do with the war against us, and promised to quit their
country and all intercourse with the Comanches and join the
Cheyennes on the Arkansas, who are the friends of the whites. This
course I approved, and since my departure from that country last
spring learned that nearly all the Kiaways have moved to the
country of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes and are living in perfect
amity with the surrounding tribes.
He also states that there seem to have been fewer attacks made upon
travelers along the Santa Fé road recently, which he can account for
only on the supposition that "the Indians having, in 1846 and 1847,
secured so much booty by their daring outrages upon travelers, are now
and have been the past summer luxuriating in and enjoying the spoils"
(_Report, 77_).
[Illustration: FIG. 99--Winter 1847-48--Winter camp.]
WINTER 1847-48
They camped all winter on _T'aiñ P'a_, "White river," an extreme upper
branch of the South Canadian (perhaps identical with Major Long's
creek). The figure represents the winter camp with the brush windbreak
around it.
[Illustration: FIG. 100--Summer 1848--Initiation sun dance.]
SUMMER 1848
_Ópäñ K`ádó_, "Kâ´itséñko initiation sun dance." This dance was held on
Arkansas river near Bent's fort, in Colorado, and was distinguished by
the initiation of several Kâ´itséñko (see summer 1846). The figure
represents an initiate with his (red) body paint and _ópämyaípo_.
[Illustration: FIG. 101--Winter 1848-49-Antelope drive.]
WINTER 1848-49
The Kiowa were camped on Arkansas river near Bent's fort and made
"antelope medicine" (_ät'á´kagúa_) for a great antelope drive. Compare
the figures from the Dakota calendars of Mallery (figure 102).
The antelope drive was made only in seasons of scarcity, when the supply
of buffalo meat was insufficient, and only in the winter, at which
season the antelope are accustomed to go in herds, while in the spring
and summer they scatter. Such a drive was an event so rare that one
informant over 60 years of age had seen but one in his lifetime.
When it has been decided to have an antelope drive, the "antelope
medicine-man" builds a special tipi and remains in it all night, singing
his medicine songs until daylight. In the morning he starts out in the
probable direction of the antelope, carrying in each hand a rod about
two feet long decorated at each end with eagle feathers and in the
center with a wheel from which depend the feathers of other carnivorous
birds, his face is painted white, a buffalo robe is thrown over his
shoulder, and a whistle hangs from his neck. He is accompanied by the
whole tribe, mounted and on foot--men, women, and children. On arriving
at the place selected for the hunt, he sits upon the ground, facing the
direction in which the antelope are supposed to be; in most other Indian
ceremonies the priest faces the east. Beside him sit some of the
principal men, while behind stand several women. The two men chosen to
sit next him on each side must be men known as successful in the hunt
and on the warpath. He plants the two decorated sticks in the ground in
front of him, lights his pipe, and begins to smoke; after smoking a
little while he hands the rods to the men sitting next him, crossing his
right hand over his left as he does so, and giving their hands a
peculiar pressure four times. These two men then rise, put their hands
upon his head--a gesture of prayer or invocation--step across each into
the place of the other so as to again reverse the position of the rods,
and then, after the same four hand pressures, again plant the rods in
front of the priest.
[Illustration: FIG. 102--Antelope drives (from the Dakota calendars)]
Two other men, noted war chiefs, then take their places beside the
priest, while the first two sit next them. Grasping the upright sticks
at the top, the priest now sings the first antelope song, blowing upon
the whistle at intervals, while all the surrounding men and women join
in the song, and the four men sitting beside him beat time on the
ground. Four different songs are sung in this manner, the sticks being
grasped lower down at each song, until at the last song the priest pulls
them out from the ground, and, holding them by their lower ends,
pushes them out alternately in front of himself, while the whole
company--mostly women now, as the men have gone on ahead--swell the
chorus, waving their arms with a sweeping motion, as if grasping at the
antelope. Then the two war chiefs place their hands upon his head as
before, and he gives them the sticks, with four other hand pressures.
Taking the rods, the two chiefs run forward on foot at full speed on
diverging lines until they meet two horsemen, to whom they deliver the
rods, and then return to the place where the priest is sitting with the
women and children. In the meantime the hunters have ridden far out in a
semicircle, so as to inclose a large area of country. The two hunters
who have taken the rods now also ride far out on diverging lines, then
turn, cross each other's paths, and return to the priest. The four songs
"draw the minds" of the antelope to the priests, and the crossing of the
paths typifies the surrounding of the game by the lines of hunters.
The horsemen now begin to close in toward the center, driving before
them the antelope and any other animals that may be within the
semicircle; as they approach, the women close in from, the opposite
side, and as the circle contracts, with the frightened animals running
about within it, they seize them with their hands or with reatas. It is
said that once, in such a drive, a woman caught a coyote by throwing her
arms about its neck. No shooting is allowed within the circle, but any
antelope that break through are pursued and shot outside (for other
methods, see winter 1860-61).
[Illustration: FIG. 103--Summer 1849--Cholera sun dance.]
SUMMER, 1849
_Mayíagyă´ K`ádó_, "Cramp (i. e., cholera) sun dance." The figure beside
the medicine lodge represents a man with his limbs drawn up by the pangs
of cholera, which the Kiowa name "the cramp," from its characteristic
feature. Compare the corresponding figure (104) from the Dakota calendar
for the same disease.
This was during the great cholera epidemic that swept the country in the
spring and summer of 1849, which was carried to the plains by the
California and Oregon emigrants and by some of the tribes then in
process of removal from the east. The Kiowa remember this as the most
terrible experience within their history, far exceeding in fatality the
smallpox of nine years before. It was a disease before entirely unknown
to them, and was particularly dreaded on account of its dreadful
suddenness, men who had been in perfect health in the morning being dead
a few hours later. The disease appeared immediately after the sun dance,
which was held on Mule creek (_Ädóä P'a_, "Tipi wind-break river"),
between Medicine-lodge creek and the Salt fork of the Arkansas, and,
like the previous smallpox, it was brought by visiting Osage who
attended the dance. During the performance a man became inspired or
"crazy," as in the ghost dance, and prophesied that something terrible
was about to happen after the _taíme_ had been returned to its box.
Hardly was the dance over and the _taíme_ put away when a man was
attacked by this strange disease and died in a few hours; then another
became sick and died as suddenly, and another, until in a few days the
epidemic spread through the tribe, killing great numbers, including an
unusual proportion of medicine-men. The Kiowa say that half their number
perished during its prevalence; this is probably an exaggeration, but
whole families and camps were exterminated and their tipis were left
standing empty and deserted. Many in their despair committed suicide,
but the survivors saved themselves by scattering in different directions
until the disease had spent its fury.
The tribes of the lake region and those which had been recently removed
to Indian Territory generally escaped the disease, but among the wild
tribes of the plains, from the Dakota to the Comanche, the ravages of
the cholera during this season were as awful as among the white
population of the eastern states. The western Dakota, who suffered
severely, believed that the disease had been deliberately introduced by
the whites for their more speedy extermination (_Report, 78_). The agent
for the Pawnee states that up to June of 1849 twelve hundred and
thirty-four persons, or nearly one-fourth of the tribe, had already
died, and the disease was still making fearful ravages among them, while
the survivors were in such dread of the terrible scourge that no
persuasion could induce them to bury the dead, and within a short
distance of the agency it was not unusual to find the unburied corpses
partially devoured by wolves (_Report, 79_).
[Illustration: FIG. 104--Cholera (from the Dakota calendars).]
In the spring of 1850 an attempt was made to assemble the tribes of the
southern plains for the purpose of making treaties with them to insure
the safety of the emigrant roads. The Comanche, however, declined to
attend on account of the cholera, which they said their medicine-men had
predicted would be communicated to them again by the whites unless they
kept at a proper distance until the grass had died in the fall, when the
cholera would die out with it, and they would no longer be afraid to
meet their white friends (_Report, 80_). This caused a postponement of
the negotiations, which resulted later in the treaties of Fort Laramie
in 1851 and Fort Atkinson in 1853.
WINTER 1849-5O
The Kiowa killed several of the Pawnee and were received by their
friends with a dance on returning to camp. The figure over the winter
mark (figure 105) represents a Pawnee, as shown by the peculiar shaving
of the head, with two long scalp-locks or "horns." In this connection
Dunbar says:
The name Pawnee is most probably derived from _páriki_, a horn, and
seems to hare been once used by the Pawnees themselves to designate
their peculiar scalp lock. From the fact that this was the most
noticeable feature in their costume the name came naturally to be
the denominative term of the tribe (_Clark, 18._ See also summers
1841 and 1851, and winter 1852-53).
The half circle above represents the circle of dancers opening in the
direction from which the warriors are returning, and the cross in the
center represents a fire made of a pile of buffalo chips around which
they danced.
The Kiowa were camped in two divisions near the Salt fork of Arkansas
river when a war party of Pawnee stole the horses of the first camp,
whose warriors at once started in pursuit. In the meantime another party
of Pawnee stole a number of horses from the Kiowa at the other camp, who
also sent their warriors in pursuit of the thieves. The first Kiowa
party overtook the Pawnee warriors, dismounted, and attacked them,
killing one. While this was transpiring the other band of the Pawnee
came up in the rear and stole the horses from which the riders had
dismounted to fight. The second Kiowa party, coming up behind the
Pawnee, at once attacked them, killed four, and recovered nearly all the
horses.
As the victorious Kiowa warriors approached their home camp after this
double pursuit and encounter, they imitated the cry of a wolf, to let
their friends know that they had killed some of the Pawnee--designated
as "Wolf-people" in the Kiowa language and in the sign language of the
plains--and their friends at once formed the circle and began the dance
to receive them, as indicated in the figure. The dance performed on this
occasion is a peculiar one, with a particularly pleasing song
accompaniment.
The scalp dance is called _´daldá-`gúăn_, literally "hair-kill dance."
Should one of the war party have been killed, all the others go into
mourning (_dóát_) and do not rejoice or paint themselves as they return,
even though bringing back a scalp. In this case they hold no dance, but
sacrifice the scalp to the sun by "throwing it away" on some hillside.
If, on the contrary, they have taken one or more scalps without the loss
of one of their own party, they return to camp in full war dress,
including their war-bonnets, and with faces painted black, to show that
they have killed an enemy. They enter the camp running, to imitate a
charge, firing their guns and discharging arrows, to show how they had
met and struck the foe; if they approached in silence, they might be
mistaken for enemies. Their friends run out to meet them, shouting
"_Ĭmkágyä´gya!_" ("They are coming in triumph!"), and at once commence
preparations for the dance. The entry is generally made in the morning,
or perhaps just after noon, in order to give plenty of time to prepare
for the dance; should they reach the camp late in the evening, the
entry is postponed until the next morning. The warriors take the women
up behind them on their horses and ride around the circle singing, while
the scalps, stretched over hoops and painted red on the inside, are
carried at the ends of poles about 6 feet long by other women in the
dance; at night a fire is built in the center of the circle. As the
interpreter said, in his quaint English, "Everybody very happy time like
picnic." No men excepting those of the returned war party engage in the
dance, but all the women take part. The dance may continue every
afternoon and night for a month, after which the scalp is usually
"thrown away" in some unfrequented spot by fastening it to the branch of
a tree, or to the end of a pole planted on the hillside, with a prayer
offering it to the sun. This act of sacrifice was called _pä´ñgun_, a
word signifying "to give by throwing away."
An instance of the employment of buffalo chips among the Crows in
ceremonial dances of a warlike character is noted by an officer
concerned in the Dakota campaign of 1876. Several officers and men had
left camp for a short hunting trip--
They were sighted by the Crow scouts at some distance below and
mistaken for Sioux, whereupon the latter made a tragical rush for
our camp to give the alarm. As they appeared in view across the
valley running in single file at a lively speed, occasionally
deviating from a direct line to describe a small circle indicating
that they had seen an enemy, quite an excitement was aroused in the
camp. The soldiers gathered in throngs, while the Crows formed in
line, shoulder to shoulder, behind a pile of buffalo chips placed
for the purpose and stood there swaying their bodies and singing
while the scouts approached. As the leader of the scouts came up he
paused to kick over the pile of buffalo chips, which was equivalent
to a solemn pledge to tell the truth, then sat down surrounded by
his fellow Crows, and after resting a minute or two, told what he
had seen (_Montana, 1._)
[Illustration: FIG. 105--Winter 1849-50--Dance over slain Pawnee.]
SUMMER 185O
_Ä´`gótä K`ádó_, "Chinaberry sun dance," so called because held near a
thicket of these trees on Beaver creek (_P'o P'a_) or upper North
Canadian river, a short distance above the junction of Wolf creek at
Fort Supply, Oklahoma. In the figure the tree above the medicine lodge
represents the chinaberry tree with its leaves and berries. No other
event is recorded in connection with this summer.
[Illustration: FIG. 106--Summer 1850--Chinaberry sun dance.]
WINTER 185O-51
_Tañgíapá Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Tañgíapa was killed." The bust
above the winter mark represents the man killed, whose name, signifying
a male deer, is indicated by the connected figure of a male (horned)
deer.
[Illustration: FIG. 107--Winter 1850-51--Buck-deer killed.]
He had led a small war party into Tamaulipas or the adjacent region
beyond the Rio Grande. They overtook a party of Mexicans, and Tañgíapa,
who was mounted, was pursuing a Mexican on foot and was just about to
stab him with a lance when the Mexican turned and shot him through the
body, and was himself immediately killed by the Kiowa warrior. Tañgíapa
was carried into the mountains, where he died the same evening. No other
Indian was killed.
SUMMER 1851
_Paiñ K`ádó_, "Dusty sun dance." It was held on the north bank of the
North Canadian, just below the junction of Wolf creek, near where the
last sun dance had taken place. It is so called on account of a strong
wind that prevailed during the ceremony, which kept the air filled with
dust.
When the dance was over and the Kiowa had left the spot and gone
northward toward the Arkansas, a band of the Pawnee came to the place
and stole from the center pole of the medicine lodge the offerings which
had been hung upon it as a sacrifice, including a number of blankets and
a flag which had been given by the Kiowa to the Osage when the two
tribes had made peace in 1834. The figure over the medicine lodge
represents a Pawnee--indicated by the peculiar scalplock, as already
described--holding a flag in his hand.
[Illustration: FIG. 108--Summer 1851--Dusty sun dance; flag stolen.]
The Pawnee followed the trail of the Kiowa, and on coming near them set
fire to the prairie to attract their attention. Two young men of the
Kiowa went out to learn the cause of the fire and found the Pawnee
party, who said that they had come with presents and goods to make peace
and to trade with the Kiowa. The young men rejoined their party with the
news, and the Kiowa, under chiefs Dohasän and Set-ängya, turned back to
meet the Pawnee band and escort them to a camping place. As the latter
were on foot, in accordance with their usual custom, they asked the
Kiowa to carry for them the skin bags which they said contained the
presents. The Kiowa took the bags upon their horses, but as they went
along, knowing well the tricky character of their ostensible friends,
they opened several of the bags and found them filled, some with buffalo
chips for fuel, and others with arrows, showing that the Pawnee force
had come to fight as soon as a favorable opportunity offered. Disgusted
by this treachery, they at once attacked and defeated them, killed the
chief, who wore a shell gorget, and captured a boy, who was taken by
Set-ängya himself. It was an expensive capture, however, as will appear
later. The Kiowa lost two prominent men, Set-äyaí, "Bear-on-trees," and
Tén-ät'ánte, "Little-heart." The fight occurred in Kansas, north of the
head of Medicine-lodge creek.
WINTER 1851-52
_Mä´ñyí Dó`gyähón-de Sai_, "Winter the woman was frozen." The figure
over the winter mark represents the woman, indicated by the dress and
belt with disks of German silver.
[Illustration: FIG. 109--Winter 1851-52--Woman frozen.]
During the winter the present chief, Zépko-eét-te, "Big-bow," then a
young man, stole a very pretty woman whose husband was away on the
warpath, and took her to his own home camp. On coming near his father's
tipi he concealed the woman among the trees and went into the tipi to
get something to eat before going on. His father, who knew what he had
done, held him and prevented his return to the woman waiting outside,
who remained there exposed to the extreme cold until her feet were
frozen.
To "steal" a woman is to elope with or take possession of her in a
manner contrary to tribal usage, i. e., secretly and without having made
the customary presents to her relatives by which the transaction becomes
ratified as a marriage.
SUMMER 1852
_Á`pätáte_ (_K`a-t'ógyä_ or _Hâñt'ógyä-k`ía_) _Ehótal-de Pai_, "Summer
that Touch-the-clouds (Knife-shirt, or Iron-shirt-man) was killed."
There was no sun dance this year. The Pawnee warriors killed a Cheyenne
chief who wore a cuirass. The cross marks over the human figure
represent the cuirass, and the tree with leaves shows that it occurred
during the summer.
[Illustration: FIG. 110--Summer 1852--Iron-shirt killed.]
At a great Cheyenne camp upon a stream, apparently in Kansas or
Nebraska, known to the Kiowa as _Hâ´ñtso P'a_, "Cannon-ball (literally,
metal rock) river," the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and some Dakota had made
medicine for a combined expedition against the Pawnee, to which they
invited the Kiowa and Apache, who were camped at the time on
_Koñyä´daldä P'a_, "Black-hill river," in Kansas, north of the Arkansas.
About half the warriors of the two latter tribes accepted the
invitation, and the united force, moving with all their women, children,
and tipi outfits, started against the Pawnee. They met the enemy, but
were defeated, with the loss of the Cheyenne chief Wóifdóĭsh,
"Touch-the-clouds," called by the Kiowa Á`pätáte, "Far-up," otherwise
known as Hañt'ógyä-k`ía, "Iron-shirt-man," from a cuirass which he wore
and which had probably been procured originally from Mexico, where the
Kiowa once captured another.
The official report for the year thus notices the encounter:
A war party of Osages, Kioways, and Kaws, consisting of about four
hundred warriors, went in pursuit of the Pawnees while out on their
last hunt. They overtook the Pawnees and attacked them, but, being
greatly outnumbered by the Pawnees, they ingloriously fled, leaving
on the ground one war chief killed, and having killed and scalped
one Pawnee woman (_Report, 81_).
WINTER 1852-53
[Illustration: FIG. 111--Winter 1852-53--Gúădal-tséyu stolen.]
The Pawnee boy captured by Set-ängya in the summer of 1851 escaped,
taking with him two horses, including the finest one in the tribe, a bay
race horse known as _Gúădal-tséyu_, "Little-red" or "Red-pet." The
figure above the winter mark shows the Pawnee boy, distinguished by the
peculiar headdress of his tribe, holding the bay (red) horse by the
halter. The importance of the horse to the equestrian Kiowa is shown by
the fact that this is recorded as the important event of the winter.
[Illustration: FIG. 112--Summer 1853--Showery
sun dance.]
SUMMER 1853
_Bíăsot K`ádó_, "Showery sun dance," so called because there were
continual showers during the dance. The figure above the medicine lodge
is intended to represent the drizzling rain descending from the black
clouds overhead, with occasional red flashes of lightning. Compare the
corresponding rain and cloud symbols given below. The dance was held at
the same place where the "dusty" sun dance was celebrated in 1851, near
the present Fort Supply.
This sun dance is distinguished for a deliberate violation of the
_taíme_ rules by Ten-píäk`ia, "Heart-eater," a noted warrior and
medicine-man, rival of Ansó`te, the _taíme_ keeper, and father of
Set-t'an, the author of this calendar. One of the strictest regulations
of the sun dance was the taboo against mirrors, which form part of the
toilet equipment of nearly every Indian, but which must not even be
brought near the _taíme_ of the Kiowa. Notwithstanding this, Tenpíäk`ia,
in defiance of the medicine and its priest, deliberately rode around
inside the circle with a small mirror while the _taíme_ was exposed, and
afterward tried to poison Ansó`te by scraping off the mercury from the
back and mixing it with some tobacco which he gave to the priest to
smoke. Ansó`te took one puff, but detecting something wrong, put away
the pipe, saying, "There is something there of which I am afraid." Soon
afterward Ten-píäk`ia, while hunting buffalo, was thrown from his horse
and killed, which was regarded as a speedy punishment of his sacrilege.
[Illustration: FIG. 113--Rain symbols (_a_ Chinese; _b_ Hopi; _c_
Ojibwa)].
Although Indian tradition records frequent instances of careless and
unthinking neglect of some of the numerous taboos and other regulations
in connection with sacred matters, such a deliberate defiance of their
ordinances is almost unexampled; more rare, indeed, than heresy in the
old days when Europe held but one religious doctrine. It is of interest
as showing that even among savages attempts are sometimes made by bolder
spirits to break away from the bonds of mental slavery. A somewhat
similar incident is recorded for 1861.
[Illustration: FIG. 114--Winter 1853-54--Pä´ñgyägíate killed.]
WINTER 1853-54
Soon after the last sun dance a war party went into Chihuahua
(_Toñhéñ-t'a`ká-i-dómbe_, "waterless Mexican country"), east of the
Sierra Madre, where they met and attacked a mule train. The Mexicans
made a circle of the wagons, with the mules on the inside, and prepared
to defend themselves. A distinguished warrior named _Pä´ñgyägíate_
succeeded in entering the circle and was striking the mules with his
bow, equivalent to putting his seal of ownership upon all thus struck,
when he was shot and killed by a Mexican who had approached him
unseen. No other Kiowa was killed. Pá-tadal was one of this party.
[Illustration: SAND MOSAIC OF THE HOPI ANTELOPE PRIESTS, (AFTER FEWKES)]
The man killed was one of the Kâ´itséñko (see summer 1846), as indicated
by the headdress and the red sash of the order pendent from his
shoulder. He is further designated by his shield--represented hanging at
his side--which was made by Äk`ódalte, "Feather-necklace," and the
picture of which is at once recognized by the old warriors of the tribe.
The name Pä´ñgyägíate may be rendered "Sacrifice" or "Sacrifice-man,"
from _pä´ñgyä_, a sacrifice or offering "thrown away" on the hills as a
gift to the sun.
SUMMER 1854
_Äyä´daldä´ P'a K`ádó_, "Timber-mountain creek sun dance." This dance
was held upon the creek upon which the most important treaty of the
Kiowa was afterward made (see winter 1867-68). The event of the summer
was the killing of Black-horse by the Sauk and other allied tribes.
[Illustration: FIG. 115--Summer 1854--Black-horse killed.]
The brother of Set-ĭmkía, "Pushing-bear," more commonly known as
Stumbling-bear, had been killed by the Pawnee, and at this dance he sent
the pipe around as a summons for a great expedition against that tribe.
Other tribes were invited to join the Kiowa, and a large war party set
out, consisting of several hundred warriors of seven tribes--Kiowa,
Apache, Comanche, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Osage, and some Crows. They crossed
the Arkansas and proceeded to the northeast until they reached _Gúigyä
P'a_, "Pawnee river" (Smoky Hill), where they met a small party of about
eighty _Säkíbo_ (i. e., Sauk and Fox), with a few Potawatomi, three
cognate tribes which had been removed from beyond the Mississippi to
reservations in eastern Kansas. The latter advanced against the Kiowa,
who summoned them to halt, but notwithstanding the great disparity in
numbers, the eastern Indians at once attacked the prairie warriors.
Securing a sheltered position, and being all well armed with rifles with
which "they hit every time," while the Kiowa and their allies were in
the open prairie and armed chiefly with bows, the Sauk not only kept
them off but defeated them with the loss of about twenty killed, among
whom were twelve of the Kiowa, including _Tseñ-kóñkyä_, "Black-horse," a
prominent war chief.
This is the story as given by the Kiowa themselves, who ascribe their
disastrous defeat by a comparative handful of men to the rifles in the
hands of the Sauk warriors. This battle occurred either on Smoky-hill or
Saline river, in Kansas, about midway between the present Fort Harker
and Fort Hays.
Although Set-ĭmkía says that the expedition was originally organized
against the Pawnee to avenge the killing of his brother by that tribe,
other informants state that it was organized and led by Tseñ-kóñkyä, the
man who was killed, for the special purpose of exterminating the
immigrant tribes, and this statement agrees with the official accounts.
The Indian Report for 1854 contains an extended notice of this great war
party, which went after wool and came back shorn.
In the summer of that year the agent for the southern plains tribes
started for the Indian rendezvous near Fort Atkinson, on the Arkansas,
with a large train of goods for distribution in accordance with the
terms of the treaty made at that point in the previous year, having
first sent messengers ahead to inform the Indians of his approach.
The Indians were encamped on Pawnee fork, at the crossing of the
Santa Fé road, where they were collected in larger numbers than had
ever been known to assemble on the Arkansas before. Old traders
estimate the number at twelve to fifteen hundred lodges, and the
horses and mules at from forty to fifty thousand head. The entire
Kiowa and Prairie Comanches were there; several hundred of Texas or
Woods Comanches had come over; the Prairie Apaches, one band of
Arapahoes and two bands of Cheyennes and the Osages composed the
grand council. They had met for the purpose of forming a war party,
in order, as they in their strong language said, to _wipe out_ all
frontier Indians they could find on the plains. Two days previous
to my arrival they broke up camp and started north. As soon as I
heard that they were gone I sent two runners to try and bring them
back. They, however, declined coming, and sent word that they would
soon return, as it would take but a short time to clear the plains
of all frontier Indians. They were doomed to be disappointed, as
other nations, great in their own imaginations, have been. At some
place near Kansas river they met about one hundred Sac and Fox
Indians and the fight commenced, and from their own account lasted
about three hours, when, to their great surprise, the combined
forces were compelled to retreat, leaving their dead on the field,
which Indians never do unless badly whipped. They report their loss
at about sixteen killed and one hundred wounded. From the best
information I can get, the Sacs and Foxes were as much surprised at
the result as the others, for there is no doubt but that they would
have run too if they could have seen a hole to get out at. They had
taken shelter in a ravine and were for a long time surrounded. The
prairie Indians were armed with the bow and arrow, while the others
had fine rifles. One is a formidable weapon in close quarters, but
worthless at more than about fifty yards. The rifle told almost
every shot. It is easily accounted for why one hundred whipped
fifteen hundred. The former had a weapon to fight with; the latter
had none at the distance they were fighting. I learn that the Sacs
and Foxes lost six killed, but they were killed with the rifle. The
Osages have fine guns, and they must have shot them, for I am
certain the other Indians have nothing in the shape of guns, except
a few Northwest shotguns, and they are of but little use. The Sacs
and Foxes are satisfied that the Osages did them the only damage
they received, and as an evidence I learn that war has been
declared between the nations, and already some scalps have been
taken. This may save the government from whipping them (the
Osages), as it is certain somebody will have it to do soon
(_Report, 82_).
In his report for the same year the Indian superintendent says:
I am officially advised that on the arrival of Agent Whitfield at
Fort Atkinson, on the Arkansas river, with the annuity goods for
the Comanches, Kiowas, and Apaches, in July last, he found that
they had all gone on a war party against the tribes of the north,
confident from their numbers, estimated at fifteen hundred, to gain
an easy victory over any tribes they should encounter. In the
vicinity of Smoky Hill they came up with a party of Sacs and Foxes
and a few Pottawatomies, the whole not exceeding two hundred
[_sic_] in number. The Comanches, believing, to use the words of
one of their chiefs, that they could "eat up" so small a force in a
few minutes, made a general charge. The Sacs allowed them to
approach until within a hundred yards, when they opened upon them a
well-directed fire from their rifles, which, being unexpected,
appalled, and for the moment checked, their assailants. Three times
these charges were repeated, and each time with a like fatal
result. The Comanches at length retired, crestfallen and
dispirited, having twenty-six killed and over one hundred wounded.
On their return to Fort Atkinson their appearance and deportment
were quite changed. They seemed humble and dejected, and quietly
and submissively received their annuities and retired. The loss of
the Sacs and Foxes is reported to be very inconsiderable (_Report,
83_).
[Illustration: FIG. 116--Winter 1854-55--Gyaí`koaóñte killed.]
The agent for the Sac and Fox tribes gives a sequel which illustrates
Indian vengeance:
On the second of August, by the request of the chiefs and head men
of the Sac and Fox tribe of Indians, I reported to the honorable
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, through your office, an account of
an attack made on the Sacs and Foxes by the Comanches, Arapahoes,
and Osages, about the tenth of July, one hundred miles west of Fort
Riley. Some five or six days ago a Sac Indian, who had a brother
killed in that battle, left here by himself, went within four
hundred yards of an Osage encampment, met two Osage men, shot one
down and went up and scalped him; could have killed the other, but
wished him to live to carry the news of what he had done to the
Osage camp; waited until he had done so; heard the cries and
lamentations of those in the camp for their dead kinsman, mounted
his horse and returned with his scalp. The nation immediately upon
his return moved to within a mile of the agency, where they are now
dancing with joy and triumph over the trophy brought back in this
warlike achievement to them (_Report, 84_).
Whirlwind, the famous war chief of the southern Cheyenne, who died in
1895, had every feather shot away from his war bonnet in this
engagement, which he always declared was the hardest fight he had ever
been in. Notwithstanding this, he was not wounded, owing to the
protecting power of a medicine hawk which he wore upon his war bonnet!
He said:
When all the feathers were shot away the hawk was not hit. Balls
went to the right and left, above and below me. I was mounted and
the Sacs and Foxes were on foot in a hollow like a buffalo wallow.
It was the Great Spirit and the hawk which protected me (_Clark,
15_).
WINTER 1854-55
Gyaí`koaóñte "Likes-enemies," is killed by the _Ä´lähó_. He is
identified in the picture by his shield, which is recognized as one made
by Set-pate, "He-bear," and by the collar of the Kâitséñko, to which
order he belonged. The zigzag stroke touching his breast is intended to
show that he was killed by a bullet.
According to one statement, the Kiowa warriors had gone against the
Osage on Arkansas river and found their camp with a number of horses
hobbled near by. They waited until night and then made an attempt to
steal the horses, but were ambuscaded by the Osage and this man was
killed. Another informant states that the Indians concerned were not the
Osage (_K`apä´to_, "Shaved-heads,") but the _Ä´lähó_ (Kwapa? Omaha?),
described as a tribe living to the northward of the Osage and similar to
them in language and costume. As the Kiowa generally state that they
have been friends with the Osage since the peace of 1834, and more
particularly as they had been allies against the Sauk only a few months
before this occurrence, the latter story is probably correct.
[Illustration: FIG. 117--Summer 1855--Sitting summer.]
SUMMER 1855
_Toñgúayo Paídă_, "Summer of sitting with legs crossed and extended."
For some reason the word for summer is here used in the plural form. The
figure is sufficiently suggestive. There was no sun dance this summer.
The weather was extremely hot and the grass dried up, in consequence of
which the horses became so weak that when traveling the Kiowa were
frequently obliged to halt and sit down to allow the animals to rest.
WINTER 1855-56
´daltoñ-édal, "Big-head," the brother of Gyaí`koaóñte, who had been
killed by the _Ä´lähó_ (? see ante) in the preceding winter, after
having cried all summer, went this winter for revenge, met an _Ä´lähó_
(or an Osage?) hunting buffalo, and killed him.
The figure with a bow above the winter mark represents A´daltoñ-édal,
indicated by the head above the head of the figure, while in front of
him is the Osage (?), with the arrow in his breast and the blood pouring
from his mouth. The headdress is like that hitherto used to indicate a
Pawnee, both tribes wearing the head shaved, leaving a crest. During
this winter also a war party went into Chihuahua and brought back a
large number of horses, but lost one man, "Going-on-the-road."
[Illustration: FIG. 118--Winter 1855-56--Big-head kills an Ä´lähó.]
SUMMER 1856
_Séñ-äló K`ádó_, "Prickly-pear sun dance." The prickly-pears or tunas
(_Opuntia tortispina ?_) are shown above the medicine lodge. This dance
was held at a place where there was an abundance of prickly-pears, at
the mouth of a small creek, probably Caddo or Rate creek, entering
Arkansas river about 10 miles below Bent's fort, in Colorado. It was
held late in the fall, when the prickly-pears were ripe, instead of in
midsummer, as usual, and the women gathered a large quantity. This
circumstance has given the distinctive name to the _k`ádó_. The sweet
fruit of the tuna is much prized by the Indians, who eat it raw, while
the fleshy leaves are used as a mordant in their painting upon buckskin.
[Illustration: FIG. 119--Summer 1856--Prickly-pear sun dance.]
WINTER 1856-57
_Dó-gyäkódal-de Sai_, "Winter that they left their tipis behind." The
two tipis above the winter mark are intended to convey the idea.
After the last sun dance, while the Kiowa, Cheyenne, and Arapaho were
still camped near Bent's fort, a Kiowa war party under Big-bow and
Stumbling-bear went against the Navaho, while the rest, men and women,
under old Lone-wolf, went after buffalo, leaving their tipis rolled up
in care of Bent. On their return they found the Cheyenne in possession
of their tipis, and on complaining to Bent he said, "I have given them
to my people" (i. e., the Cheyenne). A quarrel ensued, in which the
Cheyenne shot Lone-wolf's horse and slightly wounded one Kiowa and drove
the others away, retaining possession of the tipis. This appears to have
been the most serious break between the two tribes since they had made
peace in 1840.
[Illustration: FIG. 120--Winter 1856-57--Tipis left.]
SUMMER 1857
_Ä´potó Ek`iädă´-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when the forked stick sprouted."
The figure (121) represents a forked stick, with leaves, growing out
from the side of the medicine lodge.
This dance was held on the north side of Salt fork of the Arkansas
(_Ätäntaí P'a_, "Salt river") at a small creek, probably Elm creek, a
considerable distance below upper Mule creek (_Ädóä P'a_) in Oklahoma. A
Kiowa named K`ayä´ñte, "Falls-over-a-bank," owned a sacred _ä´poto_, or
two-pronged stick of _ä`gótä_, or chinaberry wood about four feet long,
trimmed with wild sage, which had been given him by his uncle Kóñabíñate
or Kóñate, "Black-tripe." It was his medicine, which he carried publicly
only in the sun dance, and no one else had such a stick. He carried it
on this occasion, keeping time to the dance with it, and at the end of
the ceremony planted it, with the fork down, inside the medicine lodge
as a sacrifice. On returning to the place next year the Kiowa found that
it had been reversed by someone and had taken root and put forth green
leaves. This was the more remarkable, as it had previously been stripped
of its bark. The news of the phenomenon spread through the tribe and
confirmed the previous impression concerning the mysterious powers of
the _ä´poto_. Ten years later, on the occasion of the treaty of Medicine
Lodge, the Kiowa visited the spot and found that the rod had grown into
a tree and was still alive. It is just possible that K`ayä´ñte, who is
still living, could explain the matter.
After this dance two war parties started out, one against the _Pä´sûñko_
(_Paseños_, Mexicans of El Paso), and another, consisting principally of
Comanche under the chief Mäwi, against the Sauk and Fox tribes, who had
so badly punished them three years before. They met the Sauk northeast
of the scene of the former battle and had an engagement in which several
of the Sauk were killed. Gaápiatañ was one of this party. No mention of
these expeditions occurs in the official reports.
[Illustration: FIG. 121--Summer 1857--Forked-stick-sprouting sun dance.]
The story of the origin of the _ä´poto_ staff is romantic, and throws
light upon several interesting points of Indian belief and custom.
Eighteen years before this sun dance (i. e., in 1839) a small party of
about twenty Kiowa warriors led by Gúădalóñte, "Painted-red," started
against the _Pä´sûñko_, already mentioned. The old chief Dohasän
accompanied the party, but not as leader. It should be noted that
usually every war party had a substitute leader or lieutenant, who took
command in case of the death of the leader. For some reason they made no
attack upon El Paso, probably because they found it too vigilantly
guarded, but stayed only one night and started the next day on their
return. In the desolate Jornada del Muerto, between the lower Pecos and
the Rio Grande, they halted for the night at a spring coming out of a
cave since known to the Kiowa as _Tsó-dói-gyätä´dă´-dée_, "the rock
house (cave) in which they were surrounded." None of the Kiowa can
define its exact location, but they describe it as a deep rock well with
a large basin of water, and on one side of it a cave running under the
rock from the water's edge. Pope's statement shows it to have been the
Hueco Tanks, in western Texas, just south of the New Mexico line. While
resting there they were surrounded by a large force of Mexican soldiers,
who killed several of their horses and forced them to take refuge in the
cave. The Mexicans had with them several Mescalero Indians (E´sikwita),
who, however, were rather doubtful allies, as one of them, who spoke
Comanche, shouted to the Kiowa in that language, encouraging them to
hold out.
On being driven into the cave the Kiowa found themselves cut off from
both food and water. They were watched so closely by the Mexicans that
they could only venture out to the edge of the water under cover of
darkness to get a hasty drink or cut from the dead horses a few strips
of putrefying flesh, which they had to eat raw. One man was shot in the
leg while thus endeavoring to obtain water. From the stench of the dead
horses, and the hunger, thirst, and watchfulness, they were soon reduced
to a terrible condition of suffering.
On exploring the cave to see if there might be any means of escape, they
found that it extended a considerable distance, and at the farther end
was a hole opening to the surface. One of them climbed up and thrust his
head out of the opening, but was seen by the soldiers, who at once
effectually closed the hole. It was evident that the Mexicans were
afraid to attack the Indians and were determined to keep them penned up
until they were starved. To add to their distress, the decaying
carcasses of the horses soon made the water unfit to drink. After ten
days of suffering they realized that a longer stay meant dying in the
cave, and it was resolved to make a desperate attempt to escape that
night.
The sides of the well were steep and difficult, but they had noticed a
cedar growing from a crevice in the rock, the top of which reached
nearly to the height of the cliff, and it seemed just possible that by
its means they might be able to climb out. That night, after dark, they
made the attempt and succeeded in gaining the top without being
discovered by the soldiers on guard. One only, the man who had been shot
in the leg, was unable to climb. He implored his comrades to take him
with them, but finding that impossible, they answered that it was his
life against theirs and if they remained with him or lost time in trying
to get him out they would all perish together. They urged him to have a
strong heart and die like a warrior; he calmly accepted the inevitable,
saying only; "When you get home, tell my comrades to come back and
avenge me." Then he sat down by the side of the well to await death when
daylight should reveal him to his enemies. His name, Dágoi, deserves to
be remembered.
Dohasän was the first to reach the top; he belonged to the Kâitséñko,
and it is said that before leaving the cave he had sung the song of that
warrior order in which they bid defiance to death, the same which
Set-ängya afterward chanted before he sprang upon the guard and was
riddled with bullets by the soldiers.
As they emerged they saw the fires of their enemies burning in various
directions about the mouth of the cave. The Indians were sheltered by
the darkness, but some of the soldiers heard a slight noise and fired at
random in that direction, and seriously wounded Koñate, who was shot
through the body. The Kiowa succeeded in making their escape, probably
helping themselves to some of the Mexican horses, and carried with them
their wounded comrade until they reached a noted spring, perhaps on the
edge of the Staked plain, known as _Pai-k`op tóñtep_, "Sun-mountain
spring," from its circular shape and its situation on the top of a
mountain. By this time Koñate's wounds were in such condition that it
seemed only a question of a few hours when he would die. Finding
themselves unable to carry him in his helpless condition across the
desolate plains, his friends reluctantly decided to leave him to his
fate. Placing him within reach of the water, they raised over him an
arbor of branches to shield him from the sun, and rode away, intending
on reaching home to send back a party, in accordance with their custom,
to bring back his bones for burial.
Deserted by his companions, his wounds putrefying under the hot sun,
Koñate lay stretched out by the spring silently awaiting the end. The
sun went down and day faded into night, when far off on the hillside he
heard the cry of a wolf; the wounded man roused himself from his stupor
and listened; again he heard the cry of the wolf, but this time from
another direction and evidently near; despair seized him as he realized
that the coyotes had scented their prey and were gathering to the feast,
and now he heard the patter of the light feet and the sniffing of the
animal as a wolf prowled around him; but instead of springing upon the
helpless man and tearing him in pieces, the wolf came up and gently
licked his wounds, then quietly lay down beside him.
Now he heard another sound in the distance, the _tsó dal-tem_, or
eagle-bone whistle of the sun dance; it approached, and he heard the
song of the _k`ádó_, and at last the spirit of the _taíme_ stood before
him and said: "I pity you, and shall not let you die, but you shall see
your home and friends again." The _taíme_ then sent a heavy rain to
clear out his wounds and afterward talked long with him, giving him
instructions for a new shield and conferring upon him mysterious powers
of medicine, of which the proof and emblem should be the _ä´poto_ staff,
which he instructed him to make after his return. Then the spirit left
him, saying, "Help is near." The Kiowa insist that all this was not a
dream or vision, but an actual waking occurrence; but of course most of
it was the delirium of fever.
As his comrades proceeded on their way, they met six Comanche warriors
on their way to Mexico, to whom they told the story of their encounter,
also that they would find Koñáte's dead body at the spring, and asked
them to cover it from the wolves. Then they parted, the Kiowa continuing
on to the northward, while the Comanche proceeded toward the spring,
where they intended to camp for the night. On arriving, they were
astonished to find Koñáte alive and in somewhat better condition than
when his comrades had left him. Seeing that there was a chance of saving
his life, the Comanche washed his wounds and fed him; next morning they
put him upon one of their extra horses, and abandoning their proposed
raid turned back and brought him safely to his friends and tribe, where
he fully recovered and lived for many years. A few years after his
return, he made several shields, as directed by the _taíme_, one of
which still exists in possession of Dr J. D. Glennan, U.S.A., now
stationed at Fort Clark, Texas; he also made the sacred _ä´poto_, which
he carried for some time in the annual sun dance, and afterward bestowed
it upon his son (i. e., nephew) K`ayä´ñti, who still lives, now an old
man. Koñáte subsequently assumed the name, of Pá-tadal, "Lean-bull,"
which he conferred later on its present owner, commonly known to the
whites as Poor-buffalo.
Captain Pope, who visited the Hueco tanks in 1854, describes the
peculiar formation of the cave springs and mentions the Gúadalóñte fight
of some years before, his statements being evidently derived from the
Mexicans, who were disposed to magnify their own part in the affair. He
says:
Besides the water contained in the tanks there are numerous holes
and crevices in the mountains, which contain sufficient for every
purpose to last for a considerable time. It is proper to remark
that animals can not drink from the tanks; the water is taken out
in buckets and thrown down the rocks until all have been supplied.
Thus watering is a matter of time and labor. The peculiar formation
of these mountains, their innumerable caverns and hiding places,
seem to have been intended for a refuge for the Indians; nor have
they neglected to avail themselves of its advantages. In one
instance, however, they "reckoned without their host." About
fourteen years ago these Arabs of New Mexico, the Apaches, having
made a desperate foray upon the Mexicans, retreated with their
plunder to these mountains. The Mexicans surprised and surrounded
them, hemming them up in the rocky ravine forming the eastern tank.
Here an engagement took place, in which the Indians were totally
defeated and nearly exterminated, only two or three escaping. It is
said that upward of one hundred of them were killed (_Pacific
Railroad, 1_).
[Illustration: FIG. 122--Winter 1857-58--Horses stolen.]
WINTER 1857-58
The Kiowa camped this winter on Two-butte creek (_Ä´zót P'a_, "Driftwood
creek"), a southern tributary of the Arkansas, below Bent's Fort in
Colorado. A band of Pawnee came on foot and stole six bunches of horses,
including all those of T'ébodal and Set-ängya; among them were three
spotted mules. The Kiowa pursued the thieves for three days and came in
sight of them at sunset; they intended to strike them next morning and
get the stock, but that night a snowstorm came on and stopped the
pursuit; however, they killed one Pawnee who had been crippled by the
cold. The figure above the winter mark represents the stolen horses.
SUMMER 1858
_Ädo-byúñi K`ádó_, "Timber-circle sun dance." This dance was held on
lower Mule creek, entering the Salt fork of the Arkansas from the
north, near the mouth of Medicine-lodge creek; it was so called because
held in a natural circular opening in the timber, as indicated in the
figure representing a circle of trees around the medicine lodge.
[Illustration: FIG. 123--Summer 1858--Timber-circle sun dance.]
WINTER 1858-59
_Gúi-k`áte Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Wolf-lying-down was killed." The
figure above the winter mark represents a man shot through the body, his
name being indicated by the connected figure overhead.
After the last sun dance, the Kiowa warriors made a great raid into
Chihuahua and captured a number of horses. They had recrossed the Rio
Grande and camped on the northern side, when they were attacked at
sunrise by a pursuing party of Mexicans. The Indians fled and escaped,
excepting Gúi-k`áte, "Wolf-lying-down," who rode a mare which was
delayed by a colt in following, and was therefore unable to get away
from the enemy, who shot and killed him.
Set-t'aiñte and Set-ĭmkía also went against the Ute this fall and found
and attacked a single tipi on the upper South Canadian, killing one man
and wounding several others.
[Illustration: FIG. 124--Winter 1858-59--Gúi-k`áte killed.]
SUMMER 1859
_Ahíñ-dóha K`adó_, "Cedar-bluff sun dance." The figure at the side of
the medicine lodge is intended to represent a cedar tree on a bluff.
This dance was held at a place known to the Kiowa as "Cedar bluff," on
the northern side of Smoky-hill river (_Pe P'a_, "Sand river"), about
opposite the mouth of Timber creek, near the present Fort Hays, Kansas.
The Kiowa state that they went so far north on account of the abundance
of buffalo in that vicinity. This dance is sometimes also called
_Ää'otón-de K`adó_, "Timber-clearing sun dance," from the fact that most
of the trees once there had been cut down.
[Illustration: FIG. 125--Summer 1859--Cedar-bluff sun dance.]
WINTER 1859-60
Gíaká-ite, "Back-hide," died, and a cross was afterward erected over his
bones. The figure of the individual, with the cross above his head,
explains itself. The _gíăká-i_ or "back hide" (see the Glossary) is a
piece of rawhide worn over the shoulders by women, to protect the back
when carrying wood or other burdens.
Gíaká-ite was a very old man, and died on the Staked plain (_Päsä´ngya_,
"Edge prairie"), at a salt pond called _Tóñ-kóñ_, "Black water," perhaps
the Agua Negra, just within the Texas boundary. Having become so old and
enfeebled in mind and body as to be a continual source of trouble and
anxiety, his unfeeling relatives deliberately abandoned him. Shortly
before this the old man asked Dohasän, who was of his own family, where
they intended to camp next winter. The chief brutally replied, "What is
that to you? We shall not take you with us." The poor old man, thinking
it a joke, laughed and said, "How can you leave me behind? There are not
many chiefs, and you can't afford to lose one." However, on their next
move they left him behind to shift for himself, and as he was too feeble
to keep up with the party he died alone. Whether he died a lingering
death of starvation or met a quicker fate by the coyotes, is unknown;
but some time afterward a small war party of the Kiowa, passing near the
spot, found his skeleton, over which kind hands--probably Mexican
travelers--had erected a rude cross.
[Illustration: FIG. 126--Winter 1859-60--Gíaká-ite died.]
The winter before his death, while the Kiowa were on the move somewhere
in the same neighborhood, Âdalpepte and his wife, being some distance
behind the others, met the old man mounted upon an animal nearly as
feeble as its rider, vainly endeavoring to catch up with the main party.
It was bitterly cold and he had no blanket. Âdalpepte, unable to endure
the sight, generously took off his own buffalo robe and threw it over
the old man's shoulders, saying to him, "Take it; I am young and can
stand more." Thus, before we make an estimate of Indian character from
this story we must decide how far the generosity of the one act offsets
the heartless cruelty of the other. It is but fair to state that
Gíaká-ite had no immediate relatives who were in condition to help him,
as his children were dead and his grandson was but a small boy, so that
no one felt directly responsible for his welfare. Abandonment of the
aged and helpless was not infrequent among the prairie tribes, but was
rather a hard necessity of their wandering life than deliberate cruelty,
as generally the aged are treated with the greatest respect and
consideration. This is particularly the case among tribes who are less
nomadic in habit.
SUMMER 1860
T'ené-badaí, "Bird-appearing," was killed. The figure shows a man shot
through the body, with blood streaming from his mouth, while the bird
above is intended to indicate his name. As there was no sun dance this
year, the medicine lodge is omitted.
A part of the Kiowa tribe was south of the Arkansas, while the rest,
with the Kwáhadi and other western Comanche, under the chiefs
Täbi-nä´năkă (Hears-the-sun) and Ĭsä-hä´bĭt (Wolf-lying-down), were
camped north of that stream, when one day the latter party discovered a
large body of people crossing the river. Täbi-nä'năka went out to
reconnoiter, and returned with the report that there were a great many
of them and that they were probably enemies. The Kiowa and Comanche at
once broke camp and fled northward, and on their way met the Cheyenne
and Arapaho, to whom they told the news, whereupon the latter also fled
with them. By this time it had been discovered that the pursuers were
white soldiers, accompanied by a large body of Caddo, Wichita, Tonkawa,
and Pénätĕka Comanche. As they fled, the Kiowa and their allies kept
spies on the lookout, who one night reported their enemies asleep, when
they turned and attacked them at daylight, killing a soldier, but losing
a Comanche named Silver-knife (properly Tin-knife, _Hâ´ñt'aiñ-k`á_ in
Kiowa), who was shot through the neck with an arrow, and a Kiowa named
T'ené-badaí, "Bird-appearing," noted for his handsome appearance, who
was killed by a Caddo. The engagement took place in Kansas, somewhere
northward from Smoky-hill river (_Pe P'a_).
[Illustration: FIG. 127--Summer 1860--Bird-appearing killed.]
The Pénätĕka Comanche lived in Texas, near the settlements, and
associated more with the Caddo, Wichita, and whites than with their
western kinsmen, the Kwáhadi Comanche, against whom and their allies,
the Kiowa and Apache, they several times aided the whites.
There is no direct notice of this engagement in the Indian Report, but
the Commissioner states that peace had prevailed among the treaty tribes
during the year, with the conspicuous exception of the Kiowa, whose
increasing turbulence would seem to render military operations against
them advisable. In another place he states that both the Kiowa and
Comanche were known to be hostile, and that the army had been ordered to
chastise them, as the only way to make them respect their engagements
and to stay their murderous hands. In going to Bent's fort, he says:
Citizens of the United States in advance of me as I went out, and
also on my return, were brutally murdered and scalped upon the
road. It is a fact also worthy of remark that the murders were
committed almost within range of the guns at Fort Larned. The
Indian mode of warfare, however, is such that it is almost
impossible to detect them in their designs. They cautiously
approach the Santa Fé road, commit the most atrocious deeds, and
flee to the plains (_Report, 85_).
WINTER 1860-61
This winter is known as _´dálká-i Dóha Sai_, "Crazy-bluff winter."
While the Kiowa were encamped on the south side of the Arkansas, near
the western line of Kansas, a man named Gaá-bohónte, "Crow-bonnet," the
brother of the man who had been killed by the Caddo the preceding
summer, raised a party for revenge. They went to the Caddo camp on the
head of Sugar creek, in the present Caddo and Wichita reservation, where
they encountered a Caddo looking for his horses. They killed and scalped
him, and brought back with them the scalp over which the Kiowa held a
scalp dance at a bluff on the south side of Bear creek (_T'á-zótă´ P'a_,
"Antelope-corral river"), near its head, between the Cimarron and the
Arkansas, near the western line of Kansas. From the rejoicing on this
occasion the place took the name of Foolish, or Crazy bluff.
The picture represents a man with a scalp on a pole, while the
projection at the upper end of the winter mark indicates the bluff.
[Illustration: FIG. 128--Winter 1860--1861--Crazy-bluff winter.]
About the same time a war party went into Texas, but lost three men.
The _zótă´_ or driveway for catching antelope was an open corral of
upright logs, stripped of their branches, with an entrance, from which
diverged two lines of posts set at short distances from one another and
covered with blankets to resemble men. The antelope were surrounded on
the prairie and driven toward the corral until they came between the
converging lines of posts, when it was an easy matter to force them into
the closed circle, where they were slaughtered. The _zótă´_ was used for
catching antelope at any season of the year. It was not used for deer,
as the deer could jump over an ordinary corral.
For a description of another method, the _ät'ákagúa_, or "antelope
medicine," see Winter 1848-49. Antelope make regular trails from their
shelter places to their grazing grounds, and the Indians sometimes
caught them by digging a large pitfall along such a trail--an entire
band assisting in the work--and carrying the excavated earth a long
distance away, so as to leave no trace on the trail, after which the
pitfall was loosely covered with bushes and grass. The hunters then
concealed themselves until the herd approached, when they closed in
behind and drove the frightened animals forward until they fell into the
pit.
Wild horses also were sometimes taken in driveways called
_t'á-tséñ-zótă´_ ("wild-horse driveway"), which were set up near the
water holes in the Staked plain, usually in summer, when the streams
were dry and the animals were obliged to resort to these places for
water. A steep cliff was sometimes utilized to form one side of the
corral or driveway. In hunting buffalo the Indians sometimes built
converging leadways to the edge of a cliff and then drove the animals
over the precipice.
SUMMER 1861
_T'óigúăt Äpäñ´tsep-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when they left the spotted
horse tied." The picture shows the spotted or pinto horse tied to the
medicine lodge.
This dance was held near a canyon, on the south bank of upper Walnut
creek, entering the Arkansas at the Great Bend in Kansas. The event
recorded throws another curious light on Indian belief. At the sun dance
no one but the _taíme_ priest must attempt any "medicine," but on this
occasion a man called Dogúatal-edal, "Big-young-man," became "crazy" and
committed sacrilegious acts, tearing off his feather headdress and
throwing it upon the _taíme_ image, and afterward, when they were
smoking to the sun, taking the pipe and throwing it away. No reason is
given for these strange actions, except that he was temporarily crazy,
as he had never acted strangely before, but the Indians believe that, as
his conscience troubled him after he came to his senses, he gave this
horse to the _taíme_ as an atonement. At the close of the dance he tied
a spotted horse to one of the poles inside the medicine lodge and left
it there, where it probably died. Such a thing as tying a horse to the
medicine lodge had never before been heard of, although a horse was
sometimes sacrificed to the sun by tying it to a tree out upon the hills
and leaving it there to perish. The old war chief Gaápiatañ twice
sacrificed a horse in this manner, once during the cholera of 1849, when
he offered a gray horse as a propitiatory sacrifice for himself, his
parents, and brothers and sisters; also again, in the smallpox epidemic
of 1861-62 (see next year), he offered a fine black-eared horse,
hobbling it and tying it to a tree, with a prayer to the spirit of the
disease to take his horse and spare himself and his children and
friends. On both occasions his faith appears to have been rewarded, as
none of his relatives died. The horse offered on this last occasion was
of the kind called _t'á-kóñ_, "black-eared," considered by the Kiowa to
be the finest of all horses.
[Illustration: FIG. 129--Summer 1861--Pinto left tied.]
Dogúatal-édal afterward led a small war party, seven in number,
including one woman, into Mexico. None of them ever returned, all the
warriors having been killed, probably by Ute warriors, among whom the
woman was found living by Big-bow and his companions when they visited
that tribe in 1894. It was on this occasion that the Kiowa tribe gained
the first intimation concerning the fate of the party. The woman was
then the wife of a Ute and the mother of three of his children. Big-bow
wanted her to return home with them, especially as her son by her Kiowa
husband was still living, but her Ute husband was unwilling to come, and
she refused to leave him and her three other children.
WINTER 1861-62
_Tä´dalkop Sai_, "Smallpox winter." The smallpox, like the measles, is
indicated by a human figure covered with red spots (see 1839-40 and
1892). The Kiowa were camped for the winter about the Arkansas, in the
vicinity of _Âdalka-i Doha_, in southwestern Kansas, and a party went
into New Mexico to trade. They stopped at a town in the mountains at the
head of the South Canadian, where smallpox was prevalent at the time,
and the people warned them of the danger; they therefore left, but one
Kiowa had already bought a blanket, which he refused to throw away,
although requested to do so. On returning to their home camp, about New
Year, he was attacked by the disease and died, and the epidemic spread
through the tribe; many died, and the others scattered in various
directions to escape the pestilence. The Cheyenne, Arapaho, Dakota, and
other tribes also suffered greatly at the same time, as appears from the
official report (_Report, 86_). It was in consequence of this epidemic
that the Arikara abandoned their village lower down the Missouri and
removed to their present location near Fort Berthold, North Dakota.
[Illustration: FIG. 130--Winter 1861-62--Smallpox.]
It will be noticed that for several years the Kiowa appear to have been
drifting eastward from their former haunts on the upper Arkansas.
Although no definite reason is assigned for this movement, it may have
been due to the influx of white men into Colorado, consequent upon the
discovery of gold at Pike's peak in 1858, which would have a tendency to
drive away the buffalo as well as to disquiet the Indians.
SUMMER 1862
_Tä´dalkop Kyäkán K'ádó_, "sun dance after the smallpox," or sometimes
simply _Tä´dalkop K'ádó_, "smallpox sun dance." It was held a short
distance west of where the sun dance had been held in 1858, on Mule
creek, near the junction of Medicine-lodge creek with the Salt fork of
the Arkansas. No event of importance marked this summer, which is
indicated only by the medicine lodge.
[Illustration: FIG. 131--Summer 1862--Sun dance after smallpox.]
WINTER 1862-63
_Ä´pätsä´t Sai_, "Treetop winter," or _Tséñko Sápän Étpata Sai_, "Winter
when horses ate ashes." This winter the Kiowa camped on upper Walnut
creek (_Tsodal-héñte-de P'a_, "No-arm's river"), which enters the
Arkansas at the Great Bend, in Kansas. There was unusually deep snow
upon the ground, so that the horses could not get at the grass, and in
their hunger tried to eat the ashes thrown out from the camp fires.
In the early spring a large war party, accompanied by women, as was
sometimes the custom among the Kiowa, started for Texas, along the trail
which runs south through the Panhandle, crossing the North Canadian near
Kiowa creek and passing on by Fort Elliott. While singing the "travel
song" on a southern head stream of Wolf creek the tree tops returned the
echo. The phenomenon was a mystery to the Indians, who ascribed it to
spirits, but it may have been due to the fact that just south of the
camp was a bluff, from which the sound may have been echoed back. The
figure over the winter mark is intended to indicate the sound above the
tree tops.
When a man wishes to gather a small war party he sends around to invite
those who may desire to join him. On the night before he intends to
start he sits alone in his tipi, having previously bent a long stick,
like a hoop, around the fire hole; then he begins the _Gua-dagya_ or
travel song, beating time upon the hoop with another stick which he
holds in his hand. When those who intend going with him hear the song,
they come in one by one and join in it, beating time in the same way
with sticks. The women also come in and sit behind the men, joining in
the song with them, but without beating time; after some time the leader
invites them to come outside, to a buffalo hide, which the men surround
and each holds it up with one hand while they beat time upon it with the
sticks. The women and those who can not reach the hide stand behind and
all sing together. The song is sung at intervals during the march. It
has words with meaning and is different from all their other songs; the
first singing by the leader is the signal that he intends to start the
next day; the pipe was sent around only for a very large war party.
[Illustration: FIG. 132--Winter 1862-63--Treetop winter.]
A contributor to the Montana Historical Society gives a humorous account
of a rawhide dance by a party of packers on Columbia river, in 1858,
when the tribes of that region had combined against the whites. The
account is of interest as showing that the dance was found from the
Columbia to the Rio Grande:
About dark some seven or eight canoes loaded with Yakima warriors
landed near our camp. They were painted and rigged up in
first-class war style and just spoiling for a fight. Our few Indian
packers and the interpreter took the situation in and suggested
that we bluff them. So we built a large camp fire out of sage brush
and greasewood, and all of us, the Major included, formed a circle,
and with one hand holding a rawhide, with a stick in the other,
batted that rawhide and yelled and danced until we were nearly
exhausted. This act, the interpreter said, was intended to show
these Yakimas that we were not afraid of them and were ready to
give them "the best we had in the shop," and to my utter surprise
when I turned out in the morning not a canoe was to be seen. It was
a complete bluff. They had taken the hint and gone away during the
night. I must confess I felt pleased, and so would anyone, from the
fact that there is less danger in thumping the rawhide as a bluff
than trying to dodge their bullets (_Montana, 2_).
SUMMER 1863
_Tsodalhéñte-de P'a K`ádó_, "No-arm's river sun dance." The figure near
the medicine lodge shows a man with his right arm gone.
This dance was held on the south side of Arkansas river, in Kansas, at
the Great Bend, a short distance below the mouth of upper Walnut creek,
called _Tsodalhéñte-de P'a_, "Armless man's creek," from a trader,
William Allison, who kept a trading store at its mouth, on the east
side, and who had lost his right arm from a bullet received in a fight
with his stepfather, whom he killed in the encounter. From this
circumstance the Kiowa knew him as Tsodalhéñte, or sometimes
Man-héñk'ia, "Armless man" or "No-arm." He had as partners his half
brother, John Adkins, known to the Kiowa as Kábodalte, "Left-handed,"
and another man named Booth. Fort Zarah was built in the immediate
vicinity of Allison's trading post in 1864.
[Illustration: FIG. 133--Summer 1863--No-arm's-river sun dance.]
WINTER 1863-64
_Âdaltoñ-édal Hém-de Sai_, "Winter that Big-head died." The Set-t'an
figure is sufficiently suggestive. Âdaltoñ-edal was the uncle of the
present chief Gomä´te (Comalty), who has taken the same name. He died
while the Kiowa were in their winter camp on the North Canadian, a short
distance below the junction of Wolf creek at Fort Supply.
The Anko calendar begins with this winter, the first event recorded
being the death of Hâ´ñzephó`da, "Kills-with-a-gun." He is represented
below the winter mark, holding a gun to indicate his name, while the
irregular black marking above his head is intended to show that he is
"wiped out" or dead.
[Illustration: FIG. 134--Winter 1863-64--Big-head dies; Hâñzephó`da
dies.]
SUMMER 1864
_Ä´sâhé K`ádó_, "Ragweed sun dance," so called because held at a place
where there was a large quantity of this plant growing, at the junction
of Medicine-lodge creek and the Salt fork of the Arkansas, a short
distance below where the dances had been held in 1858 and 1862. On the
Set-t'an calendar the medicine lodge, instead of being painted black, as
usual, is blue-green, to show the color of the plant (_ä´-sâhé_,
literally "blue or green plant"), and is surmounted by a blue-green
stalk of _ä´-sâhé_ or ragweed.
In this summer the Anko calendar records a fight between the Kiowa tribe
and soldiers, at which Anko himself was present. In the figure the
ragweed is indicated by irregular markings at the base of the medicine
pole, while the fight is represented in the conventional way by means of
bullets at the ends of wavy lines.
The encounter occurred at Port Larned, Kansas, called by the Kiowa "The
soldier place on Dark (i. e., shady)-timber (_ai-koñ_) river." The Kiowa
had camped outside the post and were holding a scalp dance when
Set-ängya and his cousin approached the entrance but were warned away by
the sentry. Not understanding his words, they continued to advance,
whereupon the soldier made a threatening motion with his gun, as if
about to shoot. Upon this Set-ängya discharged two arrows at the
soldier, shooting him through the body, while another Kiowa fired at him
with a pistol. A panic immediately ensued, the Indians mounting their
horses and the garrison hastily preparing to resist an attack. It so
happened that the soldiers' horses were grazing outside the post and the
Indians stampeded and ran them off, abandoning their camp, the soldiers
being unable to follow on foot. The Indians did not risk an attack on
the post, but remained satisfied with the capture of the horses. No one
was hurt excepting the sentry. Whether his wound proved fatal or not the
Kiowa are unable to say. They state that this was their first hostile
encounter with United States troops.
[Illustration: FIG. 135--Summer 1864--Ragweed sun dance; soldier fight.]
At the time of this occurrence there was a general Indian war in
progress on the plains. The encounter is thus referred to by Agent
Colley in a letter to the governor of Colorado, dated July 26, 1864:
When I last wrote you I was in hopes that our Indian troubles were
at an end. Colonel Chivington has just arrived from Larned and
gives a sad account of affairs at that post. They have killed some
ten men from a train and run off all the stock from the post. As
near as they can learn, all the tribes are engaged in it. The
colonel will give you the particulars. There is no dependence to be
put in any of them. I have done everything in my power to keep
peace. I now think a little powder and lead is the best food for
them.
In another place he states that "while the war chief of the Kiowa tribe
was in the commanding officer's quarters at Fort Larned, professing the
greatest friendship, the young men were running off nearly all the
horses, mules, and cattle at the post" (_Report, 87_).
WINTER, 1864-65
_Tsenhó Sai_, "Muddy-traveling winter," so called because the mud caused
by the melting of heavy snows made traveling difficult. The Kiowa and
Apache, with a part of the Comanche, made their winter camp on the South
Canadian at _Gúădal-dóhá_, "Red bluff," on the north side, between Adobe
Walls and Mustang creek, in the Texas panhandle. While here early in the
winter they were attacked by the famous scout Kit Carson, with a
detachment of troops, assisted by a number of the Ute and Jicarilla
Apache. According to the Indian, account, five persons of the allied
tribes, including two women, were killed. The others, after a brave
resistance, finally abandoned their camp, which was burned by the enemy.
One of those killed was a young Apache warrior who wore a war-bonnet. He
was shot from his horse and his war-bonnet was captured by a Ute
warrior. An old Apache warrior, who was left behind in his tipi in the
hurry of flight, was also killed.
In the Set-t'an calendar the attack upon the camp is indicated by
conventional bullets and arrows around two tipis above the winter mark.
In the Anko calendar it is indicated by a picture of the captured
war-bonnet.
[Illustration: FIG. 136--Winter 1864-65--Ute fight.]
According to the Kiowa statement, most of the younger men were away on
the warpath at the time, having left their families in the winter camp
in charge of the old chief Dohásän. Early one morning some of the men
had gone out to look for their ponies, when they discovered the enemy
creeping up to surround them. They dashed back into camp and gave the
alarm, and the women, who were preparing breakfast, hastily gathered up
their children and ran, while the men mounted their horses to repel the
assault. The Ute scouts advanced in Indian fashion, riding about and
keeping up a constant yelling to stampede the Kiowa ponies, while the
soldiers came on behind quietly and in regular order. Stumbling-bear was
one of the leading warriors in the camp at the time and distinguished
himself in the defense, killing one soldier and a Ute, and then killing
or wounding another soldier so that he fell from his horse. Another
warrior named Set-tádal, "Lean-bear," distinguished himself by his
bravery in singing the war song of his order, the _Toñkóñko_, as he
advanced to the charge, according to his military obligation, which
forbade him to save himself until he had killed an enemy. Sét-k`opte,
then a small boy, was there also, and describes vividly how he took his
younger brother by the hand, while his mother carried the baby upon her
back and another child in her arms, and all fled for a place of safety
while Stumbling-bear and the warriors kept off the attacking party. The
Kiowa escaped, excepting the five killed, but the camp was destroyed.
The engagement is thus mentioned in the testimony of an army officer a
few months later:
I understand Kit Carson last winter destroyed an Indian village. He
had about four hundred men with him, but the Indians attacked him
as bravely as any men in the world, charging up to his lines, and
he withdrew his command. They had a regular bugler, who sounded the
calls as well as they are sounded for troops. Carson said if it had
not been for his howitzers few would have been left to tell the
tale. This I learned from an officer who was in the fight
(_Condition, 1_).
The engagement is described in detail by Lieutenant George H. Pettis,
who had charge of the two howitzers during the fight. The expedition,
which consisted of three hundred and thirty-five volunteer soldiers and
seventy-two Ute and Jicarilla Apache Indians, was under command of
Colonel Christopher ("Kit") Carson, the noted scout and Indian fighter,
then holding a commission in the First New Mexico infantry. Starting
from Fort Bascom, New Mexico, they proceeded down the Canadian, the
intention being to disable the Indians by taking them by surprise in
their winter camp, as Custer did on the Washita four years later. The
first village, a Kiowa camp consisting of one hundred and seventy-six
tipis, was discovered on the Canadian at the entrance of a small stream
since known as Kit Carson creek, in what is now Hutchinson county,
Texas, a short distance above Adobe Walls. The attack was made at
daybreak of November 25, 1864. After some resistance the Kiowa retreated
a few miles down the river, where there were other camps of the allied
Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche. Reenforced from these, they returned and
made such a desperate attack upon the invaders that Carson was glad to
retire after burning the upper village, although the other camps against
which the expedition was directed were in plain sight below. The battle
lasted all day, the Indians disputing every foot of his advance and
following up his retreat so closely that only the howitzers saved the
troops from utter destruction.
In the early part of the engagement the soldiers corralled their horses
in an old abandoned adobe building which Pettis calls the Adobe Walls,
but which was probably the ruins of the trading post built by Bent
twenty years before (see winter 1843-44). The Adobe Walls, where Quanah
led his celebrated fight, were not built until 1873 or 1874 and were
some distance down the river. Several white captives, women and
children, were in the hands of the Indians at the time of the attack,
but none of these was rescued. The Kiowa also saved all their horses,
although most of their winter provision and several hundred dressed
buffalo skins in the first village, together with the tipis, were
destroyed by the troops.
Quite a number of the enemy acted as skirmishers, being dismounted
and hid in the tall grass in our front, and made it hot for most of
us by their excellent marksmanship, while quite the larger part of
them, mounted and covered with their war dresses, charged
continually across our front, from right to left and _vice versa_,
about 200 yards from our line of skirmishers, yelling like demons,
and firing from under the necks of their horses at intervals. About
200 yards in rear of their line, all through the fighting at the
Adobe Walls, was stationed one of the enemy, who had a cavalry
bugle, and during the entire day he would blow the opposite call
that was used by the officer in our line of skirmishers; for
instance, when our bugles sounded the "advance," he would blow
"retreat," and when ours sounded the "retreat," he would follow
with the "advance;" ours would signal "halt," he would follow suit.
So he kept it up all the day, blowing as shrill and clearly as our
very best buglers. Carson insisted that it was a white man, but I
have never received any information to corroborate this opinion
(_Pettis_).
It was most probably a Kiowa, possibly Set-t'aiñte himself, who was
famous for a bugle, which instrument he blew as a signal on state
occasions.
Deeming it unsafe to remain longer after destroying the first village,
Carson formed the troops in marching order, with skirmishers in front
and on the flanks and the howitzers bringing up the rear, and began the
return march.
The enemy was not disposed to allow us to return without
molestation, and in a very few minutes was attacking us on every
side. By setting fire to the high, dry grass of the river bottom,
they drove us to the foothills, and by riding in rear of the fire,
as it came burning toward us, they would occasionally get within a
few yards of the column; being enveloped in the smoke, they would
deliver the fire of their rifles and get out of harm's way before
they could be discovered by us.
On the side of the troops, Pettis reports two soldiers killed and
twenty-one wounded, several mortally, together with one Ute killed and
four wounded. He puts the Indian loss at nearly one hundred killed and
between one hundred and one hundred and fifty wounded. The official
report, which he quotes, makes the number of tipis in the village
destroyed about one hundred and fifty and the Indian loss in killed and
wounded together only sixty. Among these were four crippled or decrepit
old Indians, who were killed in the tipis by a couple of Ute squaws
searching for plunder. A buggy and spring wagon belonging to Sierrito or
"Little-mountain" (Dohásän) are also mentioned as having been destroyed.
[Illustration: FIG. 137--Summer 1865--Peninsula sun dance.]
A signal instance of Indian bravery is noted by Pettis:
At one of the discharges the shell passed directly through the body
of a horse on which was a Comanche riding at a full run, and went
some 200 or 300 yards farther on before it exploded. The horse, on
being struck, went head foremost to earth, throwing his rider, as
it seemed, 20 feet into the air, with his hands and feet sprawling
in all directions, and as he struck the earth, apparently
senseless, two other Indians who were near by proceeded to him, one
on each side, and throwing themselves over on the sides of their
horses, seized each an arm and dragged him from the field between
them, amid a shower of rifle balls from our skirmishers. This act
of the Indians in removing their dead and helpless wounded from the
field is always done, and more than a score of times were we
eyewitnesses to this feat during the afternoon (_Pettis_).
SUMMER 1865
_Pihó K`ádó_, "Peninsula sun dance." It is so called because held in the
peninsula or bend of the Washita on the south side, a short distance
below the mouth of Walnut creek (_Zódăltoñ P'a_, "Vomiting-water river")
within the present reservation. The Set-t'an calendar represents the
medicine lodge in the bend, indicated by a curved line. In the Anko
calendar the peninsula is more rudely indicated by a circle around the
base of the medicine pole.
WINTER 1865-66
In this winter the Set-t'an calendar records the death of the noted war
chief, Tä´n-kóñkya, "Black-warbonnet-top," on a southern tributary of
the upper South Canadian. The war-bonnet is made conspicuous in the
figure to call attention to his name.
The Anko calendar notes the death of the celebrated chief Dohásän,
"Little-bluff," the greatest and most noted chief in the history of the
tribe, who died on the Cimarron in this winter. The event is indicated
by the figure of a wagon, he being the only Kiowa who owned a wagon at
that time. For more than thirty years from the massacre by the Osage in
1833, he had been the recognized head chief of the Kiowa. His death left
no one of sufficiently commanding influence to unite the tribe under one
leadership, and thenceforth the councils of the Kiowa were divided under
such rival chieftains as Set-t'aiñte and Kicking-bird until the
unsuccessful outbreak of 1874 finally reduced them to the position of a
reservation tribe and practically put an end to the power of the chiefs.
[Illustration: Fig. 138--Winter 1865-66--Tän-kóñkya died; Dohásän died.]
This winter is notable also for the arrival of a large trading party
from Kansas under the leadership of a man named John Smith. He traded
also among the Cheyenne, whose language he spoke, and was called by them
_Póomûts_, "Gray-blanket," or "Saddle-blanket," these articles forming a
part of his trading stock; this name the Kiowa corrupted into _Pohóme_.
The party visited all the various camps of the Cheyenne and Kiowa,
trading blankets and other goods for buffalo hides. Smith died among the
Cheyenne after having lived more than forty years in the Indian country,
and was buried in the sand hills near the present agency at Darlington,
Oklahoma. His name appears in the official reports as government
interpreter for the Cheyenne, and he rendered valuable assistance at the
Medicine Lodge treaty in 1867.
SUMMER 1866
_Hâñ-kopédal K`ádó_, "Flat metal (i. e. German silver) sun dance," was
held on Medicine-lodge creek, near its mouth, in Oklahoma. It was so
called because a trader brought them at this time a large quantity of
German silver, from which they made headdresses, belts for women,
bracelets, and other ornaments. German silver is known to the Kiowa as
"flat metal," because it is furnished to them in sheets, which they cut
and hammer into the desired shapes. On both calendars the event is
recorded in the same way, by the figure of a head pendent with silver
disks placed near the medicine lodge. Such pendants were attached to the
head of the scalplock, and consisted of a strip of buffalo hide reaching
nearly to the ground and covered along the whole length with a row of
silver, copper, or German-silver disks, gradually decreasing in size
toward the bottom, which was usually finished off with a tuft of
bright-colored horsehair. They were called _góm-â´dal-hâ´ñgya_,
"back-hair-metal," and were highly prized by the warriors. This was not
the first time the Kiowa had obtained German silver. In the old days
these ornaments were made for them, of genuine silver, by Mexican
silversmiths near the present Silver City, New Mexico.
Charles W. Whitacre (or Whittaker), the trader who brought their supply
of metal on this occasion, together with sugar and other goods, had some
knowledge of the Kiowa language, as well as of Comanche and Caddo, and
is familiarly known to the older Kiowa as _Tsâli_, i. e., Charley. He
was present at the Medicine Lodge treaty the next year, and afterward
kept a trading store on the north side of the Washita, near the place
where the Wichita school is now located, a short distance from the
agency at Anadarko. He was killed by accidentally shooting himself about
1882.
[Illustration: FIG. 139--Summer 1866--German-silver sun dance.]
WINTER 1866-67
_Ä´pämâ´dal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Ä´pämâ'dalte was killed." The
name signifies "Struck-his-head-against-a-tree." The same event is
recorded on both calendars, the figures being sufficiently suggestive.
He was a Mexican captive among the Kiowa, and was killed, in an
encounter with troops or Texans, while with a party led by the present
Big-bow, at a small creek on the main emigrant road to California (_Hóan
T'a`ká-i_, "White-man's road") in southwestern Texas. When killed he was
trying to stampede the horses which the Texans had left a short distance
away. There is no official notice of this encounter in the reports,
beyond general references to continual Kiowa raids into Texas.
In this winter, also, Andres Martinez, the most influential captive
among the Kiowa, was bought by them from the Mescalero Apache, who had
captured him a few months previously near Las Vegas, New Mexico. He was
then seven years of age, and was adopted by the Kiowa, and at once taken
by them on a raid into Mexico. His purchaser was Set-dayá-ite,
"Many-bears," who was killed by the Ute in 1868.
[Illustration: FIG. 140--Winter 1866-67--Äpämâ'dalte killed.]
SUMMER 1867
_T'á-kóñ Ä´semtse-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when Black-ear was stolen. This
dance was held on the north bank of the Washita, near the western line
of Oklahoma. The Cheyenne also attended. While the dance was in progress
a party of Navaho stole a herd of Kiowa ponies, including a fine white
racer with black ears, the kind most highly prized by the Indians. The
Kiowa had no idea that the horses had been stolen by lurking enemies,
but supposed that they had simply strayed, until after the dance was
over, when the three tribes organized an expedition against the Navaho,
at that time upon a reservation in eastern New Mexico, and there
captured a number of horses, including the stolen herd. The event is
recorded on the Set-t'an calendar by means of the figure of a white
horse with black ears above the medicine lodge.
[Illustration: FIG. 141--Summer 1867--Black-ear stolen; the Kâ´itseñko.]
This dance is also designated as _Kâ´itséñko Edópäñ-de K`ádó_, "Sun
dance when the _Kâitseñko_ were initiated" (and further distinguished
from similar occasions by describing it as _"Ä´guntä P'a-gya_, "on
Washita river"), from the fact that on this occasion the members of this
order made new sashes for themselves. Some who had acted in a cowardly
manner were degraded at the same time, their sashes stripped from them
and given to others more worthy (see summer 1846). The event is
indicated on the Anko calendar by means of a figure above the medicine
lodge representing a man with the _Kâitseñko_ headdress and sash.
WINTER 1867-68
_Ä´yä´daldä Sai_, "Timber-hill winter," so-called on account of the
famous treaty made this winter with the confederated tribes on
Medicine-lodge creek, Kansas, known to the Kiowa as "_Ä´yä´daldä P'a_,
Timber-hill river." The picture on the Set-t'an calendar is highly
suggestive. It represents a white man, who appears to be a soldier,
grasping the hand of an Indian, the locality being shown by the figure
of a tree-covered hill above the winter-mark.
The Anko calendar has no reference to this treaty, which is the leading
event in Kiowa history of the last thirty years, but records instead a
minor occurrence, the killing by the Kiowa of a Navaho, indicated below
the winter mark by the figure of a man with his hair bunched in Navaho
fashion, wearing the characteristic black leggings and moccasins and
carrying a quiver. He was killed near _Gúădal Dóhá_, on the upper South
Canadian, by a party under White-horse, of which Anko was a member. On
examining the body of the dead man they found that he had no ears,
having probably been so born. For this reason the winter is sometimes
known as _T'á-bódal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Spoiled-ear was
killed." Several parties went against the Navaho on the Pecos this year
(that tribe being still at the Bosque Redondo), particularly a large
expedition, including nearly all the Comanche and about half of the
Kiowa and Apache, which started immediately after the sun dance,
defeated the Navaho in an important engagement, and returned in time for
the treaty.
[Illustration: FIG. 142--Winter 1867-68--Medicine Lodge treaty; Navaho
killed.]
The treaty of Medicine Lodge has already been discussed at length in
another place. According to the statement of the Kiowa they were camped
on the creek where they had held their sun dance, when they were
summoned to Fort Larned. Set-t'aiñte, Set-ängya, Set-ĭmkía, and the
other chiefs, with all their people, at once moved to that point,
where they met an officer who, they say, was called _Gánúän_,
"General" by the whites, and whom the Indians called _Pasót-kyä'tó_,
"Old-man-of-the-thunder," because he wore upon his shoulders the eagle
or thunderbird. This was General Winfield S. Hancock, then in command in
that section. By his direction they camped on the river near the post,
where they were supplied with rations for some days until the purpose of
the government was explained to them. They then returned to
Medicine-lodge creek and prepared a council house among the trees, ready
for the arrival of the commissioners. The medicine lodge and Kiowa camp
were on the south (west) side of the creek, while the council house in
which the treaty was made was on the opposite (northeast) side, 12 miles
above, or about 3 miles above the junction of Elm creek and near the
present site of Medicine Lodge, Barber county, Kansas. It is described
in the treaty itself as "the council camp on Medicine Lodge creek, 70
miles south of Fort Larned, in the State of Kansas." The low, timbered
hill, from which the stream takes its Kiowa name of _Ä'yä'daldä P'a_,
"Timber-hill river," is on the east side, opposite the medicine lodge of
the last preceding dance, from which the stream derives its present
name. It was a favorite dance headquarters, as several other dances had
already been held in the same vicinity.
The Kiowa say that the white man, Philip McCusker, who interpreted the
treaty to the three confederated tribes, spoke only Comanche, and his
words were translated into Kiowa by Bä'o ("Cat"), alias Guñsádalte,
"Having-horns," who is still living. They sum up the provisions of the
treaty by saying that the commissioners promised to give them "a place
to go," to give them schools, and to feed them for thirty years, and
hoped that they would then know how to take care of themselves. Only a
part of the Comanche were represented, most of the Kwáhadi band being
then on an expedition against the Navaho. According to contemporary
notices, there were present at the treaty over eight hundred and fifty
tipis, or about five thousand souls, of the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa,
Comanche, and Apache, together with about six hundred whites, including
the commissioners and attachés, a large detachment of the Seventh
infantry, and miscellaneous camp followers, the various groups and bands
being scattered for a distance of several miles along the stream,
forming probably the largest Indian gathering that had ever been held on
the plains.
SUMMER 1868
_Íătä'go Dahótal-de K'ádó_, "Sun dance when the Ute killed us," or
_Ä'yädaldä P'a K'ádó_, "Timber-hill river (Medicine-lodge creek) sun
dance." The dance this summer was held on Medicine-lodge creek, near
where the treaty had been made, this, as has been said, being a favorite
place for the purpose. The Cheyenne and Arapaho also frequently held
their sun dance in the same neighborhood, but not in connection with the
Kiowa, although they always attended the Kiowa dance in large numbers.
The Comanche had no sun dance of their own, but sometimes joined with
the Kiowa. On one occasion they tried to get up such a dance, but the
attempt was a failure.
This summer was signalized by a disastrous encounter with the Ute, in
which two of the three _taímes_ of the Kiowa were captured. On the
Set-t'an calendar this battle is indicated by the figure, above the
medicine lodge, of a man holding out the red stone war-pipe, which was
sent around as an invitation to the warriors to join the expedition. On
the Anko calendar it is indicated by flying bullets about the medicine
lodge.
This battle was the most disastrous in the history of the Kiowa tribe
since the memorable massacre by the Osage in 1833. The impression made
was perhaps even greater, for the reason that their sacred palladium
captured on this occasion has never since been recovered.
[Illustration: FIG. 143--Summer 1868--Ute fight.]
In the previous winter Pá-tadal, "Lean-bull" (alias Poor-buffalo), who
is still living, had led a small party against the Navaho beyond the
head of the South Canadian. On reaching the salt beds on that river,
near the line between Texas and New Mexico, they met some Navaho coming
on foot to steal Kiowa horses. A fight ensued, resulting in the death of
one Navaho and one Kiowa, the latter being Pá-tadal's stepson. The
father thirsted for revenge, and at the next sun dance he sent around
the pipe to all the warriors of the tribe to enlist them for a great
expedition against the Navaho. A large number responded, perhaps two
hundred, including some of the Comanche, and placed themselves under his
leadership. Among these was Set-dayá-ite, "Many-bears," the son
(nephew?) of Ansó'te, the medicine keeper. To render victory more
certain and complete, he asked and obtained permission from his father
to carry with the expedition the two smaller _taíme_ images, viz, the
small "man" figure and the "bear kidney." These were sometimes carried
to the field, but the larger one, the "woman," which the tribe still
retains, was never allowed to leave the home camp. Set-dayá-ite carried
one and intrusted the other to his friend Pá-guñhéñte, "Hornless-bull."
According to another story, Pá-guñhéñte's medicine was one which
belonged to himself and had no connection with the _taíme_, although it
was a smaller image of similar appearance. However, Pá-guñhéñte was
killed and his medicine captured, together with the other.
They set out for the Navaho country, but the omens were unpropitious
from the start. Among the numerous things tabooed to the _taíme_ are
bears, skunks, rabbits, and looking-glasses, none of which must be
permitted to come near the sacred image or be touched by the taíme
keeper. Almost at the start the warriors were alarmed by seeing a skunk
cross their path, and soon afterward it was discovered that the Comanche
had brought with them their looking-glasses, which they refused to break
or throw away, but wrapped them up and concealed them at one of the
camping places to await their return. Farther on, at a place where the
warriors had halted for the night to prepare supper, the wind carried to
the nostrils of the Kiowa the smell of burning grease. On investigating
the cause they found that their sacrilegious allies had killed a bear
and were broiling the flesh over their fire. Realizing that nothing but
defeat could now be in store for them, many of the warriors turned back,
but Set-dayá-ite, trusting to his medicine, persisted in going forward,
while Pá-tadal, although he foresaw disaster, as the organizer and
leader of the expedition felt bound in honor to proceed.
They went up the north bank of the South Canadian until they reached the
salt beds in the vicinity of Red-river spring, near where they had
encountered the Navaho the preceding winter. Here they met a much
smaller party of Ute, said to have numbered only thirty or forty, and
the battle at once began. For some reason, perhaps because the Kiowa
felt that their gods had deserted them, they did not fight with their
accustomed dash, and the battle soon became a flight, the Ute pursuing
them for some miles down the river and killing seven, including
Set-dayá-ite and his adopted son, a Mexican captive. Set-dayá-ite on
this occasion rode a balky horse, which became unmanageable, so that he
dismounted and met his fate on foot, telling his comrades that there was
his place to die. His adopted son might have saved himself, but on
seeing his father's plight he returned and was killed with him.
Pá-guñhéñte, who carried the other medicine, was also among the slain.
Set-dayá-ite had the _taíme_ bag tied upon his back, where it was found
by the Ute after the fight. They readily recognized it as some great
"medicine," a conjecture which was made certain if it be true, as some
say, that the dead man had cut (painted?) upon his body sacred emblems
similar to those painted upon the image itself, viz, a crescent upon
each breast, the sun in the center, and upon his forehead another
crescent. Stumbling-bear, who was in the fight, as was also Anko, went
back shortly afterward to bury his remains. He found a beaten circle
around the skeleton of Set-dayá-ite, as though the Ute had danced around
his dead body.
The Ute carried the _taíme_ with them to their own country, but
misfortune went with it. The son of its capturer was shortly afterward
killed in a fight with the Cheyenne, and soon after that the custodian
himself was killed by a stroke of lightning. Afraid to keep longer such
"bad medicine," they brought both images down to the trader Maxwell, in
New Mexico, who placed them on a shelf in his store, where they remained
in plain view for a long time, but were finally lost. The Ute left word
with Maxwell that the Kiowa, if they came for the images, might have
them, on payment of a specified number of ponies. For some reason the
Kiowa did not come--perhaps because they were afraid to trust themselves
so far in their enemies' country.
While the sacred images were on Maxwell's shelf they were seen by a
brother of George Bent, of the noted pioneer trading family, from whom
the author obtained a description of their appearance. They were two
small carved stones or petrifactions, the _taíme_ proper having the
shape of a man's head and bust, and was decorated and painted. The other
resembled in form a bear's kidney. While in New Mexico some years ago
the author made diligent inquiry among Maxwell's former business
associates concerning the images, but found no one who could throw any
light upon their whereabouts. In 1893 Big-bow and some others of the
tribe visited the Ute, chiefly for the purpose of ascertaining the fate
of the _taíme_, not knowing that it had passed out of their possession.
They learned nothing, however, as they asked no direct questions
concerning it and the Ute volunteered no information. This was the first
friendly meeting between the two tribes, although as early as 1873 the
Kiowa chiefs in council had made an urgent request to the agent that
some good white man should be sent with them to make peace with the Ute
(_Battey, 18_).
When the news of the defeat reached them, the Kiowa were encamped on the
Arkansas, near Fort Larned, where at that time they drew their
government issues. They at once moved down to the Washita and encamped
adjoining the Cheyenne village under Black-kettle, on the western border
of Oklahoma. This village was soon after destroyed by Custer. About this
time steps were taken to confine the confederated tribes to the
reservation assigned them by the late treaty, which was soon after
accomplished, and as a people the Kiowa never again went back to the
neighborhood of Arkansas river.
The only official reference to this fight, if indeed it does refer to
it, is the incidental mention in a letter of about June 20 that an
appointment by the agent for the Ute and Jicarilla Apache had been
postponed in consequence of the absence of Kaneatche, who was away and
had had a fight with the Kiowa and Comanche (_Report, 88_). Kaneatche,
Kanache, or Conyatz (_Kanats_ according to Major Powell) was the head
chief of the confederate Ute and Jicarilla band of Apache, and on his
death was succeeded by Ouray.
The encounter is thus noted by a contemporary author:
During the previous summer [1868] a war party of Ute left their
haunts in New Mexico, and after marching on foot a distance of over
500 miles fell upon a band of Kiowa, completely routed them,
captured a number of ponies, took many scalps, and, more calamitous
than all, got possession of the "medicine" of the band. As might be
inferred, the Kiowa had a superstitious dread of the very name Ute
(_Keim, 2_).
The action and the grief of the Kiowa over the loss of their medicine
are further described by a writer in a contemporary Kansas newspaper,
who evidently speaks with exact knowledge:
About the 10th of July [1868] the Kiowa had a battle with the Ute,
in which the chief Heap-of-Bears and seven other Kiowa braves were
killed. Heap-of-Bears had on his person the medicine of the Kiowa,
which was captured by the Ute, who still retain it. This medicine
consists of an image about 18 inches in length, carved to represent
a human face, and covered with the down and feathers of the eagle
and other birds and swathed in wrappers of different materials of
value. Although I have been conversant with Indian habits and
customs for a long time, I was surprised to find the value these
people attach to this medicine. They begged and implored Colonel
Murphy to recover it for them, and promised to pay the Ute as many
horses as they wanted, and also to make a permanent and lasting
peace, not only with the Ute, but also to refrain from further
depredations on the Texas border, if this should be restored.
Colonel Murphy promised to endeavor to recover it, but I think his
success in the matter will be doubtful, as the Ute also attach
great importance to their capture, believing that while they retain
it the Kiowa will be powerless to do them harm (_Abbott, 1_).
[Illustration: FIG. 144--Winter 1868-69--Tän-gúădal killed.]
WTNTER 1868-69
_Tän-gúădal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Tän-gúădal was killed." _Tän_
is the name of a particular variety of headdress, also of an edible root
resembling a turnip; _gúădal_ signifies red. Shortly after the removal
to the Washita, a small raiding party went to Texas. In an encounter
with a white man and boy both parties fired simultaneously and
Tän-gúădal was killed. Although a young man, he was a noted warrior and
the hereditary owner of a medicine lance or _zebat_, shaped and adorned
like an arrow. The event is indicated on the Set-t'an calendar by the
figure, above the winter mark, of a man holding the arrow lance. On the
Anko calendar it is indicated by the rude figure of the medicine lance.
This medicine lance, which was hereditary in Tän-gúădal's family, came
originally from the Crows. The one carried by him on this occasion, as
described by Set-k`opte, who was with the party, had a Mexican-made
steel blade and was left sticking upright in the ground at the place
where they rested before the encounter, the owner not having taken it
into the fight. Set-t'aiñte claimed the hereditary right to this
medicine lance, through marriage into the family of one of Tän-gúădal's
ancestors. Despite the protest of Tän-gúădal, he made a similar lance,
which he carried for several years (see summer 1874). This lance of
Set-t'aiñte is said to have had a separable ornamented wooden point,
which was inserted on ceremonial occasions, while an ordinary steel
blade was substituted when it was to be used in actual service. Similar
"medicine" lances for ceremonial purposes were used also among other
tribes.
While this expedition was in Texas another party, under Stumbling-bear,
went up the Canadian to bury the bones of those killed with Set-dayá-ite
in the encounter with the Ute.
SUMMER 1869
_Ä´tahá-i Gyä´`gan-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when they brought the
war-bonnet." On both calendars this sun dance is designated by the
figure of a war-bonnet (_ä-tahá-i_, "feather crest") above the medicine
lodge.
[Illustration: FIG. 145--Summer 1869--War-bonnet sun dance.]
The dance was held on the north side of the North fork of Red River, a
short distance below the junction of Sweetwater creek, near the western
line of Oklahoma, the Kiowa having been removed during the preceding
autumn from Kansas and the north to their present reservation, but still
ranging outside the boundaries, under the hunting privilege accorded by
the late treaty. While the dance was in progress, Big-bow, who had gone
with a large party against the Ute to avenge the death of Set-dayá-ite
the year before, returned with the war-bonnet of a Ute whom he had
killed in the mountains at the head of the Arkansas, in Colorado. By a
curious chance this Ute was one whom the Cheyenne or Arapaho had wounded
and scalped on a former expedition. The Ute had taken their wounded
comrade to the Mexicans of New Mexico, who cured him, only to die soon
afterward by the hand of a Kiowa. The facts in the case were learned by
Big-bow on his friendly visit to the Ute in 1893.
WINTER 1869-70
_Dómbá Etpé-de Sai_, "Winter when they were frightened by the bugle."
The circumstance is indicated on both calendars by means of a bugle in
connection with the winter mark.
[Illustration: FIG. 146--Winter 1869-70--Bugle scare.]
This was a winter of chronic alarm, as the Cheyenne, the neighbors and
friends of the Kiowa, were on the warpath and were being hard pressed by
Custer. The Kiowa had made their winter settlement in two camps on
Beaver creek, near the junction of Wolf creek, in the vicinity of the
present Fort Supply, in Oklahoma. It was reported that soldiers were in
the neighborhood, and a party of young men went out to look for them.
On returning, about daylight, one of them, who carried a bugle, blew it
to announce their approach, with the result that the whole camp,
thinking that the troops were about to attack them, fled precipitately
several miles before the truth was discovered.
According to another account, the bugle was blown by Set-t'aiñte, who
for many years carried on ceremonial occasions a bugle which he had
probably obtained from some army post. He had been on a visit to the
Arkansas, and blew it on his return in order to locate the camp.
SUMMER 1870
_É`gú Gyäk`íädă-de K`ádó_, "Plant-growing sun dance," or _K`ádó
Paíñyoñhä´-de_, "Dusty sun dance." The former is the more common
designation. This sun dance, like the last, was held on the North fork
of Red river, but on the south side, in what is now Greer county,
Oklahoma, near where the reservation line strikes the stream. During the
dance the traders brought corn and watermelons to sell to the Indians.
The seeds were thrown away, and on returning to the spot in the fall the
Kiowa found that they had germinated in the sandy soil and developed
into full growth; hence the common name of the dance, indicated on the
Set-t'an calendar by a stalk of green (blue) corn beside the medicine
lodge. On the Anko calendar it is distinguished as the "Dusty sun
dance," on account of the high winds which raised clouds of dust during
the dance and which are rudely indicated by close black lines across the
medicine pole. No other event is recorded, the dance serving merely as a
chronologic point.
[Illustration: FIG. 147--Summer 1870--Plant-growing sun dance; dusty sun
dance.]
WINTER 1870-71
_Set-ä´ngya Ä´ton Ágan-de Sai_, "Winter when they brought Set-ängya's
bones."
For this winter the Set-t'an calendar records the bringing home of the
bones of young Set-ängya, indicated by a skeleton above the winter mark,
with a sitting bear over the head.
[Illustration: FIG. 148--Winter 1870-71--Set-ängya's bones brought home;
drunken fight; negroes killed.]
In the spring of 1870, before the last sun dance, the son of the noted
chief Set-ängya ("Sitting-bear"), the young man having the same name as
his father, had made a raid with a few followers into Texas, where,
while making an attack upon a house, he had been shot and killed. After
the dance his father with some friends went to Texas, found his bones
and wrapped them in several fine blankets, put the bundle upon the back
of a led horse and brought them home. On the return journey he killed
and scalped a white man, which revenge served in some measure to assuage
his grief. On reaching home he erected a tipi with a raised platform
inside, upon which, as upon a bed, he placed the bundle containing his
son's bones. He then made a feast within the funeral tipi, to which he
invited all his friends in the name of his son, telling them, "My son
calls you to eat." From that time he always spoke of his son as
sleeping, not as dead, and frequently put food and water near the
platform for his refreshment on awaking. While on a march the remains
were always put upon the saddle of a led horse, as when first brought
home, the tipi and the horse thus burdened being a matter of personal
knowledge to all the middle-age people of the tribe now living. He
continued to care for his son's bones in this manner until he himself
was killed at Fort Sill about a year later, when the Kiowa buried them.
Although a young man, Set-ängya's son held the office of _Toñhyópdă´_,
the pipe-bearer or leader who went in front of the young warriors on a
war expedition.
The Anko calendar records two incidents. The first was a drunken fight
between two Kiowa, in which one killed the other, indicated by the rude
representation of two heads with a bottle between them. The other event
was the killing of four or five negroes in Texas by a party led by
Mamä´nte ("Walking-above)," who brought back the scalps with the
woolly-hair attached. It is shown on the calendar by means of a figure
with bullet and arrow wounds, drawn below the heads and the bottle. An
attempt has been made to indicate the peculiar woolly hair of the negro;
the trousers are blue, like those worn by soldiers, Anko thinking they
were probably soldiers, because, as he says, "Negroes can't go alone."
[Illustration: FIG. 149--Summer 1871--Set-t'aiñte arrested; Koñpä´te
killed.]
In this winter Ansó-gíăni or Anso`te, "Long-foot," the great medicine
keeper, died of extreme old age. He had been in charge of the _taíme_
for forty years; consequently there was no sun dance for two years until
his successor was selected.
SUMMER 1871
For this summer the Anko calendar records the death of Koñpä´te,
"Blackens-himself," who was shot through the head in a skirmish with
soldiers. He was the brother of the noted raider, White-horse. The event
is indicated by the rude representation of a head struck by a bullet. As
there was no dance this summer, the medicine lodge is not represented on
either calendar.
The great event of the summer was the arrest of the noted chiefs and
raiders, Set-t'aiñte, Set-äñgya and Ä´do-eétte, "Big-tree." The figure
on the Set-t'an calendar shows the soldier arresting Set-t'aiñte,
distinguished by the red war-paint which he always used.
Notwithstanding the promises of good conduct which had induced General
Sheridan to release Lone-wolf and Set-t'aiñte when the tribe had been
brought to the reservation in December, 1868, the Kiowa had never
ceased their raids into Texas, and had constantly behaved in the most
insolent manner toward the agent and military commander on the
reservation. On May 17, 1871, a party of about one hundred warriors, led
by Set-t'aiñte and Set-ängya, attacked a wagon train in Texas, killed 7
men and captured 41 mules. Shortly afterward Set-t'aiñte had the
boldness to avow the deed to the agent, Lawrie Tatum, who at once called
upon the commander at Fort Sill to arrest Set-t´aiñte and several other
chiefs who had accompanied him, viz: Set-ängya, Big-tree, Big-bow,
Eagle-Heart and Fast-bear. The officer promptly responded and arrested
the first three; Eagle-heart escaped and the other two were absent at
the time. On May 28, the three prisoners were sent under military guard
to Fort Richardson (Jacksboro), Texas, to be tried for their crimes,
when Set-ängya attacked the guard and was killed in the wagon (_Report,
89_; _Record, 11_; _Battey, 19_; _Tatum letter_). The fate of the other
prisoners is noted elsewhere.
According to the Kiowa account, which is correct in the main incidents,
the prisoners having been disarmed, Set-ängya was placed in a
wagon, accompanied by a single soldier, and Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree
were put into another wagon with other guards, and an escort of cavalry
and Tonkawa scouts rode on either side. Leaving Fort Sill, they
started toward the south on the road to Texas, when Set-ängya began a
loud harangue to the two prisoners in the other wagon, telling them
that he was a chief and a warrior, too old to be treated like a little
child. Then pointing to a tree where the road descends to cross a small
stream about a mile south of the post, he said: "I shall never go beyond
that tree." As he spoke in the Kiowa language, none but the prisoners
knew what he was saying. Then raising his voice, he sang his death
song, the song of the Kâitséñko, of whom he was chief:
I´ha hyo´ o´ya i´ya´ i´ya' o i´ha ya´ya yo´yo´
A´he´ya ahe´ya´ ya´he´yo´ ya e´ya he´yo e´he´yo
Kâ´itseñ´ko änä´obahe´ma haa´-ipai´-degi o´ba´-ikă´
Kâi´tse´ñko änä´obahe´ma hadâ´mga´gi o´ba´-ikă´
_I hahyo, etc._
_Aheya, etc._
O sun, you remain forever, but we Kâitse´ñko must die.
O earth, you remain forever, but we Kâitse´ñko must die.
The song ended, he suddenly sprang upon the guard with a knife which he
had managed to conceal about his person, and had cut him seriously when
the soldiers following behind fired and he fell dead in the wagon. He
was buried in the military cemetery at Fort Sill, but there is nothing
to distinguish the grave. The Kiowa statement of his singing his death
song is corroborated by Battey and by agent Tatum.
Although a noted warrior and a chief of the Kâitséñko, Set-ängya was
generally feared and disliked by the tribe on account of his vindictive
disposition and his supposed powers of magic. It was believed that he
could kill an enemy by occult means, and that he had in this manner
actually disposed of one or two who had incurred his displeasure. The
knife with which he attacked the soldier is reputed to have been a
"medicine knife," which he could swallow and disgorge as demanded by the
necessity of concealment or use; several stories are told by the Indians
to confirm this belief. His paternal grandmother was a woman of the
Sarsi (_Pákiägo_, a small tribe incorporated with the Blackfeet,) who
had married a Kiowa when the latter tribe lived in the far north. Unlike
Indians generally, he habitually wore a mustache and straggling beard.
He left two children; the elder, a son, was adopted into a white family
under the name of Joshua Given, was educated in the east, married a
white lady, afterward returned as a missionary to his people, and
died of consumption about four years ago. The younger child, Julia
Given, was until recently employed in one of the mission schools on the
reservation.
[Illustration: FIG. 150--Set-t'aiñte in prison (from _Scribner's
Monthly_, February, 1874)]
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII
PHOTO BY SOULE (1) 1872
LAWRIE TATUM, FIRST KIOWA AGENT, WITH GROUP OF RESCUED CAPTIVES]
Bearing on the subject of the arrest of the three chiefs and the death
of Set-ängya, we quote at length from a letter written by Lawrie Tatum,
the first agent for the Kiowa and associated tribes, from whom the
author has obtained much valuable information in response to letters of
inquiry. Mr Tatum, who is now (1896) living in Springdale, Iowa, at the
advanced age of 75 years, is a member of the Society of Friends, and was
appointed, on their recommendation, in accordance with the "Indian peace
policy" of President Grant, soon after the tribes were brought upon the
reservation. He took charge, as he states, July 1, 1869, and resigned
March 31, 1873, in consequence of the release of Set-t'aiñte and
Big-tree, a measure which he opposed, as it was on his motion that these
men were originally arrested. During his incumbency he rescued a number
of white captives without ransom--a thing before unexampled. On this
point he states, in a letter of March 31, 1896:
I recovered fourteen white captives from the Indians, two of whom
had forgotten their names and every word of English. I advertised
for their parents and found them. I also recovered twelve Mexicans.
I was the first agent, I think, that those Indians had, who
obtained captives of them without paying a ransom. A part of them
were procured by withholding rations from the band that had them,
and a part were obtained by means of the leverage that Colonel
Mackenzie gave by taking a hundred women and children from a
raiding camp to Texas.
His stringent measures at times brought him into disfavor with his
co-religionists, but had great influence in bringing these unruly tribes
under effectual control. He writes, under date of April 7, 1896:
General Sherman called at my office, Kiowa and Comanche agency,
Indian Territory, fifth month, 23, 1871, to see if I knew of any
Indians having gone to Texas lately. He said that a party of
Indians, supposed to number about one hundred and fifty, had
attacked a train of ten wagons about 17 miles from Fort Richardson
and killed the trainmaster and six teamsters. Five others escaped.
Being at the fort at the time, he gave orders for the available
troops to follow them with thirty days' rations and report at Fort
Sill.
I told the general that I could not then tell what Indians they
were, but thought that I could ascertain in a few days. Four days
later the Indians came after their rations. Before issuing I asked
the chiefs to come into the office, and told them of the tragedy in
Texas, and wished to know if they could tell by what Indians it had
been committed. Satanta immediately arose and said:
"Yes; I led in that raid. I have been told that you have stolen a
large amount of our annuity goods and given them to the Texans. I
have repeatedly asked for arms and ammunition, which have not been
furnished, and made other requests which have not been granted. You
do not listen to my talk. The white people are preparing to build a
railroad through our country, which will not be permitted. Some
years ago they took us by the hair and pulled us here close to
Texas, where we have to fight them. When General Custer was here
some years ago he arrested me and kept me in confinement several
days, but that is played out now. There are never to be any more
Kiowa Indians arrested. I want you to remember that.
"On account of these grievances a short time ago I took about one
hundred of my warriors, whom I wished to teach how to fight, to
Texas, with the chiefs Satank [_Set-ängya_], Eagle-heart, Big-tree,
Big-bow, and Fast-bear. We found a mule train, which we captured,
and killed seven of the men. Three of our men got killed, but we
are willing to call it even. It is all over now, and not necessary
to say much more about it. We don't expect to do any raiding around
here this summer. If any other Indian claims the honor of leading
that party he will be lying to you, for I led it myself."
Satank, Eagle-heart, and Big-tree were present, and assented to the
correctness of the statement made by Satanta. That they were guilty
of murder in the first degree I had not the shadow of a doubt, and
thought that forbearance in the case had ceased to be a virtue and
would become a crime. I told the men to go to issuing and I would
go to the fort (Sill). I went to Colonel Grierson's quarters and
requested him to arrest Satanta, Satank, Eagle-heart, Big-tree,
Big-bow, and Fast-bear on the charge of murder. Scarcely had the
order been given when, to the surprise of all of of us, Satanta
took the post interpreter into Colonel Grierson's quarters. He had
heard that there was a big Washington chief there (General
Sherman), and he probably wished to measure up with him and see how
they compared. When I started to the agency he said he would go
with me, but some soldiers stepped in front of him with their
revolvers and ordered him back, and he quietly obeyed. The colonel
sent for Satank and Eagle-heart to go to his quarters. Satank went
and was arrested. Eagle-heart got nearly there and saw Big-tree
being arrested, and he turned and fled. Kicking-bird pled
eloquently for the release of the three prisoners, although he
entirely disapproved of their raiding.
A day or two after the arrest, Colonel Mackenzie, in command of the
troops from Fort Richardson, arrived at Fort Sill and reported that
the heavy and continued rains had obliterated the tracks of the
raiding Indians so that they could not be followed. After remaining
a few days, the colonel with his troops took charge of the
prisoners to convey them to Texas for trial. Satank was so
refractory that he was put into a wagon with two soldiers, and
Satanta and Big-tree were put into another wagon. George
Washington, a Caddo Indian, rode alongside of the wagons as they
left Fort Sill. Satank called to him and said: "I wish to send a
little message by you to my people. Tell them that I am dead. I
died the first day out, and my bones will be lying on the side of
the road. I wish my people to gather them up and take them home."
Satanta also sent a message, saying: "Tell my people to take the
forty-one mules that we stole from Texas to the agent, as he and
Colonel Grierson require. Don't commit any depredations around Fort
Sill or in Texas."
When about a mile from the post Satank sang his death song, and
with his back to the guard drew the shackles off his hands by
taking some of the skin with them. Then with a butcher knife which
he had secreted, he started for the guard in the front part of the
wagon, cutting one of the soldiers slightly in the leg. They both
jumped out, leaving their guns. Satank picked up one of them and
commenced loading it, wanting to kill one more man. Before he got
it loaded he received several shots, and in twenty minutes died in
much agony, gritting his teeth. Colonel Grierson had him buried at
Fort Sill. He gave the Indians permission to take him up and convey
him to their camp for interment, which they declined to do.
Mr Leeper, my interpreter, who has since been a practicing
physician in Chicago, and Horace P. Jones, the post interpreter,
attended the trial of Satanta and Big-tree at Jacksboro. The jury
brought in a verdict of murder in the first degree, and sentenced
them to be hung on the 1st of the following September. I had
requested that they be not executed, and gave my reasons for
thinking that such a course would have a better effect upon the
Indians of the reservation. The judge wrote me that he approved of
my request and would ask the governor to commute the sentence to
life imprisonment, which was done. The Kiowas delivered to me the
stolen mules, as Satanta requested.
Although Set-ängya was a bad Indian and deserved punishment, it is
impossible not to admire the grim courage of the old man, as, true to
his warrior oath to despise death, though laden with chains and
surrounded by armed troops, he boldly sang his death song, and then,
wrenching the manacles from his bleeding wrists, drove the guards from
the wagon, picked up their abandoned guns, and coolly prepared to kill
one more enemy of his race before he fell, shot to death.
WINTER 1871-72 (1872-73)
A part of the Kiowa camped during this winter on _Ä´-gíăni P'a_,
"Long-tree creek," a branch of Elk creek of upper Red river. The name is
indicated on the Anko calendar by the figure of a tree below the winter
mark. The remainder of the tribe camped on the Washita, near Rainy
mountain. During this winter the Kiowa were visited by a large party of
Pawnee, who came to make peace. They came on foot and remained a long
time, returning with many horses given them by their hosts. On the
Set-t'an calendar the event is indicated by a representation of three
characteristic Pawnee heads above the winter mark.
This was the first friendly meeting within the memory of the two tribes.
The Pawnee first came to the Wichita, their near relatives, and then
announced their intention to visit the Kiowa to make a treaty of peace.
The Kiowa debated the matter for some time, but finally agreed, and
after the visit dismissed their guests with many presents of horses. The
older men describe the identical horses which were given. In the fall of
1873 another large party of the Pawnee visited the Wichita and remained
some time. On their return home they gave such an account of their
experience that the entire tribe decided to remove to the south from
Nebraska, where they were constantly harassed by the Dakota. The matter
was brought to the attention of the government and a new reservation was
selected for them in Indian Territory (Oklahoma), to which they removed
in the spring of 1875 (_Report, 90_).
[Illustration: FIG. 151--Winter 1871-72 (1872-73)--Pawnee visit; camp on
Long-tree creek.]
From the concurrent notices by Battey, Grinnell, and the Indian
Commissioner, together with the statements of a number of Indians, it is
plain that in this instance the author of the calendar has made an error
in the date, which should be the winter of 1872-73. As the Indians tell
it, the Pawnee came late in the fall, after the Kiowa had left _Ä´gíăni
P'a_. The explanation may be in a confusion between the visit of the
Pawnee and that of the Pueblos (see winter 1872-73).
In regard to this Pawnee visit, which led to the removal of the tribe to
Indian Territory, Grinnell says that in the summer of 1870 Lone-chief
led a large party of the Pawnee southward to visit the Wichita. Again in
the winter of 1871-72, the same chief, with a party, started on another
visit to the Wichita, but for some reason turned back. The next winter
(1872-73) in consequence of renewed inroads of the Dakota, the Pawnee
were thrown into an unsettled condition and the question of removal to a
safer situation began to be seriously discussed. It was finally decided
to send a small party under Lone-chief and one or two others to the
southern tribes to learn how these would look upon a general Pawnee
migration into Indian Territory. The delegates visited the Oto, Kansa,
Wichita, Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache, and were everywhere received in a
friendly manner. The Pawnee then invited the chiefs of the various
tribes to meet them at the Wichita camp, where the Pawnee speaker
broached the proposition, stating that his people wished to be at peace
and had made up their minds to come and live with their friends in the
south.
They received a cordial invitation from all the chiefs of the
different tribes, who said that they had good land and plenty of
buffalo for them, and the result was that in 1873 the first party
moved south and was followed by others, until in 1875 the whole
tribe had removed from Nebraska to the Indian Territory (_Grinnell,
Pawnee, 1_).
Grinnell is not entirely consistent with himself, but in another place
says that the first expedition under Lone-chief took place "the
following summer in August" of 1869 or 1870, and that it was on that
occasion that the Pawnee visited and made peace with the Kiowa, and
afterward visited the Comanche (_Grinnell, Pawnee, 2_).
The Quaker teacher, Battey, was with Kicking-bird in the Kiowa camp on
Cache creek on the arrival of the Pawnee dancers, numbering forty-five,
in March, 1873. He gives an extended account of their reception and
performance:
A party of Pawnees came in last evening, giving notice of their
arrival by their headman and two or three others coming into camp,
while the main body remained 2 or 3 miles distant. This morning a
public reception was given them.
The party was seen coming over a ridge in single file, bearing a
white flag. Approaching to within 20 rods, they planted their flag,
upon which was painted the single letter P, and sat down in a line
on each side of it, facing the village. After sitting in this
manner for perhaps half an hour, during which they maintained
entire silence, and preliminary arrangements for their reception
were made in the camp, the chiefs, followed by most of the headmen,
and these by the young men, women, and children, went forth to
welcome them. Upon drawing near to them, the Kiowa chiefs walking
with a slow step and dignified mien, some of the old women set up a
chant in a shrill voice, whereupon the head chief of the Pawnees
and two or three others, perhaps the nearest in rank, arose, and
with a quick, firm step approached the Kiowa chiefs, and after
embracing them retired to their former position.
Others of the Pawnees came forward, a few at a time, until all had
embraced and been embraced by the Kiowa chiefs and headmen. The
women, remaining some distance behind, renewed their shrill chant
from time to time. Some of the Pawnees occasionally placed a shawl
or embroidered blanket upon the shoulders of a Kiowa, while several
of the old men passed along in front of the whole line of the
visitors, shaking hands with them. After this the Pawnees set up a
weird song, during the continuance of which Kiowa fathers, each
carrying a small child in his arms, bearing a piece of stick in its
little hands, young girls, and occasionally a woman, would
approach the Pawnees, and selecting someone, would present
themselves before him, holding out the stick. Thereupon he would
arise, place his hands upon the donor's head in a solemn,
reverential manner, as if blessing, pass them down the sides,
following the arms, take the stick, and sit down. Each stick thus
given was a pledge from the giver to the receiver for a pony, to be
given when the visitors are ready to return to their country. Old
men, from time to time addressing the Kiowas, urged them to
liberality, to show the largeness of their hearts and the warmth of
their friendship by giving ponies to these poor Pawnees, who had
come so far to see them and renew their friendship, and not allow
them to return on foot, as they came. I know not how many ponies
were thus pledged to them, but there must have been many.
At the conclusion of the ceremony the Pawnees arose in a body,
ceased their song, took up their flag, and a part following one
Kiowa chief and a part another, accompanied them to their lodges to
partake of their hospitality. The head chief, with four or five
others, including the flag bearer, accompanied Kicking-bird to his
lodge, thus becoming his guest.
In the afternoon the visitors gave a Pawnee war dance, of which Battey
wisely remarks:
I shall not render myself ridiculous by attempting to describe that
which is indescribable.... Individuals occupied the intervals
between the dances by narrating their own former valorous exploits,
not even omitting that their victims were in some instances Kiowas,
concluding by throwing their war implements upon the ground with
such force, in case of tomahawk or hatchet, as to cause the metal
to ring. Then, with gesture of covering it up, they would go away,
leaving it to lie there; thus intimating that, though they had been
foolish and fought, they now rejoiced in the beams of peace and
hoped that the red men everywhere might live in peace one with
another; all of which was received by the Kiowas with the loud
response of "How! how! Yes! yes!" (_Battey, 20_).
SUMMER 1872
This summer there was no sun dance, and in consequence the medicine
lodge does not appear on either calendar.
[Illustration: FIG. 152--Summer 1872--Viejo shot.]
For this summer the Anko calendar has two connected human figures,
together with what he explains as a "mule's head" above the medicine
pole. Between the forks of the pole is another human head, where he
commenced to draw the first figure, but found that he had no room. The
joined human figures refer to a drunken fight between Sun-boy and
T'ené-zépte, "Bird-bow" (?), growing out of some whisky smuggled in by
Mexicans, in which Sun-boy shot his antagonist with an arrow. The mule's
head indicates a raid into Kansas, in which the Kiowa captured a large
number of mules. This may have been the same raid in which Bíako was
shot.
The Set-t'an calendar has a picture of a man wounded in the chest, with
a tree above his head to show that the event occurred in summer. This
has reference to a skirmish with the whites in which a Mexican captive
named Bíako (Viejo) was shot, but afterward recovered. He was one of
those selected for confinement in Florida a few years later, and is
still living and with the tribe. The fight took place in the course of a
raid into Kansas by a small party of Kiowa under T'ené-'taide,
"Bird-chief," which was undertaken against the protests of the other
chiefs, who desired to be at peace with the Americans. Near
Medicine-lodge creek, not far from the Kansas line, they were joined by
some of the Osage, and soon afterward met a party of white men in
wagons, whom they thought were surveyors; a skirmish ensued, resulting
in the wounding of the captive and one of the Osage.
WINTER 1872-73
_Téguăgo Tsän-de Sai_, "Winter that the Pueblos came." In this winter,
while most of the Kiowa were encamped on the Washita near Rainy
mountain, a party of Pueblo Indians and Mexicans visited them to trade
_biscocho_, or Pueblo bread, and eagle feathers for horses and buffalo
robes. The Kiowa were very fond of this bread and willingly gave a pony
for a small bag of it. The figure on the Set-t'an calendar represents a
Pueblo Indian, with his hair tied in a bunch behind, driving before him
a burro (donkey) with a pack upon his back. The Kiowa say that the
Pawnee visited them late in the fall, while the Pueblo party came in the
winter, stopping south of Stumbling-bear's present camp. From an early
period the Pueblo Indians of the Rio Grande had carried on a trade with
the southern plains tribes, with which they appear to have been always
on friendly terms. This was the next to their final visit.
[Illustration: FIG. 153--Winter 1872--1873--Pueblo visit; battle tipi
burned.]
The Anko calendar records the accidental burning of a noted heraldic
tipi, hereditary in the family of the great Dohásän. It was known as the
_Dó-gíägyä gúăt_, "Tipi with battle pictures," being ornamented with
battle pictures on the northern side and horizontal stripes of black and
yellow alternating on the southern side; it occupied the second place
from the entrance in the camp circle on ceremonial occasions. A small
facsimile model has been deposited by the author in the National Museum.
Plate LXXIX shows the appearance of the buckskin model when open and
spread out.
The Kiowa, like the plains tribes generally, had an elaborate system of
heraldry, exemplified in the painting and decoration of their shields
and tipis. Every prominent family had its heraldic tipi, which had its
appointed place in the great camp circle of the tribe and descended by
inheritance from generation to generation. The system may form the
subject of a future study by the author.
SUMMER 1873
_Iyúgúa P'a K`ádó_, "Maggot-creek sun dance," so called because held on
that stream, known to the whites as Sweetwater creek, a tributary of the
North fork of Red river, near the western line of the reservation, just
within the Texas panhandle. The dance was made by Dóhéñte,
"No-moccasins," the successor of Anso te; it occurred in June and was
attended by Battey, who describes it in detail in his book. There were
present most of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, with a large part of
the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who discussed the question of starting another
war in consequence of the continued imprisonment of Set-t'aiñte and
Big-tree. Although Battey himself had come to bring them the news of the
further detention of these chiefs on account of the Modok war, he was
able, with the help of Kicking-bird, to dissuade the Indians from their
hostile intent.
[Illustration: FIG. 154--Summer 1873--Pa-kóñkya's horses killed.]
While the dance was in progress Pa-kóñkya ("Black-buffalo") "stole" the
wife of Guibadái, "Appearing-wolf," in retaliation for which the injured
husband killed seven of Pa-kóñkya's horses and took a number of others,
in accordance with the tribal custom; he threatened also to kill the
seducer, so that the _Toñkóñko_ Dog-soldiers had to interfere. The
killing of the horses or the seizure of the property of the offender by
the injured husband is the regular tribal punishment for such offenses,
but in extreme cases, as in this instance, the Dog-soldiers interfere.
The same event is recorded on both calendars, the Set-t'an picture being
sufficiently suggestive, while the Anko calendar has above the medicine
pole the figure of a horse's head struck by a bullet, with another head
below it to represent the woman.
WINTER 1873-74
[Illustration: FIG. 155--Winter 1873-74--Set-t'aiñte returns;
Lone-wolf's son killed.]
_Set-t'aiñte Tsän-de Sai_, "Winter of Set-t'aiñte's return." The notable
event of this season was the return of Set-t'aiñte from prison October
8, 1873. The figure above the winter mark on the Set-t'an calendar shows
Set-t'aiñte, distinguished by his red headdress, coming into his tipi,
which was conspicuous by being painted entirely red, with red streamers
at the ends of the poles. The red marks above the tipi are intended to
represent his return footprints. The event is noted at length in another
place.
The Anko calendar commemorates the killing in Mexico of two "sons" (i.
e., a son and a nephew) of Lone-wolf, rudely indicated below the winter
mark by a human figure wearing a _k`ódalpä_ or shell breastplate, with
several flying bullets at the side.
Battey, who was in the Kiowa camp when the news arrived, has this entry
in his diary under date of January 13, 1874:
This is a day of wailing in our camp. News arrived this morning of
the death of two Kiowa braves, the one a son of Lone-wolf, the
other of Red-otter [_Ápeñ-gúădal_] Lone-wolf's brother. They were
killed while on a raid in Mexico. Lone-wolf's son was wounded in
the knee a year ago last summer while raiding in Texas, and came
near losing his life. This, it seems, did not satisfy his thirst
for blood, and the Kiowa determining to raid no more in Texas, he,
the past autumn, went into Mexico, where it appears he has been
killed. The camp resounded with the death wail, the song of
mourning for the unreturning braves mingled with the war whoop.
This was revived at stated intervals for several days (_Battey,
21_).
According to information given by the Indians to Battey, Lone-wolf's
son, with a few other young Kiowa warriors, had accompanied a raiding
party of Comanche into Mexico. On their return they were attacked at a
night camp by Mexican troops and the two Kiowa were killed. The
remaining Kiowa at once returned home with the news, but the Comanche
crossed the Rio Grande into Texas and began a series of raids on Nueces
river, when they were attacked by soldiers and several killed. The rest
started for home, but meeting another party of Comanche, they turned
back with them and were again attacked by the troops, losing, in both
encounters, twenty-two killed. A desire to avenge these losses had much
to do with the ferment among them which led to the outbreak in the
following summer; they also tried to make it appear that the Kiowa had
been raiding in Texas when killed, in order to involve that tribe with
themselves, although it seems beyond question that the Kiowa were killed
in Mexico and had not been engaged in the Texas raids.
Lone-wolf went to Mexico to bury the body of his son, the sun dance
having been postponed in the meantime, and it is said that on finding it
he knelt down beside it and vowed to avenge his death with the life of a
white man. A lot of government horses were soon afterward stolen from
Fort Concho (or Clark?), in Texas, and it was charged that this was done
by Lone-wolf and his party on their return, although they denied it. The
killing of his son was the chief reason assigned by Lone-wolf for his
part in the outbreak which followed (_Battey, 22_; _Report, 91_).
[Illustration: FIG. 156--Summer 1874--The medicine lance; Bluff-end sun
dance.]
SUMMER 1874
_Tsó`kakánă-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance at the end of the bluff." The dance
was held at a place called _Tsó`kakán_, "end of the bluff," on the south
side of the North fork of Red river, above the junction of Elm fork, at
a mountain called by the Kiowa the "Last mountain," in Greer county,
Oklahoma. On the Anko calendar the bluff is indicated by a projection
from one side of the medicine pole.
At this dance Set-t'aiñte, in thanksgiving for his release from prison,
gave his famous _zébat_, or medicine arrow-lance, to Ä´`to-t'aiñ,
"White-cowbird," brother of the chief Sun-boy, thus resigning his own
chieftainship in favor Ä´`to-t'aiñ. There were only two lances of this
kind in the tribe, both being regarded as medicine lances, the other
belonging to Tän-gúădal (see winter 1868-69).
WINTER 1874-75
_Gí-edal Ehótal-de Sai_, "Winter that Big-meat was killed." The southern
plains tribes, including a large part of the Kiowa, went out together on
the warpath. After the fight at the Wichita agency, at Anadarko, in
August, 1874, as previously detailed, the Comanche warriors who were
implicated fled to the Staked plain, and the Kiowa to the head of Red
river, with the troops in pursuit. While there a small party of the
Kiowa went on a horse-stealing raid into New Mexico, resulting in an
encounter, in which they killed two men, captured a woman, and ran off
several horses. On their return they stopped to rest in the mountains,
and were stretched at ease telling stories when they were suddenly
attacked by the soldiers. Gi-edal was mortally wounded at the first
fire, but propped himself against a rock and succeeded in killing one
soldier and wounding another before he died. Another Kiowa was killed
also, but the troops were finally repulsed. The Set-t'an calendar shows
Gi-edal, who is distinguished by buffalo horns on his war-bonnet,
wounded, with the blood gushing from his mouth.
At the close of the outbreak, a number of warriors were selected and
sent to confinement at Fort Marion, Florida. The figure on the Anko
calendar is intended to represent Fort Sill, with the imprisoned Kiowa
warriors confined before being sent to Florida.
[Illustration: FIG. 157--Winter 1874-75--Gi-edal killed; Kiowa
imprisoned.]
[Illustration: FIG. 158--Summer 1875--Love-making spring sun dance.]
SUMMER 1875
_K`ioñ-Toñ K`ádó_, "Love-making spring sun dance." It was held at a
spring in a bend on the north (reservation) bank of North fork of Red
river, a few miles from _K`ób-akán_, "Last mountain" (Mount Walsh, in
Greer county). As conditions were yet unsettled on account of the
outbreak, the Kiowa were escorted on this occasion by a body of troops.
The spring takes its name from the fact that on one occasion, while the
Kiowa were encamped there, some young men "stole" two girls who had gone
to the spring for water. On the Anko calendar the place is identified by
a figure of a woman above the medicine pole.
WINTER 1875-76
In this instance the same event is recorded on both calendars by means
of the figure of a ram or goat in connection with the winter mark.
[Illustration: FIG. 159--Winter 1875-76--Sheep and goats issued.]
In the various engagements during the last campaign and at the final
surrender, several thousand ponies and mules had been taken from the
Indians. These were sold under direction of Colonel Mackenzie, who
determined to invest the proceeds in sheep and cattle for the benefit of
the Indians, with the idea of changing their habits from hunting to
pastoral. A detachment of troops, accompanied by several Kiowa and
Comanche, was sent to New Mexico, where they purchased thirty-five
hundred sheep and goats, with which they returned in November, 1875, the
flock being driven by Mexican herders. Many died on the journey, and the
remainder arrived in poor condition, but recuperated in the spring, when
they were distributed to those Indians deemed most deserving.
Stumbling-bear received one hundred, and others smaller flocks. Six
hundred cattle were also purchased from the same fund and distributed in
the same manner (_Report, 92_).
Just previous to the outbreak the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache, with the
few of the Delaware tribe living among them, were officially reported to
have over sixteen thousand horses and mules. At the close of the
troubles they had only six thousand remaining, having lost ten thousand
within a little more than a year. They had also a small number of cattle
before the outbreak, but no sheep (_Report, 93_).
This was the first general attempt by the Kiowa to raise stock (except
horses). Although at the start the experiment promised well, the herds
were soon reduced by neglect, killing for food, etc., and in a few years
the last animal was gone. It is said that some of the sheep escaped to
the Wichita mountains, where for several years they roamed wild.
SUMMER 1876
[Illustration: FIG. 160--Summer 1876--Horse-stealing sun dance.]
_Iyúgúa P'a Pähä´dal K'ádó_, Sun dance at the fork of Maggot
(Sweetwater) creek, or _Paí-tälyí-de Tseñko Edásémk`opa-de K`ádó_, "Sun
dance when Sun-boy's horses were stolen." This dance was held at the
junction of Sweetwater creek and the North fork of Red river, on the
western line of the reservation. While it was in progress some Mexicans
stole all of Sun-boy's horses. After the dance the Kiowa pursued the
thieves, but their horses gave oat, and they failed to recover the
stolen animals. On both calendars the event is indicated by means of
figures representing horse tracks near the medicine lodge.
Dó-héñte, "No-moccasins" ("Tohaint" of Battey) had died in the preceding
fall and had been succeeded as _taíme_ priest by Set-dayá-iti,
"Many-bears," who made this dance. He was the uncle of Set-dayiá-iti,
who was killed by the Ute, and the cousin ("brother") of Taímete, who
afterward had charge of the _taíme_.
WINTER 1876-77
This winter is distinguished on the Set-t'an calendar by the killing of
the woman A`gábaí, "On-top-of-the-hill," by her husband Íăpa, "Baby,"
in the Kiowa camp, which at that time was a short distance below Fort
Sill. The figure shows the woman above the winter mark, with a character
intended for a cliff beside a river (the wavy line) to indicate her
name. Although the killing occurred in summer, it was some time after
the sun dance, and hence is marked as happening in winter. The woman was
sick and promised Íăpa, who was considered a doctor and was then
unmarried, that if he would make her well she would marry him; he
succeeded in curing her and she married him, but soon after left him,
and for this he stabbed her.
[Illustration: FIG. 161--Winter 1876--1877--A'gábaí killed; scouts
enlisted.]
The incident is thus noted by Agent Haworth in his official report:
A young man in a mad fit killed his wife. On hearing of it, I
called a council of Kiowa chiefs and asked them to take some action
about it. I explained to them the penalties the white man's law
inflicted for such terrible crimes. After a short consultation they
decided they would do with him whatever I said--kill him, if I said
so. They said, however, that he was young and foolish and did not
know the white man's laws or road, but they would arrest him as
soon as he could be found and bring him to me, and I could do with
him as I desired. Two of their number, Dangerous-eagle and
Big-tree, about nine oclock the same evening brought him to my
house, having made the arrest themselves. I sent them on with him
to the guard-house, where he was confined for several months, most
of the time with ball and chain, working around the garrison in
full view of his people. After his arrest they made the request
that, in consideration of his ignorance of the white man's laws,
his life be spared. I told them he would not be hurt, but the
arrest was made without any promises of mercy being exacted or
made, no soldiers being required, and done simply on my suggestion
or request (_Report, 94_).
Anko's calendar commemorates the fact that he, with about twenty other
Kiowa braves, enlisted as scouts this year at Fort Sill, remaining in
the service two or three years. The figure below the winter mark shows a
man holding a gun and wearing a peculiar variety of hat then used by the
scouts. The first Kiowa scouts were enlisted at the time of the
surrender in 1875.
[Illustration: FIG. 162--Summer 1877--Measles sun dance.]
SUMMER 1877
_Dä´-mä´tánä´ P'a K`ádó_, "Star-girl-tree river sun dance," or
_Á`gat-hódal K`ádó_, "Measles sun dance." This dance took place within
the present Greer county, Oklahoma, on Salt fork of Red river, called by
the Kiowa the "Star-girl-tree river," from a noted tree which originated
from a sapling used in a medicine sacrifice to the "Star girls" or
Pleiades. On this occasion the troops accompanied the Kiowa on their
buffalo hunt and afterward escorted them to the place selected for the
dance.
This summer is noted for an epidemic of measles, which is said to have
killed more children in the tribe than the measles epidemic of 1892. It
is represented on both calendars by a human figure covered with red
spots, above the medicine lodge. Strangely enough there is no notice of
this epidemic in the report of the agent for this year, which may
perhaps be accounted for by the fact that he was himself prostrated by
sickness which occasioned his retirement in the following spring. From
the report of the agent for the Cheyenne and Arapaho, however, we learn
that the epidemic broke out among the latter tribes in April, and in
spite of the best efforts of the physician, killed two hundred and
nineteen children, so that almost every family was in mourning. In happy
contrast to the more recent experience of the Kiowa, the government
school was temporarily turned into a hospital, with the teachers for
nurses, so that although seventy-four children were sick at the same
time, not one died (_Report, 95_).
WINTER 1877-78
_K`op-taíde-do-tsédal-de Sai_, "Signal-mountain winter." During this
winter a part of the tribe camped near Mount Scott, while the remainder
camped west of Fort Sill, at the foot of Signal mountain, called by the
Kiowa "the mountain with a house built upon it," referring to a stone
lookout station built during the last Indian outbreak. The figure on the
Set-t´an calendar is sufficiently suggestive of a house upon a mountain.
[Illustration: FIG. 163--Winter 1877-78--Camp at Signal mountain; hunt
on Pecan creek.]
Anko records the fact that he hunted buffalo this winter on Elk creek
(on upper Red river), called by the Kiowa _Dónä´-i P'a_, "Pecan river."
The rounded figure below the winter mark is intended to represent a
pecan nut.
This winter is noted for an epidemic of fever, which is mentioned in the
report for 1878. In the fall of 1877, under Agent Haworth, as an
inducement to the Indians to abandon their roaming habit, the government
built houses for ten prominent chiefs of the three tribes, including
Stumbling-bear, Gaápiatañ (Heidsick), Guñsádalte (Cat), and Sun-boy, of
the Kiowa, and White-man and Taha, of the Apache. These were the first
Indian houses ever built upon the reservation, excepting two erected by
the military. At first the new owners continued to live in the tipis,
which they preferred from long usage, but by the further gift of beds
and chairs they were induced to go into the houses. An attempt to get
the Indians to cut the logs and do a part of the work themselves under
instruction seems to have been a failure. The houses were reasonably
good frame structures of three rooms, having doors, glass windows, and
substantial double fireplaces and chimneys of stone; they cost $600
each (_Report, 96_). In 1886 there were nine Kiowa families living in
houses (_Report, 97_), but a few years later most of these dwellings
were vacant or occupied by white renters, the Indian owners being again
in the tipis.
SUMMER 1878
_Adăldä K`ádó_, "Repeated sun dance." This is the second recorded
instance of this kind, the first having occurred in 1842. On the
Set-t´an calendar it is indicated by the figure of two adjoining
medicine lodges, and in the Anko calendar by a double-forked medicine
pole. The two dances were held on the North fork of Red river. Part of
the Kiowa had gone to the plains on the western part of the reservation
to hunt buffalo, while the others remained at home. Each party, unknown
to the other, promised to make a sun dance, in consequence of which one
dance was held at the regular period, after which the leaves were
renewed and another dance was held for another four days. On this
occasion also the buffalo hunters, who made one sun dance, were escorted
by a detachment of troops as a protection and as a precaution against
their committing depredations (_Report, 98_).
[Illustration: FIG. 164.--Summer 1878--Repeated sun dance.]
WINTER 1878-79
The event noted for this winter on both calendars is the killing of
Ä´to-t'aíñ, "White-cowbird," the man to whom Set-t'aiñte had given his
medicine lance five years before, thus resigning his chieftanship to him
(see summer 1874). On the Set-t'an calendar it is indicated by a human
figure painted red and with the red headdress, both characteristic of
Set-t'aiñte, above the winter mark, and with the medicine lance or
_zébat_ in front. On the Anko calendar it is indicated by the figure of
the arrow-lance below the winter mark. By a curious coincidence
Set-t'aiñte himself committed suicide in a Texas prison about the same
time.
[Illustration: FIG. 165--Winter 1878-79--Ä´to-t'aíñ killed.]
Ä´to-t'aíñ was the brother of the chief Sun-boy, and on account of his
relationship and the dignity conferred upon him by Set-t'aiñte,
if not for his personal merits, was a prominent man in the tribe.
On account of having this lance he was also known as Zébä-dó-k`ía,
"Man-who-has-the-arrows," i. e., "Arrowman." He was killed by Texans
while with a party who had gone, by permission of the agent and
accompanied by an escort of troops, to hunt buffalo on upper Red river
in what is now Greer county, Oklahoma; the Texans shot him through the
body and both arms, scalped him, and cut off a finger upon which was a
ring. The hunt occurred in the winter season, but the buffalo were now
so nearly exterminated that it was practically a failure and the
Indians suffered much in consequence. The killing with its sequel is
thus noted in the official report:
Captain Nolan, commanding the company of troops who were escorting
the Indians while on the hunt, had, in view of the scarcity of
buffalo, allowed parties, each accompanied by a squad of soldiers,
to go off from the main camp to points where it was said straggling
droves of buffalo could be found. While a Kiowa man was one day a
short distance from the camp of one of these parties and alone he
was run onto by a company of Texas state troops, shot down, killed,
and scalped. A few moments after this grand military feat was
performed the little Indian camp was discovered, and they were just
in the act of covering themselves with additional glory by charging
it and butchering the squaws and pappooses when the squad of
colored troops presented themselves, mounted on the bare backs of
their horses, having had no time to saddle them, and the warlike
band disappeared. Upon the return of the Indians to the agency a
request was made that the Texans who murdered the Kiowa should be
arrested and punished by the authorities, expressing at the same
time no intention of avenging his death themselves. It seems that
after waiting some time and concluding that nothing could or would
be done by the authorities, a party of young Kiowas, headed by the
brother of the murdered man, quietly left their different camps,
dashed hurriedly across the line into Texas, killed and scalped a
white man they met in the road, and returned as secretly to their
camps, apparently feeling that they had avenged the death of their
brother and friend by this taking of one scalp.
A party of troops was sent after this avenging party immediately on
learning of this last killing, but so quietly had they proceeded that no
trace of them could be found or any definite information procured on
which to base measures for their punishment. The white man killed was
named Earle, and the agent expresses his belief that if proper
satisfaction had been made in the first place by punishing the murderers
of the Kiowa or making presents to his family according to the Indian
custom, the avenging party would not have entered Texas on their deadly
mission (_Report, 99_).
[Illustration: FIG. 166--Summer 1879--Horse-eating sun dance; Boy shot.]
SUMMER 1879
_Tséñ-píä K`ádó_, "Horse-eating sun dance." It is indicated on the
Set-t'an calendar by the figure of a horse's head above the medicine
lodge. This dance was held on Elm fork of Red river, and was so called
because the buffalo had now become so scarce that the Kiowa, who had
gone on their regular hunt the preceding winter, had found so few that
they were obliged to kill and eat their ponies during the summer to save
themselves from starving. This may be recorded as the date of the
disappearance of the buffalo from the Kiowa country. Thenceforth the
appearance of even a single animal was a rare event. The official report
says:
In the month of June last a portion of each band was permitted to
go to the western part of the reservation to subsist themselves
awhile on buffalo, deer, etc, as the supplies for the year had been
so nearly expended it was not seen how they could all be fed until
those for the next year were received. But again they failed to
find game sufficient to feed themselves, and the Kiowa, who while
out were engaged in their annual medicine dance, suffered some with
hunger. I think their failures in finding buffalo the past year,
and their consequent suffering while out, will have a good effect
in causing them to abandon their idea of subsisting in this way and
to look to their crops and stock for a support. It is a fact worthy
of note that the reports of the agents show the value of the robes
and furs sold by the Indians now belonging to the Kiowa, Comanche,
and Wichita agency for the year 1876 amounted to $70,400; for 1877,
$64,500; for 1878, $26,375; while in 1879 only $5,068 was received,
showing that buffalo hunting is not a thing of profit as it once
was; and, besides, the most serious drawback to the Indians is the
lack of the buffalo meat which at one time helped to subsist them,
and which, added to the insufficient rations furnished by the
government, kept them partly comfortable. As that supply is cut
off, the Indian must go to work and help himself or remain hungry
on the rations furnished (_Report, 100_).
The Anko calendar records the fact that while the Kiowa were driving
away their issue of beef cattle some mischievous boys, shooting at the
cattle with their arrows, accidentally shot another boy in the shoulder,
but not fatally. In giving this explanation it was evident that Anko did
not want to mention the boy's name, probably because he was now dead.
[Illustration: FIG. 167--Winter 1879-80--Eye-triumph winter.]
WINTER 1879-80
_Tä´kágyä Sai_, "Eye-triumph winter." The name and story furnish a
curious illustration of Indian belief. Káäsä´nte, "Little-robe" (or
Little-hide), with two or three others, had gone to the North fork of
Red river to look for antelope. According to another story they went to
look for their old enemies, the Navaho, who, it seems, although now
removed to their former reservation in western New Mexico, still
occasionally penetrated thus far. Among them was a man named Pódodal (a
variety of bird), who claimed to understand the language of owls, a bird
believed by the Kiowa to be an embodied spirit. While resting one night
in camp this man warned Little-robe not to go to bed, but to round up
the ponies and keep watch over them, for an owl had told him that the
Navaho would try to steal them that night. During the night Pódodal
fired at something in the darkness, and on looking in the morning they
found the trail of a man, and blood drops, which they followed for a
long distance, but at last gave up the pursuit. That night the owl again
came and told Pódodal that the wounded Navaho was lying dead beyond the
point where they had turned back, and that he (the owl) would go and
fetch him.
On rising in the morning Pódodal saw some strange-looking object lying
on the ground in the lodge, and on examining it it proved to be the eye
of a dead Navaho. On the advice of Pódodal they then abandoned the hunt
and returned to the Kiowa camp, on a small branch of Apache creek
(_Sémät P'a_), an upper branch of Cache creek. They carried with them
the eye, hung at the end of a pole after the manner of a scalp, and
danced over it as over a scalp on arriving at the camp on the small
stream, since called _Tä´-kágyä P'a_, "Eye-triumph creek" from this
circumstance.
It should be added that there were some skeptics who laughed at the
whole story and declared that the eye was that of an antelope which
Pódodal had secretly shot.
On the Set-t'an calendar the event is indicated by a figure intended to
represent a scalp at the end of a pole, carried by a man wearing a
striped robe to indicate his name, Little-robe. On the Anko calendar
there is a representation of a scalp on a pole under the winter mark.
SUMMER 188O
This summer there was no sun dance, perhaps on account of failure to
find buffalo, and instead of the medicine lodge the summer is indicated
on the Set-t'an calendar by the figure of a leafy tree above a square
figure, which is explained as meaning that the author of the calendar
stayed at home, the lines being intended to show a space inclosed in a
fence after the manner of a white man's farm. A similar device is
several times used for the same purpose in later years. Under date of
September 1, 1881--a year later--the agent says:
[Illustration: FIG. 168--Summer 1880--No dance; Päbóte died.]
Last year I was encouraged in the belief that the Indians under my
charge were rather disposed to lay aside these ideas and
ceremonies, from the fact that very little was heard of their
medicine men during the year, and the Kiowas failed to hold their
annual "medicine dance." The latter part of this year, however,
from some cause, their medicine men have been unusually active, as
I learn has been the case at other agencies, and the Kiowas have
recently returned from the western part of their reservation, where
they held their annual dance (_Report, 101_).
The Anko calendar records the death of a chief named Päbóte,
"American-horse." He was a man of unusual height and size, hence his
name, which signifies literally an animal taller than the average. He
was buried in a coffin by the whites at the agency nearly opposite
Fred's store. On the calendar the square figure below the picture of the
man, and connected with it by a line, is intended to represent the
coffin.
On first explaining the calendar, in 1892, Anko evaded the mention of
this man's name, in accordance with the Kiowa custom which forbids
naming the dead, but three years later consented to do so. The same
objection was frequently encountered, but finally overcome in regard to
other names on the calendars.
WINTER 188O-81
For this winter the Set-t'an calendar has a house over the winter mark,
but he could not remember whose house it was intended to represent. In
Captain Scott's notes it is said to be Paul Set-k'opte's new house, but
Set-k'opte did not return from the east until 1882. It is probably
intended to represent a new house built for another, Paul Zoñtam, who
returned from the east in 1881 as an ordained Episcopal minister.
The Anko calendar records the visit of a large party of Pueblo Indians
from New Mexico, indicated by a human figure below the winter mark with
the hair bunched up in Pueblo fashion. There were about a hundred of
them and they stopped at various camps of the Kiowa and Apache,
remaining some time. This was the last time the Pueblos ever visited
these tribes. In the following fall Big-bow returned their visit.
[Illustration: FIG. 169--Winter 1880-81--House built; Pueblo visit.]
SUMMER 1881
_K`ádó Sä' lä´ti_, "Hot-sun dance," or _Dóguătal Sáomhäpä-de K adó_ "Sun
dance when blood came up from the young man." It was called the "hot sun
dance" from the fact that it was held late in August, instead of in June
as usual, the delay being due probably to the difficulty of finding a
buffalo for the purpose; after a long search a solitary bull was found.
The dance was held on North fork of Red river, a short distance beyond
the end of the mountains.
The close upright lines between the forks of the medicine pole on the
Anko calendar he explains to indicate the heat, probably from the Indian
gesture sign for fire, made by holding the hand with thumb and fingers
together pointing upward, and separating them with a quick motion, the
concept being the upward motion of the sparks and smoke.
[Illustration: FIG. 170--Summer 1881--Hemorrhage or hot sun dance.]
The suggestive figure on the Set-t'an calendar records an incident which
gives another name to this sun dance, a young man, the adopted son of
Poor-buffalo, having been attacked by hemorrhage. He was called Măsá`te,
"Six," from the fact that he had six toes on each foot; his brother,
Bóhé, still living, is said to have six fingers on each hand, Such
instances of malformation are at least as rare among Indians as among
whites.
WINTER 1881-82
_Ĭmdádóá-de Saiá_, "Winter when they played the _dó-á_ medicine game."
This winter is noted for a great _dó-á_ game played under the auspices
of two rival leaders, each of whom claimed to have the most powerful
"medicine" for the game. The game was played in the winter camp on the
Washita, near the mouth of Hog creek, the Kiowa leader being Pa-tepte,
"Buffalo-bull-coming-out," alias Dátekâñ, now dead (see summer 1882),
while his opponent was the Apache chief and medicine-man Dävéko. The
Kiowa leader was recognized distinctively as having "medicine" for this
game, and it was said that he could do wonderful things with the
"button," making it pass invisibly from one hand to another while he
held his hands outstretched and far apart, and even to throw it up into
the air and cause it to remain there suspended invisibly until he was
ready to put out his hand again and catch it; in other words, he was
probably an expert sleight-of-hand performer. His Apache rival, Dävéko,
is known as a medicine-man as well as a chief, and is held in
considerable dread, as it is believed that he can kill by shooting
invisible darts from a distance into the body of an enemy. On this
occasion he had boasted that his medicine was superior for the _dó-á_
game, which did not prove to be the case, however, and as the Kiowa
medicine-man won the victory for his party, large stakes were wagered on
the result and were won by the Kiowa. It is said that this was a part of
Pa-tepte's effort to revive the old customs and amusements on a large
scale. The game was witnessed by a large concourse, all dressed and
painted for the occasion. The picture on the Set-t'an calendar is very
suggestive.
[Illustration: FIG. 171--Winter 1881-82--Dó-á game; medicine tipi.]
The name _dó-á_ signifies the "tipi game," from _do_, tipi or house, and
_a_, a game, because, unlike most of their games, it is played inside
the tipi, being essentially a game for the long nights when the whole
tribe is assembled in the winter camp. A similar game is found among
nearly all our wild tribes; it is played by both sexes, but never
together. In its general features it resembles our game of "hunt the
button," the players forming a circle around the fire in the tipi,
one-half of them playing against the others, sitting facing them on the
opposite side of the fire. The leader of one party then takes the
_k`íäbo_ or button, a short piece of stick wrapped around the middle
with a strip of fur and small enough to be concealed in the hand.
Putting his closed hands together, he raises his arms above his head,
clasps them across his chest or puts them behind his back, endeavoring
to pass the _k`íäbo_ from one hand to another, or from his own hand to
that of his next partner, without being perceived by any of the opposite
party, all the while keeping time to the movements of his hands with one
of the peculiar _dó-á_ songs, in which the members of his party join.
When the opposing player thinks he has detected in which hand the other
has concealed the stick, he indicates it with a peculiar jerk of his
thumb and index finger in that direction, with a loud _Tsoq_! (Comanche
for "That!"); if he has guessed correctly, he scores a certain number of
points, the account being kept by means of a bundle of green-painted
tally sticks. He then takes the _k`íäbo_ and begins a similar set of
movements in time to another song, in which his partners join; so the
game goes on far into the night, until the contest is decided and the
stakes won by one side or the other. It is a most animated and
interesting game, of which they are very fond, and frequently at night
in the winter camp the song chorus may be heard from several games in
progress simultaneously, the high-pitched voices of the women in one
tipi making a pleasing contrast to the deeper tones of the men in
another.
The Anko calendar notes the building of a medicine tipi by Dátekâñ, for
the purpose of bringing back the buffalo (see summer 1882). The tipi is
shown below the winter mark.
SUMMER 1882
This summer Dohásän, whose hereditary duty it was to supply the buffalo
for the sun dance, failed to find even one, and in consequence there was
no dance. For this summer the Anko calendar notes the death of
Pätso`gáte, "Looking-alike," a daughter of Stumbling-bear, noted for her
beauty. In accordance with the tribal custom in regard to speaking of
the dead, Anko for a long time refused to mention her name. The incident
is indicated by the figure of a woman where the medicine pole is usually
pictured.
The Set-t'an calendar notes the excitement caused by the efforts of
Dátekâñ, or Pa-tepte, to bring back the buffalo, also noted by Anko in
the preceding winter season. The figure represents the medicine-man
seated in his sacred lodge, wearing his ceremonial red blanket trimmed
with eagle feathers, and with a buffalo beside him.
[Illustration: FIG. 172--Summer 1882--Buffalo medicine; Pätso`gáte
died.]
The buffalo had now disappeared, and with it the old Indian life, the
sacred sun dance, and all else that they most cherished threatened also
to pass away. According to Kiowa mythology, the buffalo originally lived
in a cave underground, from which they had been released by their great
hero _Sinti_ and scattered over the prairies for the benefit of his
children, the Indians. Somewhat similar beliefs are entertained by other
tribes. As the buffalo had disappeared with the coming of the white man,
who, by reason of his superior knowledge, was rapidly dispossessing the
Indian, the native tribes almost universally believed, not that the
buffalo had been exterminated--a calamity too terrible for their
comprehension--but that it had been shut up again underground by their
enemy, the white man, in order more easily to accomplish their
subjection. It was believed that by prayer and sacred ceremonial the
buffalo might again be released to furnish food and life for the Indian,
and in every tribe there sprang up medicine-men who undertook to effect
the restoration.
Among the Kiowa this task was adventured by a young man named Dátekâñ,
"Keeps-his-name-always," who announced early in 1882 that he had had a
vision in which he received a mission to bring back the buffalo.
Accordingly, he began to make medicine and assumed the name of Pá-tépté,
"Buffalo-bull-coming-out," in token of his new powers. He was already
noted in other directions as a medicine-man, and had been the winner in
the great _dó-á_ contest mentioned in the calendar of the preceding
winter. It is possible that his success on that occasion encouraged him
to this attempt, as he began his buffalo medicine immediately afterward.
He erected a medicine tipi, in front of which he set up a pole with a
buffalo skin upon it, and prepared for himself a medicine shirt
ornamented with blue beads, over which he threw a red blanket trimmed
with eagle feathers. Thus attired, and carrying a sacred pipe in his
hand, he began his mystic ceremonies within the tipi, and from time to
time announced the results to the people, most of whom believed all he
said and manifested their faith by gifts of blankets, money, and other
property; they were further commanded to obey him implicitly, on pain of
failure of the medicine in case of disobedience. His pretensions were
opposed by the younger men among the returned prisoners from the east,
who used all their influence against him, but with little effect. After
nearly a year of medicine-making, being unsuccessful, he announced that
some one had violated some of the innumerable regulations, and that in
consequence his medicine was broken for the time and they must wait five
years longer, when he would begin again. Before that time had elapsed,
however, he died, but his claims and prophecies were revived and
amplified five years later by Pá-iñgya (see summer 1888).
[Illustration: FIG. 173--Winter 1882-83--Bot-édalte dies; Grass leases;
Camp on Pecan creek.]
WINTER 1882-83
For this winter the Set-t'an calendar records the death of a woman named
Bot-édalte, "Big-stomach," indicated by the figure of a woman with an
abnormal abdomen above the winter mark.
The Anko calendar notes that the Indian police camped this winter on
_Dónä´i P'a_, "Pecan creek" (Elk creek of North fork of Red river),
indicated, as in 1877-78, by the figure of a pecan nut below the winter
mark. The Texas cattle trail crossed at that point and the police were
stationed there to keep the cattle off the reservation. Quanah, chief of
the Comanche, was there also in the interest of the cattlemen, and it
was through his persuasion that the allied tribes finally agreed to
lease their grass lands.
Anko notes also that the Indians now "began to talk about grass leases,"
but that as yet there was no grass money paid. It is indicated on the
calendar by three circles for dollars below the winter mark, with a +,
intended for a picture of the Indian gesture sign for "cut off" or
"stop," made by bringing the extended right hand downward in front of
the other, as if cutting a rope with a knife-stroke.
On this subject the agent says, under date of August 17, 1883:
The grass question seems to be the most difficult thing I have to
contend with. I find it impossible to keep trespassing cattle
entirely off the reservation, and we are now crowded on all sides.
It seems to do very little good to put them off, for it is found
that cattle that have just been driven off will come back on the
reservation as soon as the police force advances. Our Indians are
not disposed to rent the grass, yet if it is used it seems they
should be paid for it.... The grass should be utilized in some way
that will benefit the Indians, and if it is not possible to supply
them with herds sufficient to consume it, it does seem as if the
grass should be rented and the Indians receive the money for it
(_Report, 103_).
The final result was the establishment of the system of grass leases.
SUMMER 1883
_´dalk`atói K`ádó_, "Nez Percé sun dance," so called on account of a
visit from the Nez Percés, called by the Kiowa the "people with hair cut
off across the forehead." The figure above the medicine pole on the Anko
calendar is intended to represent a man in the act of cutting off his
front hair. The Set-t'an calendar has beside the medicine lodge the
figure of a man wearing the peculiar striped blanket of the Nez Percés.
This sun dance is sometimes known as _Máp'ódal K`ádó_, "Split-nose sun
dance," because held on the Washita on pasture lands inclosed by a
cattle man known to the Indians by that name.
[Illustration: FIG 174--Summer, 1883--Nez Percé sun dance.]
On account of difficulties with the whites, the Nez Percés of Chief
Joseph's band had left their homes in eastern Oregon in the summer of
1877, and after a retreat of a thousand miles were intercepted in
Montana by General Miles, when within a few miles of the British border,
and compelled to surrender. They were brought as prisoners to Fort
Leavenworth, and thence removed, in July, 1878, to a reservation
assigned to them in Indian Territory. The climate and surroundings
proving entirely unsuited to them, they were returned to reservations in
Washington and Idaho in 1885, their numbers in the meantime having been
reduced from about four hundred and fifty to three hundred and one,
about one-third of their whole number having died. It was while
domiciled in Indian Territory that they visited the Kiowa and other
tribes, dancing with the Kiowa and Apache at the head of _Sémät P'a_,
"Apache creek" (upper Cache creek), and attending the Kiowa sun dance,
which was held on the north side of the Washita, about ten miles above
Rainy-mountain creek, near where now is Cloud Chief. This was the first
time the Kiowa had ever seen the Nez Percés, although they had a dim
traditional memory of them in their old northern home.
In the spring of this year the keeper of the _taíme_ medicine,
Set-dayá-ite, "Many-bears," died, and the image was taken by Taímete,
"_Taíme_-man," who continued to hold it until his death in 1894.
WINTER 1883-84
For this winter the Set-t'an calendar has the picture of a house with
smoking chimney beside a tipi. It appears to be a canvas house, such, as
those Indians in a transition state sometimes use. Set-t'an explains it
to mean that Big-tree was given a stove by the government and put it
into a large tipi which he occupied; but Scott's informant, who is
corroborated by Anko and others, explains it as meaning that Gákinãăte,
"Ten," the brother of Lone-wolf, built a house this fall on the south
side of the Washita, about opposite Cobb creek. Stumbling-bear says that
he himself had received a stove as far back as 1875, two years before
the government built his house.
[Illustration: FIG. 175--Winter 1883-84--House built; children taken;
Sioux dances.]
The Anko calendar records the taking of a large number of children to
the Chilocco Indian school, near Arkansas City, Kansas. The heavy drafts
made during the term to furnish children for Chilocco and other schools
very considerably reduced the number of pupils in attendance at the
reservation schools; according to the agent's statement, seventy were
thus taken at one time (_Report, 103_). The figure below the winter mark
is intended to represent two wagons filled with children.
Anko notes also that a party of Dakota came down to dance with the
Kiowa, indicated by the feather dance-wand at the side of the winter
mark.
SUMMER 1884
There was no sun dance this summer, and the Set-t'an calendar has only
the figure of a tree to indicate summer, with a figure below intended to
represent an inclosed field, implying that the owner stayed at home.
Concerning this the agent says, under date of August 28:
The Kiowas have danced less this year than usual, and they seem to
have given up their annual medicine dance, for as yet they have
said nothing about it. The holding of this dance has always been a
great occasion and considered one of their most important
ceremonies, for they have believed it absolutely necessary to
secure their health and success in all their undertakings, either
at war or in the chase. They have generally gone out on the plains
from 40 to 60 miles from the agency and been absent from five to
six weeks. On several occasions since the buffalo disappeared, they
have suffered very much with hunger while out, and I hope we have
heard the last of the dance (_Report, 104_).
[Illustration: Fig. 176--Summer 1884.--No sun dance; Hauled freight.]
The calendar of Anko for this summer notes the hauling of government
freight by the Kiowa, including himself, indicated by a figure of a
wagon where the medicine pole would otherwise be. This was in agreement
with a plan inaugurated several years before, by which those Indians
who had suitable teams and wagons--the latter furnished by the
government--were permitted to haul supplies for the agency and were paid
for their labor as an inducement to get them to adopt the white man's
industries. As there was no railroad near at that time, most of the
freight had to be hauled overland from Caldwell, Kansas, a distance of
150 miles. For such labor during this year the Indians received nearly
$8,000, and performed the work cheerfully and in a satisfactory manner
(_Report, 105_).
WINTER 1884-85
The Set-t'an calendar has a house above the winter mark, which is
interpreted to mean that the Kiowa camped all winter on the Washita near
Set-k`opte's house, just above the agency. This was the fact, but
another informant suggests that the original intention was to record the
event that the Kiowa about this time began to build houses for
themselves. On this subject the agent says at this time:
These Indans retain much of their roving disposition, and except
during the cropping season do not camp long in one place, but do
not go far from their fields. Few of the Kiowas, Comanches, and
Apaches have houses, and most of them live in tents. This will
probably be the last of their savage customs to be abandoned
(_Report, 106_).
[Illustration: FIG. 177--Winter 1884-85--Winter camp; Tón-ak`á's
elopement.]
In 1886 it is officially stated that only nine Kiowa families were
living in houses, all the rest being in tipis (_Report, 107_).
The Anko calendar records the stealing of another man's wife by
Tón-ak`á, "Notched-tail," i. e. "Water-turtle," a noted medicine-man,
for which the woman was whipped and a number of Tón-ak`á's horses were
killed by the injured husband. The turtle below the winter mark
indicates the event.
SUMMER 1885
_Píhó K`ádó Sän_, "Little Peninsula sun dance," so called because it was
held in a peninsula formed by a bend of the Washita about twenty miles
above the agency; the same place where another dance, the _Píhó K`ádó_,
had been held in 1839. The figure on the Set-t'an calendar shows the
medicine lodge within the bend (see summer 1839). The figure on the Anko
calendar is intended to represent the medicine pole with the buffalo
head fastened below the forks.
[Illustration: FIG. 178--Summer 1885--Little Peninsula sun dance; Grass
payment.]
On this occasion Dohásän had to go to the Staked plain to find a buffalo
for the purpose. This dance was the first held by Taímete, the successor
of Set-dayá-ite. On this point the agent has to say:
I mentioned in my last report the fact that the annual medicine
dance of the Kiowa would not be held that year, and I expressed the
hope that they had abandoned it; but their old medicine man has
since died, and his successor, unfortunately a young man of little
ability or character, ordered that another be held this year. The
Comanche have no such ceremonial as an annual dance, and the other
tribes of the reservation have no medicine dance, but the Caddoes
frequently meet together and dance for enjoyment, as white people
do (_Report, 108_).
The Anko calendar notes that the Comanche received their first grass
money this summer, shown by the circles for dollars below the medicine
pole, but with nothing to indicate the tribe. The Kiowa did not make
leases until a year later. For some reason, perhaps on account of a
change of agents which occurred about this time, there is no notice of
this payment in the official report.
[Illustration: FIG. 179--Winter 1885-86--Camp burned.]
WINTER 1885-86
For this winter both calendars record a prairie fire which destroyed all
the tipis and much of the other property of T'ébodal's and Â'dal-pepte's
camps, northwest of Mount Scott, while most of the tribe had gone to the
agency for rations. The Set-t'an calendar indicates the event by means
of the picture of a tipi, streaked with red for the fire, above the
winter mark. The Anko calendar has below the winter mark a peculiar
symbol, which he explains to mean the rising flames.
[Illustration: FIG. 180--Summer 1886--No sun dance; Policemen; Grass
payment.]
SUMMER 1886
There was no dance this summer, owing to the failure to find a buffalo
for the purpose, consequently everybody remained at home--indicated on
the Set-t'an calendar by the figure of a leafy tree, for summer, above
an inclosure, intended to represent a field.
As there was no dance, the Anko calendar for this summer lacks the
medicine pole, while by means of a star and several circles he records
the fact that he enlisted in the agency police force, and also that
there was another payment of grass money by the cattlemen, this time to
the Kiowa, being the first they had received.
[Illustration: FIG. 181--Winter 1886-87--Peyi commits suicide.]
WINTER 1886-87
For this winter both calendars note the suicide of Peyi,
"Son-of-the-sand," nephew of the great chief Sun-boy. Having taken a
horse without the owner's permission, he was reproved for it, which so
hurt his feelings that, saying, "I have no father, mother, or brother,
and no one cares for me," he went out and shot himself with a revolver.
Indians are very sensitive to reproof or ridicule, and suicides among
them from this cause are more frequent than is generally supposed.
The Set-t'an calendar has above the winter mark the figure of a man
holding a pistol, and with a wound in his side, the blood gushing from
his mouth. The Anko calendar has a pistol below the winter mark. Two
circles (dollars) above the winter mark have evidently been placed there
inadvertently.
[Illustration: FIG. 182--Summer 1887--No sun dance(?); Grass payment.]
SUMMER 1887
_K`adóliä P'a K`ádó_, "Oak creek sun dance." According to the Set-t'an
calendar, there was no sun dance this summer and everybody remained at
home--indicated as before by the figure of a leafy tree above a square
inclosure. This, however, is a mistake. The agent states that "the
Kiowas held this year a sun dance with my permission, but with a
distinct understanding that it should be the last, and (it) was not of a
barbarous nature" (_Report, 109_). The dance was held near the mouth of
_K adóliä P'a_, "Oak creek," a small southern tributary of the Washita
above Rainy-mountain creek, and takes its name from the stream on which
it was held. As the wild buffalo had now been exterminated, the animal
for this occasion was bought from a ranchman named Charles Goodnight,
who had a small herd of domesticated buffalo in northern Texas.
The Anko calendar has several circles, for dollars, below the medicine
pole, to indicate another payment of grass money, of which again there
is no official record.
The name of the creek on which the dance was held was originally
_Do`gótä P'a_, "Oak creek," but in consequence of the death of a woman
named _Do`gótä_ about 1891, the name was tabooed according to tribal
custom, and the stream is now known as _K adóliä P'a_, from an old word
which conveys the same idea.
WINTER 1887-88
[Illustration: FIG. 183--Winter 1887-88--Cattle payment.]
This winter the Indians received a large number of cattle from the
stockmen in part payment for their grass leases; the remainder was paid
in money. These were the first cattle received from that source. A
number of the Indians refused to accept them and insisted on money,
while quite a large number refused to have any part in the leases,
believing it to be a plot to deprive them of their lands. The event is
indicated on both calendars by the figure of a cow's head in connection
with the winter mark.
SUMMER 1888
By a mistake Set-t'an depicts a medicine lodge for this summer instead
of for the one preceding. No sun dance was held this year, owing to the
opposition of the new agent. In his official report he states that early
in May the chiefs and head men of the Kiowa had called to request
permission for the holding of the dance at the regular season, but that
on investigation he became convinced that it should not be allowed and
so informed the Department, which instructed him to prevent it, even by
calling on the military if necessary. He says:
On receipt of this information I at once communicated the fact to
the Indians, but could not get them to promise to abandon it. I
informed them that on the slightest intimation that any preparation
was being made for the celebration of the dance I would be
compelled to call on the military and cause the arrest of every
Indian who expressed a determination to participate in the same.
Many of the young men, belonging to the worst element, privately
declared their intention of holding the dance, but as yet nothing
has been done in that direction. I am firmly of the opinion I will
be able to prevent it without the aid of the troops (_Report,
110_).
The Anko calendar records for this summer the preaching of the prophet
Pá-iñgya. It is indicated by a figure intended to represent a flying
bullet, referring to his claim of invulnerability.
[Illustration: FIG. 184--Summer 1888--Sun dance (?); Pá-iñgya's
prophecy.]
Pá-iñgya, "In-the-middle," had commenced preaching during the previous
winter, reviving the doctrine of the return of the buffalo, which had
been taught by Pa-tepte several years before (see summer 1882). He
continued to preach and make medicine for several months, adding to his
predecessor's prophecies another of the invulnerability of his followers
and the speedy destruction of the whites, so that for a while the
excitement assumed a dangerous form. In the official report for 1887 the
agent briefly notes that--
The Kiowas were troublesome in the early spring, owing to the bad
advice of their medicine-men and chief Lone-wolf, and refused to
plant their seed and took their children from school. Later on they
went to work, but would have made a much better showing in their
crops had they planted earlier (_Report, 111_).
According to Pá-iñgya's pretensions, he was the legitimate successor of
Pa-tepte, with all of his predecessor's powers and considerably more of
his own. He predicted the near approach of a mighty whirlwind, which
would blow away the whites and all Indians living among them or
following their customs. After the whirlwind would come a great prairie
fire, which would burn for four days and consume the agency buildings,
schools, and all that the white man had established in the country,
together with any whites left by the whirlwind. Having thus cleared the
way, he would then restore the buffalo and game, with all the old Indian
life. His followers were commanded to resume at once their aboriginal
dress and weapons, with all the old habits. He made a sacred new fire
with the block and stick, according to the primitive Indian method, and
gave the fire thus made to all his disciples to be used instead of that
procured from matches or flint and steel; he refused to give any of this
sacred fire to those chiefs and others who were regarded as being on the
white man's side, including Stumbling-bear and Sun-boy. He established
his headquarters on upper Elk creek, near Lone-wolf's camp, in the
western part of the reservation, to which he commanded all the faithful
to repair in order to escape the destruction which was to come upon the
whites and their renegade supporters, and appointed ten assistant
priests, to whom he delegated a share of his powers and duties. To quiet
any fear of interference by the authorities, he claimed to have a
medicine which would render his followers invulnerable, while he himself
was not only invulnerable but could kill soldiers or other enemies by
his mere glance, as by a lightning stroke, as far as he could see them.
His preaching roused great excitement among the Kiowa, nearly all of
whom--excepting those of Stumbling-bear's and Sun-boy's bands--abandoned
their homes and repaired to the appointed place on Elk creek, the
parents taking their children from the schools in order that they might
not be involved in the general conflagration and destruction. In the
summer the prophet's son died, and he promised to raise him from the
dead in the fall, but when the time came his medicine unaccountably
failed.
The unrest among the Indians, for which no apparent cause could be
assigned, greatly alarmed the whites, who feared that the Indians
meditated an outbreak. As a precaution, the agent, Captain Hall,
summoned a detachment of troops, and taking with him a small escort,
went to the neighborhood of the prophet's camp and sent Stumbling-bear
and Sun-boy to him to bring him and some of the prominent chiefs in
order to discuss the matter. The result was that the Kiowa agreed to go
home and await developments. As the time fixed for the fulfillment of
the prophecy came and passed without event, they became convinced that
they had been deceived and the excitement died out. In the meantime
Pá-iñgya, who had before been poor and obscure, had become rich by the
horses and blankets which he had received from the faithful; there were
even those who were so uncharitable as to say that it was for this he
had been working. Nothing was done to punish the prophet, who still
lives, and when the news of the messiah came a few years later, he
claimed it as the fulfillment of his prophecy. He has more recently
assisted to revive the ghost dance at his home on the Washita.
WINTER 1888-89
The Set-t'an calendar records that the Kiowa were encamped during
this winter on the Washita, near the house of Ä´tä lä´te,
"Feather-headdress", indicated by the figure of a tipi near a house
above the winter mark.
The Anko calendar notes the death of the chief Paí-tälyí, "Sun-boy,"
shown by the figure of a man in a coffin, with a circle for the sun upon
his breast. He died at Eoñte's camp, northwest of Mount Scott. Anko
records also the fact that he split rails for himself this winter, shown
by the figure of an ax immediately below the winter mark.
[Illustration: FIG. 185--Winter 1888-89--Winter camp; Sun-boy died;
Split rails.]
SUMMER 1889
This summer there was no sun dance and everybody remained at home on his
farm, the fact being indicated as before on the Set-t'an calendar by
means of the figure of a leafy tree above a square inclosure intended to
represent a field.
[Illustration: FIG. 186--Summer 1889--No sun dance; Grass payment.]
Anko records a receipt of grass money, indicated by several circles
intended for dollars where the medicine pole is usually shown; also the
death of a son of Stumbling-bear, indicated by the figure of a man
wearing an eagle feather in his hair.
WINTER 1889-90
For this winter the Set-t'an calendar has only the figure of a tipi
above the winter mark, to show that the Kiowa spent the season in their
winter camp on the Washita.
The Anko calendar notes another grass payment, indicated by the circles
representing dollars, and also a visit by the Kiowa to the Comanche to
perform the _Íâm_, dance, indicated by the feathered dance-staff below
the winter mark.
The name of this dance, _Íâm Guan_, is derived from i, "child or
offspring," and _âm_, the root of the verb "to make," for the reason
that one of its main features is the formal adoption, by the visiting
dancers, of a child of the other tribe. The performance and dress
somewhat resemble those of the Omaha dance, but only two men dance,
while the rest sit around as spectators. There is an exchange of horses
by the visited tribe for presents placed on the ground by the visitors,
and at the end of the ceremony the boy adopted is formally restored to
his people. This dance is found also among the Wichita and Pawnee and
perhaps other tribes.
[Illustration: FIG. 187--Winter 1889-90--Winter camp; Grass payment;
_Íâm_ dance.]
SUMMER 1890
_Ä´poto Etódă-de K`ádó_, "Sun dance when the forked poles were left
standing." This summer the Kiowa were preparing to hold the sun dance,
when it was stopped by agent Adams, backed by military force. It has not
been held since in the tribe. Both calendars tell the same story in the
figure of the medicine pole standing outside the completed medicine
lodge and decorations. Set-t'an has also the square inclosure to
indicate that he remained at home, while Anko, by means of a row of
circles, notes the occurrence of another grass payment.
The Kiowa had decided to celebrate their usual annual sun dance at the
_Piho_ or bend in the Washita, where they had already held it twice
before, when the agent determined to prevent it. They were not disposed
to yield, and had assembled in their great tribal circle of tipis, with
the center pole of the medicine lodge already erected, having an old
buffalo robe in lieu of a buffalo head and skin at the top, when word
came that the troops were on their way to stop the dance, having been
sent from Fort Sill for that purpose by request of the agent. The news
was brought to Stumbling-bear, who had remained at home on account of
the death of his son, by Quanah, chief of the Comanche, who advised him
to send word to the Kiowa to stop, as the soldiers would kill them and
their horses if they persisted. Stumbling-bear thereupon sent two young
men to the sun dance camp to tell the Kiowa to disperse and go home,
which, after considerable heated discussion, they finally did, leaving
the unfinished medicine lodge standing. In the meantime the troops had
arrived at the agency, but the Indians having gone home, they returned
to their post.
[Illustration: FIG. 188--Summer 1890--Unfinished sun dance.]
Concerning this affair the agent says in his annual report:
There has been nothing of special note during the year, with the
exception of the excitement raised in connection with the proposed
sun dance. That matter having been fully laid before the
department, it is hardly necessary to say more (_Report, 113_).
[Illustration: FIG. 189--Winter 1890-91--Sitting-bull comes; Ä´piatañ;
Boys frozen.]
On the same subject the report of the Secretary of War says:
The commanding officer at Fort Sill reported July 19 that the
Indian agent had notified him of the intention of the Indians to
hold a medicine dance, and had asked for troops to prevent them
from doing this. He was directed to be guided by instructions of
last year on the subject, and consequently three troops of cavalry
proceeded to Anadarko, Indian Territory, on July 20,... but the
Indians having abandoned the plan of holding their dance upon the
arrival of the troops, the latter, after remaining at the point for
a few days, were withdrawn (_War, 7_).
WINTER 1890-91
_Pá-ä´ngya Tsän-de Sai_, "Winter that Sitting-bull came." This refers to
the first coming among the Kiowa of Sitting-bull, the Arapaho prophet of
the ghost dance, in the fall of 1890. The human figure above the winter
mark is intended for Sitting-bull. The first Kiowa ghost dance was held
on this occasion on the Washita at the mouth of Rainy-mountain creek,
and was attended by nearly the whole tribe. Even the progressive chief
Stumbling-bear attended and encouraged the dance, in the hope and faith,
as he says, that by so doing his youth would be renewed. About the same
time the Kiowa sent Ä´piatañ, "Wooden-lance," to visit the northern
tribes and the messiah himself for the purpose of investigating the
truth of the reports. The event is recorded on the Anko calendar by
means of the figure of a man wearing a head feather and a shell
breastplate, as Ä´piatañ did when he started on his journey. He returned
in February, 1891.
As the whole subject of the ghost dance has been exhaustively treated by
the author in his report on "The ghost-dance religion" in the Fourteenth
Annual Report, it is unnecessary to give here more than the reference by
the agent in his report for 1891:
_Ghost dance._--This has been a disturbing occurrence throughout
most of the year. This form of dancing has been indulged in mostly
by the tribes north of the river. The Kiowas sent some of their
number to the north to investigate the matter. Ah-pe-ah-tone, the
leader in this journey, returned in the early spring and brought
such a report with him as thoroughly convinced the Kiowas of the
falsity of the so-called messiah. They have danced little or none
since his return. The Wichitas and Caddos have clung to the
superstition and danced until spring. They were led to greater
excess by the visit of Sitting-bull, the Arapaho prophet from the
north, who is becoming rich in stock through the gifts of his
followers. He has been absent in the north, but has now returned to
the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency and will probably repeat his
performances of last year. Our Wichitas have already commenced to
dance again and the Comanches seem to be feeling the craze, and
unless decided measures are taken, we will probably have a
repetition of last year's scenes (_Report, 113_).
For the same winter, but above instead of below the winter mark, the
Anko calendar records the death of three schoolboys, indicated by the
picture of a boy in civilized dress holding a book. Their names were
_Sétä_, "Small-cow-intestines;" _Ká-ikonhódal_, "Dragonfly," and
_Mótsä-tsé_, from the Spanish _muchacho_, "boy," his mother being a
Mexican captive. They were attending the government Kiowa school, and
one of them had been whipped by a teacher, in consequence of which the
little fellow, with the two others, ran away from school and attempted
to reach their homes, some 30 miles out in the mountains. The same night
a terrible blizzard came on, and after they had struggled painfully
along nearly the entire distance they sank in the snow, exhausted by
fatigue, cold, and hunger, and all were found a few days later lying
together, frozen stiff, on the bleak slope of a mountain, by a search
party of Indians. This occurrence nearly precipitated an outbreak, and
for a time it was thought that troops would be necessary to quell the
disturbance, but through the judicious management of Captain H. L.
Scott, who was sent from Fort Sill to investigate and report on the
situation, the Indians were quieted without resort to force.
In his official report, Captain Scott says:
It was learned that three Kiowa boys had run away from the Kiowa
school on the 9th [of January, 1891], on account of a whipping the
eldest one had received from one of the teachers, Mr Wherrit. They
had been overtaken by a snowstorm, the most severe this country has
seen for years, and had been frozen to death. The body of the
eldest, "Sailor" [from Setä?], about 14 years old, had been found,
and they were still searching for the other two. They had been
trying to reach the Kiowa camp on Stinking creek. The talk about
the threatening attitude of the Kiowas being inquired into, it was
resolved into this, that some of the school children had said that
"Mother Goodeye," a one-eyed Kiowa woman, related to one of the
dead children, had said that if she caught Mr Wherrit she would
stick a knife into him. This, coupled with the fact that the woman
afterwards denied having said it, would not seem to demand the
presence of two troops of cavalry. It was said that Mr Wherrit had
hid himself the day before, and had fled the agency during the
night to escape the coming wrath (_From report of Captain H. L.
Scott to Post Adjutant, January 18, 1891; copy in Indian Office,
5070--1891_).
On the same subject the agent says:
The loss of the three boys who ran away from the Kiowa school and
were frozen to death in the snow, was an occurrence which might
have been productive of most serious results. It speaks well for
the Kiowa Indians that it not only was passed without such
consequences, but seems to have left no prejudice against the
school. It has been most gratifying to me on several occasions
during the year to note the growing spirit of self-control among
these people, and their desire to stand by lawful authority
(_Report, 114_).
SUMMER, 1891
[Illustration: FIG. 190--Summer 1891--P'ódalä´ñte killed; Visit
Cheyenne.]
There was no sun dance, and consequently, instead of the medicine lodge,
the Set-t'an calendar has the square inclosure to show that he stayed at
home.
The event of the summer was the killing of P'ódalä´ñte (abbreviated
_P'olä´ñte_], "Coming-snake," in Greer county, Oklahoma. He was shot by
a young white man in self-defense, as it was claimed, while endeavoring
to recover a horse which he said had been stolen from him; he had sent a
boy after the animal, but the holders had refused to give it up except
to the owner. P'ódalä´ñte himself then went after it and a dispute
followed, resulting in his death. It is said he was shot as he was
loosening his gun from its scabbard at the saddle. The Kiowa claim not
to know the particulars, as no other Indian was with him at the time,
but say that he was notoriously quarrelsome and rough in his manner. The
shooting occurred opposite the mouth of Elk creek. It is indicated on
the Set-t'an calendar by means of a human figure, with blood flowing
from a wound in the side, standing above the square inclosure, with a
snake behind it to show the name. Anko records it for the following
winter, q.v.
The Anko calendar records for this summer a visit made by the Kiowa
to the Cheyenne, indicated in the usual place for the medicine lodge by
the figure of a tipi (i. e., camp), connected with which is a line with
several cross marks, intended as a pictorial presentment of the tribal
sign for "Cheyenne," made by drawing the right index finger several
times across the left.
WINTER 1891-92
The Anko calendar records here the killing of P'ódalä´ñte, as just
described for the preceding summer, the discrepancy arising perhaps from
the fact that it occurred after the middle of summer. It is indicated
below the winter mark by means of the figure of a man, with a bullet
wound in his side, lying in a coffin or grave, and with a snake above
the winter mark to show his name.
The Set-t'an calendar records the enlistment of the Indian troop at Fort
Sill in the spring and summer of 1891. It was composed chiefly of Kiowa,
and was organized as troop L of the Seventh cavalry, under command of
Lieutenant (now Captain) H. L. Scott. It is indicated by the figure of a
soldier above the winter mark.
[Illustration: FIG. 191--Winter 1891-92--Soldiers enlisted; P'ódalä´ñte
killed.]
SUMMER 1892
The event of this summer was the measles epidemic. The Set-t'an calendar
indicates it by means of a human figure covered with red spots, and
beside it the leafy tree and square inclosure to show that it occurred
in the summer, when there was no dance and everybody remained at home.
The Anko calendar has a similar red-spotted figure.
The epidemic broke out early in spring and continued through the summer;
it began in the Kiowa school, and its terribly fatal consequences were
due largely to the course pursued by the superintendent, who insisted on
sending the sick children back to the camp, where it was impossible for
them to receive necessary attention, instead of caring for them in the
school. The result was that the infection spread throughout the Kiowa
and Apache tribes, and as the Indians, in their ignorance, endeavored to
_wash out the blotches_ by drenching the children in cold water, nearly
every case was fatal. Watching and anxiety brought fevers and other
sickness to the parents, so that there was not a family in the two
tribes that did not suffer the loss of a near relative. The feeling
already existing among the Kiowa against the superintendent, on account
of the death of the schoolboys the year before, was now so intensified
that he was obliged to leave the country.
[Illustration: FIG. 192--Summer 1892--Measles; Grass payment.]
When the author returned to the Kiowa in the early summer of that year,
the epidemic had nearly spent its force, although deaths were still
occurring every day or two. The condition of the Indians was pitiable in
the extreme; nearly every woman in the tribe had her hair cut off close
to her head and her face and arms deeply gashed by knives, in token of
mourning, while some had even chopped off a finger as a sign of grief at
the loss of a favorite child. The men also had their hair cut off at the
shoulders and had discarded their usual ornaments and finery. On one
occasion, while driving near the camp, the author's attention was
attracted by a low wail, and on looking for the cause he saw, sitting in
the tall grass near the roadside, a bereaved father stripped to the
breech-cloth, with his hair cropped close to the head and the blood
dripping from gashes which covered his naked body; he did not look up or
turn his head as the wagon passed, but continued the low wail, with his
eyes cast to the ground. Wagons, harness, tipis, blankets, and other
property were burned, and horses and dogs shot over the graves of their
owners, to accompany them to the world of shades, the destruction of
property in this way amounting to thousands of dollars. Every night and
morning the women went into the hills to wail for their lost ones, and
returned to camp with the blood dripping from fresh gashes in their
faces and arms; this continued for weeks and months, far into the fall.
The responsibility for this terrible calamity rests upon the school
superintendent, who sent the infected children into camp, and upon the
agent who permitted it. The superintendent of the Comanche school,
so soon as the disease appeared on the reservation, suspended teaching,
turned the school into a temporary hospital, with the teachers as
nurses, and stationed a guard of police to keep the parent from interfering
with or withdrawing the children. The result was that not one died
in his school and only one was affected. The census of the Kiowa and
Apache tribes for this year shows a decrease from the preceding year
of two hundred and twenty-one, or 15 per cent, among the two tribes,
due almost entirely to this epidemic. The agent reports, after noting
the mortality:
The above deaths occurred chiefly among the infants and young
children, and can be attributed to the fact that in most every case
they invariably immersed their sick in the water, thereby causing
death in every case thus treated (_Report, 115_).
Dr J. D. Glennan, attending surgeon to the Indian troop at Fort Sill,
had already distinguished himself at Wounded Knee two years before by
his bravery and coolness in attending to the needs of the wounded and
dying while bullets were flying thick around him. Now, when the epidemic
broke out among the Kiowa, he gave his services with the same quiet
devotion to duty, with such good result that, although for months the
hospital camp was crowded with stricken Indians, whose relatives outside
were dying all over the reservation, only six of those under his care
died, and these not from the prevailing epidemic, but from a
complication of diseases. In recognition of his services the Kiowa
soldiers afterward raised a sum of money with which to purchase a horse
for him, but as the doctor already had a horse, the testimonial took the
form of a valuable piece of silver.
The Anko calendar has also a row of circles, representing dollars, to
indicate a large payment of grass money by the cattlemen this summer. As
by this time the Indians had learned that the leasing of their surplus
grass lands was very much to their advantage, they held a council in
February, 1892, to select delegates to go to Washington for the purpose
of negotiating leases for the whole reservation; also to secure some
back payments due from previous leases. Quanah, Lone-wolf, and Whiteman
were chosen on behalf of the Comanche, Kiowa, and Apache, respectively,
and proceeded to Washington, where they received the desired permission,
under which authority leases were negotiated producing for the three
tribes an average income of about $100,000. On their return they
received through a special agent nearly $70,000 due under the new and
old leases. This large payment gave occasion for general rejoicing and
marked an era in their history. A large part of the money was invested
in lumber for building permanent houses; so that in this way, and with
the additional help of a small appropriation for the hire of carpenters,
the agent reports about sixty houses built within the year, and says:
With the assistance of the Indian Office as to the pay of
carpenters, together with the revenues from their grass leases, I
see no reason why in the near future the tepee should not be
banished and comfortable houses he substituted in their stead
(_Report, 116_).
* * * * *
Here end the yearly calendars. The subsequent events, including
the unratified treaty negotiations and the present condition of the
tribes, will be found noted in the preliminary tribal sketch.
KIOWA CHRONOLOGY
TERMS EMPLOYED
Now--_íñhogo_ (_íñhoti_=this).
Then (past)--_óhyo_ (same as _there_).
Second, minute, hour--unknown.
Day (from sunrise to sunset)--_kíădă_, abbreviated _kíă_.
A day (of twenty-four hours, i. e., one day and one night)--_pägo kiă´_
(="one day").
Dawn--_kíăt'ä´_ (literally, "first light," _t'ä; t'ä_ seems to be
connected with _t'aiñ_, white; _gyäpá-iñgya_).
Sunrise--_paí-báda_, literally, "the sun has come up."
Morning--_kíädä´_, literally, fall day; cf. Day and Dawn; _gyäpá-iñgya_;
very early in the morning--_gíñaga_ (cf. Night); late morning, shortly
before noon--_kyähíñ kíäsá_.
This morning--_íñhoti gyäpá-iñgya_.
Noon--_kíäsá_.
Afternoon (early, until about 3 oclock)--_dekíäsa_.
Afternoon (late)--_déhíñ_.
Evening--_dám-kóñkya_ (literally, first darkness); _dekómdóle_ (_-gya_,
from an archaic root referring to slight darkness).
Night--_gíñde; gíñăgya_; one night, _pägo gi_.
Midnight--_gíñ-kopá-iñgya_; after midnight--_gíñă-tógya_ (_togya_, after
or past).
Tonight--_íñhoti gi_.
Today--_íñhoti kiă_.
Yesterday--_kíädédal_.
Tomorrow--_kyähíñgă_.
Day after tomorrow--_añgádal kíăgyă kyähíñ_ (literally, a day--_kíăgyă_;
beyond or more--_añgádal_; tomorrow--_kyähíñ_); abbreviated, _añgádal
kyähíñ_.
Day before yesterday--_tópde kíädédal_, literally, before yesterday; day
next before, understood.
Journey--estimated by "darks," _koñ_, i. e., nights, instead of by
"sleeps." Thus, if one asks how far away is a certain distant place, he
is told that it is _pä´go koñ, yía koñ_, one dark, two darks, etc., i.
e., that to reach it he must be one night, two nights, etc., on the
road. They understand now how to measure short distances by the mile,
_on_, literally, "a measure."
Week--The Kiowa did not originally group the days into weeks, but have
now learned to make such a period, counting by Sundays or by the
biweekly ration issue. Thus Sunday is _Dakíădă_, literally, "medicine
day," i. e., "sacred day." One week is _pä´go Dakíădă_; two weeks, _yía
Dakíădă_, etc. Next week--_ki-gía Dakíădă_, literally, after Sunday;
also, _koñtä´kia_, literally, middle of (issue) nights.
One issue--_pä´go kóñakán_, literally, one end or series (_akán_) of
darks or nights. The regular ration issue is made every two weeks, on
Friday, and as this is the great gathering time of the Indians, when
they meet their friends and talk over matters of mutual interest, it has
become a red-letter day and a starting point, like our Sunday.
Month or moon--_p'a_. The same word means river or stream, while _pa_,
without the aspirate, signifies a buffalo bull.
Year--The years are counted hy winters; one year, _pägo sai_, literally,
one winter or cold season, from _saí-gia_, or _sai_, winter; plural,
_säta_.
Days of the week (modern)--Sunday, _Dakíădă_; Monday, _Dakía kyähíñ_;
Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, have no names, but are counted as
two, three, four, or five days after Sunday; Saturday, _Dakía-sän_
literally, little Sunday.
Christmas (modern)--_Píä-kíădă_, "eating day," or "feast day."
Fourth of July (modern)--_Tsolaí_ (i. e., July, which they take to be
the name of the day); _Tsä´nkia kíădă_, "race day," because on that
occasion races are held by the Indians at the agency and at Fort Sill.
THE SEASONS
The Kiowa distinguished only four seasons, unlike some of the
agricultural tribes of the east, who distinguished five, separating the
autumn season into _early_, when the leaves change color, and _late_,
when the leaves fall, but assigning entirely different names to each.
The Kiowa begin the year with the beginning of winter as fixed by the
first snowfall. This seems to have been the case also with the Pawnee
and perhaps with other prairie tribes. To an agricultural people the
renewal of vegetation would seem a more natural starting point.
The first season is called _Saígya_ or _Säta_, abbreviated _Saí_, which
is considered to begin on the first fall of snow. In western Oklahoma
this is generally about the first or middle of December, although on one
occasion, about ten years ago, this occurred as early as October. Cold
weather and frost may come, but it is not called _Saígya_ until snow
falls.
Next comes _Áségya_, spring. This is an archaic term which cannot be
analyzed. It is sometimes called by the more modern name of _Són-páta_,
"grass springing." It is considered to begin when the grass and buds
sprout and the mares foal (about first of March), and is known to be
near at hand when the breasts of the eagles begin to turn white and when
the panther whelps are born. The old men say that one half of the month
_Ka`gúăt P'a Sän_ belongs to _Saí-gya_ and the other half to _Áségya_.
The third season is _Paígya_ or _Paíta_, abbreviated _Pai_, summer. The
name seems to have a connection with the word for sun, _pai_. It begins
after the grass has ceased sprouting (_sónpáta_) and is considered to
continue until fires are needed in the tipis at night, i. e., from about
June to September. During this season the fires are made outside the
tipis, or, rather, outside the leafy arbors under which the people sit
and sleep during the hot weather.
Next comes the fourth and last season, _Paóngya_ or autumn. The term is
archaic and seems to refer to the thickening of the fur (_pa_) of the
buffalo and other animals as the cold weather approaches. It is
sometimes called _Aídeñ-gyägúădal-ómgyä-i_, the time "when the leaves
are red." The season is supposed to begin when the leaves change color
and fires become comfortable in the tipis at night, that is, about the
first of September.
In addition to these recognized divisions the summers or warm weather
periods, as distinguished from the winters, were usually counted by
_k`ádós_ or sun dances, which were commonly held once a year, the time
being fixed by the whitening of the down on the cottonwoods, about the
beginning of June.
The following table is a good approximation of the manner in which the
Kiowa divide the year, beginning about October 1:
SAÍGYA: WINTER
Gákiñăt'o P'a, _last half_.
Ä`gâ´nti.
Tépgañ P'a.
Gañhíña P'a.
Ka`gúăt P'a Sän, _first half_.
ÁSÉGYA: SPRING
Ka`gúăt P'a Sän, _last half_.
Ka`gúăt P'a.
Aideñ P'a.
Pai Ä`gâ´nti, _first half_.
PAÍGYA: SUMMER
Pai Ä`gâ´nti, _last half_.
Pai Tépgañ P'a.
Pai Gañhíña P'a.
T'águñótal P'a Sän.
T'águñótal P'a, _first half_.
PAÓNGYA: AUTUMN
T'águñótal P'a, _last half_.
Gákiñăt'o P'a, _first half_.
Autumn seems to be less definitely noted than the other seasons.
KIOWA MOONS OR MONTHS
While the Kiowa note the changes of the moon and have a fixed name for
each moon or lunar month, it is not to be supposed that their system
could have the exactness of the calendar systems of the more cultivated
nations of the south, or perhaps even of the sedentary tribes of the
east, whose interests so largely depended upon noting carefully the
growth and ripening of crops, the appearance of the various species of
fish in the streams, etc. Nevertheless, they have a system, imperfect
though it be, and it can not be said of them, as Matthews says of some
northern tribes, that "they have no formal names for the lunar periods."
In this, as in other matters of tribal lore, they defer to the superior
knowledge of certain old men who assume the position of experts on the
subject.
The Kiowa recognize twelve or more moons or months, beginning the year,
according to one authority, with the first cold weather, about the end
of October, or according to other authority, with the first snowfall,
about a month or more later. They have seven distinct moon or month
names, and some of these are duplicated and distinguished as _great_,
_small_, or of _summer_, to make the full number for the year. These
moons of course do not coincide closely with our calendar months, and as
the system is necessarily imperfect, there is a discrepancy of
authorities, some recognizing twelve moons while a few count as many as
fourteen or fifteen, the additional names being a further duplication of
some of the others, as already explained; all authorities agree on the
first eight as here given, and all but one agree on the ninth, after
which there is a discrepancy. The author has made no arbitrary attempt
to harmonize conflicting statements, as the result would be artificial
and not aboriginal; and we must expect a certain amount of uncertainty
and disagreement on such a complicated subject, among primitive people.
Our own calendar system has been of slow growth, and more than one
hundred million Europeans still refuse to accept it. The list here given
is that obtained from Anko, the best calendar authority in the tribe,
and is that generally accepted by the Kiowa. By means of tally dates
from his picture calendar their periods can be pretty closely assigned,
although, as will be noticed, even he varies a month in some instances
in the course of three years. Some of the old men put another moon, _Pai
Ka`gúăt P'a Sän_ (see number 5), between _Pai Gáñhíña P'a_ and
_T'águñ´ótal P'a Sän_.
1. _Gákiñăt'o P'a_--"Ten-colds moon." It is so called because the first
ten days of it are cold, a premonition of winter, after which it grows
warm for a time; this moon is about equivalent to late September and
early October. It is the first and last moon of the Kiowa year, the old
year and the summer being considered to end with the full moon of this
period, after which the winter and the new year begin; by the time this
moon ends the leaves are off the trees; in talking with Anko on
September 23 (1895) he said: "This is _Gákiñăt'o P'a_, but it is still
summer. After the moon is full and again begins to wane, then winter has
begun, and we are in the _winter half_ of _Gákiñat'o P'a_." Snow
sometimes comes in this moon.
2. _[.A] gâ´nti or Ä`ga´ntsänha_ (does not take _p'a_), from
_ä`gâ´ntsän_--"wait until I come," or "I am coming soon." According to
Kiowa folklore, this moon says to his predecessor, "You went, but did
nothing. _Hítugŭ´ ä`gâ´ntsän_--wait, and I'll go, and I'll show what
I can do in the way of storms and cold weather." This moon includes
parts of October and November. A tally date is the lunar eclipse of
November 4, 1892, which is noted on the Anko calendar as occurring in
this moon. Some authorities speak of it also as _sä-kop p'a_, "midwinter
moon," i. e., midway between two consecutive sun dances, which would
seem to bring it nearer to December.
3. _Tépgañ P'a_, "Geese-going moon," so called because the geese now
begin to pass overhead on their migration southward; it may bo
considered to include parts of November and December, and is sometimes
called _Bonpä P'a_, "sweathouse moon," for some unexplained reason. (See
number 9, _Pai Tépgañ P'a_.)
4. _Gañhíña P'a_, "Real-goose moon," so called because in this moon the
great southward migration of wild geese occurs; it may be considered to
comprise parts of December and January, although some put it later, as
one old man talking on the subject on January 25, said: "We are now in
the beginning of _Gañhíña P'a_."
5. _Ka`gúăt P'a Sän_, "Little-bud moon." This may be considered to
include late January and early February; in this moon the first buds
come out, especially those of the elm, called by the Kiowa _tá-ä_, or
_gádal-ä_, "saddle-wood," or "buffalo-wood." The first part of this moon
is regarded as belonging to winter (_saígya_), the latter part to spring
(_áségya_). Anko says that the mares foal in this moon and that the
white men (in Oklahoma) usually begin to plow. A tally date from his
calendar makes a February event occur in this moon.
6. _Ka`gúăt P'a_, "Bud moon." It is sometimes distinguished from the
preceding by adding _edal_, "great;" the buds are all out and it is now
full (_áségya_), spring; it is considered to include parts of February
and March.
7. _Aideñ P'a_, "Leaf moon." The leaves are all out by the end of this
moon, which approximately comprises late March and early April. Anko
remarks that the moon names already given, with the two _T'aguñótal
P'a_, are all old recognized names, but that this moon has no proper
name. It is here also that the discrepancy begins on the other lists; a
tally date on the Anko calendar gives April 19 as belonging to this
moon.
8. _Pai [.A]gâ´nti_, "Summer _Ägâ´nti_" (see number 2). This moon is so
named because, in Kiowa folklore, it says to its predecessor, "Just
watch me; pretty soon I'll make it hot. Spring (_áségya_) ends and
summer (_paígya, pai_) begins after this moon is full and begins to
wane; it maybe considered approximately to include late April and early
May, but a tally on the Anko calendar puts an event of June 14 within
this period.
9. _Pai Tépgañ P'a_, "Summer _Tépgañ_ moon" (see number 3). It is
possible that this moon is so called on account of a northward migration
of wild geese, although it seems too late in the season. According to
the testimony of white observers on the Kiowa reservation, wild geese
appear first in October, stay all winter in the lakes and ponds, and go
north again in March and April. The wild ducks, in the rivers, remain
all the year. The name may have kept this place as part of the series
from the time when the Kiowa lived in the far north, where the seasons
are of course later. It usually comprises parts of May and June,
although in one place Anko puts the 4th of July in this moon; in other
places he puts the same date in the next or second moon following. It is
one of the summer moons.
10. _Pai Gañhíña P'a_, "Summer _Gañhíña_ moon" (see numbers 4 and 9).
This is also a summer moon, approximating June-July. Tallies from the
Anko calendar put events of July 4 and July 20 within this moon, to
which also he says belongs the time of school closing, about June 20.
11. _Táguñótal P'a Sȧn_, "Little-moon-of-deer-horns-dropping-off,"
because the deer now begin to shed their horns. This is another summer
moon, equivalent to July-August, and was considered to begin after the
annual sun dance. Tallies from the Anko calendar give to it an event of
July 29, and in one instance the celebration of July 4.
12. _Táguñótal P'a_ (_Edal_), "(Great-)
Moon-of-deer-horns-dropping-off," because when it is at an end, all the
deer have shed their antlers. This moon comprises August-September;
summer ends and fall (_páongya_) begins in the middle of this moon. It
is sometimes also called _Aídeñgúak`o P'a_, "Yellow-leaves Moon,"
because the leaves now begin to change color.
MOONS OR MONTHS OF OTHER TRIBES
Some extracts from standard authorities on other wild tribes may be of
interest in connection with the moons or months of the Kiowa.
_Hidatsa and Mandan_--"Many writers represent that savage Indian tribes
divide the year into twelve periods corresponding to our months, and
that each month is named from some meteorological occurrence or phase of
organic creation observable at the time. Among others, Maximilian
presents us with a list of twelve months; 'the month of the seven cold
days,' 'the pairing month,' 'the month of weak eyes,' etc.; he
introduces this list in one of his chapters descriptive of the Mandans.
He does not say it is their list of months, but publishes it without
comment, and yet it is presented in such a manner as to lead the reader
to suppose that it is the regular and original Mandan calendar. Other
authors present lists of Indian months in much the same way. As the
results of my own observations, I should say that the Mandan and
Minnetaree are generally aware that there are more than twelve lunations
in a year, that they as yet know nothing of our manner of dividing the
year, and that although, when speaking of 'moons,' they often connect
them with natural phenomena, they have no formal names for the lunar
periods. I think the same might be said of other tribes who are equally
wild.
"The _Hidatsa_ recognize the lapse of time by days, lunar periods, and
years; also by the regular recurrence of various natural phenomena, such
as the first formation of ice in the fall, the breaking of the ice in
the Missouri in the spring, the melting of the snowdrifts, the coming of
the wild geese from the south, the ripening of various fruits, etc. A
common way of noting time a few years ago was by the development of the
buffalo calf _in utero_. A period thus marked by a natural occurrence,
be it long or short, is called by them the _kadu_, season, time, of such
an occurrence. Some long seasons include shorter seasons; thus they
speak of the season of strawberries, the season of service-berries,
etc., as occurring within the season of warm weather. They speak of the
seasons of cold weather or of snow, of warm weather, and of death or
decay, which we consider as agreeing with our seasons of winter, summer,
and fall; but they do not regularly allot a certain number of moons to
each of these seasons. Should you ask an interpreter who knew the
European calendar what were the Indian names of the months, he would
probably give you names of a dozen of these periods or natural seasons,
as we might call them, corresponding in time to our months. In a few
years, when these Indians shall know more of our system of noting time
than they now do, they will devise and adopt regular Hidatsa names for
the months of our calendar" (_Matthews, 4_).
_Pawnee._--"They had no method of computing years by calendric notation.
Occasionally a year that had been marked by some important event, as a
failure of crops, unusual sickness, or a disastrous hunt, was referred
to as _a year by itself_, but at a few years' remove even this mark
became indistinct or faded altogether away. Any occurrence ten or twelve
years past was usually designated as _long ago_. Their great use of the
past was not as history, but simply as a storehouse of tradition, and
this tendency soon enveloped the most important events with a
semi-traditional glamour. When time was computed by years, it was done
by winters. The year comprised alternately twelve and thirteen moons or
months.... The intercalary month, _ŭsarĕr´ăhu_, was usually
inserted at the close of the summer months. The regular months were
grouped as with us by threes, the first three constituting winter
(_pi´[`c]ĭkŭt_), the second three spring (_ora´rĕkaru_), the next
three summer (_li´ŭt_), the last three autumn (_lĕtskukĭ_). The
year was also divided into two seasons (_kŭt´ĭharu_), a warm and a
cold. As may be readily anticipated, there was much confusion in their
system of reckoning by moons. They sometimes became inextricably
involved and were obliged to have recourse to objects about them to
rectify their computations. Councils have been known to be disturbed, or
even broken up, in consequence of irreconcilable differences of opinion
as to the correctness of their calculations."
"As an aid to the memory, they frequently made use of notches cut in a
stick or some similar device for the computation of nights (for days
were counted by nights) or even of months and years. Pictographically a
day or daytime was represented by a six or eight pointed star, thus, *,
as a symbol of the sun. A simple cross, thus X (a star), was a symbol of
a night; and a crescent, thus ☾, represented a moon or lunar month"
(_Dunbar, 1_).
_Dakota, and Cheyenne._--"The Dakota count their years by winters (which
is quite natural, as that season in their high levels and latitudes
practically lasts more than six months), and say a man is so many snows
old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an occurrence. They
have no division of time into weeks, and their months are absolutely
lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which receive their names
upon the recurrence of some prominent physical phenomenon. For example,
the period partly embraced by February is called the 'raccoon moon';
March, 'the sore eye moon;' and April, that in which the geese lay eggs.
As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation, the causes inducing
inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with the meteorological
character of each year, and as the twelve lunations reckoned do not
bring them back to the point in the season where counting commenced,
there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end of winter as
to the correct current date" (_Mallery, 4_).
"Some tribes have twelve named moons in the year, but many tribes have
not more than six; and different bands of the same tribe, if occupying
widely separated sections of the country, will have different names for
the same moon. Knowing well the habits of animals, and having roamed
over vast areas, they readily recognize any special moon that may be
mentioned, even though their name for it may be different. One of the
nomenclatures used by the Teton-Sioux and Cheyenne beginning with the
moon just before winter is as follows:
1. The moon the leaves fall off.
2. The moon the buffalo cow's foetus is getting large.
3. The moon the wolves run together.
4. The moon the skin of the foetus of buffalo commences to color.
5. The moon the hair gets thick on buffalo foetus; called also "men's
mouth" or "hard mouth."
6. The sore-eyed moon; buffalo cows drop their calves.
7. The moon the ducks come.
8. The moon the grass commences to get green and some roots are fit to
be eaten.
9. The moon the corn is planted.
10. The moon the buffalo bulls are fat.
11. The moon the buffalo cows are in season.
12. The moon that the plums get red" (_Clark, 16_).
_Klamath and Modok._--Their months "do not coincide with the months of
our calendar, for they extend from one new moon to the next one, and
therefore should be more properly called moons or lunations. Twelve and
a half of them make up the year, and they are counted on the fingers of
both hands. The first moon of their year begins on the first new moon
after their return from the _wokash_ harvest [about the end of August],
at Klamath Marsh, which is the time when all the provisions and needful
articles have been gathered in for the winter. They have now generally
discarded the former method of counting moons upon fingers, and instead
of it they reckon time by the seasons in which natural products are
harvested (_Gatschet, 1_).
_Bannock._--They distinguish the earlier moons thus: First, "running
season for game;" second, "big moon;" third, "black smoke" (cold);
fourth, "bare spots along the trail" (i. e., no snow in places); fifth,
"little grass, or grass first comes up." They have no names for moons
after the season gets warm (_Clark, 17_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXX
THE ANKO CALENDAR]
THE ANKO MONTHLY CALENDAR
(_August, 1889--July, 1893_)
_T'águñótal P'a Sän._ The calendar begins about the first of August,
1889. The figure above the crescent (moon or month) is intended for the
antler of a deer, in allusion to the name of this moon. No event is
noted.
_T'águñótal P'a._ The same symbol is used for the month. No event is
recorded, because, as Anko explains, this part of his original calendar
was accidentally burned.
_Gákiñăt'o P'a._ The name means "Ten-colds moon," indicated by the ten
strokes below the crescent. When this moon was one day old, a woman
falsely accused of being with another man was whipped by her husband;
indicated by the figure of a woman with a rod touching her head and one
stroke below.
[Illustration: FIG. 193--T'águñótal P'a Sän.]
[Illustration: FIG. 194--T'águñótal P'a.]
_Ä`gâ´nti._ The first syllable of the name, _ä_, signifies a feather.
Anko has therefore indicated the moon in its serial order by the figure
of a feather above the crescent. No event is recorded. The three strokes
show that he drew the picture on the third day of the moon.
[Illustration: FIG. 195--Gakiñat'o P'a--Woman whipped.]
[Illustration: FIG. 196--Ä`gâ´nti.]
[Illustration: FIG. 197--Tépgañ P'a--Wagon stalled.]
_Tépgañ P'a._ The name means "Geese-going moon," and the crescent lines
inverted above the regular moon crescent is intended for a conventional
representation of a double line of flying geese (see next figure). The
rest of the picture means that his wagon was stalled on the second day
of this moon.
_Gañhíña P'a_ (January? 1890). "Real-goose moon," the name being
indicated by the picture of a double line of flying geese; the single
stroke and the boot record the fact that the issue of annuity goods for
the year began on the first day of this moon.
[Illustration: FIG. 198--Gañhíña P'a--Annuity issue.]
_Ka`gúăt P'a Sän._ The name, "Little-bud moon," is indicated by the
figure of a budding tree above the crescent. The mares foal now; shown
by the picture of a horse. He says the whites usually begin to plow now.
It was drawn on the first day (one stroke) of the moon.
[Illustration: FIG. 199--Ka`gúăt P'a Sän--Mares foal.]
_Ka`gúăt P'a_, "Bud moon." Indicated by a tree with red buds. The rude
figure of an ax sticking in the tree shows that he began to split rails
in this moon.
_Aideñ P'a_, "leaf moon." The name is indicated by the figure of a tree
with green leaves. He lost his horses, hunted, found them, and drove
them home; shown by the representation of horses and horse tracks.
_Pai Ä`gâ´nti._ There is nothing to indicate the name of the moon. In
this moon (about May, 1890) the Kiowa, having first heard of the
ghost-dance messiah, went and camped with the Arapaho and Cheyenne to
learn more about it from them. It is indicated by pictures of the three
tipis above the crescent.
[Illustration: FIG. 200--Ka`gúăt P'a--Split rails.]
[Illustration: FIG. 201--Aideñ P'a--Horses lost.]
[Illustration: FIG. 202--Pai Ä`gâ´nti--Visit Cheyenne.]
[Illustration: FIG. 203--Pai Tépgañ P'a--Ghost dance.]
_Pai Tépgañ P'a._ There is nothing to indicate the name of the moon.
They went again to the Cheyenne when the moon was two days old (two
strokes) and danced the ghost dance with them for the first time. The
picture shows two persons wearing the head feather and holding hands as
in the ghost dance.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI
ANKO]
_Pai Gañhíña P'a_ (July, 1890). There is nothing to indicate the name of
the moon. In this moon, on July 20, 1890, the agent sent troops to
prevent the sun dance, as already related (see summer 1890); there was
also a payment of grass money by the cattlemen on the third day of the
moon. The record is made by means of the picture of the decorated
medicine pole, the three circles for dollars, and the three strokes for
the time. This ends his first year of moons.
[Illustration: FIG. 204--Pai Gañhíña P'a--Sun dance stopped; Grass
payment.]
[Illustration: FIG. 205--T'águñótal P'a Sän.]
[Illustration: FIG. 206--T'águñótal P'a--Ä´piatañ.]
_T'águñótal P'a Sän._ No event is recorded. The name of the moon is
indicated by means of a figure intended to represent the antlers of a deer.
_T'águñótal P'a._ The artist has tried to indicate the name of the moon,
as before, by a picture of the branching antlers of a deer, under the
human figure, intended for Ä´piatañ, who went during this moon to visit
the ghost dance messiah, as already narrated. (See winter 1890-91.)
_Gákiñăt'o P'a._ The moon name is indicated as before. In this month
Sitting-bull, the Arapaho apostle of the ghost dance, came to teach the
doctrine to the Kiowa, and a great ghost dance was held on the Washita;
this was about October, 1890 (see winter 1890-91). The human figure
beside the buffalo indicates the name "Sitting-bull."
[Illustration: FIG. 207--Gákiñăt'o P'a--Sitting-bull.]
[Illustration: FIG. 208--Ä`gâ´nti.]
_Ä`gâ´nti._ The moon name is indicated as before. No event is
recorded.
_Tépgañ P'a_ (January, 1891). It is indicated in the regular way. In
this moon the three schoolboys were frozen to death, as already related
(winter 1890-91); they ran away from the school on January 9, 1891, and
are represented by the figures as wearing hats and holding out a book.
Anko drew only two figures, but explains that "everybody knows there
were three."
[Illustration: FIG. 209--Tépgañ P'a--Schoolboys frozen.]
[Illustration: FIG. 210--Gañhíña--Annuity issue.]
_Gañhíña P'a._ The moon is indicated as before. The annuity issue was
made in this moon, shown by the pictures of a boot and a blanket. This
was about the end of January, 1891.
_Ka`gúăt P'a Sän_ (February, 1891). The moon is indicated in the regular
way, and the rude human figure is intended by the artist for Ä´piatañ,
who returned this month (February, 1891) from his visit to the Indian
messiah (see winter 1890-91). The two strokes show that he returned, or
that the picture was drawn, on the second day of the moon.
_Ka`gúăt P'a._ It is indicated as before by means of a budding tree. The
agent issued wire for fencing, shown by a reel of wire upon the tree,
with a single stroke for the date.
_Aídeñ P'a._ It is indicated as before by a tree in foliage. No event is
recorded.
[Illustration: FIG. 211--Ka`gúăt P'a Sän--Ä´piatañ]
[Illustration: FIG. 212--Ka`gúăt P'a--Wire issue.]
_Pai Ä`gâ´nti_ (June, 1891). There is nothing to indicate the name of
the moon. About this time a commission came to negotiate with the Caddo
and Wichita for a sale of their reservation; an agreement was reached in
June, 1891 (_Report, 117_). The figure shows a white man and an Indian
beside a sectional figure to represent the allotments of lands, with
circles above for the purchase money.
[Illustration: FIG. 213--Aídeñ P'a.]
[Illustration: FIG. 214--Pai Ä`gâ´nti--Treaty sale.]
_Pai Tépgañ P'a_ (July, 1891). There is nothing to distinguish the moon.
In this moon occurs the Fourth of July, on which occasion there are
always great gatherings of the Indians for races at Fort Sill and
Anadarko. Anko ran races with the rest, but lost his bet. The figure
shows a quirt and a dollar, for the race and the bet.
_Pai Gañhíña P'a._ There is nothing to show the name of the moon. A
young man "stole" the wife of Paul Sétk`opte, indicated by the picture
of a woman beside a man wearing a pair of buffalo horns, Sétk`opte when
a boy having been known as "Buffalo-horns." This ends the second year of
the calendar.
[Illustration: FIG. 215--Pai Tépgañ P'a--Races.]
[Illustration: FIG. 216--Pai Gañhíña P'a--Woman stolen.]
_T'águñótal P'a Sän._ The figure at the extreme top is intended for a
deer antler, to indicate the name of the moon. The Kiowa visited the
Cheyenne to dance the "Pueblo dance," which they obtained originally
from the Pueblo Indians, and received in return several war-bonnets as
presents; in this dance the men carry rattles in their hands, and the
women follow behind. The picture shows a man wearing a war-bonnet and
holding out a rattle, while a woman follows him.
_T'águñótal P'a._ The moon is distinguished as before by a picture of a
deer antler above the principal figure, which, although rudely drawn, is
intended for a man with a snake near his head; this records the killing
of P'odalä´ñte, "Coming-snake," as already related (see summer 1891).
[Illustration: FIG. 217--T'águñótal P'a Sän--Pueblo dance.]
_Gákiñat'o P'a._ The moon is distinguished as before by the ten strokes
below the crescent. In this moon T'enétaide, "Bird-chief," alias P'ató,
was sick, and they made "medicine" for his recovery, indicated by the
picture of the sacred pipe; in this moon also Anko cut wood for the
government, noted in the figure of a man with an ax beside a tree. The
two strokes within the crescent may refer to the date either of one of
the events noted or to the day on which the picture was drawn.
[Illustration: FIG. 218--T'aguñótal P'a--P'odalä´ñte killed.]
[Illustration: FIG. 219--Gákiñat'o P'a--Made medicine; Cut wood.]
_Ä`gâ´nti_ (November, 1892). The name of this moon is indicated as
before by the picture of a feather above the crescent; the crescent
itself is filled in with black between the horns to note the fact of the
total lunar eclipse of November 4, 1892, as recorded by the Nautical
Almanac.
_Tépgañ P'a._ The name of the moon is indicated as in the first
instance. No event is recorded. The two strokes may mark the date of the
drawing.
[Illustration: FIG. 220--Ä`gâ´nti--Lunar eclipse.]
[Illustration: FIG. 221--Tepgañ P'a.]
[Illustration: FIG. 222--Gañhíña P'a--Annuity issue.]
_Gañhíña P'a._ There is nothing to indicate the name of the month. The
annuity issue of clothing, etc, about the beginning of the year 1892, is
recorded as before by means of conventional representations of a boot
and a blanket.
_Ka`gúăt P'a Sän._ The moon is distinguished as before, and the issue of
wire for fencing, which occurs usually in early spring and soon after
the annuity issue, is indicated as before by a reel of wire upon the
tree.
_Ka`gúăt P'a._ The moon is distinguished in the regular way. In this
month he removed from the winter camp near the agency to his home camp
near the mountains; the tipi picture records the fact. In the same moon
came a late frost which killed the springing vegetation; the cross notes
the fact, being a pictorial representation of the gesture sign for "cut
off," "stopped," or "ended."
[Illustration: FIG. 223--K'agúăt P'a Sän--Wire issue.]
[Illustration: FIG. 224--Ka`gúăt P'a--Move camp.]
[Illustration: FIG. 225--Áideñ P'a--Immigrants arrive.]
[Illustration: FIG. 226--Pai Ä`gâ´nti--Íatäkía dies; Grass payment.]
_Aíden P'a_ (April, 1892). The moon is distinguished as before by the
figure of a tree in full foliage. The picture of the wagons records the
appearance of emigrants in the Cheyenne country, which was formally
opened for settlement on April 19, 1892.
_Pai Ä`gâ´nti._ There is nothing to distinguish the moon. A Ute captive
named Íatäkía, "Ute-man," died, and the fact is noted in the picture of
a man with his hand pointing downward; in accordance with the tribal
custom, Anko for a long time refused to pronounce the name of the dead
man. In this moon also began a grass payment, indicated by means of
circles for dollars.
_Pai Tépgañ P'a._ There is nothing to distinguish the moon. He notes the
great measles epidemic of the spring of 1892 (see summer 1892), and the
finishing of the grass payment, by pictures respectively of a human
figure with red blotches and of circles for dollars. Two strokes may
indicate the date of the drawing.
_Pai Gañhíña P'a_ (July, 1892). There is nothing to distinguish the
month. The picture of a man and horse records the occurrence of the
Fourth of July races.
[Illustration: _Fig._ 227--Pai Tépgañ P'a--Measles; Grass payment.]
[Illustration: FIG. 228--Pai Gañhíña P'a--Fourth of July races.]
[Illustration: FIG. 229--T'águñótal P'a Sän--Cheyenne dance.]
_T'águñótal P'a Sän._ The moon is distinguished by the figure of a
deer antler above the principal picture, which is intended to record the
visit of a large party of Cheyenne and Arapaho in full dress, for dancing
purposes; they arrived on July 29,1892, and remained about two
weeks.
MILITARY AND TRADING POSTS, MISSIONS, ETC, WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE
ACCOMPANYING MAP
ARIZONA
Apache--1870--Existing.
Barrett--May-July, 1862.
Beale's Springs--1871--1874.
Bowie--1862--1894.
Breckenridge--1860--1862.
Buchanan--1856--1861.
Cameron, Camp--1866--1867.
Crittenden--1868--1873.
Date Creek, Camp--1867--1873.
Defiance (now Navaho Agency)--1852--1861.
Ganado, or Pueblo Colorado (trading place of Cotton &
Hubbell)--Existing.
Goodwin, Camp--1864--1871.
Grant, Camp (old)--1865--1872.
Grant--1872--Existing.
Huachuca--1877--Existing.
Hualpai, Camp--1869--1873.
Keam's (trading place)--1869--Existing.
Lowell--1862--1891.
McDowell--1865--1891.
Mason--1865--1866.
Mohave--1859--1890.
Pinal, Camp--1870--1871.
Rawlings, Camp--1870.
Reno, Camp--1867--1870.
Round Rock (trading place)--
Rucker, Camp J. A.--1878--1880.
San Carlos (subpost of Fort Grant)--1882--Existing.
San Xavier del Bac Mission (Catholic)--Church erected, 1699; mission
abandoned, 1750; reoccupied, 1752; practically abandoned as a mission,
1828.
Supply, Camp (old)--
Thomas--1876--1892.
Tubac (presidio and mission)--1752; presidio transferred to Tucson,
1772; reestablished, 1824, but evidently abandoned as presidio and
mission shortly afterward.
Tucson--Visita of San Xavier about 1772, when presidio was transferred
from Tubac; abolished as a presidio at beginning of Mexican war.
Tumacacori Mission (Catholic)--Established between 1699 and 1701;
practically destroyed by Apaches, 1769; reoccupied about 1784; destroyed
again by Apaches, 1820.
Verde--1866--1891.
Wallen, Camp--1866--1869.
Whipple--1864--1898.
Whipple, Camp (old)--1863--1864.
Willow Grove, Camp--1867--1869.
ARKANSAS
Smith--1817--1871.
CALIFORNIA
Yuma--1850--1883.
COLORADO
Bent's (old)--1834--1867: Originally established as a trading post by
Charles Bent and Ceran St Vrain in 1834, sometimes known as Fort
William. In 1860 it was occupied by the United States as a part of the
new Fort Wise, established adjoining in that summer, and sometimes known
as Old Fort Lyon. In 1867 Fort Wise was abandoned and (New) Fort Lyon
established, the buildings of Bent's Fort being then in ruins.
Bent's (new)--1852--1853.
Collins--1864--1866.
Crawford--1880--1890.
Garland, or Massachusetts--1850--1883.
Lewis--1878.
Logan--1889--Existing.
Lupton--
Lyon (new)--1867--1889.
Morgan--1865--1868.
Pike's Blockhouse--1806.
Pike's Fort--1807.
Reynolds--1867--1872.
Sedgwick--1864--1871.
St Vrain's, trading post of Bent and St Vrain--1826--1847.
White River, Camp on--1891.
William--_see_ Bent's (old).
Wise, or Old Fort Lyon--1860--1867--_see_ Bent's (old).
IDAHO
Boisé (Hudson Bay Company and United States)--United States,
1863--Existing.
Coeur d'Alène or Sherman--1878--Existing.
Hall (Hudson Bay Company and United States--before 1844)--1883.
Henry's (Missouri Fur Company)--1809--1811.
Lapwai--1862--1885.
Lyon, Camp--1865.
Sacred Heart Mission (Catholic)--1842--Existing.
Sherman--_see_ Coeur d'Alène.
Winthrop, Camp--1866.
INDIAN TERRITORY AND OKLAHOMA
Arbuckle, Camp (on Canadian)--1850--1851.
Arbuckle, Fort (new--near Washita)--1851--1870.
Arbuckle Fort (old--on Arkansas)--June-November, 1834.
Augur, Camp--1884 (summer).
Cantonment--1879--Existing.
Chouteau's--Camp Holmes, of treaty conference in 1835; Chouteau's
trading post 1835-38.
Cobb--1859--1869.
Coffee--1834--1838.
Gibson--Trading post 1822; United States 1824.
Holmes, Camp--_see_ Chouteau's.
Holmes, Fort--
McCulloch--
Madison's--_see_ "Tométe's."
Radziminski, Camp--1858--1859.
Reno--1874--Existing.
Sill--1869--Existing.
Supply--1868--1894.
"Tométe's"--Trading post established in 1836; same site occupied by
Madison in 1869.
Towson--1824--1854.
Washita--1842--1861.
Wayne--1838--1842.
IOWA
Dodge, or Clarke--1850--1853.
KANSAS
Atkinson--1850--1854.
Beecher, Camp--1868--1869.
Chouteau's--1845.
Dodge--1865--1882.
Harker (at Ellsworth)--1864--1873.
Hays--1865--1889.
Larned--1859--1878.
Leavenworth--1827--Existing.
Lincoln--1863--1864.
Mann--trading post, marked on map of 1846.
Riley--1853--Existing.
Scott--1842--1865.
Wallace--1865--1882.
Zarah--1864--1869.
MINNESOTA
Ridgely--1853--1867.
Ripley--1849--1877.
MISSOURI
Carondelet (Chouteau's)--1790.
Osage--1809--1835.
MONTANA
Alexander (American Fur Company)--1842.
Assinniboine--1879--Existing.
Belknap--
Benton (American Fur Company and United States)--United States,
1869--1881.
Browning--
Canby, Camp--
Charles--
Clagett--
Cook, Camp--1866--1870.
Custer--1877--Existing.
Ellis--1867--1886.
Galpin--
Gilbert--
Harrison--1895 (September)--Existing.
Hawley--
Keogh--1877--Existing.
Kipp--
La Barge--1862.
Lewis, Camp--1874.
Lisa's (Missouri Fur Company), _a_. 1808-9; _b_. 1807-8, later site of
Fort Van Buren.
Logan--1869--1880.
Maginnis (on Box Elder creek)--1890.
McGinnis (on Birch creek)--
McIntosh, Camp--
Merritt, Camp (subpost of Fort Keogh)--1892 (October)--Existing.
Missoula--1877--1898.
Owen (trading)--_see_ St. Mary's Mission.
Pease--1875--1876.
Peck--
Poplar River, Camp--1882--1893.
Saint Ignatius Mission (Catholic)--1851.
Saint Mary's Mission (Catholic)--1841--1850, then changed to trading
post, Fort Owen.
Saint Peter's Mission (Catholic)--
Sarpy (America Fur Company)--1850.
Shaw--1867--1891.
Smith, O. F.--1866--1868.
Stewart--
Turnay--
Union--American Fur Company, 1832; United States, 1867.
Van Buren or Tullock (American Fur Company)--1839--1841; _see_ Lisa's.
NEBRASKA
Atkinson, or Calhoun--1821--1827.
Bellevue (Missouri Fur Company; American Fur Company; agency;
mission)--1805--1854.
Crook--1896 (June)--Existing.
Hartsuff--1874--1881.
Kearney (old)--1847--1848.
Kearney (new)--1848--1871.
McPherson--1863--1866.
Niobrara--1880--Existing.
North Platte station--1867--1878.
Omaha--1868--1896.
Red Willow, Camp--1872.
Robinson--1874--Existing.
Ruggles, Camp--1874.
Sheridan, Camp--1874--1881.
Sidney--1867--1894.
NEVADA
Halleck--1877--1886.
Ruby, Camp--1862--1869.
NEW MEXICO
Albuquerque, Post--1846--1867.
Bascom--1863--1870.
Bayard--1866--Existing.
Burgwin, Cantonment--1852--1860.
Conrad--1851--1854.
Craig--1854--1885.
Cimarron or Maxwell's Ranch, trading post, established about 1848;
occupied as Ute and Jicarilla agency, 1861--1872.
Cummings--1863--1886.
Defiance--_see_ under Arizona.
Fillmore--1851--1861.
Las Cruces--1863--1865.
Las Lunas--1852--1862.
Los Pinos--1862--1866.
Lowell--1866--1869.
Lyon--_see_ Wingate.
McLane--1860--1861.
McRae--1863--1876.
Marcy--1846--1897.
Mimbres--
Selden--1865--1891.
Stanton--1856--1896.
Sumner--1862--1869.
Thorn--1853--1859.
Tularosa--1872--1874.
Union--1851--1891.
West--1863--1864.
Wingate (old)--1862--1868.
Wingate--Fort Lyon 1860--1861; Wingate 1868--Existing.
NORTH DAKOTA
Abercrombie--1858--1878.
Bad Lands, Camp--1879--1883.
Berthold--American Fur Company, 1845--1862; United States, 1865--1867.
Buford--1866--1895.
Clark--
Lincoln, A.--1872--1891.
Mandan--Lewis and Clark, winter 1804-05.
Pembina--1870--1895.
Ransom--1867--1872.
Rice--1864--1878.
Seward--abandoned 1877.
Standing Rock Agency (at Fort Yates)--1874--Existing.
Stevenson--1867--1883.
Totten--1867--1890.
Yates--1878--Existing.
SOUTH DAKOTA
Bennett (Cheyenne River Agency)--1870--1891.
Dakota--1865--1869.
George--
Hale--1870--1884.
James--1865--1866.
Lookout--trading post; United States, 1856--1867.
Meade--1878--Existing.
Pierre--American Fur Company, 1819; United States, 1865--1867.
Ponca--1865--1866.
Randall--1856--1892.
Sisseton--1864--1889.
Sully--1866--1894.
Sully (old)--1863--1866.
Thompson (Crow Creek agency)--1864--1867.
TEXAS
Anderson's, trading post--
Barnard's, trading post--
Belknap--1851--1867.
Bliss--1848--Existing.
Brown--1846--Existing.
Chadbourne--1852--1867.
Charlotte, Camp--
Clark--1852--Existing.
Colorado, Camp--1856--1861.
Concho--1867--1889.
Cooper, Camp--1856--1861.
Davis--1854--1891.
Del Rio, Camp--1876--1891.
Duncan (afterward Eagle Pass)--1849--1883.
Eagle Pass (subpost of Fort Clark)--1883--Existing.
Elliott--1875--1890.
Esperanza (Confederate)--1862--1864.
Espiritu Santo Mission (Catholic)--
Ewell--1852--1854.
Gates--1849--1852.
Graham--1849--1853.
Griffin--1867--1881.
Hancock--1884--1895.
Hudson, Camp--1857--1868.
Inge--1849--1869.
Lancaster, Camp--1856--1861.
Leaton--1846----.
McIntosh--1849--Existing.
McKavett--1852--1883.
Martin Scott--1848--1866.
Mason--1851--1869.
Merrill--1850--1855.
Parker's--1835.
Peña Colorado--1892.
Phantom Hill--1851--1854.
Polk--1846--1850.
Quitman--1858--1877.
Richardson--1867--1878.
Ringgold--1848--Existing.
Sam Houston (formerly Fort San Antonio, at San Antonio)--1845--Existing.
San Rosario Mission (Catholic)--
San Saba, Camp--1851.
Scott, Camp M. J.--1854.
Sherman--(in 1856.)
Stockton--1859--1886.
Terret--1852--1854.
Torrey's, trading post (in 1843.)
Verde, Camp--1856--1869.
Wood, Camp--1857--1861.
Worth--1849--1853.
UTAH
Cameron--1872--1885.
Douglas--1862--Existing.
Du Chesne--1886--Existing.
Thornburgh--1882--1883.
Uintah (trading post)--before 1844.
WASHINGTON
Colville (Hudson Bay Company)--1820--1864.
Okinakane (Hudson Bay Company)--1811--1862.
Saint Ignatius Mission (Catholic)--1844.
Spokane--1880--Existing.
Waiilatpu (Protestant, at Whitman)--1838.
WYOMING
Augur, Camp--_see_ Washakie.
Bonneville--
Bridger--American Fur Company, about 1820; United States, 1842--1890.
Brown, Camp--_see_ Washakie.
Casper--1863--1867.
Fetterman--1867--1882.
Halleck--1862--1866.
Kearney--1866--1868.
Laramie--American Fur Company, 1834; United States, 1849--1890.
McKinney--1877--1894.
Pilot Butte, Camp (subpost of Fort Russell)--1885 (October)--Existing.
Russell--1867--Existing.
Sanders--1866--1882.
Stambaugh, Camp--1870--1878.
Steel--1868--1883.
Washakie, or Camp Brown (Shoshoni and Arapaho agency). Established as
Camp Augur, later called Camp Brown, finally Fort Washakie--1869--Existing.
Yellowstone--1883--Existing.
THE KIOWA LANGUAGE
CHARACTERISTICS
So far as at present known, the Kiowa language has no affinity with any
other, but it is possible that closer study and more abundant material
will establish its connection with some one of the linguistic stocks on
the headwaters of the Missouri and the Columbia, the region from which
the tribe has migrated to the south. All of the language that has
hitherto been printed is comprised in a list of one hundred and eighty
words collected by Bartlett in 1852 ("Personal Narrative," 1854), and in
fifteen songs of the ghost dance, published by the author in 1896 in the
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. To these may be
added a few words and sentences printed in phonetic type in a little
paper called "The Glorious Sun," published at irregular intervals in
1895 at Anadarko by Lewis D. Hadley. There is also in possession of the
Bureau an extended manuscript vocabulary with texts collected on the
reservation by Albert S. Gatschet in 1880.
Although the Kiowa language is really vocalic, nearly every syllable
ending in a vowel and there being but few double consonants, yet the
frequency of the explosive or aspirated sounds renders it unpleasing to
the ear and unfitted for melodious musical composition, such as we find
in the Arapaho and Caddo songs. It has, however, a forcible effect in
oratory on account of the strong distinct enunciation of nearly every
vowel and syllable, the vigor of the gutturals and dentals, and the
redundance of the sonorous _o_. The distinct emphasis put upon nearly
every syllable gives to sentences the effect of a chant or recitation,
while the frequent rising inflection lends a querulous tone to an
ordinary conversation.
The language lacks _f_, _v_, and _r_. In attempting to pronounce English
words, _p_, _b_, and _l_ are substituted, respectively, for these
sounds, while _ch_ is changed to _ts_. The diphthong _au_ is also
wanting, and short _û_ occurs only in a few words of foreign origin.
With the exception of _ă_ short or obscure, the vowels are generally
long. _D_ has a slight explosive sound and approximates _t_. Before _l_
it is softened or sometimes even entirely elided, the vowel being
lengthened to supply the hiatus. Thus in Bartlett's vocabulary we find
_ol_, _k'ul_, and _kol_ for _âdal_, _k`odal_, and _gadal_. The same
change is made by the Kiowa in pronouncing English words of like
character, as _s[=ā]l_ for _saddle_. The most common vowel sounds are
_a_, _ä_, _e_, and _o_; _â_ with certain speakers becomes _o_, and _e_
is weakened to _i_. Nasal vowels are frequent. There are several
aspirated or medial sounds and a strong explosive _k`_. Below is given
the list of sounds according to the Bureau system, nasals being
indicated by _ñ_. A frequent rising inflection at the end of words,
represented by some authors by means of a final _h_, is here indicated
by the accent _´_.
Like all other living languages, the Kiowa is undergoing a process of
gradual change, and many archaic forms and expressions are used by the
old men, particularly in reciting myths, which are unknown or difficult
of interpretation by the younger people. The same fact has been noted
among other tribes (_Matthews, 5_). The changes are more rapid in Kiowa
on account of the tribal custom, already mentioned, of substituting new
words for any which suggest the name of a person recently deceased. Even
such common words as _dog_, _bird_, and _moccasin_ have thus been
entirely changed within a few years, and some old men remember as many
as three different words used at different periods for the same object.
As this process has been going on for an indefinite length of time, it
of course adds difficulties to the work of investigating the linguistic
affinities of the language. In most, if not all cases, however, the new
word is not an actual new creation, but a new combination of old root
forms.
In most tribes we find the priests using in their ceremonial rites a
peculiar dialect, full of archaic forms and figurative expressions
unintelligible to the common people. This is probably true also of the
Kiowa.
Traces of dialectic forms appear in the language, and from this fact and
from statements of the old people, it is probable that some at least of
the six recognized Kiowa tribal divisions previously described, were
originally distinct, but cognate and allied, tribes, speaking different
dialects. The extinct K`uăto particularly are said to have spoken the
language in a peculiar manner.
A few words from other Indian languages, occurring in the text, are also
included in the glossary. Corrupted popular forms of Indian words are
printed in capital letters.
Sounds
a (long)--_pa_, buffalo bull.
ă (short or obscure)--_guăt_, picture.
â (deep, varying to _o_)--_âdal_, hair.
ä (German ä)--_tägyĭ_, wild sage.
e (long, varying to _i_)--_pe_, sand.
i (long)--_piă_, fire.
ĭ (short) not frequent.
o (long; sometimes substituted for _â_ or ă´ accented)--_po_, trap.
u (long)--_gu´ădal_, red.
ŭ (short) not common.
û (not common, only in foreign words)--_Pä´súñko_, Paseños of El Paso.
ai--_pai_, sun.
ñ (nasalized vowel)--_tseñ_, horse.
b--_bot_, stomach.
d (slightly explosive)--_do´_, tipi; _doha_, bluff.
d (evanescent)--_âdal_, hair.
g (sometimes approaching the sound of _k_)--_go_, and; _gadal_, buffalo.
h--_ho´an_, road, trail.
k--_kop_, pain.
k` (explosive)--_k`op_, mountain.
l--_älo´_, wild plum.
m--_mă´să´_, six.
n--_onhä´te_, bear.
p--_po_, trap.
p' (aspirated)--_p'o_, beaver.
s (there is no _sh_)--_sen_, nostril.
t--_tem_, bone.
t' (aspirate)--_t'a_, ear; _t'aiñ_, white.
w (very rare)--_Woháte_, a personal name.
y--_yi´a_, two.
z--_ze´bat_, arrow.
KIOWA-ENGLISH GLOSSARY
a--a game; _do´-a´_, _tso´ñ-a´_, etc.
ä--(1) feathers; singular, _ägo_, in composition, _ä-_; (2) trees,
bushes, timber, wood, plants; singular _ä´do_, in composition _ä-_.
_Pep_, literally "bush," is now frequently used on account of the recent
death of a person in whose name _ädo_ occurs as a component.
ä[)ä]´--I come or approach; I came, _ätsä´n_; he or they came (sometimes
used for return), _tsän_; come (imp. sing.) _im[)ä]´_.
Ä´anoñ´te--see _Doha´sän_ (2).
ä´-ä´oto´n--a timber clearing; from _ä_ and _ä´oto´n_, q.v.
Ä´bä´dlo´--"timber hill, or ridge" from _ä_ and _bä´dlo´_, q.v.; a bluff
or hill closing in upon the bottom on the south side of the Washita at
the Kiowa winter camp, 4 miles above the agency.
Ä´bäho´ko--Navaho; the old name, derived from the word Navaho; now more
frequently called _Kotse´nto_, "muddy bodies" (_tse´n_, mud), from an
alleged custom of painting themselves with clay. SIGN (1) "Mountain
people," same as for the Ute (see _I´ătä´go_); (2) "Knife-whetters,"
same as for Apache (see _Tagu´i_).
abiñ´--tripe; the principal stomach of the buffalo or cow.
a´da´--island.
â´dal--hair; _â´daltem_ (literally, hair bone), head, in composition
sometimes _âdal-_.
´dalbea´hya--the eucharistic "medicine" of the Kiowa, derived from the
Sun-boy; sometimes called the _Tä´lyi-da´-i_, "Boy medicine," (page
238). The name refers in some way to the scalps with which it is
covered, from _â´dal_, hair.
ä´dăldä--repeated (said of a ceremony), and hence might also be rendered
"united" or "union," as applied to two ceremonies near together;
_gi´ä´dăldäa´mo_, they will repeat the ceremony; _gi´ä´dăldäa´mi_, they
have repeated the ceremony. The common word for often, or repetition, is
_a`pa´_, as _a`pa´ gyäda´mo_, I am repeating or have repeated it, I have
done it several times or often.
â´dalda-`gu´ăn--the scalp dance; literally "hair-kill dance," from
_âdal_, _dă_, and _gu´ăn_, q.v.; scalp (noun), _ä`tä´t_ (see Winter
1849-50).
â´dalhabä´--"sloping or one-sided hair," from _â´dal_ and _habä´_, q.v.;
a style of hair dress in which the hair upon the right side of the head
is shaved close so as to display the ear pendants, while left full
length on the left side.
´dalhabä´-k`ia--"_´dalhabä´_-man," a noted Kiowa chief killed in Texas
in 1841 (see Winter 1841-42). The name refers to his peculiar hairdress,
from _âdalhabä´_ and _k`ia_, q.v.
âdalhâñ´gya--money; literally "hair metal," from _â´dal_ and _hâ´ñgya_,
q. v. (for explanation of name, see Winter 1832-33); softened to
_â`lhâñgya_ or _o`lhoñ´gya_. Cf. _go´m-â´dal-hâ´ñgya_.
â´dalka´-i--foolish, crazy (temporarily); from _â´dal-_, head, in
composition. Harmlessly demented, _â´dalka´-idă´_; stupid,
_â´dalka´yom_; he has become crazy, _â´dalka´yom-dehe´dal_.
´dalka´-ido´ha´--"crazy bluff;" a bluff on the south side of Bear
creek, near its head, between Cimarron and Arkansas rivers, near the
western Kansas line. So called on account of a rejoicing there over a
Caddo scalp (see Winter 1860-61).
â´dalka´-igihä--a crest or topknot, from _â´dal_ and _ka´-igihä´_, q.v.
The kingfisher is called _âdalka´-igihä´_, on account of his topknot.
´dalk`ato´i-go--Nez Percés; "people with hair cut round across the
forehead," from _â´dal_, _k`ato´i_, and _-go_, q. v. Identified by means
of a picture of Chief Joseph. SIGN: Right forefinger drawn around across
forehead.
´dalpe´pte--"bushy hair," an old Kiowa warrior, commonly known as
Frizzle-head; from _â´dal_, _pep_, and _te_, q. v. _Âdalpep_ is also the
name of a specific variety of bush.
´daltädo--see _K`apä´to_.
â´daltem--head or skull, literally "hair bone," from _â´dal_ and _tem_,
q. v. In composition it becomes _âdal-_ or _â´daltoñ_, the latter being
the plural form.
´daltem-etku´egan-de p'a--"head-dragging creek," from _â´daltem_,
_etku´egan_, _-de_, and _p'a_, q.v.; a small tributary of Clear fork of
the Brazos (_Äse´se p'a_) in Texas (see Winter 1837-38).
â´daltoñ--heads, plural form of _âdaltem_, q. v. The plural form is
commonly used in the composition of proper names, as _Âdaltoñ-edal_,
"Big-head;" _Sapo´dal-adaltoñ p'a_, "Owl-head creek." This pluralizing
of proper-name forms is common also in other Indian languages.
´daltoñ-â´dalka´-igihä´go--Ponka; "Crested-head people," on account of
their peculiar headdress, consisting of a ridge of erect hair along the
top of the head from front to back, like the crest of an ancient
helmet; from _â´daltoñ_, _â´dalka´-igihä´_, and go, q. v. Cf.
_´daltoñ-ka´-igihä´go_.
´daltoñ-e´dal--"Big-head," from _â´daltoñ_ and _edal_, q. v.; (1) a
prominent Kiowa warrior who died in the winter of 1863-64; (2) a chief
still living, nephew and namesake of the other, commonly known as
Comalty, from his former name _Gomä´te_, which can not be translated.
´daltoñ-ka´-igihä´go--Flatheads, literally "compressed head people,"
from _â´daltoñ_, _ka´-igihä´_, and go, q. v. They are sometimes also
called _´daltoñ-k`iägo_, "Head people." The Kiowa indicate them in the
sign language by a gesture as if compressing the head between the hands.
Cf. _´daltoñ-â´dalka´-ijihä´go_.
´daltoñ-k`i´ägo--See the preceding.
ä´dalto´yi--wild sheep; plural _ä´dalto´yui_; the name refers to their
going in droves or herds; also called _teñbe_, plural _te´ñbeyu´i_.
Ä´dalto´yui--"Wild Sheep," one of the six military orders of the Kiowa
(see 142), from _âdalto´yi_, q. v. They are also called _Teñ´beyu´i_,
from _teñ´be_, another name for the same animal.
Ä´dăm--the Kiowa name of agent Charles E. Adams (1889--1891); a
corruption of his proper name.
Ä´da´n--"Timber pass," locative _Ä´da´ngyă_, from _ä_, _dan_, and _gyă_,
q. v.; the valley along _Ä´da´n p'a_, q. v.
Ä´da´n p'a--"Timber-pass creek," from _ä_, _dan_, and _p'a_, q. v.; a
creek north of Mount Scott, flowing south into Medicine-bluff creek, on
the reservation. Se´t-ĭmki´a, _Gaa´piatañ_, and other prominent
Kiowa live upon it.
A`da´te--"Island," from _a`da´_, q. v.; head chief of the Kiowa in 1833,
superseded by the great Dohasän.
ADDO ETA--see _Ä´do-ee´tte_.
ä´`de--an idol or amulet carried on the person. Cf. _Ä´`dek`i´a_.
Ä´`dek`i´a--"Idol-man," from _ä´`de_ and _k`i´a_, q. v.; a Kiowa
warrior, so called because he always carried an unknown _ä´`de_ a pouch
slung from his shoulder.
_Ä´`dek`i´a-de p'a_--Buck or Clear creek, which enters Red river at the
corner of the reservation; literally "_Ä´`dek`i´a's_ river" (see the
preceding), because he died there.
ä´do or ädă´--tree, shrub, timber; plural _ä_, q. v.
Ädo´ä p'a--Mule creek, between Medicine-lodge creek and Salt fork of the
Arkansas, Oklahoma; literally "timber wind-break creek," from, _ä_ and
_doä_, q. v.; so called from a circular opening in the timber,
resembling a wind-break. Another informant says it was so called because
frequented by the Pawnee, who used always to build such wind-breaks
about their camps.
ä´do-byu´ñi--a circular opening in timber; from _ä´do_ and _byu´ñi_, q.
v.
Ä´do-ee´tä-de p'a--Valley creek (?); a northern tributary of Elm fork in
Greer county, Oklahoma; the _Ataway-taiti Pau_, of the map in U. S. Sup.
Ct., Greer county case, I, 652; literally "big tree creek," from _ädo_,
_ee´t_, _-de_, and _p'a_. So called on account of a large cottonwood
formerly growing on its east bank, which required seven men to span it.
It was afterward cut down by Mexicans. The form is plural. Cf. _Ä´gi´ăni
p'a_. It was also known as _Tseñtän p'a_, from the _Tseñtänmo_ military
order.
Ä´do-ee´tte--"Big-tree," from _ä´do_, _ee´t_ or _e´dăl_, and _te_; a
prominent Kiowa chief, still living; spelled _Addo Eta_ by Battey.
Ä´do´mko--"people under the trees, timber people," from _ä_, _dom_, and
_ko_; a collective term for the immigrant tribes from the gulf states,
now in Indian Territory, the Cherokee, Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw,
Seminole, and Caddo. Individual tribes are known also by special names,
as _Tsĕ´roki_ (Cherokee), _Masko´ki_ (Creek), _Ma´sep'_ (Caddo).
A-EI-KENDA (Apache)--"The One who is Surrendered;" the name with
rendering as given in the treaty, of a Kiowa Apache chief who signed the
treaty of 1837.
A`ga´bai´--"On-top-of-the-hill; a Kiowa woman killed by her husband in
1876-77.
Ä´`g'a´do--"wailing sun dance," from _a´`gyä_ and _g'ado_. The sun dance
of 1837, so called on account of the wailing for warriors killed by the
Cheyenne.
ä`ga´-i--a species of hawk.
Ä`ga´-i p'a--(1) "hawk creek;" the east fork of Elk creek on the
reservation; (2) an upper branch of White river, of the Brazos, Texas.
ä´`ga´n--see _gyä´`gan_.
Ä`gâ´nti--a moon or month including parts of October and November, from
_ä`gâ´ntsän_, q. v. Sometimes also called _Ä´`gântsä´nha_, or _Sä-kop
p'a_, "midwinter moon," from _sä-kop_ and _p'a_. (See page 368.)
_ä`gâ´ntsän_--an irregular verb about equivalent to "I am coming soon,"
or "wait until I come." _Hi´tugŭ´ ä`gâ´ntsän_, "wait and I'll go."
Ä`gâ´ntsä´nha--see _Ä`gâ´nti_.
a´`gat--pimple.
a´`gat-ho´dal--measles, "pimple sickness," from _a´`gat_ and _ho´dal_.
Ä´gi´ăni p'a--the middle fork of Elk creek of Red river, on the
reservation; "long, or tall, tree creek," from _ä_, _g´iăni_ and _p'a_;
so called on account of a very large tree formerly upon it. Cf.
_Ä´do-ee´tä-de p'a._ Marcy in 1852 notes large cottonwoods on the South
Canadian about 101^c, one being 19-1/2 feet in circumference 5 feet from
the ground.
Ä´`go´tä--chinaberry tree or _palo duro_; "hard wood tree," from _ä_,
_got_, and _ä_.
Ä`go´tä p'a--"Chinaberry creek;" Palo-duro creek, in the panhandle of
Texas.
Ägu´at--see _Sä´k'ota_.
Ägun´tä p'a--Washita river; "tipi-pole timber river," from _ä_, _guntä_,
and _p'a_.
a´`gyä--lamentation, wailing, crying; a loud, general, and continuous
wailing, as for the dead. It has no verbal form. Crying (n.), _a´lyi_; I
cry, _äa´lyi_.
Ä´gya´i`ko--Penätĕ´`ka Comanche; "timber Comanche," from _ä_ and
_Gyai`ko_. Their Comanche name, Penätĕ´ka or Penätĕ´`ka, signifies
"honey eaters."
äha´gyä--they took it (a quantity or number, as of cattle or money,
either by trade or force). The verb has no present. _gyäha´gyä_, I have
taken it (animate object or money); _gyäta´gyä_, I have taken it
(inanimate object).
ahi´ñ--cedar; "conspicuous," "peculiar," on account of its green
appearance in winter; said also of a pinto horse, a finely dressed
chief, etc. Cf. _ä´hi´ñ_, "principal tree," i. e., the cottonwood.
Ahi´ñ do´ha--"cedar bluff," from _ahi´ñ_ and _doha_; a bluff on the
north side of Smoky-hill river, about opposite the mouth of Timber
creek, near Fort Hays, Kansas.
Ahi´ña toñ--"cedar spring," from _ahi´ñ_ and _toñtep_; a water hole on
the Staked plain in Texas or New Mexico.
AH-PE-AH-TONE--see _Ä´piatañ_.
AH-TE-ES-TA--see _Äte´stisti_.
Ä´hyäto--Southern Arapaho; plural, _Ä´hyädal_. The name can not be
interpreted or explained by the Kiowa, but is the same name applied
to the wild plum bush; the first syllable, _ä_, may mean tree,
bush, or timber. The Kiowa formerly called the Southern Arapaho
_Komse´ka-k`i´ñähyu´p_, "men of the worn-out leggings," from _komse´_,
_ka´ti_, and _k`iñ´ähi_. T'ebodal, the oldest man in the tribe, says
that the name _Ä´hyäto_ was formerly applied to the Osage (see
_K`apä´to_), but was changed on account of a death and revived for
another tribe. The Kiowa called the Northern Arapaho of Wyoming
_Tägyä´ko_, "wild sage people" (from _tä´gyĭ_ and _ko_ or _k`iäko_), and
the Arapaho Grosventres, living with the Blackfeet, they call
_Botk`i´ägo_, "belly people" (from _bot_ and _k`i´ägo_).
ai´deñ--leaves, foliage.
Aideñ P'a--a moon or month including parts of March and April; "leaf or
foliage moon," from _ai´deñ_ and _p'a_.
A´ideñ-gyägu´ădal-om´gyä-i--see _Pao´ngya_.
Ai´koñ p'a--"dark-timber, i. e., shady, river," from _ä_, _koñ_ and
_p'a_; (1) Pawnee fork of Arkansas river in Kansas, also called
_Mâ´nka-gu´ădal-de p'a_, from a Comanche chief named Mâ´nka-gu´ădal, q.
v., who was killed there; (2) Boggy creek, tributary of the South
Canadian, on the Wichita reservation, sometimes called _Gi´atä
P'ada´ti_, "ridge creek, or backbone creek," from _gi´apa´-iñgya_, on
account of a high ridge which separates it from the South Canadian (see
also _Aikoñ tsen p'a_).
Ai'koñ P'a Sole´go or Ai´koñ P'a Yä´`pähe´gyă--Fort Larned, Kansas,
established in 1859 on the south bank of Pawnee fork, 8 miles above its
junction with the Arkansas, It was the issue point for the southern
plains tribes until their removal to Indian Territory. The name
signifies "soldier place on Dark-timber river," from _Aikoñ p'a_,
_sole´go_ or _yä´`pähe´_, and _gyă_. Also called Mânka-gu´ădal-de
P'agya, Yä´`pähe gi´ădal-de´e, q.v.
A´ikoñ tsen p'a--Lebos creek, Greer county, Oklahoma; "dark timber mud
creek," or "muddy dark-timber creek," from _Aikoñ p'a_ and _tsen_.
Sometimes called simply Aikoñ p'a.
ak`a´--rough, notched, serrated.
äk`a´--I am lying down; he is lying down, _k`a_. Cf. _k`a_, knife.
aka´-i--wrinkled.
akan(-gya)--last (of a series); at the end; in composition _aka´n_.
äko´ä--I spy.
Äk`o´dalte--"Feather-necklace," a Kiowa warrior and shield maker (see
Winter 1853-54). Abbreviated from _Äk`o´dalpä´te_, from _ä_,
_k`o´dalpä_, and _te_.
Ä´läho´--Quapaw? Omaha? Described as a tribe living north from the
Osage, and with the same language and style of shaving the head.
Gaa´piatañ, who knows the name of the Quapaw, says they are the Äläho´.
The name occurs in the early French narratives, as Anahou, Anahon,
Anahous, and Annaho, described as the Osage or a part of them (Joutel,
1687; La Harpe, 1719; Bienville (?), 1719; in Margry, VI). Dorsey stated
that the Osage, Quapaw, and Kaw speak one dialect, and the Omaha and
Ponka another dialect, of the same language. The name has no meaning to
the Kiowa, who say that it is the name used by the Äläho´ themselves. It
can hardly be intended for the Omaha, whom the Kiowa call _O´moho´ñko_.
älo´--plural _älâ´go_, the wild plum; _t`äbälo´_, "antelope plum," a
smaller bush variety; _señ-älo´_, "prickly _älo´_," the prickly pear;
_pa´gi-älo´_, "downy _älo´_," peach; _älo-sâhe´_, "green _älo´_," apple;
_älo´-gu´ak`o_, "yellow _älo´_," orange; _älo´-koñ´kya_, "black _älo´_,"
prune.
âm, âmo--the root of the verb to do, to make; I make it (generic),
_gyädâ´mo_; I make it (dress, arrow, etc), _gyätâ´mo_; I make butter,
etc, _giâ´mo_.
an--a track.
änä´obahe´ma--we must die (from Kâitse´ñko song). Cf. _hem_.
Ä´ndali--for "Andres;" Andres Martinez, an influential Mexican captive
among the Kiowa and delegate in 1894 (see Winter 1866-67).
añga´dal--beyond, more.
Añga´-ite´--"Ankle," a Mexican captive and Florida prisoner in 1875.
There is no real word for ankle, which is described as "foot joint,"
etc.
Ango´pte--see _T'ene´-ango´pte_.
añgya--sitting; _ääñgya_, I sit; _ä´ñgya_, he sits.
A´nko´ or A´nkopa´-iñgyade´te--"In-the-middle-of-many-tracks," from
_an_, _kopa´-iñgya_, _de_, and _te_. A Kiowa warrior, author of two of
the calendars, commonly abbreviated to Anko´.
anso´, anso´i--foot.
A´nso-gi´ăni or Anso´`te--"Long-foot," from _anso´_, _gi´ăni_, and _te_;
a noted priest of the _taíme_, who held it for forty years, from before
1833 until his death in the winter of 1870-71. Commonly abbreviated to
Anso´`te.
ä´ntsenku´ădal--"he (she) built a nest there," literally, "he put clay
(?) there;" a bird's nest is called _tsen_, which also is the word for
"mud," possibly because some birds build nests of clay; _tsengiâ´mo
guato_, "the bird is building a nest." A bird's nest is also called
_gu´ăto-do´_, "bird house."
äo´päñ--he was initiated into the Kâ´itseñko, q. v.; I am, etc,
_äo´päñ_; they were initiated, etc, _edo´päñ_; to initiate into the
Kâ´itseñko, _äo´pä_, from verb _äo´pä_, "to tie with a rope around the
neck" (see Summer 1846). I tie it, _gyäpä´imo_; I tie him with a rope
around his neck (not necessarily to choke him), _gyäo´pä_; I choke him
with my hand, _gyäo´`de_.
ä´oto´n--they were massacred, exterminated, or annihilated; also to
clear off, as timber; I exterminate them, _de´oton_; we shall
exterminate them, _e´dato´ndo´_.
A'pämâ´dal(te)--"Struck-his-head-against-a-tree," a Mexican captive
killed in Texas in the winter of 1866-67. From _äpâdeâ´dalgop_, "I
strike my head against a tree;" _ä_, tree; _â'dal-_, head, in
composition.
äpäñtsep--they left him (it) tied; I tie him (uncommon), _gyäpä´ñi_; I
leave him tied, _gyäpä´ñtsep_.
a´`pata´--far up, far off; a word used in pointing out the top of a very
tall tree, the end of a long rope or a sky depth; intended to convey the
idea of going out of sight.
A´päta´te--"Far-up," from _ä´`päta´_ and _te_; a Kiowa rendering of the
name of the Cheyenne chief, Wo´ifdo´ĭsh, "Touch-the-clonds,"
killed by the Pawnee in 1852. He was also called K`a-t'ogyä,
"Knife shirt," or Hâ´ñt'o´-gyäk`i´a,` "Iron-shirt-man" (Cheyenne,
_Mä-ai´-tai´-ĭ´stsĭ-hĭ´nă´_) on account of a cuirass which he wore,
probably taken from Mexico (see _k`a_, _t'ogyä_, _hâñgya_, _k`ïa_).
Ä´pätdo´ p'a--Cimarron river, Oklahoma, "river of trees with low
spreading branches," from _ä_, _pä´tdo´_, and _p'a_. Also sometimes
called _Doha´te-hem-de p'a_, "river where Doha´sän died" (in 1866), from
_Doha´te_, _hem_, _-de_, and _p'a_.
ä´pätsä´t--tree tops, from _ä_ and _pätsä´t_.
a´peñ.--otter.
A´peñ-gu´ădal--"Red-otter;" a Kiowa warrior, brother of old Lone-wolf
(see Winter 1873-74). From _a´peñ_ and _gu´ădal_.
Ä´piatañ--"Wooden-lance;" a Kiowa delegate to the messiah, 1890, and to
Washington, 1894; also spelled _Ah-pe-ah-tone_ (_Report, 113_). The name
implies a lance without a metal blade, like Set-t'aiñte's famous
_zebat_, from _ä_ and _piătañ´ga_.
ä´poto--a branch or limb of a tree; a forked stick or rod; one of the
large forked poles which support the roof of the medicine lodge; from
_ä_ and _po´to´_ (see story, Summer 1857).
ä´sâhe´--ragweed (_Ambrosia psilostachya_), literally "green plant,"
from _ä_ and _sâhe´_. It is used medicinally by the Kiowa for persons
and horses, and on account of the resemblance to its bitter taste the
name has been transferred to pickles, _äsâhe´_, whence also
_ä´sâhe´toñ_, vinegar.
ase´--a creek or small stream. The word is seldom heard, _p'a_ being
generally used for all streams, large or small.
a´se´gya--spring (the season), an archaic word which can not be analyzed
(see page 366). It is also known as _so´npa´ta_, "grass sprouting," from
_son_ and _gyäpa´ta_.
ä´semtse--he was stolen. I steal, _gyäse´mdo_ or _gyäse´mk`o_; I steal a
horse, cow, etc, _gyäse´mk`op_; they stole them (horses, etc),
_eda´se´mk`op_; thief, _se´mät_, hence their name for the Kiowa Apache.
Ä´sese p'a--Clear fork of Brazos river, Texas; literally, "wooden
arrowpoint river," from _ä_, _se´se_, and _p'a_. The Comanche name,
conveying the same meaning, is _Tä´`ka-ho´novĭt_. Cf. _Se´sep'a_.
_Ätäbĭts_ (Comanche)--see _Ĕ´sikwita_.
Ä´-tagu´i--the Lipan and the Mescalero Apache; "timber Apache," from
_ä_, and _Tagu´i_. It seems to refer more particularly to the Lipan, the
Mescalero usually being called by their Comanche name of _Ĕ´sikwita_.
ä´taha´-i--a war-bonnet, literally "feather crest," from _ä_ and
_taha´_. The war-bonnet is the most showy part of an Indian warrior's
dress, and consists of a cap and crown of eagle feathers, with a pendant
of the same feathers fixed in a broad streamer of red cloth or buffalo
skin of sufficient length to trail upon the grotind when the wearer
stands erect. Cf. _ä´tä`lä´_.
Ä´taha´-i Gyä´`gan-de Ase´--"creek where they bought the war-bonnet;"
the fourth creek entering North fork of Red river from the north below
Sweetwater creek, western Oklahoma; so called because some returning
warriors brought to the Kiowa camp there a war-bonnet taken from the Ute
(see Summer 1869). From _ä´taha´-i_, _gyä`ga´n, -de_, and _ase´_.
Ä´taha´-ik`i--"War-bonnet-man," a Kiowa warrior killed in Mexico in
1844-45; also known as _Set-k`o´dalte_, "Bear-neck;" from _ä´taha´-i_,
_k`i_, _set_, _k`odal_, and _te_.
ät'a´kagu´a--antelope "medicine" for hunting antelope; literally, "they
surrounded (_äka´gu´a_) antelope (_t'a_);" present, used only for
ceremonial or "medicine" surround, _ät'a´kayi´_. The common word is
_egi´atä´da_, "they are surrounding him" (see Winter 1848-49).
Ä´-t'a`ka´-i--"timber Mexicans," inhabitants of Tamaulipas and both
sides of the lower Rio Grande; from _ä_, and _t'a`ka´-i_.
Ä´-t'a`ka´-i Dombe, or _Ä-t'a`ka´-i-gyă_--Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, and
southeastern Texas; literally, "Timber-Mexican country," from
_Ä´-t'a`ka´-i_, _dombe_, and _gyă_ (see _Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_).
ä´tä`lä´--a feather headdress, an imitation from the Ute and other
western tribes, made of feathers bent or doubled in a peculiar manner;
from, _ä_ and _tä`lä´_.
Ä´tä`lä´te--"Feather-headdress," a Kiowa warrior in 1888-89; from
_ä´tä`lä´_ and _te_.
a´tän--sour, bitter.
ätä´ndo--"he has a headdress of upright feathers;" said of one of the
_Tseñtä´nmo_, q. v.
atäñ´ta--I am dissatisfied.
a´täntai´--salt, from _a´tän_ and _t'aiñ_ (?).
A´täntai´-gyäk`udal-de´e´--"salt place," "where there is salt;" the salt
beds on the upper South Canadian, at the New Mexico line.
A´täntai´ p'a--"salt river," from _a´täntai´_ and _p'a_; (1) Salt fork
of Arkansas river, Oklahoma; (2) Elm fork of Red river, Greer county,
Oklahoma; (3) a southern branch of the South Canadian, above _Dä´ñpeä
p'a_ (White-deer creek?), in the Texas panhandle, near where the Ute
captured the _taíme_ in 1868, and near the New Mexico line. Near it was
a salt deposit, from which the Indians procured salt. The Salt fork of
Red river is called by the Kiowa _Dä-mä´tan-ä p'a_, q. v.
ATAWAY-TAITI PAU--see _Ä´do-ee´tä-de p'a_.
_Äte´stisti_ (Comanche)--"Little-horn," a Comanche signer of the treaty
of Medicine Lodge, 1867; spelled Ah-te-es-ta on the treaty.
äti--entrails. Cf. _sadal_.
ä´`to--cowbird? The ordinary name for the common cowbird is
_tseñ-gu´ato_, "horse bird."
äto´ñ--bones, his (?) bones. Cf. _tem_.
Ä´`to-t'aiñ--"White-cowbird," from _ä´`to_ and _t'aiñ_; a Kiowa war
chief, brother of Sun-boy, and killed by Texans in 1878-79. In 1874
Set-t'aiñte had given him his _zebat_ or medicine lance, for which
reason he was sometimes known as Zebä-do-k`ia, "Man-who-has-the-arrows"
(plural form), from _zebä_, _gyädo´_, and _k`ia_.
Äyä--"Sitting-on-a-tree" (?). A boy saved from the Osage massacre
in 1833. The name seems to be abbreviated from Äyä´ñgya,
"Sitting-on-a-tree," from _ä_ and _ä´ñgya_, but may possibly
be for _Äyä´ñti_, "(He is)-Walking-on-a-tree," or _Äyäñ´yi_,
"Dreaming-on-a-tree."
Ä´yä´daldä--"Timber hill," from _ä_ and _yä´daldä_; a hill near the
southern Kansas line, on Medicine-lodge creek, hence called _Ä´yä´daldä
p'a_.
Ä´yä´daldä p'a--"Timber-hill river" (see preceding); Medicine-lodge
creek, which flows southward from Kansas into the Salt fork of the
Arkansas. The noted treaty was made here in 1867 (see Winter 1867-68).
azä´, azai´--udder.
Azä´tañhop--"those who went away dissatisfied on account of the udder,"
from _azä´_, _atäñ´ta_, and _hop_; a traditional seceding band of Kiowa.
äzo´n--pomme blanche (_Psoralea esculenta_); a characteristic plains
plant, the root of which is eaten in early summer by probably all the
tribes of the plains.
äzo´t--driftwood; a dam formed by driftwood; from _ä_ and _zo´_ (?), the
root of the verb "to flow."
Äzo´t p'a--"Driftwood creek, from _äzo´t_ and _p'a_; Two-butte creek, a
southern tributary of the Arkansas, below Bent's Fort in Colorado; so
called from quantities of driftwood from freshets along its lower
course. Near its head, is a "double mountain" (Two buttes?).
_Bab´i`pa´_ (Apache)--an Apache signer of the treaty of 1867, called on
the treaty "Mah-vip-pah, Wolf's sleeve."
badai´--(he is) appearing (as from, over a hill); I am appearing,
_äba´dai´_; he is appearing or coming in sight, _badai´_ or _badä´_.
ba´dlo´--another name for hill, ridge, or bluff. Cf. _k`op_, _yä´daldä_,
_do´ha´_.
Bä´o (-te)--see _Guñsa´dalte_.
bä´otse´yu--cat; from _bä´o_ (onomatope?) and _tse´yu_.
bätso´!--run to it! hurry toward it! implying hurrying to shelter or
protection, as _tso´ bätso´! k`op bätso´!_
BA-ZHE-ECH (Apache)--an Apache signer of the treaty of 1867, called on
the treaty "_Ba-zhe-ech, Iron Shirt_."
be´dal--mouth; properly, lips; singular, _be´ta_.
Be´dalgu´ăt--see _Do`gu´ăt_.
be´dalpa´--beard; literally, "mouth down or fur," from _be´dal_ and
_pa_; the more common word is _senpo_, q. v.
Be´dalpa´go--white people, particularly Americans; literally, "bearded
people," from _be´dalpa´_ and _gó_. Other Kiowa names for the whites
are: (1) _T'a`ta´-i_, an old word signifying "prominent or flapping
ears," from _t´a_ and _ka´-i_, from the fact that the shorter hair of
the white men makes their ears appear more prominent; the same name is
also applied to a mule. (2) _Hâñpo´go_, "trappers," from _hâ´ñpo´_ and
_go_, because some of the first whites known to them were American
trappers. (3) _Ganoñ´ko_, "growlers," on account of their coarse voices,
as regarded by the Indians. (4) _Gañto´nto_, "cap wearers," from
_gañto´n_. (5) _Bo´yoñko_, "blonds;" singular, _Bo´yoñk`i´a_, from
_boiñ_ and _ko_ or _k`ia_.
Be´dalpaheñ´ko--see _Te´guă-go_.
Belo--"Pedro," the Kiowa corruption of the name of a Carrizo (Mexican)
captive, a Florida prisoner in 1875, and still (1897) living.
_Be´shĭltchă_ (Apache)--the Kiowa Apache name for the Kiowa.
_Bi´ăko_--Viejo (?); a Mexican captive and a Florida prisoner in 1875;
still living.
biăn, biănta--large. Cf. _edal_.
bi´ăndäta--it boils, boiling.
bi´ăsot--shower, showery; _bi´ăso´tdă´_, it is drizzling.
bi´ĭmkâ´-i--a parfléche box, pouch, box; wooden box, _ä´-o`kâ´-i_.
bodal--abnormal, or useless (?); cf. _ka´-bodal_ and _T'a-bodal_. A
somewhat similar word, _p'o´dălta_, in composition, _p'o´dal_, q. v.,
signifies decayed or rotten.
Bo´he´--not translatable and probably of foreign origin; a Kiowa man
still living, said to have six fingers on each hand. His brother,
_Masa´te_, "Six," had six toes on each foot.
boho´n--cap, especially a war cap, ornamented with feathers, and
sometimes with buffalo horns. _Bo´ho´nta_ or _k`an-bo´ho´nta_, (a white
man's) hat, from _boho´n_ and _k`an_, squeezed or compressed, perhaps
referring to the split in the middle or to the brim doubled up.
Boho´n-ko´ñkya--"Black-cap;" a former Kiowa chief, one of the signers of
the treaty of 1837, where his name appears as "Bon-congais, the Black
Cap." Catlin painted his picture in 1834 (pl. LXXVI herein) under the
name of "Bon-son-gee, the New Fire." Imo´tä, a son of ´dalpe´pte, is
properly Boho´n-ko´ñkya, named from this chief.
bo´iñ--blond, bright. Cf. _tsoñda_.
Bo´iñ-e´dal--"Big-blond;" a German captive, taken in 1835, still living
among the Kiowa (see Summer 1835).
Bo´loi--not translatable, probably corrupted from a foreign (Spanish?)
name; a Mexican captive and Florida prisoner in 1875, still living.
BON-CONGAIS--see _Boho´n-ko´ñkya_.
bo´npä--sweathouse; more commonly called _sä´dalgu´ăt_, from
_sä´daltep_, _sweat_.
Bo´npä p'a--see _Tépgañ p'a_.
BON-SON-GEE--see _Boho´n-ko´ñkya_.
Bon toñ--"stinking water, or spring," from _gyäbo´nse_, it stinks, and
_toñ_ or _toñtep_; a water hole on the Staked plain, probably so called
on account of sulphur or alkali impregnation. Probably Sulphur springs,
in Martin county, Texas, at the head of the Colorado.
bot--stomach, belly.
Bot-e´dalte--"Big-stomach," from _bot_, _e´dal_, and _te_; a Kiowa woman
who died in the winter of 1882-83.
Botk`i´ägo--Arapaho Grosventres; "belly people," from _bot_ and
_k`i´ägo_. Cf. _Ä´hyäto_.
Bo´yoñko--see _Be´dalpa´go_,
byu´ñi--circle, circular.
CATAKA--see _Tagu´i_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy.
CAYGUA--Spanish form of _Gâ´igwŭ_ (see Kiowa synonymy).
CEAR-CHI-NEKA--see _Si´ăchĭ´nika_.
CET-MA-NI-TA--see _Setmä´nte_.
CHA-HON-DE-TON--"Cha-hon-de-ton, the Flying Squirrel," the name of a
Kiowa signer of the treaty of 1837, as it appears in the document.
_Cho´nshita´_ (Apache)--An Apache signer of the treaty of 1867. The name
appears on the treaty as "Cho-se-ta, or Bad Back."
CHO-SE-TA--see _Cho´nshita´_.
COMALTY--see _´daltoñ-e´dal_.
CON-A-HEN-KA--"Con-a-hen-ka, the Horne Frog" (sic), a Kiowa signer of
the treaty of 1837, as the name appears in the treaty. The horned frog
(toad or lizard) is called _se´hän_, and the correct name may possibly
have been _Se´hänk`i´a_, "Horned-toad-man." In the treaty of 1867
T'ene´-ango´pte, "Kicking-bird," appears as "Ton-a-en-ko or Kicking
Eagle."
CORBEAU--see _Gaa´-boho´n_.
dä--(1) eye; (2) star.
-dă--kill (in composition).
Da do´ha´--"medicine bluff," from _da´-i_ and _do´ha´_; Mount Rochester,
etc., on the upper South Canadian, Texas panhandle.
Da´goi--a Kiowa hero (see story, Summer 1857). The name seems to contain
the word _da´-i_, "medicine."
da´gya--song.
_Daha_ (Apache)--a Kiowa Apache chief and delegate in 1872; still
living.
Da´hä´te--see _Mamä´nte_.
daho´tal--they kill us. See _eho´tal_.
da´-i--"medicine," sacred, religious, mysterious; _da´-i_, "medicine,"
in the ordinary English sense, is sometimes distinguished from _da´hä_,
medicine, in the Indian sense of sacred or mysterious; _Dak`i´a_, God;
_Daki´ada_, Sunday.
Daki´ada--Sunday; "medicine day," from _da´-i_ and _ki´ada_.
Daki´a-sä´n--Saturday; "little medicine day," from _da´-i_, _ki´ada_,
and _sän_.
dam--(1) war path, war expedition; (2) first.
Dä´-mä´ta´n(-ta)--"star girls," from _dä_ and _mä´ta´n_; the Pleiades.
There is a myth to account for the name. A ceremonial invocation and
sacrifice were formerly made to them by mothers on behalf of their sick
children, but the last priestess of the ceremony is now dead.
Dä´-mä´ta´n-ä´ p'a--Salt fork of Red river in Greer county, Oklahoma;
literally, "Star girls (i. e., Pleiades) tree river," from _Dä´-mäta´n_,
_ä_, and _p'a_; so called from a noted tree formerly there, which grew
from the sprouting of a twig driven into the ground to support the
"medicine" on occasion of a ceremonial sacrifice performed by the mother
of Stumbling-bear (see above). The tree was about 30 miles up the creek
and was finally cut down by the Comanche.
da´m-koñ´kya--evening; literally, "first darkness," from _dam_ and
_koñkya_; also called _deko´mdo´le(-gya)_, from an archaic root
referring to slight darkness.
dan--canyon, pass.
dan´--shoulder.
Da´npä´--see _Dohasän_ (_4_).
dä´npa´-iñgya--crown of the head.
Dä´n-pa´-iñgyat'a´-i--"Bald-head," "bald on the crown of the head," from
_dä´nto´_, _dä´npa´-iñgya_; Lawrie Tatum, agent for the Kiowa and allied
tribes, 1869--1873.
dä´nto´--bald; I am bald, _ä´dä´nto´ită´_.
Da´tekâ´ñ.--"Keeps-his-name-always;" it contains the root of _kâ´ñgya_,
name; a Kiowa who assumed the role of prophet in 1881-82, taking the
name of Pa´te´pte, "Buffalo-bull-coming-out," from _pa_, _tep_, and
_te_.
_Datûmpa´ta_ (Hidatsa?)--given as the Hidatsa name for the Kiowa (see
Kiowa synonymy).
_Däve´ko_ (Apache)--a Kiowa Apache chief and medicine man.
-de (in composition)--(1) all, many; (2) a possessive suffix ("of"),
sometimes equivalent to "when," "where," or "there," as _Pai´-tälyi´-de
tseñko_, Sun-boy's horses; _Pa´-ä´ngya tsä´n-de sai_, "winter when
Sitting-bull came," "winter of Sitting-bull's coming."
De´ä´ p'a--"All-kinds-of-trees creek," or "Many-trees (or bushes)
creek;" a stream in Kansas somewhere about Fort Dodge.
-de´e´--there is, where is; a suffix in composition.
degañ´ta--I trade (either buying or selling); gañta, trading; _gañ´ta
do´_, trading house; _gañ´tak`i´_, trader.
de´hi´ñ--late afternoon, after about three oclock. Cf. _deki´äsa_.
deki´äsa--afternoon, until about three oclock. Cf. _de´hi´ñ_.
deko´mdo´le(-gya)--see _da´mko´ñkya_.
de´ngyä--ice.
De´ngyä-ko´ñ k`op--"Black-ice mountain," from _de´ngyä_, _ko´ñkya_, and
_k`op_; a mountain on the southern edge of the Staked plain; so called
from the appearance of the ice frozen on the branches of the trees after
a rain while a Kiowa war party camped there (see Winter 1834-35).
de´no`te´li--gypsum; the word contains _teli_, "white clay." The Kiowa
use it, when burned, to fasten arrowheads.
De´no`te´li p'a--Gypsum creek, Greer county, Oklahoma; "gypsum creek,"
from _de´no`te´li_ and _p'a_.
do--an intensive in composition, equivalent to "very" or "too," as
_do´ye´t_, very large.
do´--tipi, house; plural, _do´ta_.
do´-a´--"tipi game," from _do´_ and _a_. For description see Winter
1881-82.
do´ä´--a circular windbreak or fence of brushwood around a tipi to keep
off the force of the wind; from _do´_ and _ä_.
Doä´dal-koñ´kya--"Black-kettle" (plural form); the Kiowa name of the
Cheyenne chief "Black-kettle," killed in the battle of the Washita,
1868. See the next.
Doä´dal-koñ´kya-eho´tal-de´e--"where Black-kettle was killed" from
_Doä´dal-koñ´kya_, _eho´tal_, and _de_; the place of the "battle of the
Washita," in western Oklahoma, November 27, 1868.
do´a´t--condition of ceremonial mourning; in mourning; _do´ătda_, he is
in mourning. At such times they gash themselves, cut off their hair and
the hair of their horses' tails, neglect their dress and discard their
ornaments and paint, isolate themselves and wail night and morning in
lonely places. The regular word for "crying" is _a´lyă_.
doä´to, plural doä´dal--pot, kettle; _koä´to_, plural _koä´dal_, plate,
pan.
do´bä--face; in composition _do_.
Do´-e´dalte--"Big-face;" a Kiowa warrior killed in 1835-36.
dogâ´i--white faced (as applied to an animal); having the face of a
color different from that of the rest of the body; from _do´bä_ and
_gâ´idă_. Cf. _Gâ´igwŭ_.
Do-gi´ägyä-gu´ăt--"battle picture tipi," from _do´_, _gi´ägyä_, and
_gu´ăt_; the hereditary tipi of Doha´sän's family (see Winter 1872-73
and plate LXXIX).
do`go´t-ä´--oak, oak tree, literally "very hard wood," from _do_, _got_,
and _ä_; they now say _ka`do´li-ä_, which conveys the same idea, on
account of the death of a woman named Do`go´tä about five years ago.
_Do`go´t-e´_, acorn, literally "oak fruit."
Do go´t-ä p'a--Oak creek or Post-oak creek, a small southern tributary
of the Washita in County H, Oklahoma; literally, "oak creek," from
_do`go´t-ä_ and _p'a_. The name has recently been changed to _Ka`do´li-ä
p'a_ (see the preceding).
Do`gu´at--Wichita, with their cognate tribes the Waco and Tawakoni, and
presumably also the Kichai; singular _Do`gu´atk`ia_, literally
"pictured, or tattooed faces," from _do´bä_ and _gu´ăt_, on account of
their practice of tattooing; sometimes also called Be´dalgu´ăt,
"tattooed mouths;" singular, _Be´dalgu´ătk`i´a_, their Comanche name;
_Do´`kana_ conveys a similar meaning. They call themselves
_Kĭtikĭti´sh_, spelled _Kidi-ki-tashe_ in the Greer county testimony.
Do`gu´at k`op--"Wichita mountain," from _Do`gu´ăt_ and _k`op_. The Kiowa
call by this name only those at the western end, between Elk creek and
the North fork of Red river, on the reservation, in the vicinity of the
old Wichita village (see Summer 1834). For the rest of the group they
have names only for particular peaks.
do´guătal--a young man.
Do´guătal-e´dal--"Big-young-man," from _do´guătal_ and _e´dal_; a
sacrilegious Kiowa warrior in 1861.
Do´guătal-tai´de--"Young-man-chief," from _do´guătal_ and _tai´de_;
agent Lieut. Maury Nichols, in charge 1893-94.
do´`gyäho´n--she was frozen; I am freezing, _ädo´`gyäho´n_.
do´ha´--bluff.
Doha´, Doha´te, or Doha´-sän--"Bluff" or "Little-bluff," from _do´ha´_,
_sän_, and _te_; the hereditary name of a line of chiefs in the
Kiowa tribe for nearly a century. The name has been borne by at
least four of the family, viz: (1) The first of whom there is
remembrance was originally called _Pa´-do`gâ´-i_ or _Pado'gâ_,
"White-faced-buffalo-bull" (from _pa_ and _do-`gâ´-i_), and this name
was afterward changed to _Doha´_ or _Doha´te_, "Bluff." He was also a
prominent chief. (2) His son was originally called _Ä´anoñ´te_ (a word
of doubtful etymology), and afterward took his father's name of
_Doha´te_, which was changed to _Doha´sän_, "Little Dohate," or
"Little-bluff," for distinction. He became a great chief, ruling over
the whole tribe from 1833 until his death in 1866. His portrait was
painted in 1834 by Catlin, who calls him _Teh-toot-sah_, and his name
appears on the treaty of 1837 as _To-ho-sa_, the "Top of the Mountain."
(3) His son, whose widow is Anki´mä, inherited his father's name,
Doha´sän, was also a distinguished warrior, and died about three years
ago. His scalp-shirt and war-bonnet case are now in the National Museum.
(4) The nephew of the great Doha´sän II and cousin of the last mentioned
(3) was also called Doha´sän, and always wore a silver cross with the
name "Tohasan" engraved upon it. He was the author of the Scott
calendar, and died in 1892; shortly before his death he changed his name
to _Da´npä´_, "Shoulder-blade," from _da´n_, "shoulder" (?), leaving
only Anki´mä's husband (3) to bear the hereditary name, which is now
extinct.
Doha´te-he´m-de p'a--see _Ä´pätdo´ p'a_.
Dohe´ñko--the Carrizo, and probably also the Karankawa; "shoeless
people," from _do´ti_, _heñ-_, and _ko_. The Tonkawa also called both
these tribes and others on the Texas coast the "shoeless" or "barefoot
people" (Gatschet). The Kiowa know the name Carrizo from having still
among them some captives of that tribe, and state that they wore sandals
instead of regular moccasins. Also called _Kâ´nhe´ñko_ and
_Yi´atä´teheñko_, from _kân_ and _yi´atä´te_, other synonyms for
_do´ti_, moccasin, q. v.
Dohe´ñte--"No-moccasins," or "Barefoot," a keeper of the _taíme_, who
succeeded Anso´`te in 1873 and died in the winter of 1875-76; called
_Tohaint_ by Battey.
Do´ho´n--Mandan, said to mean "last tipi," from _do´+_; an older form of
the same name is _Dowa´koho´n_, and they are also sometimes called
_Sa´bă´_, "stingy."
do´`ka´ñi--bark (of a tree); contains _ka´ni_, shell or rind.
Do´`ka´ñi k`op--"bark mountains," the Santa Rosa mountains in northern
Coahuila, Mexico.
Do´`ka´ñi-t'a`ka´-i--"Bark (mountain) Mexicans," those in the vicinity
of the Santa Rosa mountains, Coahuila (see the preceding).
Do´-ko´nsenä´go--Chiricahua Apache; "People of the turned-up moccasins,"
from _do´ti_, _ko´nsenä´_, and _go_; the "Hooked or Curved Toe Apache"
of Clark (page 33). They are now prisoners of war at Fort Sill on the
reservation, and were known to the Kiowa under this name before their
removal from Arizona.
dom, dâm--(1) earth; (2) under, in composition.
Doma´ñk`i´ägo--see _Gu´igyä´ko_.
do´mba´--bugle, flute, flageolet. Nearly every tribe of the plains and
eastward has its native flute.
do´mbe--country, region, from _dom_ or _dâm_.
Domo´ntoñ--ocean; literally seems "water surrounding the earth," from
_dom_ and _toñ_. They have no specific names except by description.
do´n--fat (noun); I am fat, _ädo´n_.
Do´n p'a--South Platte river; "fat river," on account of the former
abundance of the buffalo there. According to Clark, the South Platte is
known to the tribes as Fat or Greasy or sometimes as Goose river.
do´nä´i--pecan; literally, "fat or oily tree fruit," from _do´n_, _ä_
and _i_ or _e_. Another name is _oñ´guă_.
Do´nä´i p'a--(1) Elk creek of North fork of Red river, on the
reservation; it was formerly called _Ko`ga´-i p'a_, "Elk creek." Elk
have been seen in the adjoining portion of the Wichita mountains within
the last twenty years. (2) Nueces river, Texas, called also _Nakü´`tävä
hono_, "Pecan river," by the Comanche. The Kiowa name also signifies
"Pecan river." (3) The southernmost tributary of _Señ p'a_ (Salado,
Nuevo Leon, Mexico), i. e., probably the Sabinas Hidalgo branch (lower
Salado).
doñ´iga--far below, as at the bottom of a well or canyon. Deep is _zoñ_.
Doñ´iga-p'a´da´-de´e or Doñ´iga-p'ak`a´dee--Cataract canyon; Colorado
canyon, Arizona; literally, "it has," or "there is" (_da´_) a river
(_p'a_) lying (_k`a_) there (_de´e_) far below (_doñ´iga_). The Kiowa
have visited both canyons, and tell of killing several Havasupai
(Coconino), who seemed unused to enemies, in a raid upon their canyon
home on Cataract creek.
do´npä--cat-tail rushes (_Equisetum arvense_), singular, _do´npä´ga_.
The name is connected with _do´n_, "fat," from the resemblance in the
edible portion; kidney fat is also called _do´npä_. The Indians eat raw
the soft white portion at the base of the stalk.
do´ti--moccasin, shoe; this is the oldest word, and has held its own.
Other words used instead at various periods on account of deaths, are
_yi´atä´te_ and _kân_.
Dowa´koho´n--see _Do´ho´n_.
-e, or -i--fruit, berry, grain, nut, in composition; perhaps same as
_i_, child or offspring, q. v.
e´dăl--great, large, big; another word used is _bi´ăn_, _bi´ăntă_.
Variants are _et_, _e´do´_ or _e´dă_, and _e´e´t_; _edal_ is generally
used for animate objects and for tipi or house; _e´do´_ or _e´dă´_ is
used for inanimate objects generally; _et_ is generally used for
inanimate objects, but may also be used for man, horse, and dog;
_e´e´t_, a plural form, is used for tree, box, and some others. It is
large, _et_; they are large, _ebi´ăn_.
eda´se´mk`op--they stole them (horses). Cf. _ä´semtse_.
edo´nmo--they are searching or hunting for something; I search or hunt
for, _gyädo´nmo_.
edo´päñ--they were initiated as _Kâ´itseñko_. Cf. _äo´päñ_.
eet--see _edal_.
e´`gu´--a plant (i. e., something planted to grow from seed or cutting;
not something growing without human aid); from _e_ and _gu´ă_, to plant;
I plant, _gyäte´gu´ă`dă_; plant it! _bäte´gŭ´!_
E´`gua p'a--Chandler creek, on the reservation; literally, "Garden
creek," frome _e´`gu´_ and _p'a_, because the Apache had their principal
cornfields there.
eho´tal--he was killed; I kill him, gyäho´taldă; he killed him,
_äho´tal_; I killed him, _gyäho´tal_ (_gyälho´tl_); they killed us,
_daho´tal_; kill him! _äho´!_ _ho´tăl!_
ek`i´ädă--it sprouted, it has sprouted, it is growing; said of the young
plant when it appears above ground; _gyäk`i´ädă_, growing, sprouting.
Cf. _gyäk`i´ädă_.
E´maä--not translatable; a Kiowa woman, keeper of the _taíme_ since
1894.
E´oñte--a Kiowa man, otherwise known as _Gu´ădal-e´dal_, "Big-red;" the
word may have connection with _eoñ´to_, I like him.
eoñ´ti--I like him. Cf. _Gyai´`koao´ñte_.
E´`pea--"We-(they-)are-afraid-of-him," from _gyäpe´to_; a Kiowa warrior,
who died a prisoner in Florida after 1875.
ES-A-NANCA--see _Ĭsänä´năka_.
_Ĕ´sikwi´ta_ (Comanche)--"brown dung," so called, it is said, from the
color produced by eating piñon nuts in the mountains, or perhaps an
allusion to the appearance of the favorite "mescal bread" of the tribe.
Mescalero Apache; a Comanche name adopted by the Kiowa to designate the
same tribe; sometimes also called _Ätäbĭts_ by the Comanche; under the
name of _Essequeta_ or _Essequeta Apache_, the Kiowa Apache have
sometimes been confounded with them, and the Kiowa sometimes confound
them with the _Ä´tagu´i_ or Lipan.
ESSEQUETA--see _Ĕ´sikwi´ta_.
et--see _edal_.
eta´`ga--they shot it, or them; I shoot, _deta´`bo´_; I shall shoot,
_deta´`tito´_; I shot (either with bow or gun), _deta´`ga_; shoot!
_beta´`de!_
E´tälyidonmo--"He-(they-)hunts-for-boys," from _tä´lyi´_ and _edo´nmo_;
a Florida prisoner in 1875, afterward a student and worker in his tribe.
etku´egan--they brought it dragging (i. e., a head); I drag it, or him,
_deku´eba´_; I bring it dragging, _deku´egan_.
eto´dă.--they (poles) were left standing; I leave it standing,
_deto´di´`to_.
e´tpata--they ate it (ashes); I eat, _gyä`pa´ta_. Cf. _gyäpa´ta_, it is
sprouting.
etpe´--they were afraid, or frightened. Cf. _gyä`pe´to_.
e´zăn, e´zhăn--agent, i. e., Indian agent; corrupted from "agent."
E´zănyă, E´zhănyă --the agency, at Anadarko, Oklahoma, from "agent,"
"agency;" sometimes referred to as _Ägun´tä p'a´-gyă_, "at Washita
river," or _E´zăn-do´i_, "at the agent's house."
FISH-E-MORE--see _T'a`ka´-i-p'o´dal_.
gaa´--an archaic name for crow (now _ma´ñsă´_; cf. _mă´să´_, six), still
used in composition in proper names.
Gaa´-boho´n--"Crow-bonnet;" a Kiowa chief, signer of the treaty of 1867,
where he is called "Corbeau, or The Crow." He never wore a shirt, but in
winter threw a buffalo robe over his naked shoulders.
Gaa´-k`i´ägo--Crow Indians, "Crow people;" it is said they are sometimes
called also _Koñ-k`i´ägo_, "black people," but this is probably another
name for the Ute or _I´atä´go_, q. v.
Gaa´-k`o´dalte--"Crow-neck," from _gaa´_, _k`o´dal_, and _te_; a Kiowa
chief, who died in 1842.
Gaa´piata´ñ--"Feathered-lance" from _gaa´yi_ and _pi´atañ´ga_; an old
Kiowa war chief, better known as Heidsick, a corruption of _Hai´tsĭki_,
the Comanche rendering of his Kiowa name.
gaa´yi--a feathered lance sheath, made usually of red cloth with pendent
eagle feathers and drawn up over the shaft of the lance, leaving the
blade exposed.
ga´bodălyi´ or ga´bodli--sheep or goat; possibly from the Spanish
_cabra_. The wild sheep is called _teñbe_, and the name is sometimes
applied also to the domestic sheep.
Ga´bodly k`op--see _Teñbe k`op_.
ga´dal--buffalo; now sometimes used also for cattle; _pa_, a buffalo
bull.
ga´dal-ä´--see _ta´-ä_.
Gadalkoko--see _K`iñ´ähi-pi´äñko_.
Gado´mbitso´ñhi--"old woman, under the ground;" a sacred image formerly
belonging to the Kiñep division (see page 239).
Gâ´i--Kiowa, in composition; _Gâ´i-gwŭ_, the Kiowa tribe; _Gâ´imä_, a
Kiowa woman; _Gâ´ido´ñ_, the Kiowa language; _ĭmgâ´ido´ñ_, say it in
Kiowa.
Gâ´i K`at'a--see _K`at'a_.
Gâ´i k`op--"Kiowa mountains;" that portion of the Rocky mountains at the
head of Missouri and Yellowstone rivers; so called because the Kiowa
formerly lived there. Farther south they are called _I´ătä k`op_, "Ute
mountains," and in Mexico, _K`ob-e´tă_, "great mountains."
Gâ´i-gwŭ´--(1) the Kiowa tribe; (2) one of the recognized six
divisions of the Kiowa tribe, and probably the original nucleus of the
tribe. In this word the root is _gâ´i_, while _gwŭ_ is the tribal
suffix, more usually formed as _go_ or _ko_, q. v. The word seems to be
derived from _gâ´idă_, implying having a half or part of different color
from the rest; perhaps in this case alluding to some old style of face
or body paint or to the former custom of wearing the hair cut short on
one side of the head, as already noted. A feather of the war eagle is
described as _gâ´idă´_, because one-half of it is white and the other
black; a white-face horse is called _do´-gâ´idă´_. Cf. _Pa-do`gâ´-i_,
"white-face-buffalo-bull."
ga´kiñ--ten. Cf. _pägo_.
Ga´kiñăte--"Ten," from _ga´kiñ_ and _te_; a Kiowa warrior, brother of
Lone-wolf, 1883-84.
Ga´kiñăt'o P'a--"moon of ten cold (days)," from _ga´kiñ_, _gyät'o´_, and
_p'a_; the first moon of the Kiowa year, comprising parts of September
and October (see page 368).
gañ--goose.
Gañe´tä--see _O´konoñ-yä´dăldä_.
Gañhi´ña P'a--"real, or principal, goose moon," from _gañ_, _hiñ_, and
_p'a_; a Kiowa moon or month, including parts of December and January
(see the calendar).
Gano´ñko--see _Be´dalpa´go_.
Gañ´sa--Kansas or Kaw Indians; from their own name.
Ga´ñsûñko--see _Ga´ñsa_.
Gañ´ta p'a--Double-mountain fork of Brazos river, Texas; literally,
"Trading river," from _degañ´ta_ and _p'a_. The name may have originated
from the fact that a trail, by which the Indians passed around or across
the Staked plain to New Mexico, ran along the stream.
gañton--a soldier's cap or visor.
Gañton´to---see _Be´dalpa´go_.
Ga´nu´än--see _Pa´sotkyät'o´_.
Ga´ta`ka--see _Tagu´i_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy.
gi--(1) meat, flesh; (2) abbreviation of _giñ´agya_ or _gi´ñde_, q. v.
gi´ădal, gyä`-gi´ădal--to dwell; he dwells.
Gi´ădede´te--"He-faces-the-line" (as of soldiers), from _gi´atiäpa´ntă_,
"I face the line;" a Kiowa warrior killed in Mexico in 1843-44.
Gi´agu´ădălta´go--Indians; literally, "people of red flesh," from _gi_,
_gu´ădal_, and _go_.
gi´ägyä--battle, coup; I am fighting, _depai´gop_; I strike in battle,
_gyä`gi´ägop_.
gi´ăka´-i--"back hide," from _gi´apa´iñgya_ and _ka-i_, a piece of
rawhide worn over the shoulders by women to protect the back when
carrying wood or other burdens; sometimes called _gi´gyäka´-i_.
Gi´ăka´-ite--"Back-hide," from _gi´ăka´-i_ and _te_; an oil man who was
abandoned to die in the winter of 1859-60.
gi´ăni--long, tall, as a tree, tipi pole, etc; for things not usually
erect (fence, string, pencil, etc) and for man, the common word is
_gyu´ñi_.
gi´apa´-iñgya--back (of the body). Cf. _go´mtä_.
Giatä´ P'ada´ti--see _Ai´koñ p'a_, _2_.
Gi´-edal--"Big-meat;" a Kiowa warrior killed in New Mexico in the winter
of 1874-75.
gi´gyäka´-i--see _gi´aka´-i_.
giñ´aga--very early in the morning. Cf. _giñ´ăgya_.
gi´ñăgya--night; abbreviated _gi´ñde_ or _gi_; _pägo gi_, one night. Cf.
_giñ´aga_.
_Gĭnä´s_ (Wichita)--see _Tagu´i_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy.
giñăto´gya--after midnight; from _gi´ñăgya_ and _togya_.
gi´ñde--see _gi´ñăgya_.
gi´ñ-kopa´-iñgya--midnight, from _giñ´ăgya_ and _kopa´-iñgya_.
go--(1) and; (2) see _-ko_.
go´be--wild horse.
Go´be--"Wild-horse," a Florida prisoner in 1875.
Go´ho--"Kick," from _gyä´ango´p_; a Mexican captive and Florida
prisoner in 1875.
go´m-â´dal-hâ´ñgya--"back hair metal," from _go´mtä_, _âdal_, and
_hâ´ñgya_; a strap or strip of red cloth ornamented with silver disks,
worn pendent behind from the scalp-lock. Cf. _â´dalhâ´ñgya_.
Gomä´te--see _´daltoñ-e´dal_.
go´mgyä--wind; the wind is blowing, _go´mde´_.
Go´mgyä dan--"wind canyon;" a canyon pass at the extreme head of
Double-mountain fork of Brazos river, Texas.
go´mtä--back (of the body); in composition, _gom_. Cf. _gi´apa´-iñgya_.
_Goñk`o´ñ_ (Apache)--an Apache chief and delegate to Washington in 1894,
commonly known as Apache John.
gu´a-da´gya--the "travel song," sung by a war party on setting out (see
Winter 1862-63). The literal meaning may be "wolf song," i. e.,
_gu´i-da´gya_. "Just before a war party sets out, its members get
together and sing the 'peeling a stick song,' which is a wolf song;
also, if a person is hungry and sings a wolf song he is likely to find
food. Men going on a hunting trip sing these songs, which bring them
good luck."--Grinnell, _Blackfeet_, _2_.
gu´ădal--red; it is practically a synonym for "paint," red being the
favorite and most sacred color with all Indian tribes. It is red, it is
painted, _gu´ădaldă´_. Cf. _gyä`gu´ătda´_.
Gu´ădal do´ha´--"red bluff;" a bluff on the north side of the South
Canadian, about the mouth of Mustang creek, and a few miles above Adobe
Walls, in the panhandle of Texas. A principal trail crossed there and a
trading post was established there by William Bent in 1843-44. It was
here that Carson had his fight with the Kiowa in 1864. Cf. _Sä´k`odal
Gu´ădal Do´ha´_.
Gu´ădal k`op--(1) "red mountain;" a small mountain near Eagle-heart's
camp, upper Rainy-mountain creek, on the reservation. (2) A mountain in
Colorado described as being north of Arkansas river, a short distance
above the river of Colorado Springs, and on an extreme northern head
branch of the Arkansas. This description would seem to make it Pike's
Peak, the most prominent peak of that region, but the statement of
direction may be an error for Red mountain, _southward_ from the
Arkansas, and southwest of Pueblo.
Gu´ădal p'a--"red river;" (1) the South Canadian; (2) Big Wichita river,
Texas.
Gu´ădal-e´dal--see _E´oñte_.
Gu´ădalka´pä--"paint (red) is there;" a rocky bank eastward from
Se´t-ĭmki´a's camp on Äda´n p'a, from which the Kiowa procure a red
mineral paint.
Guadal-k`udal-dee p'a--"paint-is-there creek;" Clay creek, a southern
tributary of the Arkansas, in Colorado; so called on account of the
abundance there of clay paint. Also sometimes called _Yädaldä p'a_,
"Hill creek," on account of the Two Buttes near its head.
Gu´ădaloñ´te--"Painted-red," a Kiowa leader about 1839. The name implies
that he had red paint upon his body, face, or hair, from _gu´ădal_,
paint, or red; _gu´ădaldă´_, it is red or painted.
Gu´ădaltse´yu--"Red-pet," or "Little-red," from _gu´ădal_ and _-tse´yu_,
a noted race-horse stolen by an escaping Pawnee prisoner in 1852-53.
gu´ak`o--yellow.
gu´ăn, gu´ănkya--dance; I dance, _degu´ănmo_. Cf. _guntä_ and _gun_.
Gu´a´na--Quanah Parker; the Kiowa form of his Comanche name _Kwäna_ or
_Kwaina_, "fragrant." He is a half-blood, the head chief of the
Comanche, being the son of a Comanche chief by a captive white woman,
Cynthia Parker (see the following).
Gu´a´na-de-`ta´ho--Adobe Walls, on the north side of the South Canadian,
just west of 101°, in the panhandle of Texas. The name signifies "where
Quanah led his confederates," i. e., "Quanah's battle ground," alluding
to the noted battle there in June, 1874 (see page 203).
Gu´a´na-de p'a--see _Gwa´hale p'a_.
_Gu´añteka´na_ (Apache)--see _Se´t-ta´dal_.
gu´ăt(-gya)--picture, brand, tattoo, writing, etc, from _gyä`gu´ătda´_.
gu´ăto--bird (see _t'e´ne´_).
gu´ăto´hiñ--eagle; literally, "principal bird," from _gu´ăto_ and
_-hiñ_.
Gu´ătoi p'a--"small bird creek" (not _Gu´ăto´hiñ p'a_, "eagle creek"),
from _gu´ăto_ and _-i_; a stream somewhere southwestward from Double
mountain, Texas, near the old California emigrant trail
(_Ho´an-t'a`ka´-i_).
Gu´ăto-ko´ñkya--"Black-bird;" a Kiowa signer of the treaty of 1867,
where the name appears as "Wa-toh-konk, or Black Eagle."
gu´ătoñ--ribs; singular, _gu´ăte´m_, from _tem_.
Gu´ătoñ-bi´ăn--see _Se´t-t'ai´ñte_.
Gu´ăto-ze´dalbe--"Dangerous-eagle;" a Kiowa chief about 1876, brother of
Big-tree. Although the name is really "dangerous bird," the _guăto_ is
understood to be here an abbreviated form in composition of
_gu´ăto´hiñ_.
gu´i--wolf (generic); the gray wolf is _gui-t'ai´ñmo_, from t'aiñ,
"white;" the coyote is sometimes distinguished as _gui ma´ñtoñ-tso´ñi_,
"sharp-nose wolf."
Gui p'a--"wolf creek;" Wolf creek, upper branch of North Canadian,
Oklahoma.
Gu´i-bada´i--"Appearing-wolf," or "Wolf-coming-in-sight," from _gu´i_
and _badai´_; a Kiowa warrior in 1873.
Gu´i-bo´tte--"Wolf-stomach," from _gu´i_, _bot_, and _te_; a Kiowa
warrior in 1875; died while a prisoner in Florida.
Gu´igyä´ p'a--"Pawnee river," from _Gu´igyä´ko_ and _p'a_. A river,
probably the Kansas (Kaw) or one of its branches, the Smoky-hill,
Saline, Solomon, or Republican, described as between the Arkansas and
the Platte, but not tributary to either (see Summer 1834).
Gu´igyä´ko--Pawnee; literally, "wolf people," from _gu´i_ and _k`i´ägo_
or _gyäko_; sometimes called Doma´ñk`i´ägo, "walking people," from,
_dom_, ----, and _k`i´ägo_. SIGN: Two fingers erect and forward at right
side of head--i. e., "horns" or "ears;" then index finger turned and
thrown out to front--i. e., "man" (see Summer 1833, Winter 1849-50).
Gu´i-k`a´te---"Wolf-lying-down," from _gu´i_, _äk`a´_ and _te_; (1) a
Kiowa warrior killed by the Cheyenne in 1838; (2) a Kiowa delegate to
Washington in 1872; his name has been rendered "Sleeping-wolf."
Gu´i-k`o´dal-te p'a--"Wolf-necklace's river;" a branch of White river,
of the Brazos, Texas; so called from a Comanche known to the Kiowa as
Wolf-necklace (or Wolf-neck?).
Gu´i-koñ´kya--"Black-wolf;" a Kiowa warrior killed by American traders
in 1832-33.
Gu´i-pä´go--"Lone-wolf." (1) A principal Kiowa chief, leader of the
hostile element in 1874; sent as prisoner to Florida at the close of the
outbreak. (2) His adopted son, namesake, and successor, and present head
chief of the tribe.
guñ--horn.
Gunpä´ñdamä--"medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole;" a Kiowa girl captured by the
Osage and returned to her friends by the dragoons in 1834. Catlin, who
painted her picture, calls her "Wun-pan-to-mee, the white weasel."
_Gu´npä´ñda´-i_ is the owner's "medicine," or protecting talisman,
usually kept in a bag or pouch tied inside the tipi and just above the
junction of the bed curtain to that one of the three principal poles
which stands nearly opposite the entrance. The Cheyenne sometimes hang
it outside, near the door. The word is compounded from _guntä_, tipi
pole, _da´-i_, medicine, and _pä_, the root of the verb _gyäpä´-imo_, I
tie. The suffix _-mä_ makes it a feminine name. The medicine, as also
the tipi pole to which it is attached, are also called _komtä´ga_ or
_komt[:ă]´-gu´n-da_. In this case the medicine may have been inclosed
in a bag made of white ermine skin. The three principal tipi poles tied
together are called _gunpä_ (_gun_ and _pä_); the Comanche tipi has four
principal poles.
Guñisa´dalte--"Horned" or "Having-horns," from _guñ_, _sadal_, and _te_,
perhaps from his having some time worn a ceremonial cap with buffalo
horns. A Kiowa warrior, still living, who acted as Kiowa interpreter at
the treaty of 1867. Sometimes also known as _Bä´o_, "Cat."
guñse´to--lance, spear; an old form used in personal names is
_pi´ătañ´ga_, from _pi´a´ta´`ga_, "he stabs with a spear."
guntä--tipi pole; plural, _gun_. Tipi poles are made preferably of
cedar, on account of its durability and freedom from liability to warp;
they are sometimes made of cottonwood. Twenty is the average estimate to
a tipi, besides the two outside poles. Cf. _gu´ăn_, dance.
Gusa´ko--see _Kapä´to_.
Gwa´hale p'a--"Kwahadi creek;" West Cache creek on the reservation. From
the fact that Chief Quanah lives upon it, it is sometimes called
_Gu´a´na-de p'a_, "Quanah's creek."
Gwa´hale´go--(1) Kwahadi Comanche, the westernmost and most warlike
portion of the tribe, formerly ranging principally about the Staked
plain, under the immediate leadership of Quanah, present head chief of
the whole tribe; the Comanche word is said to signify "antelopes," and
the Kiowa name is a corruption from it. (2) Another name for the
_T'ok`i´ñähyup_, q. v.
-gyă--a locative suffix equivalent to "at" or "in." Cf. _gyä-_.
gyä- --an assertive prefix with verbs and adjectives. Cf. _-gyă_.
gyä´ango´p--I kick.
gyäbo´nse--it stinks.
gyädâ´mo--I make, I do. Cf. _âm_, _âmo_.
gyädo´--I have it. Cf. _gyät'o´_ and _kyä`to´_.
gyä´`gan--they brought it; I bring it, _gyä´`ga´n_; they brought it,
_gyä´`gan_ or _ä´`gan_.
gyä'gu´ătda´--I paint, draw, write, tattoo, make a picture; _gu´ătgya_,
picture; _gu´ădaldă´_, it is painted, it is red.
Gyai´-kao´dal--"Comanche cache," from _Gyai´`ko_ and _kao´dal_; the
vicinity of a spring in the mountains of northern Coahuila, Mexico, one
day's journey south of the Rio Grande and probably one of the "tinajas;"
a Comanche rendezvous in their raids into northeastern Mexico.
Gyai´`ko--Comanche; "enemies;" singular, _Gyaik`i_, _Gyai´mä_, from
_nyägyai´to_. This name "Enemies," is the common Kiowa name for the
Comanche, now their close allies (see page 162 _et passim_). Other Kiowa
names for them are (1) _Sänko_, now obsolete, probably signifying
"snakes," from _sä´ne_, snake; (2) _P'o´dalk`i´ägo_, or _P'o´dalgyä´ko_,
"reptile people," from _p'odal_ and _k`i´ägo_. This last name is
probably a substitute for the previous term _Sänko_, on the occasion of
the death of some person of somewhat similar name. The early French
explorers called them _Pa´douca_, from their common designation among
the Dakota, Osage, and cognate tribes. It may possibly be derived from
_Pe´nätĕ´ka_, the name of the easternmost division of the Comanche.
SIGN: "Wavy motion, as of a snake, made from front to back with the
right forefinger. Cf. Shoshoni sign under _So´ndo´ta_.
Gya´i`koañ´te--"He-likes-(or rejoices in)-enemies," or
"He-likes-the-Comanche" (the Kiowa name for Comanche signifies
"enemy"--see preceding), from _gyai`ko_ and _eoñ´ti_; a Kiowa warrior
killed by the _Äläho´_, q. v., in 1854-55.
Gyai´-yä´daldä--"Comanche hill;" a hill at the head of Deer creek, a
southern tributary of the South Canadian, in D county, Oklahoma.
Gyai´-yä´daldä p'a--Deer creek, in D county, Oklahoma; literally,
"Comanche-hill river" (see preceding).
gyäk`a´ta--I bite, I bite off a piece; _gyäzo´ñte_, I hold it with my
teeth.
gyäk`i´ädă--they (it) sprouted. Cf. _ek`i´ädă_.
gyä´ko--see _k`i´ägo_.
gyäko´dal--they left them behind (implying rolled or wrapped up, said
usually only of things to be rolled or packed up); _gyäko´da_, I leave
it wrapped or rolled up; _do´ gyäko´dal_, they left their tipis rolled
up or packed away (the verb shows they were not left standing);
_bä`ko´_, leave it there, put it there. Cf. _kao´dal_ and _odal_.
gyäku´atda--I take it out (as from a box, pocket, or fastening). Cf.
_K`u´ato_.
_gyä`pa´bă_--I bring him; he brought him, _pa`ga´ni_; he brought them,
_e´`pa`ga´ni_.
gyäpä´-imo--I tie. Cf. _ä´opäñ_.
gyäpä´-iñgya--dawn.
gyäpa´ta--it is sprouting. Cf. _gyäk`i´ädă_ and _giä`pa´to_.
gyä`pa´to--I eat. Cf. _piä_ and _gyäpa´ta_.
gyäpä´to--I sharpen; _k`a-pä´ti_, whetstone; _K`a´-pä´top_,
"knife-whetters," i. e., Apache.
gyä`pe´to--I am afraid, I am frightened; _pe´to´_, he is afraid;
_gyäpe´to_, they are afraid; _e´`pea_, they are afraid of him; _etpe´_,
they were afraid.
gyätä´da--they were surrounded; we are surrounding him, _egi´ătä´da_.
Cf. _gyätä´`da_.
gyätä´`da--I cut; root, in composition, _tä_, as _ä´-tä´_, sawmill;
_so´n-tä´_, mowing machine.
gyät'o´--(it is) cold; I am cold, _äka´hem_. Cf. _gyädo´_ and
_kyä´`to´_.
gyäze´mä--they (inanimate) move about; _to´yă_, it moves about;
_äto´yă_, I move about.
gyu´ñhä´te--very (?) tall or long; an intensive form of _gyu´ñi_, q. v.
gyu´ñi--long. Cf. _gi´ăni_, _gyu´ñhä´te_, and _kyu´ñi_.
haa´-ipai´-degi--O sun! But you, O sun! _pai_, sun. Cf. _hado´mga´gi_
(see the song of the Kâitse´ñko, Summer 1871).
habä´--sloping, one-sided.
hado´mga´gi--O earth! But you, O earth! _dom_, earth. Cf.
_haa´-ipai´degi_ (see the song of the Kâitseñ´ko, Summer 1871).
_Hai´tsĭki_ (Comanche)--see _Gaa´piatañ_.
_Hänä´chä-thi´ak_ (Arapaho)--see _Pa´ä´ngya_.
Hâñ´do´ti--"Iron-moccasin," from _háñgya_ and _doti_; the Kiowa name of
an Apache signer of the treaty of 1837; called in the treaty
"Hen-ton-te, the iron shoe."
hâ´ñgya--metal, particularly iron; in composition _hañ_; iron or steel,
_hâ´ñgya_; tin, _hañ-t'aiñ_, "white metal;" lead, _hañ´-ze´bat_, "arrow,
i. e., bullet metal;" copper and brass, _hâñ-gu´ak`o_, "yellow metal;"
gold, _â´dalhâ´ñgu´adal_, "red money," or "red hair metal" (see
_â´dalhâ´ñgya_); silver, _â´dalhâ´ñ-t'ai´ñ_, "white money;" German
silver, _hâñ-kope´dal_, "flat metal," because bought in sheets).
hâñ´-kope´dal--German silver; literally, "flat metal." Cf. _hâ´ñgya_.
hâñpaiñ--gunpowder, literally "iron dust," from _hâ´ñgya_ and _paiñ_.
Hâñ´paiñ p'a--"powder river;" Powder river in Montana and Wyoming.
hâ´ñ-po--trap; literally, "iron trap," from _hâñgya_, iron or steel; and
_po_, a trap of any kind, including also a spider's web.
Hâñpo´ko--see _Be´dalpa´go_.
hâñ´-t'aiñ´--tin; literally, "white metal;" sometimes improperly used
for _â´dalhâñ-t'ai´ñ_, silver.
Hâñ´t'aiñ-k`a´--"Tin-knife," from _hânt'aiñ_ and _k`a_; the Kiowa name
of a Comanche warrior killed in 1860; sometimes improperly rendered
"Silver-knife."
Hâ´ñtäk`i´a--"Spectacle-man," literally "Metal-eye-man," from _hâñgya_,
_tä_, and _k`ia_; Captain H. L. Scott, Seventh Cavalry, formerly
commander of the Kiowa troop.
hâ´ñ-t'o´gyä--cuirass; literally, "metal shirt;" sometimes also called
_k`a´t'o´gyä_, "knife shirt."
Hâñt'o´gyäk`i´a--see _A´`päta´te_.
hâñtso--cannon ball; literally, "iron rock."
Hâñtso p'a--"cannon-ball river;" a river in Kansas; so called on account
of an abundance of iron nodules in its vicinity; a branch of Kansas
river, probably the Solomon; perhaps the Republican river.
Hâ´ñzepho´`da--"Kills-with-a-gun," from _hâ´nze´pko_ and _gyäho´taldă_.
(Cf. _eho´tal_); a Kiowa warrior who died in 1863-64.
hâ´ñze´pko--gun; literally, "iron bow," from _hâ´ñgya_ and _zepko_.
HEIDSICK--see _Gaa´piatañ_.
hem--he died; I am dead (?), _ähe´m_; he is dead, _hem_; he will die,
_hi´ñată´_ (a different word).
heñ- --without, less, in composition. Cf. _Tso´dal-he´ñte_,
_Toñheñ-t'a`ka´-i-dombe_; _he´ñgyäto´_, there is none; _heñ´yäto´_, I
have none.
Heno´ñko--Hidatsa, Minitarí, or Grosventres of the Missouri; singular,
_Heno´ñk`ia_, _Heno´ñmä_. The word, of which the root is _Heno´ñ_, has
no meaning in the Kiowa language and may be derived from _Herantsa_,
another form of Hidatsa. The name Minitarí is of Siouan origin, and
signifies "water crossers," or "water people."
HEN-TON-TE--see Hâñdo´ti.
HE-PAN-NI-GAIS--"He-pan-ni-gais, the Night," the name of a Kiowa signer
of the treaty of 1837, as it appears on the treaty. The form seems to
contain the word _pän_, cloud or sky.
hi´ădăl--a creek-like depression, or shallow valley, but without water.
Hi´ădăl-gyu´ñhä´te p'a--Devil or San Pedro river, Texas, joining the Rio
Grande below the Pecos; literally, "long valley river." Described as
flowing with a noisy current and having very large fish. A war trail
into Mexico crossed near there.
-hiñ--principal, real, a suffix; as _ä´hiñ_, cottonwood, literally
"principal tree;" _gu´ato´hiñ_, eagle, literally "principal bird."
hi´tugŭ´!--wait!--abbreviated _hitŭ´!_
ho--the root of the verb _äho´ä_, "I travel;" _ho´an_, a road; _ho´gyă_,
moving, to or from a destination; hop, emigrants; _tsä´hop_, immigrants.
ho´an--road, trail. Cf. _ho_ and _hop_.
Ho´an-t'a`ka´-i--"white man's road;" the main emigrant road, formerly
running through southwestern Texas to California.
hodal or ho´dălda--sickness; I am sick, _äho´dalda_.
hop--emigrants; people moving off with their household goods, etc;
_tsähop_, immigrants; people moving in this direction with their
household goods. Cf. _ho_; _kotä´dalhop_.
Ho´tgyäsĭ´m p'a--Saline river (?), Kansas.
HOW--the universal Indian "yes," or expression of assent, as commonly
written by English authors. The Kiowa "yes" is _ho_ or _hâ_.
HO-WE-AR--see _Howi´a_.
_Howi´a_ (Comanche)--a Comanche signer of the treaty of 1867, whose name
appears on the treaty as "Ho-we-ar, or Gap in the woods."
i--child, offspring, in composition; it also conveys the idea of
"small," as _gu´ato´i_, small bird; plural _-yu´i_, as _Si´ndiyu´i_,
_Ä´dalto´yu´i_. Cf. _e_.
Iâm guan--"Adoption dance," from _i_, _âm_, and _guan_; an intertribal
dance with a ceremonial adoption of children (see "Winter 1889-90).
I´ăpa--"Baby," from _i´ăpa´gya_; a Kiowa warrior in 1876-77.
i´ăpa´gya--baby.
I´ătä k`op--"Ute mountain;" the Rocky mountains of Colorado and New
Mexico, so called because occupied by the Ute. Cf. _I´ătä´go_. The Kiowa
call the mountains about the heads of the Yellowstone and Missouri
rivers _Gâi k`op_, "Kiowa mountains," and the Sierra Madre of Mexico
_K`ob-e´tă_, "Great mountain."
I´ătä´go--Ute; from _Yuta_, one form of the name used by the Ute to
designate themselves; in the Kiowa word _go_ is the tribal suffix. They
are also sometimes called K`opk`i´ägo, "mountain people," from _k`op_
and _k`i´ägo_; and are probably identical with the _Ko´ñk`i´ägo_, "black
people," said by one informant to be the Crow. The ordinary name and
sign for the Ute among most of the plains tribes denotes "black people;"
the Kiowa usually designate them by the sign for "mountain people,"
made by combining the signs for "climbing" and "man."
I´ătäk`i´a--"Ute-man," from _I´ătä_ and _k`ia_; a Ute captive among the
Kiowa, who died in 1892.
_Ĭ´kämo´să_ (Comanche)--see _Mâ´nka-gu´adal_.
Ĭ´masä´nmot--"Grinner," from _ĭmto´nomo_, "he grins;" the Kiowa name for
agent George D. Day, 1891-93.
ĭmda´do´a´--they played the medicine _do´a´_ game; from _da´-i_ and
_do´a´_. Cf. _do´a´_.
ĭmdo´hä´pa´--they attacked the camp; from _ĭmhä´pa´_ and _do_, _dota_; I
attack him, _gihä´pa´_ (this form is used only in ridicule, as the word
implies a general encounter); I attack them, _dehä´pa´_; they (a few)
attacked him or it, _ehä´pa´_; they (a large number) attacked him or it,
_ĭmhä´pa´_; _sole´go´mhä´pa´_, the soldiers attacked them.
ĭmka´gyä´gya--they are coming in triumph, i. e., they are returning with
scalps; from _ka´gyä_.
Ĭmki´a--see _Se´t-ĭmki´a_.
ĭmk`o´daltä´--they cut off their heads; I am cutting off his head,
_gyäk`o´daltä´dă´_; I have cut off his head, _gyäk`o´daltä_; from
_k`odal_ and _tä_, the root of the verb "to cut"; _k`o´daltä´_,
beheading; _o´tä´_, throat cutting, from _tä_, and _osi_, throat (not
neck); I am cutting his throat (but not cutting off his head),
_gyäo´k`a-temă_; I have cut his throat, _gyäo´k`ate´m_.
ĭmto´nomo--he grins; said also of a dog showing his teeth.
i´ñhogo--now. Cf. _i´ñhoti_.
i´ñhoti--this. Cf. _i´ñhogo_.
_I´sähä´bĭt_ (Comanche)--"Wolf-lying-down;" a noted Comanche warrior,
commonly known to the whites as Asahäbĭt. His Kiowa name is
_Gu´ik`a´te_, q. v.
_Ĭ'sänä´năkă_ (Comanche)--"Hears- or Understands-the-wolf;" a Comanche
signer of the treaty of 1867, upon which his name appears as
"Es-a-nanaca, or Wolf's name." Cf. _Tä´bi-nä´năkă_.
_Ĭ´sätai_ (Comanche)--a Comanche medicine-man, instigator of the
outbreak of 1874; still living. Commonly known to the whites as Asatai´.
iyu´gu´--maggot.
iyu´gu´-e--rice; literally, "maggot grains;" on account of a fancied
resemblance.
Iyu´gu´a p'a--"maggot creek;" Traitor and Sweetwater creeks, in the
panhandle of Texas, flowing into the North fork of Red river. Battey
spells it Yoū´-guoo-ō-poh´, which he renders "rice creek" from a
misconception of the word. The name originated from the circumstance of
a hunting party having been compelled to throw away there a quantity of
flyblown meat. Cf. _Kato´de´ä p'a_.
Iyu´gu´a P'a Sole´go--Fort Elliott, between the two forks of the
Sweetwater, Traitor creek and Battery creek, in the panhandle of Texas.
The Kiowa name literally means "Maggot creek soldiers" (i. e., Soldier
place). It is sometimes known as _Kato´de´ä P'a Sole´go_, from its
vicinity to Battery creek, _Kato´de´ä p'a_, q. v.
ka--robe of skin, buffalo robe; kata, blanket.
k`a--(1) knife; _gyäk`a´go_, I cut; _gyäk`a´tä´do_, I cut with a knife.
(2) lying down; I am lying down, _äk`a´_; he is lying down, _k`ă_; lie
down! _bemă´!_
Ka´äsä´nte--"Little-robe," from _ka_, _sän_, and _te_; a Kiowa warrior,
still living.
ka´bodal--left-handed. Cf. bodal and t´a-bodal.
Ka´bo´dalte--"Left-hand;" the Kiowa name of the trader John Adkins, who,
about 1863, was with William Allison in the trading house at the mouth
of upper Walnut creek on the Arkansas, in Kansas. Cf. _Tso´dalhe´ñte_.
K`adal p'a--Ree or Grand river, South Dakota; literally, "Biter, i. e.,
Ree, river." It is so called by most of the plains tribes from the fact
that the Arikara formerly lived upon it. Cf. _K`at'a_.
K`a´do´--medicine lodge, sun-dance lodge; the sun dance; perhaps "wall
house or tipi," i. e., one built with sides or walls, as distinguished
from the ordinary tipi, from _k`a´ga_ and _do_. The _k`a´do´_ or sun
dance was the great annual religious ceremony of the tribe (see page
242).
k`a´do´-do´--"_k`a´do´_ tipi," "sun-dance tipi;" the tipi in which the
sun-dance priests made their preparations for each, day's performance.
It was erected behind the _k'ado_ or medicine lodge (see plate LXX).
K`a´do´-gyä´`to´--"Old-man-of-the-sundance;" a Kiowa chief in 1841 (see
Winter 1841-42).
K`a´do´ p'a--"sun-dance creek," "medicine lodge creek;" Kiowa
Medicine-lodge creek, a southern tributary of the North Canadian at the
one-hundredth meridian, Oklahoma. It was a favorite place for the
ceremony on account of the abundance of suitable timber there. Not to be
confounded with Kiowa creek just above it, or with Medicine-lodge creek
in southern Kansas.
ka`do´liä--see _do go´tä_.
Ka`do´liä p'a--Oak creek or Post-oak creek, a small southern tributary
of the Washita, just above Rainy-mountain creek, on the north line of
the reservation; formerly called _Do`go´tä´ p'a_, both names signifying
"oak creek," until changed on account of the death of a woman named
_Do`go´tä´_, about six years ago.
_kadu_ (Hidatsa)--a season, as measured by natural occurrences.
k`a´ga--wall, side, bank of earth.
Ka´giätse´--see _Poli´ăkyă_.
ka`gu´ăt--bud, literally "red shell or rind," from _kañi_ or _ka-i_ and
_guăt_ or _gu´ădal_.
Ka`gu´ăt P'a--"bud moon;" a Kiowa moon or month comprising parts of
February and March.
Ka`gu´ăt P'a Sän--"little bud moon;" a Kiowa moon or month comprising
parts of Janaary and February.
ka´gyä--a triumph or rejoicing over a slain enemy. Cf. _ĭmka´gyä´gya_.
KA-HIM-HI--"Ka-him-hi, the Prairie Dog," a Kiowa signer of the treaty of
1837, as his name appears on the treaty. The word for prairie-dog is
_ts[)ä]_; for dog, _tse´ñhi_.
ka´-i--hide (noun) of buffalo, deer, etc, but not of panther, whose skin
is generally used for quivers; _ka´-i_, skin of animals; _ka´gya_, human
skin; _ka´ñi_, shell or rind.
ka´-igihä´--compressed, flat; it is compressed. Cf. _ko´pedal_.
k`a´-iko´n--(1) flint; (2) the central cap of a cartridge.
K`a´-ikon p'a--"flint creek," so called on account of the abundant flint
rock there; a northern, tributary of the South Canadian, about 10 miles
above Adobe Walls, either Big Clear or Mustang creek, in the panhandle
of Texas.
ka´-ikonho´dal--dragonfly.
Ka´-ikonho´dal--"Dragonfly;" a Kiowa boy frozen to death in the winter
of 1890-91.
ka´-itañ--see _k`i´oñ_.
Ka´'-itâñ k`op--"Love-making mountain," a mountain in the angle formed
by Elm fork and North fork of Red river, Greer county, Oklahoma; it
takes its name from the neighboring spring of _K`ioñ toñ_ or _Ka´-itâñ
toñ_, q. v.
Ka´-itâñ toñ--see _K`ioñ toñ_.
Kâ´itse´ñk`ia--a member of the _Kâ´itseñ´ko_, q. v.
Kâ´itse´ñko--the principal one of the six Kiowa military orders; the
name seems to mean "Kiowa horses," from _Gâ-i_ or _Kâ-i_ and _tseñ_.
Identical with the "horse" and "big horse," military orders of the Kiowa
and Kiowa Apache, respectively, as given by Clark (see page 229 herein).
kân--see _doti_.
k`an--(1) Hard; cf. _got_. (2) Gripping, squeezing. (3) A small red seed
berry, growing on thorny bushes in rocky places, from Texas to the
Arkansas and northward. It has flowers and is ripe in autumn and is
eaten raw or mashed with pemmican. Perhaps the wild rose, which is thus
eaten by the northern plains tribes. The name has now been transferred
to the tomato. Cf. _k`a´nk`o´dal_.
kâ´ñgya--name (noun), in composition _kâñ_; what is his (its) name,
_hä´tso`kâ´ñ_. Cf. _Da´tekâñ_.
Kânhe´ñko--see _Do´heñ´ko_.
kañi--shell, rind, skin (of fruit), etc; _do`ka´ñi_, bark. Cf. _ka´-i_.
k`a´nki´ñ--land tortoise or box turtle; literally, "hard shields," from
_k`an_ and _kiñ_, plural of _kyuñi_. The Indians eat them after roasting
by throwing alive into the fire. Cf. _to´nak`a´_.
K`a´nkiñ ton--"turtle spring;" a water hole on the Staked plain, in
western Texas.
k`a´n-k`o´dal--"neck, i. e. necklace, _k`an_;" the _Sophora erythrina_
or coral bean, called by the Mexicans _frijolillo_ or _chilicote_; a
hard red berry about the size of a small marble, used for necklaces by
the southern plains tribes. The berries, contained in a pod, grow upon a
small thorny tree found in Texas and the Sierra Madre of northern
Mexico. They possess powerful poisonous or intoxicating properties. Cf.
_k`an_.
K`a´nk`o´dal p'a--"coral-bean river;" a river somewhere southwest of
Double mountain, Texas, in the vicinity of the old California emigrant
road. So called on account of the _k`a´n-k`o´dal_ (q. v.) bushes growing
upon it.
_Ka´ntsi_ (Caddo)--liars, deceivers; the Caddo name for the Kiowa Apache
(see _Tagu´i_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy).
K`añ´zole´go--a people, apparently a subtribe of the Apache, formerly
known to the Kiowa and sometimes visiting them. The meaning of the word
is doubtful.
ka´odal--a cache or deposit; _gyäkao´dalk`u´ătă´_, "I am about to leave
them there." Cf. _odal_ and _gyäko´dal_.
K apä´te--"Knife-whetter, whetstone;" from _k`a_, _gyäpä´to_, and _te_;
a Kiowa chief who died about 1890. Cf. _K`a-pä´ti´_ and _Ka´-pätop_.
k`a-pä´ti--whetstone; from _k`a_ and _gyäpä´to_.
K`apä´to--Osage; literally, "shaved heads," in allusion to a custom,
common to them and some neighboring tribes, of shaving all the hair from
the head except a crest or tuft at the top. Catlin states that this
custom was followed only by the Osage, Kaw, Sauk and Fox, Iowa, and
Pawnee. I cut, _gyätä´`da_; I shall cut your hair, _ĭmk`apä´dăltă_. Cf.
_K`a´-pä´top_. The Osage are also sometimes called _Ä´daltä´do_,
"cut-hair people," from _âdal_ and _gyätä´`dä_; also _Gusa´ko_ and now
more commonly _Wasa´si_, from their own name of _Washa´she_ or Osage.
T'ebodal says that they were formerly called _Ähyäto_ (q. v.) by the
Kiowa, the name now given to the southern Arapaho, and that the name was
changed on account of a death. SIGN: Brushing or clipping motion with
the hand at the side of the head, as though cutting off the hair.
K`apä´top--see _Tagu´i_. Cf. _K apä´to_.
kata--blanket.
_K`at'a_--(1) Ree, Arikara; literally, "biters," from _gyäk`a´ta_. (2)
One of the six divisions of the Kiowa tribe, the Cut-off band of Clark,
sometimes distinguished as _Gâ´i-K`at´a_ or "Kiowa K`at´a;" singular,
_K`a´dalk`i´a_, _K a´dalmä_. SIGN: Motion of biting off or twisting off
something held in the mouth, originally referring to the gnawing of corn
from a cob, the Arikara being noted for the cultivation of corn.
KATES-HO-KO-TUCK--see _Kĭ´tskûkatû´k_.
kati--leggin. The Kiowa man's leggin is separate from the moccasin. The
woman's leggin and moccasin form one piece.
Ka´to´de´ä p'a--Battery creek, the upper branch of Sweetwater creek,
near Fort Elliott, in the panhandle of Texas. The name signifies "creek
where the buffalo robe was returned," from _ka_, _tode_, and _p'a_. Cf.
_Iyu´gu´a p'a_.
Ka´to´de´ä P'a Sole´go--see _Iyu´gu´a P'a Sole´go_.
k`a-t'o´gyä--see _hâñ-t'o´gyä_.
K'a-t'o´gyä--see _A`päta´te_.
k`ato´i--cut round across the forehead, from _gyäk`a´go_ and _toi_.
kato´n--shoulder.
-k`i, -k`ia--man; suffix from _k'i´ñähi´_.
kiă--day, an abreviated form for _ki´adă_.
k`i´äbo--the "button" used in the _do´a´_ game (see Winter 1881-82).
ki´adă--day, i. e., from sunrise to sunset; also _ki´agyă_.
ki´ädä´--morning; literally, "full day."
ki´äde´dal--yesterday.
-k`i´ägo--people, a tribal suffix, sometimes shortened to _gyäko_; from
_k'i´ñähi_, plural _k`i´ñähyup_.
ki´agyă--see _ki´adă_.
ki´äsa´--noon.
ki´at'ä´--dawn.
KIDI-KI-TASHE--see _Do`gu´at_.
kigi´a--after (in time); _kigi´a Daki´adă_, next week; literally, "after
Sunday."
kiñ--shield, in composition. It is really the plural form, as is usually
the case in propername compounds. Cf. _kyu´ñi_.
k`iñ´ähi--man; plural _k`iñähyup_. Cf. _k`i´ägo_.
K`i´ñähi´ate--"Man;" a Kiowa warrior killed by Mexicans in 1836-37.
K`i´ñähi-pi´äko--Tonkawa; literally, "man-eaters," from _k`i´ñähi_,
_piä_ or _pi´ängya_, and _ko_; sometimes called _Ga´dalko´ko_, "buffalo
spies," from _ga´dal_, _äko´ä_ and _ko_. The Tonkawa, originally from
the lower Colorado, in Texas, noted and hated among other tribes for
their cannibal practices, lived for a time at Anadarko, in the vicinity
of the present Catholic mission and on Tonkawa creek, where they were
surprised and nearly half their number massacred by a combination of
neighboring tribes, October 25, 1862. SIGN: "Cannibal," made by
combining the signs for _man_ and _eating_.
Ki´ñasâ´hek`ia--see _Zonk`i´a_.
Ki´ñep--"Big shields," from _kiñ_, plural of _kyuñi_, and _ep_ a plural
personal form of _et_ or _edal_; one of the six recognized divisions of
the Kiowa tribe, the "shield" band of Clark (see page 228).
Kĭ´nzi--see _Mâ´ngomhe´ñte_.
k`i´oñ--love-making, courting; also _ka´-itâñ_; the first form seems to
contain the root _k`i_, man.
K`i´oñ toñ--"Love-making spring," also sometimes called _Ka´-itâñ toñ_;
a spring in a bend on the south side of the North fork of Red river,
near Mount Walsh, in Greer county, Oklahoma; so called because in the
old times when the Kiowa and Cheyenne used to camp on the opposite side
of the stream, the women, as they crossed over to the spring for water,
were followed by the young men bent on courting.
KIOWA--for _Gâ´igwŭ_ (see Kiowa synonymy).
_Kĭsi´năhĭs_ (Kichai)--see _Tagu´i_.
_Kĭ´tikĭti´sh_ (Wichita)--see _Do`gu´at_.
_Kĭ´tskûkatû´k_ (Wichita)--the Wichita village, formerly on the north
bank of the North fork of Red river, about half way between Elm fork and
Elm creek, on the reservation. The Wichita say the Kichai occupied it
jointly with themselves. The name is rendered by a chief of the Wichita
"villages on the side of a mountain," in his testimony in the Greer
county dispute, where it is spelled _Kates-ho-ko-tuck_ (misprint _h_ for
_k_; see Summer 1834).
-ko, -go, -gua, -gwŭ--a tribal suffix.
K`ob´-ä´p'a--"Mountain-timber creek;" San Francisco creek, a small
tributary of the North Canadian, between Palo Duro and Beaver creeks,
Oklahoma, so called because the principal timber upon it is of varieties
usually growing only in the mountains.
K`o´b-aka´n--"last mountain," from _k`op_ and _aka´n_; Mount Walsh, in
Greer county, Oklahoma. Cf. _Tso´`kaka´n_.
K`o´b-e´tă´--"great mountains," from _k`op_ and _edal_. (1) Mount Scott,
northwest of Fort Sill, on the reservation. (2) The Sierra Madre of
southern New Mexico and of Chihuahua and Sonora in Mexico. War parties
of the Kiowa and allied tribes formerly made these mountains their
headquarters for raiding upon the adjoining portions of Mexico.
K`ob-et'aiñ´mo--"white mountain," from _k`op_ and _taiñ_ (_-mo_ makes it
singular); a mountain westward from the head of Pecos river, New Mexico.
K`o´b-o´täbo--Mount Sheridan, northwest of Fort Sill, on the
reservation. The name, suggested by the form of the mountain, denotes a
mountain resembling a nose sticking out horizontally, from _k`op_ and
_o´täbo_.
k`odal--neck; the throat or tracheal portion is _o´si_, in composition
_o_.
K`o´dal-aka´-i--(abbreviated, _K`o´`laka´-i)_: "Wrinkled-neck," a clerk
of William Bent, who established trading posts on the South Canadian, in
the panhandle of Texas, in 1844--1846.
K`o´dal-gu´ădal--"Red-neck;" Agent Captain J. Lee Hall, 1885--1887.
k`o´dali´ätoñ (or k`oli´äton)--a variety of musselshell used for gorgets
or neck pendants, especially by the Osage; from _k`o´dal_. The Kiowa
have no generic name for shell. A flint arrowhead worn as a neck pendant
by Kiowa medicine-men is called _Bo´-se´se_, "_Bo_ arrow," from _Bo_, a
mythic dwarf, very strong.
K`o´dali´ätoñ p'a--(abbreviated, _K`oli´ätoñ p'a_); (North) Platte
river; literally, "necklace-shell river," or "gorget-shell river;"
sometimes called _K`o´dalpä p'a_, "necklace river," and by misconception
arising from its proximity to the Dakota _K`o´dalpäk`i´a p'a_, "Sioux
river." According to Clark, the Indians generally call it shell, or
shell-on-neck, river. The South Platte is called _Don p'a_, "Fat river."
k`o´dalpä--necklace, gorget, breastplate; from _k`odal_ and _pä_, the
root of _gyäpä´imo_.
K`o´dalpä p'a or K`o´dalpäk`i´a p'a--see _K`o´dali´ätoñ p'a_.
K`o´dalpä-k`i´ägo--the Dakota; literally, "necklace people," from
_k`o´dalpä_ and _k`i´ägo_. Probably a misconception of the tribal sign,
made by drawing the hand with a sweeping pass in front of the throat,
and commonly interpreted "Beheaders," from a former tribal custom.
"Beheaders" in Kiowa, would be _K`o´daltä-k`i´ägo_.
k`o´daltä--beheading (see _ĭmk`o´daltä_).
K`o´daltä k`op--"beheading mountain;" a low mountain on the head of
Otter creek, on the reservation, within two miles northwest from Saddle
mountain (_Ta´-k`op_) and about 25 miles northwest from Fort Sill. The
massacre from which it takes its name occurred on the west side (see
Summer 1833).
ko`ga´-i--elk. Elk have been seen in the Wichita mountains within
twenty-five years.
Ko`ga´-i p'a--"elk creek." (1) Red-deer creek, a southern tributary of
the South Canadian in the Texas panhandle. (2) Former name of Elk creek,
now _Donä´i p'a_.
Ko`gu´i--"Elk," an archaic or ceremonial form; one of the six recognized
divisions of the Kiowa tribe, the "Elk" band of Clark (see page 228).
k`oli´ätoñ--abbreviated form of _k`o´dali´ätoñ_, q. v.
Ko´mpabi´ănta--"Big tipi flaps," from _kompa´ka_ and _bi´ănta_; an old
name sometimes used by the Kiowa for themselves, for which no
satisfactory reason is assigned. Another form is _Kompa´go_, "tipi-flap
people," from _kompa´ka_ and _go_.
Kompa´go--see _Ko´mpabi´ănta_.
kompa´ka--tipi flaps, at the top where smoke escapes; now _chimney_;
plural, _ko´mpa´_.
komse´--worn out, old; as an old worn-out tipi.
Komse´ka-k`i´ñähyup--see _Ä´hyäto_.
Komtä´ga or Komt[:ă]´-gun-da--the tipi medicine and the pole to which
it is tied (see _Gunpä´ñdamä_).
Ko´ñabiñ´ate--"Black-tripe," from _koñkya_, _abi´ñ_, and _te_;
abbreviated _Koñ´ate_; a Kiowa warrior, hero of a noted adventure (see
Summer 1857). Afterward called _Pa´-ta´dal_, q. v.
ko´ñaka´n--one issue period of two weeks; literally, "end, or series, of
nights," from _koñkya_ and _aka´n_. Cf. _koñtä´kia_.
Ko´ñate--see _Ko´ñabi´ñate_.
Koñ´-do´ha´--"black bluff," from _koñkya_ and _do´ha´_; a bluff in the
vicinity of the head of Cimarron river, in southeastern Colorado or the
adjoining part of New Mexico.
Koñ´k`i´ägo--see _I´ătä´go_ and _Gaa´k`iägo_.
koñ (-kya)--black, dark, _one night_ in time measure of journeys; in
composition _koñ_. One night, two nights, etc, _pägo koñ_, _yi´a koñ_,
etc; _koñ´kya_, black; _ko´ñkyädă´_, it is black; _ko´ñkyäoñ_, he is
black (as a negro); _koñguat_, black paint.
Ko´ñkyäo´ñko or Ko´ñkyäo´ñ-t'a`ka´-i--"Negroes;" literally, "black
people," or "people with black upon them," from _koñkya_, _oñ_, and
_-ko_; singular _Ko´ñkyäo´ñk`i´a_. Cf. _Gu´ădalo´ñte_. Also sometimes
called _Ko´ñkyäo´ñ-t'a`ka´-i_, "black white men."
Koñpä´te---"Blackens-himself," or "Makes-himself-black," from _koñkya_,
black, _deko´ñpäka´_, I blacken myself; a Kiowa warrior killed by
soldiers in 1871.
ko´nsenä´--turned up (?).
koñtä´kia--a week; literally, middle of (issue) nights; also _pä´go
Daki´ada_, i. e., "one Sunday." Cf. _ko´ñaka´n_.
Koñtä´lyui--"Black boys," from _koñ´kya_ and _t´älyi´_; one of the six
recognized divisions of the Kiowa tribe; also called _Si´ndiyu´i_,
"Sindi's children," from _Sindi_ and _i_; the "Black" band of Clark (see
page 228).
Koñyä´daldä--"black hill," from _koñkya_ and _yä´daldä_; probably
identical with the Blue hills in northern Kansas. Described as between
_Pe p'a_ (Smoky-hill river) and _Hâñtso p'a_ (Solomon fork?). (See
Summers 1854 and 1860).
Koñyä´daldä p'a--"black-hill river;" a stream in the neighborhood of
_Koñyä´daldä_, q. v., Kansas (see 1852).
KON-ZHON-TA-CO--see _Se´t-ta´dal_ (Apache).
kop--pain. I have pain, _nyäko´p_; sickness, _ho´dălda_; I am sick,
_äho´dălda_.
k`op--mountain; before vowels it becomes _k`ob_. Cf. _yädaldä_,
_ba´dlo´_.
K`op-pe p'a--"mountain-sand river;" North fork of Red river, Oklahoma.
It is said to be called Nueces by the Mexicans.
kopa´-iñgya--middle, in the middle; abbreviated _pa´-iñgya_.
kope´dal--flat. Cf. _ka´-igihä´_.
K`o´pgya--"at the mountains," or "toward the mountains," from _k`op_ and
_-gyă_; vicinity of Fort Sill, on the reservation.
K`opk`i´ägo--see _I´ătä´go_.
K`o´p-sole´gya--see _Ts´o`kada´hä´gya_.
K`op-tagu´i--the Jicarilla Apache; literally "Mountain Apache;" cf.
_Tagu´i_.
K`optai´de-do´-tse´dalte--Signal mountain, west of Fort Sill, on the
reservation; literally, "mountain with a house situated upon
it," from _k`op_, _tai´-de_, _do´_, and _tse´dalte_. Also called
_Pi´ăya-do-tse´dalte_, "house upon the summit," from _pi´ăya_, _do´_,
and _tse´dalte_. Both names, as well as the English name, refer to the
military lookout or signal station built upon it in 1871 and still
remaining.
K`o´p-t'a`ka´-i--New Mexicans, sometimes used for Mexicans generally;
literally, "mountain, whites," from _k`op_ and _t'a`ka´-i_. Cf.
_Ä-t'a`ka´-i_, _Toñ´he´ñ-t'a`ka´-i_, _Tso´-`t'a`ka´-i_.
K`o´p-t'a`ka´'-i Do´mbe--New Mexico; literally, "Mountain Mexican
country."
K`o´p-t'a`ka´-i p'a--Delaware creek, a south tributary of the Washita,
on the reservation, about 4 miles below Anadarko; literally, "Mexican
creek," because a number of Mexicans with Indian wives now live there.
It probably had an older name.
kotä´dal--(or _kotä´l_); wheel; figuratively, a wagon.
kotä´dalhop--freighters; from _kotä´dal_ and _hop_.
Kotä´dalhop-gi´atäda´e--"where they surrounded the freighters," from
_kotä´dalhop_ and _gyätä´dă_; the battlefield of September 8, 1874, on
the north side of the Washita, near Fort Elliott, in the Texas
panhandle.
KOTS-A-TO-AH--"Kots-a-to-ah, The smoked shield," the name of a gigantic
Kiowa warrior and runner, as given by Catlin, who painted his picture in
1834. The name or translation can not be identified in Kiowa. It appears
to be a Comanche form containing the word _ko´tso_, buffalo. Horace P.
Jones, interpreter at Fort Sill, is called by the Comanches
_Ko´tso-natu´ă_, "Buffalo-calf."
Kotse´nto--see _Ä´bäho´ko_.
K`u´ato---a Kiowa division, speaking a peculiar dialect, exterminated by
the Dakota about 1770 (see pages 157 and 229). The word signifies
"pulling out" or "pulling up," as a knife from a pocket, a nail from a
board, etc, from _gyäku´atda_.
k`udal--to stay or dwell; to be in a place.
_kŭ´tiharu_ (Pawnee)--a season (of the year).
Kwa´na--see _Gu´a´na_.
Kwu´`da--"coming out," "going out;" an old name for the Kiowa tribe (see
Kiowa synonymy).
kyähi´ñ(-aga)--tomorrow, abbreviated _kyähi´ñ_; _kyähi´n ki´äsa´_,
shortly before noon.
kyai´`guan--deer; literally, "jumper," from _dekya´i`gu´anmo_, I jump;
other names are _t'äp_ and _tañ´gia_, q. v.
kyäka´n--after; literally, "at the end," from _aka´n_, q. v.; applied
also to the final part of a song, etc; _Tä´dalkop Kyäka´n K`a´do´_, "sun
dance _after_ the smallpox;" nyä´kyäka´n, it is gone, i. e., it can not
be helped.
kyä´`to´--old man, plural _kyä´`tadă´_. Since the recent death of a boy
named Kyä´`to´ this word is not used, and they say instead _e´dalk`i´a_,
plural _e´dalkyai´_; literally, "great man," from _edal_ and _k`ia_. Cf.
_gyät'o´_ and _gyädo´_.
Kyä`tse´hä--"Short-old-man," from _kyä´`to´_, _tse´_, and _hä_ (?). (See
the following.)
Kyä`tse´hä-de p'a--"Short-old-man's creek;" the extreme head of Cache
(Bluff) creek, near Eagle-heart's place, on the reservation; so called
from a man named Kyä`tse´hä, who formerly lived there.
kyu´ñi--shield; _kiñ_ in plural and in composition. Cf. _gyuñi_.
_lĕ´tskukĭ_ (Pawnee)--autumn.
_li´ŭt_ (Pawnee)--summer.
-mä--a feminine suffix, from _mä´ñyi´_; as _Semätmä_, "Apache woman,"
_tseñ´mä_, a mare.
_Mä´-ai´-tai-ĭ´stsĭ-hĭ´n[)ä]´_ (Cheyenne)--see _A´`päta´te_.
MAH-VIP-PAH (Apache)--see _Babi´`pa_.
MAIZ--"Myers," Agent W. D. Myers, 1888-89.
mak`o´n--nose; in composition, _ma_.
Mamä´nte--"walking-above," otherwise known as _Dahä´te_, "medicine-man,"
from _dahä_ and _te_; a Kiowa warrior in 1875, who died a prisoner in
Florida. Cf. _Set´män´te_.
mândă´--arm; they sometimes say _tso´dal_, literally "wing;" _mânga´ i_,
lower arm; _mâ´nte´m_, "arm bone," elbow.
mâ´ngo´m--index finger, literally "pointing flnger;" _mân_, root of
finger, hand, arm.
Mân´gomhe´ñte--"No-index-finger;" the Kiowa name of General R. S.
Mackenzie, commanding at Fort Sill in 1874; so called from his having
lost his right (?) index finger. The same name was also applied to
Thomas Gaboon, a peace commissioner among the Kiowa in 1873. Battey
spells the word _Mone-kome-haint_. Mackenzie was sometimes also called
_Kĭ´nzi_, a corruption of his proper name, and the same name is now
given to a Mexican captive crippled in the same way.
Mânheñ'k`ia--see _Tso´dalhe´ñte_.
mânka--sleeve; from _mândă´_.
Mâ´nka-gu´ădal--"Red-sleeve," the Kiowa name of a Comanche chief killed
in Kansas in 1847. His Comanche name is said to have been _Ĭ´kämo´să_.
Mâ´nka-gu´ădal-de p'a--Pawnee fork (see _Ai´koñ p'a_).
Mâ´nka-gu´ădal-de P'a´gya Yä´`pähe gi´adal-de´e´--"where the soldiers
live on Red Sleeve's river;" Fort Larned, Kansas (see also _Aikoñ P'a
Sole´go_).
Ma´ñkope´dal--"Flat-nose," from _mak`o´n_ and _kopedal_; a Kiowa warrior
and Florida prisoner in 1875.
MANRHOET or MANRHOUT--Kiowa? A tribe mentioned by La Salle in 1682 in
connection with the Kiowa Apache (see pages 157 and 248).
ma´ñsă´--crow; the old name is _gaa´_. Cf. _mă´să´_.
Mañ´taha´k`ia--"Hook-nose-man, High-nose-man, i. e., Roman-nose," from
_mak`o´n_, _taha´_, and _k`ia_. (1) The Kiowa name of William Bent, the
noted trader and proprietor of Bent's Fort. (2) Another name for William
Madison, _Se´npo-ze´dalbe_, q. v.
mä´ñyi´--woman; in composition as a suffix, _mä_.
Mä´ñyi´-te´n--"Woman-heart;" a noted Kiowa chief about 1865--1875. On the
treaty of 1867 his name appears as "_Ma-ye-tin_."
Ma´p´o´dal--"Split-nose," from _mak`o´n_ and _p'o´dal_; the Kiowa name
of a cattleman living in 1883 on the Washita above Rainy-mountain creek.
mă´să´--six. Cf. _ma´ñsă´_ (crow) and _pä´go_.
Măsa´te--"Six;" a Kiowa young man in 1881, so called for having six toes
on each foot. His brother, _Bo´he´_, q. v., is said to have six fingers
on each hand.
Ma´se´p--Caddo; literally, "pierced nose," from _mak`o´n_ and _sep_.
SIGN: Index finger pushed across below the nose, to indicate the former
custom of boring the nose for pendants.
Masko´ki--Creek (Indians); an adoption of the name used by themselves.
Mäsu´ără--Missouri; described by the Kiowa as friends of the Pawnee, but
enemies of most other tribes.
mä´ta´n--girl; plural, _mäta´nta_.
_Mä´wi_ (Comanche)--a Comanche chief in 1857.
Ma-ye-tin--see _Mä´ñyi´te-´n_.
mayi´agyă´--cramp, cholera. Used alone the word denotes a sudden cramp,
not necessarily a regular sickness or disease, but with the addition of
the word for _sickness_ it denotes the cholera, as _mayi´agyă´
hodlo´mkya_, "he is sick with cramp," or "he has the cramp sickness," i.
e., he has cholera. I am sick, _äho´dalda_; I have cramp, _ä´mayi´agyă_.
MONE-KOME-HAINT--see _Mâ´ngomhe´ñte_.
Mo´tsätse´--"Muchacho" (Spanish, _boy_); a Kiowa boy frozen to death in
the winter of 1890-91; also the name of a Kiowa man still living. Both
derive their Spanish names from the fact of being of Mexican captive
origin.
_Mûtsi´ănă-täni´u_ (Cheyenne)--the Cheyenne name for the Kiowa
Apache (see _Tagu´i_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy.
_Nadi´i´sha-de´na_ (Apache)--see _Se´mät_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy.
_Nah-tan_ (Apache)--"Nah-tan, or Brave Man," an Apache signer of the
treaty of 1867, as the name appears on the treaty.
_Nakü´`tärä hono_ (Comanche)--Nueces river, Texas (see _Donä´i p'a_).
_Na`la´ni_ (Navaho)--"many aliens or enemies;" the Navaho name for the
Kiowa and allied tribes (see synonymy).
_Ni´chihenĕ´na_ (Arapaho)--see Kiowa synonymy.
_Noko´ni_ (Comanche)--a division of the Comanche.
nyägyai´to--I hate him.
o´ba-ikă´---you endure, you remain forever, you are always there. From
the song of the Kâ´itse´ñko (see Summer 1871).
odal--to carry, or a thing for carrying, as a box, bag, etc; _odal
gyädäbo_, I carry a box or bag; _o´dalpä_, to carry a package (_pä_, to
tie) of meat (on the saddle or back). Cf. _kao´dal_ and _gyäko´dal_.
O´homo´ñko--see _O´moho´ñko_.
o´hyo--there, then.
O´moho´ñko or Omo´ñko--Omaha; frequently transposed to _O´homo´ñko_,
_O´hom´oñ gu´an_, the "Omaha dance."
on--measure, mile; _beo´n_, measure it.
oñ´gua--see _donä´i_.
Oñ´guă p'a--(1) another name for _Donä´i p'a_ (Elk creek), q. v. (2)
(North) Concho river(?), Chihuahua; "pecan river," so called from the
abundance of pecan trees on it. A trail led from it across to the Pecos.
onhä´te--bear. Cf. _set_.
O´nhono´ñ p'a--Little Washita river, on the reservation. This is the
present Comanche name, which has been adopted by the Kiowa. They
formerly called it _Pi´ălai´bo-de p'a_, from _Pi´ărai´bo_,
"Big-white-man," the Comanche name of interpreter E. L. Clarke, who used
to live upon it and from whom the Comanche called the river (_Pi´ărai´bo
hono_).
O´nhono´ñko--The Comanche living about Little Washita river. Cf.
_O´nhono´ñ p'a_.
O´nhono´ñ-yä´daldä--Kichai hills, on the reservation; "O´nhono´ñko
hill." Cf. _O´nhono´ñko_. Sometimes also called _Gañe´tä_, "there are
hills." They have no regular name, but the first is more common.
o´päm-yai´po--"initiation rope," from _äo´pä_ (see _äo´päñ_) and
_yai´po_; the sash worn about the neck of a member of the _Kâ´itseñ´ko_
(see Summer 1846).
o´päñ--initiation of the _Kâ´itse´ñko_, from _äo´päñ_ (see the
preceding).
_ora´rĕkaru_ (Pawnee)--spring (season).
o´täbo--the word refers to (a nose?) "sticking up horizontally." Cf.
_K`o´b-o´täbo_.
pa--(1) buffalo bull; (2) a male suffix, as _tañgi´apa´_, buck deer; (3)
fur, down, fuzz; plural or collective, _pa´dal_; downy, _pa´gi_, as
_pa´gi-älo´_, "downy plum," i. e., peach.
pa´--stupid, easy-going, quiet-tempered.
p'a--(1) moon or month; (2) river, creek, stream; the distinctive word
for "creek" is _ase_, but it is seldom used.
Pa p'a--"Buffalo-bull creek;" (1) Buffalo creek, a southern tributary of
the Cimarron, in Oklahoma; (2) a timberless stream, described as a small
northern tributary(?) of the Cimarron, and apparently Bear creek or
Two-butte creek, in southeastern Colorado.
Pa´-ä´ngya--"Sitting-bull," from _pa_ and _ä´ngya_; the Kiowa rendering
of the name of _Hänä´chä-thi´ak_, "Sitting-bull," the Arapaho apostle of
the Ghost dance, who inaugurated that ceremony among the Kiowa in the
fall of 1890.
Pa´-ä´ti--"Bull-entrails;" a Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875.
päbo--(1) An American horse (as distinguished from the smaller Indian or
Mexican variety); plural, _päbo´go_; the word literally indicates
something unusually tall or long-limbed; Cf. _tseñ_. (2) A soldier's cap
brim, a vizor.
Päbo p'a--see _To´ñzo`go´dal p'a_.
Pä´bo-yä´daldä--"American-horse hill;" a hill near the head of _Päbo
p'a_, otherwise _To´ñzo`go´dal p'a_, q. v., in northwestern Texas.
Pabo´n--"fur crook," from _pa_ or _pa´gyä_, and _bon_; the crook lance
of the _Toñ-ko´ñko_ leaders; so called because wrapped with beaver
fur.
Päbo´te--"American-horse;" a Kiowa chief about 1880, so called on
account of his uncommon size (see _päbo_).
Pa-con-ta--"Pa-con-ta, My Young Brother;" the name of a Kiowa signer of
the treaty of 1837, as it appears on the treaty. "Brother" is _päbi´_.
pä´da-i--twin. Cf. _pä´tsoga_.
Pä´da-i--"Twin;" a Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875; still
living.
Pa´-do`gâ´-i--see _Doha´sän_ (1).
PA´DOUCA--see _Gyai´ko_.
P'a E´dal--"great river;" (1) Rio Grande; (2) a great river beyond
_K`o´b-e´tă´_ (the southern Rocky mountains), probably the Colorado of
the west.
P'a E´dal Sän--"little _P'a E´dal_;" Pecos river, New Mexico.
P'a-Edal-T'a`ka´-i--"Rio Grande Mexicans;" the Mexicans along the Rio
Grande, from about Laredo upward.
P'a-edal-T'a`ka´-igya--"Great river white-man's place," from _P'a Edal_,
_t'a`ka´-i_, and _gyă_; Fort McIntosh, on the lower Rio Grande, Texas;
the Kiowa seldom went below or east of this point.
Pa´-ehe´mgo´`te--"Lame-bull;" special agent W. H. Abell, so called on
account of his lameness and his rough manner.
pä´go or pä´nyi´--one, solitary, alone. The first ten numerals are:
_pä´go_, _yi´a_, _pä´o_, _yi´ä`gyä_, _o´nto_, _mă´să_, _pä´nse´_,
_yä´`se_, _ga´`se_, _ga´kiñ_.
Pa´-gu´ak`o--"Yellow-bull;" a Kiowa warrior mentioned in 1864 as having
been a delegate to Washington (see page 177).
pä´gun--to give by throwing away, as a sacrifice of scalps, etc.
Pa´-guñhe´nte--"Hornless-bull," from _pa_, _guñ_, _keñ_, and _te_. (1) A
Kiowa warrior in 1846. (2) Another, killed by the Ute in 1868.
pa´gya--another form of _pa_, fur, q.v.
Pä´gya--see _Päsä´ngyä_.
pägyä--prairie, especially an extensive one, such as the Staked plain;
another form is _pä´yă_.
pähä´dal--forks of a stream; _pähä´dalgyă_, at the forks.
pai--(1) Sun. (2) Abbreviated form of _pai´gya_, _pai´da_.
Pai A`gân´ti--"Summer _Ä`gâ´nti_; a Kiowa moon or month, comprising
parts of April and May.
Pai Gañhi´ña P'a--"Summer _Gañhiñ´a P'a_;" a Kiowa moon or month,
comprising parts of June and July.
Pai Te´pgañ P'a--"Summer _Te´pgañ P'a_;" a Kiowa moon or month,
comprising parts of May and June.
pai´-ba´da--sunrise, from _pai_ and _badai´_; _pai´-ba´te de pe´bä_, "in
the direction of the sunrise," i.e., east.
pai´da--see _pai´gya_.
pai´gya--summer; abbreviated _pai_; a plural form, _pai´da_, is also
sometimes used.
Pai´-k`op Toñ´tep--"sun-mountain spring;" a noted spring and Indian
rendezvous upon a mountain or mesa, about the southern border of the
Staked plain. Cf. the following (see Summer 1857).
Pai toñ--"sun spring;" a well spring in the Staked plain, Texas, a
journey of about a day and a half southwest from Double mountain, and
flowing eastward. So called because the basin is a round hole in the
rock. Cf. the preceding.
paiñ--dust, earth, dusty; it is dusty, _gyä-pai´ñyum_.
Pai´ñ-do´ p'a--"earth-house river;" a stream southwest from Double
mountain, Texas; so called from an adobe house upon it. Cf. _Tso´paiñ
Do´_.
Pa´-iñgya--"In-the-middle," from _kopa´-iñgya_; a Kiowa prophet in 1888.
pai'ñyoñhä´--dusty. Cf. _paiñ_.
Pai´-tälyi´--"Sun-boy." (1) A Kiowa chief who died in 1888; the name is
sometimes rendered "Son of the Sun," or "Sun's Son," and may refer to
(2) the Sun-boy hero, from whom is derived the _´dalbea´hya_, q. v.
pa´ki--thigh.
Pa´k`iägo--Sarsi; literally, "stupid people," from _pa´_ and _ki´ägo_;
other possible etymologies are "thigh people," from _paki_; or from
_Päki_ or _Päki´ăni_, the Shoshoni name for the Blackfeet, which in turn
may be derived from _Pikŭ´nĭ_, the proper name of the Piegan, one of
the Blackfoot divisions. The Sarsi are a small tribe of Athapascan
stock, which separated about a hundred years ago from the parent tribe,
the Beaver, on Peace river, British America, and moved southward,
establishing themselves on the headwaters of the North Saskatchewan,
near Battleford, about 53° north, under the protection of the Blackfeet.
They are the northernmost tribe known to the Kiowa, who remember them as
allied to the Blackfeet and as speaking an Apache dialect. Several
prominent Kiowa are of Sarsi descent by former intermarriage. SIGN:
Touching the thigh in a sweeping pass with the open right hand.
Paki´-gu´ădalkantă´--Brulé Sioux; "red-burnt thighs," from _paki_,
_gu´ădal_, and _tsenka´n_. SIGN: Same as for _Pa´k`iägo_, followed by
sign for Sioux (_K o´dalpäk`i´ägo_).
Pa´-ko´ñkya--"Black-bull," a Kiowa warrior in 1873.
_Palä´ni_--see _K at'a_.
Päli--"Valdez" (?), a Mexican captive and Florida prisoner in 1875;
still living.
pä´ñgun or pä´ñgyä--a sacrificial offering, or offering "thrown away"
upon a hill to the sun; from _päñ_, the root of the verb "to give," and
_gun_, the root of the verb "to throw away." I am sacrificing,
_gyäpä´amda´_; I have sacrificed, _gyäpä´oñ_ or _gyäpä´gun;
gyäda´tsaiâ´mo_, I make or prepare a ceremonial other than sacrifice, as
_K'a´do´_ or _Dä´-mä´tan-da´-i_.
Päñ´gyägi´ate--"Sacrifice-man," from _päñgyä_ and _te_; a Kiowa warrior
killed in Mexico in 1853-54.
Pao´ngya--autumn; the name refers to the thickening of the fur (_pa_) of
the buffalo; also called _Ai´deñ-gyägu´ădal-o´mgyä-i_, time "when the
leaves are red," from _ai´deñ_. and _gu´ădal_.
_Päre´iyä_ (Comanche)--see _To´npe´to_.
_Pä´riăse´amăn_ (Comanche)--"Ten-elks;" a Comanche signer of the treaty
of 1867, upon which the name appears as "Parry-wah-say-men or Ten
Bears."
_Parry-wah-say-men_ (Comanche)--see _Pä´riăse´amăn_.
Päsä´ngyä--The Staked plain, of Texas and New Mexico; literally,
"prairie edge," or "prairie bluff," from _pä´gyä_, and _sä´ngya_. The
name properly refers only to the bluff edge or escarpment of the Staked
plain, which itself is commonly referred to simply as _Pägyä_ or _Päya_.
"The prairie."
pa´sot--thunder. According to the belief of the Kiowa and the plains
tribes generally, thunder is produced by a large bird resembling the
eagle.
Pa´sot-kyä`to´--General W. S. Hancock, present at the treaty of 1867;
literally, "Old-man-of-the-thunder," from _pa´sot_ and _kyä`to´_; so
called on account of the eagles upon his shoulder straps, emblematic of
his rank, which were thought by the Indians to symbolize the thunder
bird. The Kiowa say that he was called by the whites _Ga´nu´än_
(General?).
Pä´sûñko or Pä´suñ-T'a`ka´-i--Mexicans about El Paso on the Rio Grande;
from the Spanish _Paseños_.
pät, pätdo´--having low spreading branches; from _pät_, an archaic word
for low spreading branches, and _-do_ or _-dă´_, a suffix implying
having, it has, or there is, from _gyädo´_.
Pa´-ta´dal--"Lean-bull;" (1) see _Koñ´a-biñ´ate_. (2) A Kiowa war chief
in 1874-75, still living. He is commonly known to the whites as
"Poor-buffalo," and in the last outbreak gained the name of
_Ta´-tätheñ´te_, "Never-unsaddled" (from _ta´gyä, tät?_, _heñ_, and
_te_), from his practice of keeping his horse saddled at night, to be
always ready for surprise.
Pa´te´pte--see _Da´tekâñ_.
Pa´to´--see _T'ene´`taide_.
Pa´-to´n--"Bull-tail;" a Kiowa warrior killed by the Mexicans in
1834-35.
pätsä´t--end, top; as _ä´-pätsä´t_, _k`o´p-pätsä´t_, _â´dal-pätsä´t_,
_p'a-pätsä´t_.
pä´tsoga--similar, looking alike. Cf. _pä´da-i_.
Pätso`ga´te--"Looking-alike;" a daughter of Stumbling-bear noted for her
beauty. She died in 1882.
Pä´ya--see _pä´gyă_ and _Päsä´ngyä_.
pe--sand.
Pe p'a--"sand river;" Smoky-hill river, Kansas.
Pe p'a edal--"great sand river;" Red river (of Texas and Indian
Territory), so called both above and below the North fork.
Pe toñ--"sand spring;" a water hole on the Staked plain, in Texas or New
Mexico.
p'e´`gyä--they fell; _p'e´`gya_, it is falling (as rain, snow, or shower
of meteors); _t'o´dal p'e´daldä´to_, it is snowing.
peñ--turkey; plural _peñ´ko_; _peñ sän_, quail, i. e., "little turkey."
Peñ p'a--"turkey creek." (1) A small southwestern branch of Elk creek
(of North fork), in H county, Oklahoma; (2) a southern tributary of
North fork of Red river, in Greer county, Oklahoma, beyond Mount Walsh.
penä--sugar, candy; it is the same in the Comanche language, from which
the Kiowa may have adopted it.
Penä p'a--"sugar creek;" sugar creek on Wichita reservation; sometimes
also called _Do`gu´at p'a_, "Wichita creek."
_Pe´nätĕ´ka_ (Comanche)--see _Ä´-gyai`ko_.
pep--bush, tree; see also _ä; gyäpe´`boñ_, it is bushy or thickety.
Peyi--"Sand-child," from _pe_ and _i_; a young Kiowa man who committed
suicide in 1886-87.
piă--fire. Cf. _piä_.
piä--eating; food, _pi´äñgya_; I eat, _gyä`pa´to_. Cf. _piă_,
_gyäpa´ta_, and _gyäpä´to_.
Piä-ki´adă--Christmas; literally, "eating day."
Pi´alai´bo--see _Pi´ărai´bo_.
Pi´alai´bo-de p'a--see _O´nhon´oñ p'a_.
_Pi´änä´vonĭt_ (Comanche)--"Big-looking-glass;" a Comanche chief and
delegate to Washington in 1892.
_Pi´arai´bo_ (Comanche)--"Big-whiteman," from, _piäp_, big, and _taivo_,
a white man; the Comanche name of interpreter E. L. Clarke, corrupted by
the Kiowa to _Pi´alai´bo_.
pi'ăta´ñga--see _guñse´to_.
pi´ăya--summit, top.
Pi´ăya-do´-tse´dalte--see _K`o´p-tai´-do´-tse´-dalte_.
_pi´cikŭt_ (Pawnee)--winter.
pi´ho´--peninsula, bend in a river or coast.
Pi´ho´--"peninsula;" a bend in the Washita a short distance below Walnut
creek and the Wichita line. A favorite place for the Sun dance. See
Summers 1839 and 1885.
Pĭ´semâ´i--see _T'a`ka´-i-p'o´dal_.
po--trap; spider web. Cf. _p'o_.
p'o--beaver. Cf. _po_.
P'o p'a--"beaver river;" (1) North Canadian river and its upper branch,
Beaver creek, in Oklahoma; (2) Otter creek, branch of North fork, on the
reservation; (3) Beaver creek, east of Fort Sill, on the reservation.
P'o p'a sän--"little beaver creek," Little Beaver creek, east of Fort
Sill, on the reservation.
Po´băro--see _Te´guăgo_.
p'odal (plural, _p'o´tă´_)--worm, reptile, insect, snake; used for both
creeping and flying insects, including flies, and occasionally for
snakes, but not for turtles. For many insects they have no specific
name.
P'o´dal-â´dalte--see _Zoñ´tam_.
P'o´dalä´ñte--"Coming-snake," from _p'odal_, _ää_, and _te_; a Kiowa
warrior killed in Greer county, Oklahoma, in 1891. Abbreviated
_P'olä´ñte_.
P'o´dalk`i´ägo or P'o´dalgyä´ko--see _Gyai`ko_.
p'o´dal(-tă)--spoiled, useless, deformed, split, as _Ma´-p'o´dal_,
"split-nose."
po´dodal--a variety of bird.
Po´dodal(-te´)--a Kiowa warrior in 1879-80.
Poho´me--The Kiowa name of John Smith, a noted trader about 1860--1867,
and Government interpreter for the Cheyenne, who called him _Po´omûts_,
"Gray-blanket," or "Saddle-blanket," whence his Kiowa name.
poho´n-ä--walnut tree; _poho´n-e_, a walnut. A woman with her nose cut
off, the former punishment for adultery, is called _poho´nmä_, plural
_poho´nma´imo_, from the fancied resemblance of the mutilated nose to a
split walnut. A man so disfigured would be called _k`i´ñähyum_.
Poho´n-ä p'a--"walnut creek;" Scout's creek, a tributary of North fork,
near Fort Elliott, in the Texas panhandle.
P'oläñ´te--see _P'o´dalä´ñte_.
poläñ´yi--rabbit; plural, _polä´ñyup_; evidently connected with
_poli´ăkya_, q. v., a pet name is _tsä´nyi_, plural, _tsä´ñyui_.
Polä´ñyi-kato´n--"Rabbit-shoulder;" a Kiowa calendar keeper, now dead.
Polä´ñyup--"Rabbits;" the lowest order of the Kiowa military
organization; sometimes called _Tsä´nyui_, another word for "rabbits."
poli´ăkya--hare lip, split lip; _Zo´n-poli´ăkya_, a vacant place from
which a tooth has been lost. Cf. _polä´ñyi_.
Poli´ăkya--"Hare-lip;" alias _Ka´giätse´_, "Thick-blanket," from _kata_
and _etse´_ (?); the chief of the Kiowa at the time of the first
alliance with the Comanche.
_Pooh-yah-to-yeh-be_ (Comanche)--see _Pu´iwito´yäbi_.
_Po´omûts_ (Cheyenne)--see _Poho´me_.
Po'-Sĭ´l--See _Tso´`kadahä´gya_.
po´to´ or po´tă´--a prong or branch; _ä´po´to´_, a forked pole,
especially of the medicine lodge; a table fork is called _gi´ă-tsoñ´i_,
"meat awl."
_Pu´iwito´yäbi_ (Comanche)--"Iron-mountain;" a Comanche signer of the
treaty of 1867, where the name appears as "Pooh-yah-to-yeh-be."
Quay-ham-kay--"Quay-ham-kay, The Stone Shell;" the name of a Kiowa
warrior painted by Catlin in 1834, as given by the artist. It can not be
identified. Cf. _k`o´dali´ätoñ_.
sa'bă--stingy.
Sa´bă--see _Do´ho´n_.
sabiñ´a--quiver; sometimes called _ä´gobi´ĭmkâ´-i_, "feather case." The
quiver is made of panther skin, or of Mexican leather, never of deer or
antelope skin.
sa´dal--(1) masticated food in the stomach, whence also _intestine_,
_belly_ (see also _äti_); (2) having, furnished with, in composition.
Cf. _Guñsa´dalte_.
sä´dalgu´ăt--sweat-house, from _sä´daltep_.
sa´dalka´ñi--the manifold or stomach-rind of a buffalo or cow, from
_sadal_ and _kañi_.
Sa´dalkañi k`op--"manifold mountain;" the Black hills, South Dakota.
sa´dălso´mte--weasel; literally, "belly rubber, or dragger," from
_sadal_ and _somta_.
Sa´dălso´mte-k`i´ägo--see _Semät_.
sä´daltep--sweat (noun).
SAD-DY-YO--see _Sä´riyo_.
sâ´he--blue, green; _sâ´he-ko´ñkya_, dark blue.
sai or saigya--winter, year; plural, _säta_ (see page 366).
SAITKOPETA, PAUL--see _Se´tk`o´pte_.
Säki´bo(-go)--Sauks, from their proper name, _Oñsa´ki_ or _Saki_.
Sä´k`odal Gu´ădal Do´ha´--"Cheyenne red bluff;" the Red hills on the
North Canadian above Fort Reno, Oklahoma. Cf. _Gu´ădal Do´ha´_.
sa`kon--buffalo chips; _sa´gya_, dung.
Sa´`kon-yä´daldä or Sä-yä´daldä--"buffalo-chip hill;" a hill or mountain
near Salt fork or White-river fork of Brazos river in Texas (see _Ahiñă
p'a_).
Sa´`kon-yä´daldä p'a--"buffalo chip-hill river;" Duck creek, a branch of
Salt fork or White-river fork of Brazos river, Texas; also called
_Ahiñ´a p'a_, "cedar creek."
sä-kop--midwinter, from _sai_ and _kopa´-iñgya_.
Sä´kop p'a--see _Ä`gâ´nti_.
Sä´k`ota--Cheyenne; singular, Sä´k`odal, etymology doubtful. Also called
_T'a´-sep_, "pierced-ear," or _Ä-gu´at_, "painted feathers," from the
fact that for their arrows they always used wild-turkey feathers, which
are transversely striped. Their Comanche name, _Pä´ganä´vo_, denotes
"striped arrows," and the tribal sign, made by drawing the right index
finger across the left, seems to convey the same idea.
Sä´k`ota-ä´oto´n-de p'a--"creek where the Cheyenne were massacred;" a
northern tributary of North fork of Red river, the second below
Sweetwater creek, in F county, Oklahoma; so called from a massacre there
in 1837, q. v.
sä`lä´ti--hot, from _gyäsä´dal_, it is hot.
sän--little; an archaic form, in composition, is _t'an_, q. v.
sä´ne´--snake; _säne´hiñ_, rattlesnake, literally, "principal snake."
Sä´ne´ p'a--"snake creek;" Deep creek, entering Cache creek, south of
Fort Sill, on the reservation.
sä´ngya--an overhanging bluff or escarpment. Cf. _Päsängyä_.
Sänko--see _Gyaí´`ko_.
sa´omhäpä--blood came up from him, i. e., he had a hemorrhage; _om_, a
drop of blood; _oñkya_, blood.
SA-PA-GA--see _Se´tpä´go_.
sa´pän--ashes.
sa´podal--a mythic cannibal monster; hence also, from its human
expression, an owl, properly _mahi´ñ_.
Sa´podal-â´daltoñ p'a--"owl-head creek," a western branch of _Ä´dan
p'a_, q. v.; so called from the figures of two owls cut upon a tree
where the trail crosses.
_Sä´riyo_ (Comanche)--"Dog-fat;" a Comanche signer of the treaty of
1867, where his name appears as "Saddy-yo," the Comanche _r_ sometimes
approximating _d_.
säta--plural of _sai_, _sai´gya_, q. v.
SA-TA-MORE--see _Se´t-emâ´i_.
SATANA--see _Set-t'a´iñte_.
SATANK--see _Set-ä´ngya_.
SA-TAN-TA--see _Set-t'a´iñte_.
SATEKOPETA, PAUL--see _Set-k`o´pte_.
SA-TIM-GEAR--see _Se't-ĭmki´a_.
sa´top--pipe.
Sa´wăno--Shawano, Shawnee.
SEE-TI-TOH--see _Set-t'ai´ñte_.
se´hän--horned toad.
sek`a´n--dogwood (_Cornus asperifolia_), used by the southern plains
tribes for arrows, but not for bows.
Sek`a´n p'a--"dogwood creek;" a small southern tributary of South
Canadian river in the panhandle of Texas, a short distance below Adobe
Walls; perhaps Chicken creek.
Se´mät--Kiowa Apache; literally, "Thieves" (singular, dual, and plural
alike). Cf. _Ä´semtse_. They have been so called for the last twelve
years on account of having stolen and killed the cattle and hogs of the
Kiowa. Formerly called _Tagu´i_, the generic Kiowa name for the tribes
of Apache stock; also _Sa´dălso´mte-k`i´ägo_, "weasel people" (see Kiowa
Apache synonymy).
Semät p'a--"Apache creek;" an upper branch of Cache creek, joining with
_E´gu´a p'a_ (Chandler creek), on the reservation; so called because the
Kiowa Apache reside chiefly upon it.
Se´mätmä--"Apache-woman;" a Kiowa woman in the Osage massacre of 1833.
Her proper name was probably _Tagu´imä_, as the Apache were then called
_Tagu´i_.
sen--nostril.
señ--prickly.
Señ p'a--"cactus river;" Salado river, Nuevo Leon, Mexico. The name
refers to the tall upright cactus (_Cereus giganteus_), not to the
prickly pear (_Opuntia_). The Kiowa say there are salt beds on its lower
course.
señ-ä--willow.
Señ´-ä p'a--(1) "willow creek;" a northern tributary of the Washita,
about four miles below Sugar creek, Wichita reservation. (2) Sabinas
river, a tributary of Salado river, Nuevo Leon, Mexico. (3) A northern
tributary of Beaver creek, a short distance above the junction of the
Palo Duro, Oklahoma.
señ´-älo´--the prickly pear (_Opuntia tortispina?_), literally "prickly
plum," from _señ_ and _älo´_. Eaten raw by the Indians.
Se´ñ-älo´k`op--"prickly-pear mountain," a low rocky hill near
Stumbling-bear's camp on the road to Fort Sill; so called from the
abundance of prickly pears upon it.
Se´ñ-älo´ p'a--"prickly-pear creek;" a creek near Bent's fort in
Colorado, perhaps Caddo or Rate creek (see Summer 1856).
se´ñi--cactus, especially the peyote (_Lophophora_), eaten with
religious ceremonial; literally, "prickly fruit," from _señ_ and _i_; in
composition, _señ_.
se´npa´ga--mustache; cf. _se´npo_.
se´npo--mustache, beard; plural _se´npa´ga_, from _sen_, nostril, and
_paga_, down, fur, fuzz; _pa´`da_, a single hair of fur or fuzz, pubis,
beard, etc; _a´da´_, a single hair of head, eyelash, of horse, cow, etc.
Cf. _Be´dalpa´go_.
se´np'odal-e´ (or _se´np'ole´_)--a water bulb, apparently the water
lily, growing in Swan lake and other ponds on the Wichita reservation;
eaten by the Indians.
Se´np'odal-e´ p'a--"water-lilycreek" (?). Pond creek, a northern
tributary of the Washita, on the Wichita reservation.
Se´np'odal-e´ setso´--"water-lily pond" (?). Swan lake, on the Wichita
reservation.
Se´npo-gu´ădal--"Red-beard;" J. M. Haworth, Kiowa agent, 1873--1878;
Battey writes it _Simpoquodle_.
Se´npo-ze´dălbe--"Terrible-beard." (1) William Madison or Matthewson, a
former trader among the Kiowa. About the year 1865 he had a trading
house at the Santa Fé crossing of Cow creek in Kansas, from which he
moved when the Kiowa were put upon the reservation in 1869, and
established a house on the west side of Cache creek, 2-1/2 miles below
Fort Sill, on the reservation, where he remained until about 1876. His
place on Cache creek was about on the site formerly occupied by
_Tome´te_, q. v. It is said he was sometimes known as _Ma´ñtaka´k`ia_,
q. v. (2) Timothy Peet, trading clerk at Anadarko; the name was
transferred to him from Madison.
SEN-SON-DA-CAT--"Sen-son-da-cat", the White Bird; a Kiowa signer of the
treaty of 1837, as the name appears on the treaty. It can not be
identified; "White-bird" would be _T'ene´-t'ai´ñte_.
sep--(1) rain; _sepdo_, it is raining. (2) The root of the verb "to
pierce" or "to sew."
Se´pyä´daldä--"rainy mountain," from _sep_ and _yä´daldä_; Rainy
mountain, on the reservation, about 30 miles west of Anadarko.
Se´pyä´daldä p'a--"rainy-mountain creek;" the western branch, of
Rainy-mountain creek, a southern tributary of Washita river near Rainy
mountain. The eastern branch is called _Tsodo´m p'a_, q. v., and the
main stream below the junction is called _Tsen p'a_.
Se´se--arrowhead; when made of stone, it is sometimes distinguished as
_k`a´-ikon sese_.
Se´se p'a--"arrowhead river;" Arkansas river, the most prominent river
in Kiowa narrative. According to Clark it is known as Flint (i. e.,
flint arrowhead) river among the plains tribes generally.
Se´se p'a hoan--"Arkansas river road;" the Santa Fé trail.
set--bear; an archaic word used now only in composition, especially in
proper names. The ordinary word is _onhä´te_.
se´tä--the small intestine of the buffalo or cow.
Setä--"Cow-intestines;" a school boy frozen to death in the winter of
1890-91, probably the "Sailor" of Scott's report on the subject.
Se t-ä´gyai´--"Bear-on-tree," from _set_ and _ä_; a Kiowa warrior killed
by the Pawnee in 1851.
Se´t-ä´ngya--"Sitting-bear." (1) A noted Kiowa war chief, commonly known
as Satank, killed at Fort Sill in 1871. (2) A son of the above, killed
in Texas about a year before.
Se´t-daya´-ite--"Many-bears," from _set_, _da_, _a-i_, and _te_. (1) A
Kiowa warrior, known to the whites as Heap-of-Bears, killed by the Ute
in 1868. (2) A keeper of the _taíme_, 1876--1883.
Se´t-emâ´-i--"Bear-lying-down" (habitually); cf. _k`a_ (2). A Kiowa
signer of the treaty of 1867, where his name appears as Sa-ta-more.
Set-ĭmki´a--"Pushing-bear," from _set_ and _deki´a_; a noted Kiowa war
chief, still living, one of the signers of the treaty of 1867, where his
name appears as "Sa-tim-gear, or Stumbling Bear." His name is commonly
abbreviated to _Ĭmki´a_, while to the whites he is known as
Stumbling-bear, a mistranslation of his proper name, which indicates a
bear that overthrows or pushes over everything in his way.
Se´t-k`o´dalte--see _Ä´taha´-ik`i_.
Se´t-k`o´pte (Paul)--"Mountain-bear;" a Kiowa warrior and Florida
prisoner in 1875; as a boy he was called "Buffalo-horns." At the close
of his imprisonment he was adopted into a white family under the name of
Paul Saitkopeta Carruthers. He returned to his tribe in 1882 and is
still living.
Se´t-mä´nte--"Bear-above" (Sky-bear). The Kiowa name of a Kiowa Apache
signer of the treaty of 1837, in which it appears as "Cet-ma-ni-ta, the
Walking Bear." A Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875. Cf.
_Mamä´nte_.
Se´t-pä´go--"Lone-bear;" a Kiowa signer of the treaty of 1867, in which
the name appears as "Sit-par-ga, or Sa-pa-ga, One Bear."
Set-pa´te--"He-bear;" a Kiowa warrior about 1854 (see Winter 1854-55).
setse´yu--hog; literally, "domestic bear," from _set_ and _tseyu_.
Setse´yu p'a--"hog creek;" Hog creek, a southern tributary of the
Washita, about eight miles above Anadarko, on the reservation. So called
on account of the former presence there of wild hogs which had escaped
from the Caddo north of the river.
setso´--lake, pond.
Setso´--"lake;" Swan lake, Wichita reservation. Being the only lake in
the region, it is simply called "the lake."
Setso´ edal--"big lake;" a large lake in Coahuila or Chihuahua, Mexico,
described as having an island upon which was a Mexican fort.
Se´t ta´dal--"Lean-bear." (1) A Kiowa (?) warrior in 1864-65. (2) A
Kiowa Apache chief and signer of the treaty of 1867, being then the head
chief of the tribe. His proper Apache name was _Gu´ăñteka´na_, of which
Se´t-ta´dal is the Kiowa rendering. It appears on the treaty as
"Kon-zhon-ta-co, Poor Bear." He was the father of White-man, present
head chief of the Apache.
Se´t-t'a´iñte--"White-bear;" a noted Kiowa chief and signer of the
treaty of 1867, who committed suicide in prison in 1878. He was commonly
known as Satanta; other forms are Satana and See-ti-toh. In boyhood he
was called _Gu´atoñ-biăn_, "Big-ribs," and since the death, in 1894, of
his son, who inherited the father's name, this last name only is used in
referring to him.
Set-t'ai´ñte-T'a`ka´-imai´mo-e´`paga´ni-de p'a--"river where
Set-t'ai´ñte brought the white women;" Satanta creek, alias North or
Kiowa creek, a northern tributary of Cimarron river in Comanche county,
Kansas; so called because Set-t'ai´ñte brought there some white women
and children captured in Texas about thirty years ago. Doha´sän died at
its junction with the Cimarron.
Se´t-t'an--"Little-bear;" a Kiowa warrior and author of the principal
calendar here published.
_Shĭ´shinu´wut-tsĭ´täni´u_ (Cheyenne)--the Comanche (see Kiowa
synonymy).
_Si´ăchĭ´nika_ (Comanche)--"Standing-head-feather;" a Comanche signer of
the treaty of 1867, where the name appears as "Cear-chi-neka."
SIMPOQUODLE--see _Se´npo-gu´ădal_.
Sindi--a mythic trickster and wonder-worker of the Kiowa.
Si´ndiyu´i--see _Koñtä´lyui_.
SIT-PAR-GA--see _Se´tpä´go_.
so´le--see _Yä´`pahe´_.
So´le p'a--"soldier creek;" Cache creek, near Fort Sill, on the
reservation. Sometimes called _Tso´`kada´hä So´le p'a_, "Medicine-bluff
Soldier creek."
somta--rubbing; _gyäso´nmo_, I whet; _deso´nmo_, I rub myself;
_dega´mo_, I anoint.
son--grass.
So´ndo´ta--Shoshoni; literally, "grass houses," from _son_ and _do´_,
said to refer to a former custom of weaving tipis or wikiups of rushes;
also called _So´soni_. TRIBAL SIGN: Index finger thrust forward with a
serpentine movement, followed by sign for "man;" commonly interpreted
"Snake people," but perhaps originally designed to indicate the manner
of weaving the rushes. Cf. _Gyai´`ko_.
So´npata--see _A´se´gya_.
Son-t'aiñ p'a--"white grass creek;" a branch of White river of Brazos
river, Texas.
So´soni--see _So´ndo´ta_.
Soto--Auguste Chouteau, the first trader regularly established in the
Kiowa country, about 1835.
t'a--(1) Ear; singular, _t'a_; dual, _t'ati_; plural, _t'agă_. (2)
Antelope; plural, _t'a´sedăl_. _T'äp_, the generic word for deer,
antelope, etc, is sometimes used specifically for antelope. Cf.
_kyai´`guan_ and _tañ´gia_.
tä--eye; dual, _täti_; plural, _tägă_.
t'[)ä]--first light (?) Cf. _ki´ătä_.
ta´-ä--the elm (_Ulmus americana_); literally, "saddle wood," from
_ta´gyä_ and _ä_, because used by the Indians to make saddle trees; also
called _ga´dal-ä_, "buffalo wood," because the buffalo liked to stand
under its shade.
_Tä´binä´năkă_, (Comanche)--"Hears- (or understands-) the-sun;" a noted
Comanche chief, who died in 1892. By the Kiowa he was called
_Pai´-ta´ya_, an exact rendering of his Comanche name.
T'a´-bo´dal--"Spoiled-ear;" the Kiowa call by this name an earless
Navaho killed by them in the winter of 1867-68. _Bodal_ seems to refer
to "cut off," distinct from _p'odalta_. Cf. _ka´bodal_.
ta´dal--lean (adjective).
tä´dăldă--hole.
Ta´dalk`i´a--"Lean-man;" agent P. B. Hunt, 1878--1885.
tä´dalkop--smallpox; literally, "hole sickness," from _tä´dăldă_ and
_kop_.
Tä´dalkop p'a--"smallpox creek;" Mule creek, a tributary of
Medicine-lodge creek, Oklahoma; so called because the Kiowa held there
the first sun dance after the smallpox epidemic of 1861-62.
_Tâ´guga´la_ (Jemez pueblo)--see _Tagu´i_.
Tagu´i--Apache, etc; the generic Kiowa name for all tribes of Athapascan
or Apache stock. In consequence of the death of a person of that name,
it was superseded for a time by _K`a-pä´top_, "Knife-whetters," but the
original name is now restored. The etymology is uncertain, but the word
is evidently connected with _Tâ´guga´la_ and _Ta´gukere´sh_, and perhaps
with _Tashĭn, Ga´ta`ka_ and _Tha´`ka-hinĕ´na_. Cf. _T'a`ka´-i_. The
Kiowa include under this generic term the _Ä´-tagu´i_ (Lipan),
_K`op-tagu´i_ (Jicarilla), _Ĕ´sikwita_ (Mescalero), _Do´-ko´nsenä´go_
(Chiricahua), _Ze´bä-gi´ăni_ (----), and _Se´mät_ (Kiowa Apache). TRIBAL
SIGN: Right index finger rubbed briskly up and down along left index
finger, as though whetting a knife. For other specific and generic names
applied to the Apache, see Kiowa Apache synonymy.
_Ta´gukere´sh_ (Pecos pueblo)--see _Tagu´i_.
T'a´gu´ñ-yä´daldä.--"antelope antlers hill," from _t'a, guñ_, and
_yä´daldä_; Antelope hills, on south side of South Canadian river, near
the western Oklahoma line, in E county.
T'a´guño´tal p'a--"moon when the antelope antlers drop off," from _t'a,
guñ, otal_, and _p'a_; a Kiowa moon or month, including portions of
August and September.
T'a´guñ´otal P'a Sän--"Little _T'a´guño´tal P'a_;" a Kiowa moon or
month, including portions of July and August.
ta´gya--saddle; in composition _ta_, as _ta´-ä_, "saddle wood," _Ta´
k`o´p_, "Saddle mountain."
Tägyä´ko--Northern Arapaho (Wyoming), "Wild-sage people," "Sagebrush
people," from _tä´gyĭ_ and _ko_ or _k`iägo_. Cf. _Ä´hyäto_ and
_Bo´tk`i´ägo_.
tä´gyĭ--wild sage, sagebrush (_Artemisia ludoviciana_).
taha´--erect, high, curved.
_Ta´ha_ (Apache)--an Apache chief and delegate to Washington in 1870,
still living.
ta´ho--refers to "leading confederates." Cf. _Gu´a´na-de-`ta´ho_.
-tai´de--chief, in composition, as _T'ene´-tai´de_, "Bird-chief;" it
comes from a root signifying above, top, on top of; _gyätai´de_, he is
above, i. e., he is chief.
tai´me--the great Sun-dance medicine of the Kiowa (see page 240). The
etymology is doubtful, but the same word signifies also "mosquito" and
"silent." _Ĭmtai´me_, you are silent; _tai´me`gŭ´_, talkative,
sociable.
tai´me-bi´ĭmkâ´i--"tai´me box;" the peculiarly shaped and decorated
rawhide box in which the _tai´me_ image is preserved.
Tai´mete´--"Taime-man;" a priest and keeper of the _tai´me_ from 1883
until his death in 1894.
t'aiñ--white.
T'aiñ do´ha´--"White bluff." (1) A bluff on upper South Canadian river,
near the New Mexico line. (2) (Same?); a bluff at or beyond the head of
_Pa p'a_ (_2_), about southeastern Colorado (see Winter 1840-41).
T'aiñ p'a--"White river." (1) An extreme upper northern tributary of
South Canadian river, one day's journey below the salt beds (at the New
Mexico line), and about halfway to _Gu´adal do´ha´_; perhaps Major
Long's creek, Texas panhandle (see Winter 1847-48). (2) Brazos river,
Texas, main stream; also White river, alias Catfish creek, near its
head.
T'ai´ñte--"White;" special agent E. E. White, 1887-88.
T'aiñ-yädaldä--"white hill;" a hill or hills near the head of White
river of the Brazos, Texas. _ Tä´ka Ho´norĭt_ (Comanche)--see _Ä´sese
p'a_.
Tä´-ka´gyä p'a--"eye-triumph creek;" a small branch of Apache creek, on
the reservation, near where now is Muchacho's house (see Winter
1879-80).
taka´-i--(1) buckskin; (2) a saddle blanket, of buffalo hide. Cf.
_T'a`ka´-i_.
Ta`ka´-i--see _Be´dalpa´go_. Cf. _taka´-i_.
Taka´-i-p'o´dal--"Spoiled-saddle-blanket;" a Kiowa signer of the treaty
of 1867, where the name appears as "Fish-e-more, or Stinking saddle;"
commonly abbreviated to _Taka´-ite_. The name "Fish-e-more," as given in
the treaty, is pronounced _Pĭ´semâ´i_ by the Kiowa, who say that it is
a foreign word, old, and with no meaning in Kiowa.
T'a`ka´-i-tai´de--"White-man-chief;" the Kiowa name of Tsa´yadi´tlti or
White-man, present head chief of the Apache.
Taka´-ite--see _Taka´-i-p'o´dal_.
TA-KA-TA-COUCHE--"Ta-ka-ta-couche, the Black Bird," a Kiowa signer of
the treaty of 1837, as the name appears in the treaty. The correct form
may be _T'ene´-koñ´kya_, q. v.
t'a´-ko´ñ--"black-ear;" a variety of horse, light in color, but with
black ears, prized by the Kiowa as the best for racing. Sometimes
particularly specified as _t'a´-ko´ñ tseñ_, "black-eared horse" (see
Summers 1861 and 1867).
T´a´-ko´ñ--"Black-ear;" a noted race horse stolen by the Navaho in 1867
(see the preceding).
Ta´-k`op´--"saddle mountain," from, _ta´gyä_ and _k`op_; Saddle
mountain, near the head of Walnut creek, on the reservation.
tä`lä´--folded, bent double, shortened (applied only to feathers).
tä´lyi´--boy; plural, _tälyu´p_, or in some proper names _tälyu´i_.
Tälyi´-da´-i--see _´dalbea´hya_.
Ta´mĭsi--Thomas C. Battey, first teacher among the Kiowa, in 1873; now
living in Mosk, Ohio.
t'an--small, little; an archaic word used now only in proper names. The
common word is _sän_, q. v.
tän--(1) an edible turnip-like root; (2) a kind of headdress of upright
feathers, a crest of feathers; _ätä´ndo_, he has a headdress of upright
feathers.
TA-NE-CONGAIS--see _T'ene´-ko´ñkya_.
tañ´gia--deer, a ceremonial word, used only by old people; _tañgi´apa´_,
a buck deer; _tañgi´atsä´_, a doe. The common word is _kya´`guan_,
literally "jumper," or _t'äp_, q. v.
Tañgi´apa´--"Buck-deer;" a Kiowa warrior killed by the Mexicans in
1850-51.
Tä´n-gu´ădal--"Red-feather-head-dress," (or red _tän_ root?); a noted
Kiowa warrior killed in Texas in 1868-69. Cf. _Tä´n-ko´ñkya_.
t'añi--smooth; _t'añ´edă´_, it is smooth.
Tä´n-ko´ñkya--"Black-feathered-headdress;" a noted Kiowa war chief who
died in 1865-66. Cf. _Tä´n-gu´ădal_.
t'ä´ñpe-ä´--the skunkberry bush (_Rhus trilobata_); plural _t'äñpe´ko_;
_t'ä´ñpe-i´_, skunkberry. The seeds or berries are eaten raw, or beaten
up with sugar, and considered a dainty, although very bitter.
T'ä´ñpeä´ p'a--"skunkberry creek;" a southern tributary of the South
Canadian, about opposite Lathrop, in the panhandle of Texas. White-deer
creek (?).
T'äñpe´ko--"Skunkberry people," alias _Tse´ñ-´â´dalka´-i_, "Crazy
Horses;" the "War-club" band of Clark. One of the six Kiowa military
orders (see page 229).
T'a´ñ-yä´daldä--"smooth hill," from _t'añi_ and _yädaldä_; a hill or
mountain near Fort Clark, southern Texas.
T'a´ñ-yä´daldä p'a--"smooth-hill river;" Las Moras creek (?) of the Rio
Grande; described as at Fort Clark (see the preceding).
T'a´ñ-yä´daldä- yä´`pähe´gya--"smooth hill soldier place;" Fort Clark,
southern Texas (see the preceding).
t'äp--deer, antelope, etc, especially antelope. Cf. also _t'a_,
_kyai´`guan_, _tañgi´a_, _ko`ga´-i_.
_Tă´săwi_ (Comanche)--A Comanche signer of the treaty of 1867, where the
name appears as "To-sa-in, To-she-wi, or Silver Brooch."
T'a´-sep--see _Sä´k`ota_.
_Ta´shĭn_ (Comanche)--see _Tagu´i_ and Kiowa Apache synonymy.
Ta´-täthe´ñte--see _Pa´-ta´dal_.
t'a´-tse´ñ--wild horse; literally, "antelope horse."
_Tä´yăkwo´ip_ (Comanche)--"Sore-backed horse;" a Comanche signer of the
treaty of 1867, where the name appears as "Tir-ha-yah-guahip, or Horse's
Back."
t'a´-zo´tă´--an antelope corral or driveway (see page 309). Cf.
_zo´tă´_.
T'a´-zo´tă´ p'a--"antelope corral creek;" Bear creek, between Cimarron
and Arkansas rivers, near the western line of Kansas.
-te, -ti--a personal suffix, usually masculine, in proper names.
T'e´bodal(-te)--"One-who-carries-a-pack-of-meat-from-the-buffalo's-lower-leg;"
the full form would be T'e´bodal-pä´te (cf. _Tso`k`o´dalte_), from
_t'epga_, _odal_, and _te_; the oldest man of the Kiowa tribe, now about
eighty years of age.
te´dal--white clay; used by the Indians for paint; another form is
_te´li_.
Te´dal toñ--"white-clay spring;" a water hole on the Staked plain, so
called from the white clay found there. There are two wells on the
Staked plain, known as Tierra Blanca or Ojo Blanco, one in Texas, the
other in New Mexico.
Te´guă(-go)--Pueblo; the name is a derivative from Tegua or Tewa and
includes all the Pueblo Indians; the Comanche form is _Tewa_. They were
formerly also called _Be´dalpahe´ñko_, "Beardless people" (cf.
_Be´dalpa´go_) and are sometimes designated as _Po´băro_, a Comanche
corruption of "Pueblo." SIGN: Hair grasped behind with the right hand,
to indicate the Pueblo style of bunching it.
Tehä´neko, Tehä´no--Texans, singular _Tehä´nek`i_, from the Spanish
_Tejano_. The Kiowa and associated tribes always regarded the Texans as
a distinct people from the _T'o-t'a`ka´-i_, or Americans, of Kansas and
the north.
TEH-TOOT-SAH--see _Doha´sän_.
te´li--see _te´dal_.
tem--bone; plural _toñ_.
ten--heart.
Te´n-ät'a´nte--"Little-heart," from _ten_, _t'an_, and _te_; a Kiowa
warrior killed by the Pawnee in 1851.
te´ñbe--see _ä´dalto´yi_.
Te´ñbe k`op, or Te´ñbei´a k`op--"Wild-sheep mountain," i. e.,
"Te´ñbeyu´i mountain," because the Te´ñbeyu´i, q. v., used to dance
there at a spring near the river; a mountain on the east side of North
fork, just below Elk creek, on the reservation; sometimes incorrectly
called _Gabo´dăli k`op_, "Sheep (or goat) mountain."
Te´ñbeyu´i--see _Ä´dalto´yui_.
t'ene´--bird; on account of a death a few years ago the word _gu´ăto_ is
now used instead.
T'ene´-ango´pte--"Kicking-bird," usually abbreviated to _Ango´pte_, from
_t'ene´_, _gyä´ango´p_, and _te_: (1) A Kiowa warrior about 1843. (2) A
noted chief who died in 1875; upon the treaty of 1867 his name appears
as Ton-a-en-ko, "Kicking Eagle."
T'ene´-badai´--"Bird-appearing;" a Kiowa warrior noted for his good
looks, killed by the Caddo in 1860.
T'ene´-ko´ñkya--"Black-bird;" a Kiowa signer of the treaty of 1837,
where the name appears as "Ta-ne-congais, the Sea Gull."
T'ene´pi´abi--"Hummingbird;" a Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in
1875, still living. The ordinary word for hummingbird is _mansa-t'ene´_,
"thumbbird."
T'ene´-tai´de--"Bird-chief," from _t'ene´_ and _-taide_; a Kiowa
warrior, still living; also called _Pa´to´_, a word of unknown meaning.
T'ene´-ze´pte--"Bird-bow" (?) from _t'ene´_, _zepko_, and _te_; a Kiowa
warrior shot by Sun-boy in 1872. The name might possibly mean
"Bird-teat."
Te´n-pi´äk`ia--"Heart-eater," from _ten_, _piä_, and _k`ia_; a noted
Kiowa warrior and medicine-man, rival of Anso´`te and father of
Se´t-t'a´n, and accidentally killed in 1853. He took his name from the
fact that his "medicine" was to eat a small piece of an enemy's heart
every time he killed one. The same thing was done by several other Kiowa
warriors under certain circumstances, the only approach to cannibalism
in the tribe. A man now living is called _Te´npi´äte_, "Heart-eater,"
from _ten_, _piä_, and _te_.
tep--the root of a verb signifying "to come out," "to migrate." Cf.
_toñtep_, _Te´pdă´_, _Tepgañ p'a_.
Te´pdă´--Kiowa; see Kiowa synonymy.
t'epga--meat from the calf of the leg of the buffalo, etc; in
composition, _t'ep_.
Te´pgañ P'a--"Goose-migrating moon," from _gañ_, _tep_, and _p'a_; a
Kiowa moon or month, including parts of November and December; also
called _Bonpä P'a_, "Sweat-house moon."
Tepk`i´ägo--Kiowa; see Kiowa synonymy.
TEP-PE-NAVON--see _Tĭ´pinävo´n_.
_Tha`ka´-hinĕ´na_ (Arapaho), or Tha`ka´-itä´n--the Kiowa-Apache; see
Kiowa Apache synonymy.
TIL-LA-KA--see _Tĭ´l-`lakai´_.
_Tĭ´l-`lakai´_ (Apache)--"White-horn;" an Apache signer of the treaty of
1867, upon which his name appears as "Til-la-ka, White Horn."
_Tĭ´p ho´novĭt_ (Comanche)--see _Tso p'a_ (2).
_Ti´pinävo´n_ (Comanche)--a Comanche signer of the treaty of 1867, upon
which the name appears as "Tep-pe-navon, Painted Lips."
TIR-HA-YAH-GUAHIP--see _Tä´yăkwoip_.
t'o--cold, in composition, from _gyät'o´_.
to´de--taken back, or returned, after receiving (as result of a quarrel
or remorse).
to´gya--after, past; _gi´ña-to´gya_, after midnight.
t'o´gyä--coat, shirt.
TOHAINT--see _Dohe´ñte_.
TOHASAN--see _Doha´sän_.
TO-HO-SA--see _Doha´sän_.
to´i--a curve.
t'o´idă´--uncommon, accidental, abnormal; as a pinto horse, a
six-fingered hand, etc.
t'o´igu´ăt--pinto, variegated in color, especially a horse, from
_t'o´idă´_ and _guătgya_.
T'o´-k`i´ñähyup--"Cold Men," i. e., men of the cold or northern country,
from _gyät'o´_ and _k`i´ñähi_; one of two former local divisions of the
Kiowa, including those who ranged chiefly on Arkansas river and the
Kansas frontier. Cf. _Gwa´hale´go_ and _T'o´-t'a`ka´-i_.
Tome´te--the Kiowa name of an early trader who located a trading post
about 1837 a short distance south of Fort Sill, on the spot afterward
occupied by William Madison (_Se´npo-ze´dalbe_, q. v.). The Kiowa form
is a derivative from his proper name (Thomas?).
ton--tail.
toñ--water; also leg in composition, from _to´ñti_.
TON-A-EN-KO--see _T'ene´-ango´pte_.
To´n-ak`a´--"Water-turtle," literally "notched tail;" a noted Kiowa
medicine-man in 1884-85. Cf. _k`a´nkiñ_.
To´ñ-bi´ăndä´ta--"boiling water;" Colorado Springs, Colorado.
To´ñ-dahä´--"medicine, i. e., mysterious, water;" a natural rock well,
large and deep, near the head of Scout creek, in the Texas panhandle. It
is so called probably from a tradition of some water spirit or monster
dwelling there. Cf. _To´ñ-dahyä´_.
To´ñ-dahyä´--"medicine water, mysterious water;" a lake somewhere in the
mountains of the far north, near which the Kiowa Apache locate one of
their most noted wonder stories. The name seems to be an archaic form
for _To´ñ-dahä´_, q. v.
toñgu´ayo--sitting with legs crossed and extended; I sit _so,
ätoñgu´ayo-ä´ngya_, from _toñti_, _gu´ayo_, legs crossed and extended,
and _ä´ngya_.
Toñhe´ñ p'a--"waterless, i. e., dry, creek;" Sand creek, Colorado, a
northern tributary of Arkansas river, and the scene of the Chivington
massacre.
Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´-i, or Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´a'-i-do´mbe--waterless Mexican
(country); the people and region of Chihuahua and upper Coahuila,
Mexico.
Toñhyo´pdă´--the "Pipe-bearer," or officer who marched at the head of
the young warriors on an expedition; he did not necessarily carry a
pipe. Etymology doubtful.
To´ñko´ñ--"black water;" a pond on the edge of the Staked plain, about
three days' journey westward from Double mountain, in Texas; perhaps
Agua Negra, just inside the Texas line, about 34°.
To´ñko´ñ p'a--"black-water creek;" a southern tributary of the
Washita, about five miles below the Custer battle-field
(_Doä´dal-ko´ñkya-eho´taldee_), in F county, Oklahoma.
Toñko´ñko--"Black legs," from _toñti_, _ko´ñkya_, and _ko_; singular,
_Toñko´ñ-gyäk`i´a_. (1) The Blackfoot Indians. (2) One of the six Kiowa
military orders, the Raven, Raven Soldiers, or Black Leggings of Clark
(see page 229).
To´ñpeto--"Afraid-of-water," from _toñ_ and _gyä`pe´to_; the Kiowa
rendering of the name of the Comanche chief _Päre´iyä_, who made the
final peace between the two tribes.
toñp'o´dal--lame, from _to´ñti_ and _p'o´daltă_; I am lame,
_äto´ñp'o´daltă_.
Toñp'o´dal-kyä`to´--"Lame-old-man;" a Kiowa war chief in 1832.
To´ñsâhe´ p'a--"blue (or green) water river;" Colorado river of Texas.
It is called "blue water" or "blue river" by the Comanche also.
To´ñteb-e´dal p'a--"big-spring creek;" probably Giraud creek of Red fork
of Colorado river, Texas; described as southward from Double mountain,
near the emigrant road. There is a town named Big Spring on Giraud
creek.
to´ñtep--a spring, from _toñ_ and _tep_; commonly abbreviated to _toñ_
in geographic names.
To´ñtep p'a--"spring creek;" Fontaine qui Bouille creek, Colorado,
to´ñti--leg; in composition, _toñ_.
Toñtsĭ´mgyä p'a--"crooked-water creek," from _toñ_ and _tsĭ´mgyä_;
Crooked creek, in the Cherokee strip, Oklahoma.
to´ñzo´--current (of a stream); _toñzo´lya_, the water is flowing.
To´ñzo`go´dal p'a--"strong current (i. e., swift water) river," from
_to´ñzo´_, _got_, plural _go´dal_, and _p'a_; apparently a head branch
of Pease river, Texas, and described as midway between Red river and the
Staked plain, where they are one day's journey apart. Also called _Päbo
p'a_, "American-horse river," from a fight there in which the Kiowa took
from the Texans a number of American horses, the largest they had ever
seen (see Winter 1841-42).
Tooc-a-nie Kiowa--(for Tawa´koni, a subtribe of the Wichita.) During the
outbreak of 1874-75 "a band of Tooc-a-nie Kiowa (part Wichita and part
Kiowa) who had been for several years with the Wichita and Waco, went to
the Kiowa of the Kiowa agency" (Agent T. S. Free, page 289, Indian
Report, 1875).
to´pde--before (in time).
TO-SA-IN or TO-SHE-WI--see _Tă´săwi_.
T'o´-t'a`ka´-i, T'o´-t'a`ka´-i-dombe--Americans and the United States,
as distinguished from Mexicans and Texans and their country; literally,
"cold white-man country," i. e., "northern white-man country," and hence
"cold, i. e., northern, white men," from _gyät'o´_, _t'a`ka´-i_, and
_dombe_. Cf. _T'o-k`i´ñähyup_ and _Tehä´neko_.
-tsä--a feminine suffix, as _kyai´`guan_, deer, _kyai´`guantsä´_, doe.
Cf. _-mä_ under _mä´nyi´_.
tsä´--comrade, partner.
tsä´dal--goose; also _gañ_.
Tsä´dal-t'a´iñ--"White-goose," i. e., Swan; a hostile Kiowa chief in
1874.
Tsâli--"Charley," the Kiowa name of the trader Charles W. Whitacre (or
Whittaker). He is mentioned as present at the treaty of 1867, and later
had a trading house on the north bank of the Washita, opposite Anadarko,
just above the present Wichita school. He accidentally shot himself in
1882.
Tsâli Esän--"Little Charley" (plural form); Charles Rath, of the trading
firm of Rath, Wright & Reynolds, formerly at Fort Sill.
tsän--he came, they came; sometimes used for return; cf. _ää´_.
tsä´nkia--a (horse) race.
Tsä´nkia-ki´adă--see _Tso´lai´_.
tsä´ñyi--see _polä´ñyi_.
Tsä´ñyui--see _Polä´ñyup_.
Tsä´pi´ä p'a--"prairie-dog-eating river," from _tsäto_, _piä_, and
_p'a_; a large western tributary of Rainy-mountain creek, on the
reservation. So called because about twenty-five years ago, while the
Kiowa were camped there, a rain drowned out a large number of prairie
dogs and the Indians killed and ate them.
tsä´to--prairie-dog; in composition, sometimes _tsä_; singular and
plural alike.
Tsä´to-yä´daldä--"Prairie-dog mountain;" a prominent mountain or bluff
20 miles west of Vernon, Texas, between Pease river and Red river.
Tsä´to-yä´daldä pe p'a--"prairie-dog mountain sand river;" Pease river,
an upper branch of Red river, in Texas (see the preceding).
_Tsa´yadi´tlti_ (Apache)--see _T'a`ka´-i-tai´de_.
tse´--short; I am short, _äko´ntse´_; he is short, _o´ite kontse´_. Cf.
_etse´_, thick.
tse´dal(-te)--situated, situated upon.
tsen--mud, clay. Cf. _tseñ_.
Tsen p'a--"mud creek." (1) The lower part of Sugar creek, alias East
fork of Rainy-mountain creek, on the reservation. Cf. _Tsodo´m p'a and
Se´pyä´daldä p'a_. Another authority says it is lower Rainy-mountain
creek, below the junction of the two main forks. (2) Little Wichita
river (at Henrietta), Texas.
tseñ--horse, plural _tseñko_; old names are _tai´de_ and _gu´ăpedal_. A
wild horse is called _t'a´-tse´ñ_, "antelope horse" (see also _päbo_).
Cf. _tsen_.
Tse´ñ-â´dalka´-i--see _T'äñpe´ko_.
tseñhi--dog, plural _tse´ñhyup_; in consequence of a death, the word
_tse´guan_, properly "travois," was substituted about five years ago.
tsenka´n--a burn; I burn it, _ätse´na´nmo_.
tseñko--horses, plural of _tseñ_, q. v.
Tse´ñ-ko´ñkya--"Black-horse," a noted Kiowa warrior killed by the Sauk
in 1854.
Tse´ñ-t'ai´ñte--"White-horse;" a noted Kiowa raider, who died in 1892.
Tseñtän p'a--see _Ä´do-ee´tä-de p'a_.
Tseñtä´nmo--"Horse-headdress people" (?) from _tseñ_ and _tän_;
singular, _Tse´ñtänk`i´a_. One of the six Kiowa military orders, the
Feather Head band of Clark (see page 229, _ante_).
-tse´yu--a suffix denoting a pet or domesticated animal, or the young of
an animal; also _tseyi_, plural _tse´yu´i_; _t'ene´-tse´yu_, chicken;
_setse´yu_ (_set-tseyu_), hog; _Gu´ădal-tseyu_, "Red Pet," or "Little
Red."
tsĭ´mgyä--crooked.
tso--rock, stone.
Tso p'a--"rock river." (1) The Purgatoire or Las Animas river, a south
tributary of the Arkansas, in Colorado. (2) San Saba river, Texas;
called also _Tĭp ho´novĭt_, "rock river," by the Comanche.
Tso´ai´--"tree rock," i.e., monument, from _tso_ and _ä_. (1) The
Mato-tipi or Bear-lodge of the Dakota, also known as the Devil's Tower,
near Sundance, Wyoming; the Kiowa have a myth concerning it. (2) A
monument-like rock, somewhere on the Salt fork of Arkansas river.
tso´dal--wing, and figuratively, arm (applied only to the upper arm).
Tso´dalhe´ñte--"No-arm," from _tso´dal_, _heñ_, and _te_; William
Allison, who built and kept a trading post on the Arkansas, just below
the junction of Upper Walnut creek, for fifteen years or more, about
1850 to 1865. Fort Zarah was a short distance above, on the north bank
of Walnut creek. He was so called from having had his left arm shot off
in a quarrel. Sometimes also called _Mânhe´ñk`ia_, conveying the same
meaning, from _mândă_, _heñ_, and _k`ia_.
Tsodalhe´ñ-de p'a--"No-arm's river;" Upper Walnut creek, a northern
tributary of Arkansas river in Kansas (see _Tsodalhe´ñte_),
Tsodalhe´ñ-de P'a´gya-Yä´`pähe´-k`u´dal-de´e--"place where (_de´e_)
soldiers (_yä´`pähe´_) stay (_k`u´dal_) at (_-gya_) No-arm's river"
(_Tsodalhe´ñ-de p'a_); Fort Zarah, Kansas, formerly on the left (north)
bank of Upper Walnut creek, 2 miles above its junction with the
Arkansas. Just below it was Allison's trading post.
tso´dal-tem--"wing bone," from _tso´dal_ and _tem_; a whistle made from
the wing bone of an eagle, and used in the Sun dance and the peyote
ceremony.
Tso-do´i-gyätä´dă´-de´e--"rock house (i. e., cave) in which they were
surrounded," from _tso_, _do´_, _gyätä´dă_, and _de´e_; the Hueco Tanks,
in western Texas, just south of the New Mexico line (see Summer 1857).
tsodo´m--a stone mortar, from _tso_ and _dom_.
Tsodo´m p'a--"stone-mortar creek;" Sugar creek, the eastern fork of
Rainy-mountain creek. Cf. _Tsen p'a_ and _Se´pyä´daldä p'a_.
Tso´-gyäze´mä--"moving stones;" a lake or water hole on the Staked
plain, in Texas, so called because, according to the Indians, the stones
there shift about. They do not add _toñ_ or _setso´_. Perhaps Laguna
Sabinas.
tso´`ka--rock bluff precipice, from _tso_. Cf. _Tso´`kaka´n_,
_Tso´`kada´hä´_, also _do´ha´_.
Tso´`kada´hä´ (or _Tso´`kada´hä´go_)--"medicine bluff," from tso´`ka and
da´hä; Medicine bluff, a noted precipice on the south side of
Medicine-bluff creek, about 3 miles west of Fort Sill, on the
reservation. It is figured in Marcy's report.
Tso´`kada´hä p'a--"medicine-bluff creek;" Medicine-bluff creek, or Bluff
creek, joining Cache creek near Fort Sill.
Tso´`kada´hä´gya (-Yä´`pähe´-k`u´dal-de´e--Fort Sill, on the
reservation. The full name signifies "where the soldiers stay at
Medicine bluff," but as the place is so well known it is commonly
abbreviated to _Tso´`kada´hä´gya,_ "At Medicine bluff."
Tso´`kada´hä´ So´le p'a--see _So´le p'a_.
Tso´`kaka´n--"end of the bluff," from _tso´`ka_, and _aka´n_; a point
on the south side of the North fork of Red river above the junction of
Elm fork, at _K`o´b-aka´n_ mountain, q. v., in Greer county, Oklahoma.
Tso´k`o´dalte--"Stone-necklace," from _tso_, _k`o´dalpä_, and _te_; a
Kiowa girl who died in 1845. The full form would be _Tso´k`o´dalpã´te_.
Cf. _Äk`o´dalte_, _T'ebo´dalte_.
Tso´lai´--Fourth of July; the Kiowa think this is the name of the day
instead of the month. On account of the Indian races encouraged by the
traders and officers on this occasion, it is also known as
_Tsä´nkia-ki´adă_, "race day."
Tso´ñboho´n--"Down-feather-cap," from _tsoñkya_ and _boho´n_; an early
head chief of the Kiowa.
tso´ñda--light-haired. Cf. _boiñ_.
tso´ñkya--down feathers; in composition, _tsoñ_.
Tso´ñ-t'a`ka´-i--light-haired, or blond Mexicans, from _tsoñda_ and
_T'a`ka´-i_; the Mexicans about Laredo, on the lower Rio Grande.
tso´paiñ--adobe; literally, "dust rock," or "earth rock," from _tso_ and
_paiñ_.
Tso´paiñ Do´--"adobe house;" Bent's fort, on Arkansas river, in
Colorado. Originally built of adobe, by William Bent, the noted trader
for the Cheyenne, on the north bank of the Arkansas, 15 miles above the
junction of the Purgatoire, and about halfway between the present La
Junta and Las Animas. It was abandoned by him about 1849. In 1860 Fort
Wise, afterward called Fort Lyon, was established near the same site,
and was called by the same name among the Kiowa until the removal of
Fort Lyon farther up the river in 1867. (See list of posts, etc, page
382.)
_tsoq!_ (Comanche)--that! A Comanche word commonly used by Comanche,
Kiowa, and Apache in the _do´a´_ game.
Tso´sa´ p'a--"---- rock river;" Yellowstone and upper Missouri river;
etymology doubtful; _tso_ is rock or stone, and _sa_, is said to be
connected with _sa´top_, pipe, but may possibly be from some obsolete
word for yellow, whence "Yellowstone." According to Clark, the Indians
call this stream "Elk river," from its head to Powder river, or only to
Rosebud river, while below that they call it and the Missouri the
"Muddy, or Big Muddy river."
Tso´-t'ai´ñ p'a--"white-rock river;" a creek, perhaps Wanderer creek,
described as a southern tributary of North fork, above Doan's, in Greer
county, Oklahoma.
Tso´t'ai´ñto´ñda´ti--"spring where there is rock above," from _tso_,
_taide_, _toñtep_, and _dati_; Cedar spring, on Fort Sill road, about 4
miles southward from Anadarko.
Tso´-`t'a`ka´-i or Tso´-`t'a`ka´-i-dombe--"rock white-man (country);"
the Mexicans and their country about Silver City, southwestern New
Mexico. The Kiowa generally kept on friendly terms with them and traded
with them for silver ornaments. The name may have included also the
Chihuahua mountain region. Cf. _K`o´p-t'a`ka´-i_, _Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´-i_,
_Ä´-t'a`ka´-i_, _T'o-t'a`ka´-i_.
TUNK-AHT-OH-YE--"Tunk-aht-oh-ye, the Thunderer;" the name of a Kiowa
boy, brother of Gunpã´ñdamä, as given by Catlin, who painted his picture
in 1834. The form can not be identified.
_ŭsarĕ´răhu_ (Pawnee)--a Pawnee moon or month (see page 371).
Wa´băna´ki--Delaware, from one of their own names, Wa´bana´qki; there is
a band of about 100 on the Wichita reservation.
Wasa´si--see _K`apä´to_.
WA-TOH-KONK--see _Gu´ato-ko´ñkya_.
_Wi´tapähä´tu_ (Sioux and Cheyenne)--the Kiowa (see Kiowa synonymy).
_wo´ha´_--cow; a jargon word used between Indians and whites and
supposed by the Indians to be the English name, from the fact of having
heard it used so frequently in the form of "whoa haw!" by the early
emigrants and Santa Fé traders in driving their ox teams. The proper
Kiowa word is _tsenbo_.
Woha´te--"Cow;" a Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875.
_Wo´ifdo´ĭsh_ (Cheyenne)--see _A´`päta´te_.
WUN-PAN-TO-MEE--see _Gunpä´ñdamä_.
yä´daldä--hill; there is no fixed distinction between this word and
_k`op_, mountain, but the latter is generally understood to mean a
higher and more rocky elevation. Cf. _k`op_, _ba´dlo´_, _do´ha´_,
_tso´`ka_.
Yä´daldä p'a--see _Guadal-k`udal-dee p'a_.
yai´po--rope, sash.
yai´po-gu´ădal--"red sash;" the name of three of the ten sashes of the
_Kâ´itse´ñko_, made of red cloth (see page 285).
yai´po-ko´ñkya--"black sash;" the principal of the ten sashes of the
_Kâ´itseñko_, made of black elk skin (see page 285).
Yä´`pähe´--warrior, soldier (no plural form); the military organization
of the Kiowa (see page 229). Within the last twenty years, since their
intimate acquaintance with the whites, the old term has been generally
superseded by _so´le_, plural _sole´go_, from "soldier."
yi´a--two.
Yi´a k`op--"two mountains;" Double mountain, between the two forks of
Brazos river, Stonewall county, Texas.
Yi´a k`op p'a--apparently the name of Double-mountain fork of Brazos
river.
Yi´a P´a-da´ti--"at the two creeks," i. e., "at the forks;" the forks of
Washita river, where Gageby creek joins the main stream, on the western
line of Oklahoma. When necessary, it is further described as near the
head of the Washita.
yi´ătä´te--see _do´ti_.
Yi´ătä´tehe´ñko--see _Dohe´ñko_.
Ze´bä-do´-k`i´a--see _Ä´`to-t'ai´ñ_.
Ze´bä-gi´ăni--"Long-arrows;" an unidentified band of the Apache proper
(see _Tagu´i_.)
ze´bat--arrow, plural _zebä_. The medicine lances carried by
Set-t'a´iñte and Tän-gu´ădal were also called _ze´bat_.
ze´dălbe--terrible, powerful, wonderful, dangerous; _gyäze´dălbe_, it is
wonderful.
zep--milk, teat.
zepko--bow (for shooting).
Ze´pko-ee´tte--"Big-bow," from _zepko_, _ee´t_, and _te_; (1) a Kiowa
war chief about 1843. (2) his grandson and successor of the present day,
the "Zipkoh Eta" of Battey.
ZIPKOH ETA--see _Ze´pko-ee´tte_.
zo´dal--vomiting; vomit (noun), _zo´dal_; I vomit, _dehi´ăto_.
Zo´daltoñ p'a--"vomiting spring (or water) creek;" the upper part of
Walnut creek, a southern tributary of the Washita, on the reservation;
so called on account of a (medicinal?) spring, near its head, which
induces vomiting. Sometimes known to the whites as Stinking creek.
zoñ--tooth, plural _zoñko_.
Zo´ñk`i´a--"Tooth-man;" a Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875;
also known as _Ki´ñasâ´hek`i´a_, "Green-shield-man," from _kiñ_ or
_kyuñi_, _sâ´he_, and _k`ia_.
Zo´ñtam--a Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875, afterward
educated in the East and ordained as an Episcopal minister in 1881 under
the name of Paul Zotom; now with his tribe. The name refers to biting,
from _zoñ_, tooth. He is sometimes called _P'o´dal-â´dalte_,
"Snake-head."
_zo´tă´_--a corral or driveway for catching antelope (see page 309).
_Kazo´tătso´`ta_, I am going to make a corral; figuratively, I am going
to entrap some one.
ZOTOM, PAUL--see Zo´ñtam.
ENGLISH-KIOWA GLOSSARY[3]
[Footnote 3: The cross references are usually to the Kiowa form which
occurs in the text, and not necessarily to the principle form of the
word.]
Abell, W. H., special agent--see _Pa´-ehe´mgo´`te_.
abnormal--see _t'o´idă´_.
above, he is--see _gyätai´de_.
acorn--_do`go´t-e_.
Adams, Agent Charles E.--_Ä´dăm_.
Adkins, John--_Kabo´dalk`i´a_.
adobe--_tso´paiñ_.
Adobe Walls, Texas--_Gu´a´na-de-`ta´ho_.
Adoption dance--_Iâm guan_.
afraid, I am--_gyä pe´to_.
after--_kigi´a_, _kyäka´n_, _to´gya_.
afternoon--_dehi´ñ_, _dekiäsa_.
agency--_Ezănya_.
Agua Negra (?), Texas--_Toñ´ko´ñ_.
alike--_pä´tsoga_.
Allison, William--_Tsodalhe´ñte_.
alone--see solitary.
Americans--_T'o-t'a`ka´-i_.
amulet--_ä´`de_.
and--_go_.
antelope--_t'a_, _täp_.
Antelope hills, Oklahoma--_T'a´gu´ñ-yä´daldä_.
antelope surround--_ät'a´kagu´a_.
antler--see horn.
Apache--_Semät_, _Tagu´i_.
Apache creek, on reservation--_Se´mät p'a_.
Apache John--_Goñk`o´ñ_.
appear--_badai´_.
apple--see plum.
approach--see come.
Arapaho--_A´hyäto_, _Botk`i´ägo_, _Tägyä´ko_.
Arikara--_K`a´t'a_.
Arkansas river--_Se´se p'a_.
arm--_mândă´_, _tso´dal_.
arrow--_ze´bat_.
arrowhead--_se´se_.
ashes--_sapän_.
at (locative)--_gyă_, suffix,
attack (verb)--_gihä´pa_ (see _ĭmdo´häpa_).
autumn--_pao´ngya_.
baby--_i´ăpa´gya_.
back (of body)--_gi´ăpa´-iñgya_, _gomtä_.
Bad-back--_Cho´nshita´_.
bald--_dä´nto´_.
bank (of earth)--see wall.
bark (of tree)--_do`ka´ñi_. Cf. shell.
Battery creek, Texas--_Ka´to´de´ä p'a_.
Battey, Thomas C--_Ta´mĭsi_.
battle--_gi´ägyä_.
bear (animal)--_onhä´te_, _set_.
Bear creek (?), Colorado--_Pa p'a_.
Bear creek, Kansas--_T'a´-zo´tă´ p'a_.
Bear Lodge, Wyoming--_Tso´-ai´_.
beard--_senpo_.
beaver---_p'o_.
Beaver creek, Oklahoma--_P'o p'a_.
Beaver creek on reservation--P'o p'a.
before (in time)--_to´pde_.
behead--_ĭmk`o´daltä_.
belly--_bot_.
Bent's Fort, Colorado--_Tso´paiñ Do´_.
berry--see fruit.
beyond--_äñga´dal_.
big--see large.
Big-bow--_Ze´pko-ee´tte_.
Big Clear creek (?), Texas--_K`a´-ikon p'a_.
Big-face--_Do´-e´dalte_.
Big-horse--_Kâ´itseñ´ko_.
Big-looking-glass--_Pi´änä´vonĭt_.
Big-tree--_Ä´do-ee´tte_.
Big Wichita river, Texas--_Gu´ădal p'a_.
bird--_gu´ăto_, _t'ene´_.
bite (verb)--_gyäk`a´ta_, _gyäzo´ñte_.
bitter--see sour.
black--_ko´ñkya_.
Black--_Koñtä´lyui_.
Black-bird--_Ta-ka-ta-couche_.
Black-eagle--_Gu´ato-ko´ñkya_.
Black hills, South Dakota--_Sa´dalkañi k`op_.
Black-kettle--_Do´ädal-ko´ñkya_.
Black-leggings--_Toñko´ñko_.
blanket--_kata_.
blond--see bright.
blood--_om_, _oñ´kya_.
blue--_sâ´he_.
Blue hills (?), Kansas--_Ko´ñ-yä´daldä_.
bluff--_do´ha´_, _sängya_, _tso´`ka_.
Bluff creek, on reservation--see Medicine-bluff creek.
Boggy creek, on Wichita reservation, Oklahoma--_Ai-koñ p'a_; _Gi´atä
p'ada´ti_.
boiling, it boils--_bi´ăndä´ta_.
bone--see _tem_.
bow (for shooting)--_zepko_.
box--_bi´ĭmkâ´-i_.
boy--_tä´lyi´_.
branch (noun)--_po´to´_, _po´tă´_.
brand (noun)--see picture.
brass--see copper.
Brave-man--_Nah-tan_.
Brazos river, Texas--_T'aiñ p'a_.
breastplate--see necklace.
bright--_bo´iñ_.
bring--_gyä`ga´n_, _gyä`pa´bă_.
Brulé Dakota--_Paki´-gu´ădalkantă´_.
Buck creek, Oklahoma--_Ä´`dek`i´a-de p'a_.
buckskin--_taka´-i_.
bud (noun)--_ka`gu´at_.
buffalo--_gadal_, _pa_.
buffalo chips--_sa`kon_.
Buffalo creek, Oklahoma--_Pa p'a_.
Buffalo-horns--_Se´t-k`o´pte_.
bugle--_do´mba´_.
bull, buffalo--_pa_.
burn (noun)--_tsenka´n_.
bush--_pep_.
bushy; it is--_gyäpe´boñ_.
buy--see trade.
Caboon, Thomas--_Mâ´ngomhe´ñte_.
cache (noun)--_kao´dal_.
Cache creek, on reservation--_So´le p'a_.
cactus--_se´ñi_.
Caddo--_Ma´se´p_, _Ädo´mko_.
Caddo creek (?), Colorado--_Se´ñ-älo´ p'a_.
candy--see sugar.
cannonball--_hâ´ñtso_.
canyon--_dan_.
cap--_boho´n_, _gañto´n_, (of cartridge) _k`a´-iko´n_.
capture--_ä´ha´gyä_.
Carankawa or Carrizo--_Dohe´ñko_.
Carruthers, Paul Saitkopeta--_Se´tk`o´pte_.
carry--_o´dal_.
cat--_bä´otseyu_ (see _bäo_).
Cat--_Guñsa´dalte_.
Cataract canyon--see Coconino canyon.
Catfish creek, Texas--_T'aiñ p'a_.
cat-tail rush (_Equisetum_)--_donpä_.
cedar--_ahi´ñ_.
Cedar spring, on reservation--_Tso´taito´ñda´ti_.
Chandler creek, on reservation--_E´gu´a p'a_.
Cherokee--_Ädo´mko_.
Cheyenne--_Sä´k`otă´_.
Chickasaw--_Ä´domko_.
chicken--_t'ene´tse´yu_ (see _-tse´yu_).
Chicken creek (?), Texas--_Sek`a´n p'a_.
chief--_-taide_, in composition.
Chihuahua, Mexico--_Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_.
child--_i_ in composition, _i´ăpa´gya_.
chimney--see tipi flap.
chinaberry (palo duro)--_ä´`go´tä_.
Chiricahua Apache--_Do´-kon´senä´go_.
Choctaw--_Ä´domko_.
cholera--_mayi´agyă´_.
Chonteau, Auguste--_Soto_.
Christmas--_Piä-ki´adă_.
Cimarron river, Oklahoma--_Ä´pätda´ p'a_.
circle--_byu´ñi_.
Clark, Fort, Texas--_Tä´ñ-yä´daldä-yä´`pähe´gya_.
Clarke, E. L.--_Pi´ärai´bo_.
clay, white--_tedal_, _teli_.
Clay creek, Colorado--_Guădal-k`udal-dee p'a_.
Clear creek, Oklahoma--see Buck creek.
clear of timber, to--_ää´oto´n_ (see _ä´oto´n_).
clearing, a cleared place--_ää´oto´n_.
Coahuila, Mexico--_Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_.
coat--_t'o´gyä_.
Coconino canyon, Arizona--_Do´ñiga-p`a´da´-de´e_.
cold (adj.)--_gyät'o´_, _äka´hem_.
Colorado river (?) Arizona--_P'a E´dal_.
Colorado river, Texas--_To´ñsâhe´ p'a_.
Colorado Springs, Colorado--_To´ñ-bi´ăndäta_.
Comanche--_Gyai´`ko_ (see also _Ä´gyai`ko_ and _Gwa´hale´go_).
come, I--_ää_. Cf. _tsän_.
compressed--_ka´-igihä´_.
comrade--_tsä´_.
Concho river, Chihuahua, Mexico--_O´ñ-guă p'a_.
conspicuous--_ahi´ñ_.
copper (and brass)--_hâ´ñ-gu´ak`o_; see metal, _hâ´ñgya_.
Corbeau--_Gaa´-boho´n_.
corral--see driveway.
cottonwood--_ä´hiñ_.
country--_do´mbe_.
coup (French)--_gi´ägyä_.
courting--_k`ioñ_.
cow--_tse´nbo_, _woha_.
cowbird (?)--_ä`to_.
coyote--see wolf.
cramp (noun)--_mayi´agyă´_.
crazy--see foolish.
creek--_ase´_, _p'a_.
Creek (tribe)--_Masko´ki_, _Ädo´mko_.
crooked (adj.)--_tsĭ´mgyä_.
Crooked creek, Oklahoma--_Toñ-tsĭ'mgyä p'a_.
crow (bird)--_ma´ñsă´_, _gaa´_.
Crow (tribe)--_Gaa´k`i´ägo_.
Crow, The--_Gaa´-boho´n_.
crown of head--_dänpa´-iñgya_.
cry, I--_äa´lyi_.
cuirass--_hâ´ñ-t'o´gyä_, _k`a´-t'o´gyä_.
current (of stream)--_to´ñzo´_.
curve (noun)--_to´i_.
curved--_taha´_.
cut, I--_gyäk`a´go_, _gyätä´`dă_; cf. knife, _k`a_.
Cut-off--_K`a´t`a_ (a Kiowa division).
dance--_gu´ăn_.
dangerous--see terrible.
Dangerous-eagle--_Gu´ato-ze´dălbe_.
dawn (noun)--_gyäpa´-iñgya_, _ki´ăt'ä´_; cf. morning.
day--_ki´adă_.
Day, Agent George D.--_Ĭ´masä´nmot_.
dead--_hem_; cf. die.
Deep creek, on reservation--_Säne p'a_.
deer--_kyai´`guan_, _ta´ñgia_, _t'äp_.
Deer creek, Oklahoma--_Gyai´-yä´daldä p'a_.
deformed--see spoiled.
Delaware (tribe)--_Wa´băna´ki_.
Delaware creek, on reservation--_K`o´p-t'a`ka´-i p'a_.
Devil river, Texas--_Hi´ădăl gyu´ñhä´te p'a_.
Devil's Tower, Wyoming--_Tso´-ai´_.
die (verb)--_hem_, _hi´ñată´_.
diminutive suffixes--_-e_, _-i_, _-tse´yu_.
dissatisfied, I am--_atä´ñta_.
dog--_tse´ñhi_.
Dog Soldier--_Ya´`pähe´_, _Kâ´itse´ñko_.
dogwood (_Cornus asperifolia_)--_sek`a´n_.
Double mountain, Texas--_Yi´a k`op_.
Double-mountain fork of Brazos river, Texas--_Yia k`op p'a_ (?).
Double-vision--A Kiowa warrior and Florida prisoner in 1875 (Report,
1875); not known by Indians under this name.
down (noun)--(of feathers) _tso´ñkya_; of fruit, as a peach; fine fur,
fuzz, _pa_.
downy--_pagi_. Cf. down, _pa_.
drag, I--_deku´eba´_ (see _etku´egan_).
dragonfly--_ka´-ikonho´dal_.
driftwood--_äzo´t_ (?).
driveway (for catching antelope)--_zo´tă´_, _t'a-zo´tă´_.
Duck creek, Texas--_Sa´`kon-yä´daldä p'a_.
dung--_sa´gya_.
dust--_paiñ_.
dusty--_gyäpaiñ´yum_, _paiñ´yoñhä´_.
dwell--_k`udal_.
eagle (golden)--_gu´atohi´ñ_.
Eagle-heart--a Kiowa raider in 1871; _Gu´atote´nte_ (?).
ear--_t'a_.
earth--_dom_.
east--_pai´-ba´te de`pe´bä_ (see _pai´-ba´da_).
eat--_gyä`pa´to_; cf. eating and food.
eating---_piä_.
eight--_yä´`se_.
elbow--_mâ´nte´m_; cf. arm.
Elliott, Fort, Texas--_Iyu´gu´a P'a Sole´go_.
elk--_ko`ga´-i_.
Elk--_Ko`ga´-i_, _Ko`gu´i_.
Elk creek, on reservation--_Donä´i p'a_, _Ko`ga´-i p'a_.
Elk creek, east fork, on reservation--_Ä`ga´-i p'a_.
[Elk creek,] middle fork, on reservation--_Ä´gi´ăni p'a_.
elm (_Ulmus_)--_ta´ä´_.
Elm fork, Oklahoma--_Atäntai´ p'a_.
El Paso Mexicans--_Pä´sûñko_.
emigrants--_hop_; cf. immigrants, _tsähop_, and travel, _ho_.
Emigrant road (Texas to California)--_Ho´an-t'a`ka´-i_.
end (nonn)--_aka´ngya_, _pätsä´t_.
endure, you--_o´ba-ikă´_.
enemy--_gyai´k`i_; cf. hate, _nyägyai´to_.
entrails--_äti_, _setä_, _bot_.
erect (adj.)--_taha´_.
escarpment--see bluff.
Essequeta--_Ĕ´sikwi´ta_.
evening--_da´mkoñ´ga_, _deko´mdo´legya_.
exterminate--see massacre.
eye--_dä_.
face--_dobä_.
fall from sky (verb)--_p'e´`gyä_.
far below (deep)--_doñ´iga_.
Fast-bear--a Kiowa raider in 1871.
fat--_don´_.
feather--_ägo_ (see _ä_).
Feather-head--_Tseñtä´nmo_.
female suffixes--_-mä_, _-tsä_.
fight--_gi´ägyä_.
finger--index finger, _mâ´ngo´m_; see also arm, _mândă´_.
fire--_piă_.
five--_o´nto_.
flap of tipi--_kompa´ka_.
flat--_kope´dal_, _ka´-igihä´_.
Flathead (tribe)--_´daltoñ-ka´-igihä´go_.
flint--_k`a´-iko´n_.
Flying-squirrel--_Cha-hon-de-ton_.
folded (said of feathers)--_tä`lä´_.
foliage--_ai´deñ_.
Fontaine qui Bouille creek, Colorado--_Toñtep p'a_.
food--_pi´äñgya_; cf. eat; food in stomach, _sa´dal_.
foolish--_â´dalka-i_.
foot--_anso´_.
fork (of a stream)---_pähä´dal_; fork for eating, _gi´a-tso´ñi_; see
also branch, _po´to´_.
Fort Larned, Kansas--_Mânka-gûădal-de P'a-gya Yä´`pähe gi´ădal-de´e´_.
four--_yi´ä`gyä´_.
Fourth of July--_Tso´lai´_.
freeze--_do´`gyäbo´n_.
freighters--_kotä´dalhop_.
Frizzle-head--_´dalpepte_.
fruit-- _-e_, _-i_ (suffix).
fur--_pa_.
furnished with, having-- _-sadal_, _-do_, _-dă_ (suffix).
game (playing)--_a_.
Gap-in-the-woods--_Howi´a_.
George Washington--a Caddo chief in 1871.
German silver--_hâñ-kope´dal_; see also metal, _hâ´ñgya_.
Girand creek (?), Texas--_To´ñtep-e´dal p'a_.
girl--_mä´ta´n_.
gold--_â´dalhâñ-gu´ădal_; see also metal, _hâ´ñgya_.
goose--_gañ_, _tsädal_.
gorget--see necklace.
Grand river, South. Dakota--_K`adal p'a_.
grass--_son_.
Gray-eagle--an Apache delegate to Washington in 1872.
great--_e´dal_.
green--_sâ´he_.
grins, he--_ĭmto´nomo_.
Grosventres--_Botk`i´ägo_ (Algonquian); _Henoñ´ko_ (Siouan).
ground (noun)--see earth.
grow--see sprout.
gun--_häñze´pko_.
gunpowder--_hâ´ñpaiñ_.
gypsum--_de´no`te´li_.
Gypsum creek, Oklahoma--_De´no`te´li p'a_.
hail--âdal.
Hall, Agent J. Lee--_K`o´dal-gu´ădal_.
Hancock, General W. S.--_Pa´sotkyä`to´_.
hard--_got_, _k`an_.
hare-lip--_poli´ăkya_.
hat--_boho´n_.
hate, I--_nyägyai´to_.
have, I--_gyädo´_.
hawk--_ä`ga´-i_, _songu´ăto_, _tongu´ădal_.
Haworth, Agent J. M.--_Se´npo-gu´ădal_.
head--_â´daltem_.
Heap-of-bears--_Se´tdaya´-ite_.
heart--_ten_.
hemorrhage, he had a--_sa´omhä´pä_.
Herantsa--_Heno´ñko_.
Hidatsa--_Heno´ñko_.
hide (noun)--_ka´-i_.
high--see long, erect.
hill--_yä´daldä_, _k`op_, _ba´dlo´_.
hog--_setse´yu_.
Hog creek, on reservation--_Setse´yu p'a_.
hole--_tä´dăldă_.
horn--_guñ_.
horned toad--_se´hän_.
Horne Frog (_sic_)--_Con-a-hen-ka_.
horse--_tseñ_, _päbo_, _gobe_.
Horse (society)--_Kâ´itse´ñko_.
Horse's Back--_Tä´yăkwo´ip_.
hot--_gyäsä´dal_, _sä`lä´ti_.
house--_do´_.
Hueco Tanks, Texas--_Tso-do´i-gyätä´dă'-de´e_.
hunt, I--_gyädo´nmo_; see _edo´nmo_.
Hunt, Agent P. B.--_Ta´dalk`i´a_.
ice--_de´ñgyä_.
idol--see amulet.
immigrants--_tsä´hop_; see also travel, _ho_.
Indians--_Gi´agu´ădalta´ga_.
initiate (into Kâ´itse´ñko)--_ä´opañ_, _o´pän_.
insect--_p'odal_.
intestine--see entrails.
iron or steel--_hâ´ñgya_.
Iron-shirt--(1) _A´`päta´te_; (2) _Ba-zhe-ech_.
Iron-shoe--_Hâñdo´ti_.
island--_a`da´_.
issue of rations (period)--_ko´ñaka´n_.
Jicarilla--_K`op-tagu´i_.
Kansas, Kansans--_T'o´t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_.
Kansas (tribe), Kaw--_Ga´ñsa_.
Karankawa or Carrizo--_Dohe´ñko_.
kettle--_doä´to_.
Kichai (tribe)--see _Do`gu´at_.
Kichai hills, on reservation--_O´nhonoñ-yä´-daldä_.
kick, I--_gyä´ango´p_.
Kicking-bird--_T'ene´-ango´pte_.
kill--_eho´tal_.
Kiowa--_Gâ´igwŭ_. The popular form occurs in a number of geographic
designations in the west, among which are the following:
_Colorado_--Kiowa, Elbert county; Kiowa creek, a tributary of South
Platte river. _Indian Territory_--Kiowa, Choctaw Nation.
_Kansas_--Kiowa, Barber county; Kiowa county; Kiowa creek, Comanche
county, better known as Satanta's fork, a tributary of Cimarron river.
_Nebraska_--Kiowa, Thayer county; Kiowa creek, Scott county, a Kiowa
village site in 1815. _New Mexico_--Kiowa, Colfax county.
_Oklahoma_--Kiowa creek, Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek, tributaries of
North Canadian river. _Texas_--Kiowa creek.
Kiowa Apache (tribe)--_Semät_, _Tagu´i_.
Kiowa Medicine-lodge creek, Oklahoma--_K`a´do´ p'a_.
knife--_k`a_.
Kwahadi Comanche--_Gwa´hale´go_.
lake--_setso´_.
lame--_toñp'o´dal_.
lamentation--_ä´`gyä_; cf. cry, _äa´lyi_.
lance (noun)--_guñse´to_.
large--_bi´an_, _edal_.
Larned, Fort, Kansas--_Aikoñ P'a Yä`pähe´gya_.
Las Animas river, Colorado--_Tso p'a_.
Las Moras creek, Texas--_T`añ-yä´daldä p'a_.
last (of a series)--_aka´ngya_.
lead (metal)--_hâñ-ze´bat_ (see also metal, _hâñgya_).
lean (adjective)--_ta´dal_.
leave behind wrapped up, I--_gyäko´da_.
leaves--see foliage.
Lebos creek, Oklahoma--_Aikoñ Tsen p'a_.
left-handed--_ka´bodal_.
leg--_toñti_.
leggin--_kati_.
lie down, I--_äk`a´_ (see _k'a_).
like, I--_eoñ´ti_.
Lipan (tribe)--_Ä´-tagu´i_.
lips--see mouth.
little--_sän, t'an_.
Little Beaver creek, on reservation--_P'o P'a Sän_.
Little-robe--(1) _Ka´äsä´nte_. (2) A Cheyenne chief in 1874.
Little Washita river, on reservation--_O´nhono´ñ p'a_.
Little Wichita river, Texas--_Tsen p'a_.
Lone-chief--a Pawnee chief in 1870 (see Winters 1871-72, 1872-73).
Lone-wolf--_Gu´i-pä´go_.
long--_gi´ăni_, _gyu´ñi_, _gyu´ñhä´te_.
Lyon, Fort, Colorado--_Tso´paiñ Do´_.
McIntosh, Fort, Texas--_P'a-e´dal-t'a`ka´-igya_.
Mackenzie, General R. S.--_Mâ´ngomhe´ñte_.
Madison, William (or Matthewson)--_Se´npo-ze´dălbe_.
maggot--_iyu´gu´_.
make, to--_âm_ (root).
male (suffix)-- _-pa_.
man--_k`iñ´ähi_, _-k`ia_, _-k`i_ (suffix).
Mandan (tribe)--_Do´ho´n_.
manifold (noun)--_sa´dalka´ñi_.
Martinez, Andres--_Än´dali_.
massacre--_ä´oto´n_.
measles--_a´`gat-ho´dal_.
measure (noun)--_on_.
meat--_gi_.
medicine--_da-i, dahä´_.
Medicine bluff, on reservation--_Tso´`kadahä´_.
Medicine-bluff creek, on reservation--_Tso´`kada´hä p'a_.
Medicine dance or Medicine lodge--see Sun dance.
Medicine-lodge creek, Kansas and Oklahoma--_Ä´yä´daldä p'a_.
mescal--see peyote.
Mescalero (tribe)--_Ĕ´sikwita_.
metal--_hâ´ñgya_.
Mexicans--_Ä´-t'a`ka´-i_, _Do`ka´ñi-t'a`ka´-i_, _K'o´-p-t'a`ka´-i_,
_P'a-edal-t'a`ka´-i_, _Toñhe´ñ-t'a`ka´-i_, _Tso´-t'a`ka´-i_,
_Tso´ñ-t'a`ka´-i_.
middle--_kopa´-iñgya_.
midwinter--_sä´-kop_.
migrate--_tep, ho_.
mile--_on_.
Minitarí (tribe)--_Heno´ñko_.
Missouri (tribe)--_Mäsu´ără_.
Missouri river--_Tso´sa´ p'a_.
moccasin--_doti_.
money--_â´dalhâ´ñgya_.
month, or moon---_p'a_.
morning--_gi´ñăga_, _ki´ädä_; cf. dawn, _gyäpa´-iñgya_.
mortar (of stone)--_tsodo´m_.
mountain--_k`op, yä´daldä_.
mourning, ceremonial--_do´a´t_.
mouth--_bedal_.
move about, I,--_äto´yă_; they (inanimate) ----, _gyäze´mä_.
Muchacho (personal name)--_Mo´tsätse´_.
mud--_tsen_.
Mule creek, Oklahoma--_Tädalkop p'a_.
musselshell (one variety)--_k`o´dali´ätoñ_.
mustache--_se´npo_.
Mustang creek (?), Texas--_K`a´-ikon p'a_.
Myers, Agent W. D.--_Maiz_.
mysterious--see medicine.
My-young-brother--_Pa-con-ta_.
name (noun)--_kâ´ñgya_.
Navaho (tribe)--_Ä´bäho´ko_, _Kotse´nto_.
neck--_k`odal_; see also throat, _o´si_.
necklace--_k`o´dalpä_.
negro--_ko´ñkyäo´ñk`ia_.
nest, to build a--_äntsenku´ădal_.
New Mexicans, or New Mexico--_K`o´p-t'a`ka´-i(-do´mbe)_,
_Tso-t'a`ka´-i(-do´mbe)_.
Nez Percé (tribe)--_´dalk`ato´igo_.
Nichols, Agent Lieutenant Maury--_Do´guatalta´r'de_.
night--_gi´ñăgya_, _gi´ñăto´gya_, _gi´ñ-kopa´-iñgya_.
Night, the--_He-pan-ni-gais_.
nine--_ga´`se_.
noon--_ki´äsa´_.
North creek, Kansas--see Satanta creek, Kansas.
North Canadian river, Oklahoma--_P'o p'a_.
North fork of Red river, Oklahoma--_K`op Pe p'a_.
nose--_mak`o´n_.
nostril--_sen_.
notched--_ak`a´_.
now--_i´ñhogo_.
Nueces river, Texas--_Donä´i p'a_.
Nuevo Leon, Mexico--_Ä´-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_.
oak--_do`go´t-ä_.
Oak creek, reservation--_Ka`do´liä p'a_.
ocean--_domo´ntoñ_.
of (possessive)-- _-de_ (suffix).
offspring--see child.
old man--_e´dalk`i´a_, _kyä´`to´_.
Omaha (trihe)--_O´moho´ñko_.
Omaha dance--_O´homoñ-gu´ăn_.
one--_pägo_.
One-bear--_Set-pä´go_.
one-sided--see sloping.
One-who-is-surrendered, the--_A-ei-kenda_.
orange--see plum, _älo´_.
Osage (tribe)--_K`apä´to_, _Ä´hyäto_.
otter--_apeñ_.
Otter creek, on reservation--_P'o p'a_.
owl--_mahi´ñ_, _sa´podal_.
Pacer--an Apache chief, who died in 1875; the name is an American
corruption and misconception of his Mexican name _Peso_, signifying
"dollar" or "money," a Spanish rendering of his proper Apache name
_Dego_. He was a brother of Goñkoñ, better known as Apache John.
pain (noun)--_kop_.
paint, painted--_gyä`gu´atda_, _gu´ădaldă´_.
Painted-lips--_Tĭ´pinävo´n_.
Palo duro--_Ä´`go´tä_.
Palo-duro creek, in panhandle, Texas--_Ä´`go´tä p'a_.
partner--_tsä´_.
_Paseños_--_Pä´sûñko_.
Paso--see Pacer.
pass (noun)--see canyon.
past (adverb)--see after.
Pawnee (tribe)--_Gu´igyä´ko_.
Pawnee fork, Kansas--_A´ikoñ p'a_.
peach--_pa´gi-älo´_ (see plum, _älo´_).
Pease river, Texas--_Tsä´to-yä´daldä Pe p'a_.
pecan--_donä´i_.
Pecos river, New Mexico--_P'a-e´dal sän_.
Pedro--_Belo_.
Pe´näteka Comanche--_Ä´-gyai´`ko_, _Gya´i`ko_.
peninsula--_pi´ho´_.
people-- _-k`i´ägo_, _-gyäko_ (suffix).
_Peso_--see Pacer.
pet (noun)-- _-tseyu_ (suffix).
peyote (_Lophophora_)--_se´ñi_.
picture--_guăt_(_-gya_).
Pike's peak (?), Colorado--_Guadal k'op_.
pimple--_a´`gat_.
pinto--see variegated.
pipe--_sa´top_.
plant--see _e´`gu´_.
Platte river (north and south), Nebraska--_K`o´dali´ätoñ p'a, Don p'a_.
Pleiades--_Dä´-mäta´n_(_-ta_).
plum--_älo´_.
_pomme blanche_ (_Psoralea_)--_äzo´n_.
pond--_setso´_.
Pond creek, Wichita reservation--_Se´np'odal-e´ p'a_.
Ponka (tribe)--_´daltoñ-âdalka´-igihä´go_.
Poor-bear--_Gu´ăñteka´na_, _Se´t-ta´dal_.
Poor-buffalo--_Pa´-ta´dal_.
Post-oak creek, on reservation--see Oak creek.
pot--_doä´to_.
pouch--_bi´ĭmkâ´-i_.
powder--see gunpowder.
Powder river, Montana and Wyoming--_Hâ´ñpaiñ p'a_.
powerful--see terrible.
prairie--_pägyä_.
prairie-dog--_tsäto_.
Prairie-dog (personal name)--_Ka-him-hi_.
prickly--_señ_.
prickly-pear (Opuntia)--_se´ñ-älo´_.
principal (adjective)--see real.
prong--see branch.
Pueblo (tribes)--_Te´guă_(_-go_).
Purgatoire river, Colorado--_Tso p'a_.
Quahada--see Kwahadi Comanche.
quail (noun)---_peñ sän_; cf. turkey, _peñ_.
Quanah Parker--_Gu´a´na_.
Quapaw (tribe)--_Ä´läho´_.
quiver (noun)--_sabiñ´a_.
rabbit--_poläñ´yi_.
race (noun, contest)--_tsä´nkia_.
ragweed (_Ambrosia_)--_ä´sâhe´_.
rain--_sep_.
Rainy mountain, on reservation--_Se´p-yä´daldä´_.
Rainy-mountain creek, on reservation--_Se´pyä´daldä p'a_, _Tsen p'a_,
_Tsodo´m p'a_.
Rate creek (?), Colorado--_Se´ñ-älo´ p'a_.
Rath, Charles--_Tsâ´li Esä´n_.
rattlesnake--_säne´hiñ_.
Raven or Raven Soldiers--_Toñkoñ´ko_.
real-- _-hiñ_ (suffix).
red--_gu´ădal_.
Red mountain (?), Colorado--_Guadal k`op_.
Red river, of Texas and Indian Territory--_Pe p'a edal_.
Red-deer creek, Texas--_Ko`ga´-i p'a_.
Red-food--a chief of the Nokoni Comanche in 1874.
Red hills, Oklahoma--_Sä´k`odal Gu´ădal-do´ha´_.
Red-otter--_A´peñ-gu´ădal_.
Ree, Arikara (tribe)--_K`a´t'a_.
Ree river, South Dakota--see Grand river.
repeat a ceremony, to--_ä´dăldä_.
reptile--_po'dal_.
rib (bone)--_gu´ătem_ (see _gu´ătoñ_).
rice--_iyu´gu´-e_.
rind--see shell.
Rio Grande--_P'a edal_.
river---_p'a_.
road--_ho´an_.
robe, buffalo robe--_ka_.
Rochester, Mount, Texas--_Da´-do´ha´_.
rock (noun)--_tso_.
Rocky mountains--No general name; different portions are called _Gâ-i
k`op_, _Iătä k`op_, _K`o´b-etă´_, etc.
rope--_yaipo_.
rub--see _somta_.
rush, cat-tail (_Equisetum_)--_donpä_.
Sabinas river, Nuevo Leon, Mexico--_Se´ñä p'a_.
Sabinas Hidalgo (or lower Salado) river, Nuevo Leon, Mexico--_Don-äi
p'a_.
sacred--see medicine.
sacrifice--_päñgun_ (noun); _gyäpä´amda´_ (verb); see also _pägun_.
saddle--_ta´gyä_.
saddle blanket--_taka´-i_.
Saddle mountain, on reservation--_Ta´-k`o´p_.
Sailor (personal name)--_Setä_.
Salado river, Nuevo Leon, Mexico--_Señ p'a_.
Saline river (?), Kansas--_Ho´tgyäsĭ´m p'a_.
salt--_a´täntai´_.
Salt fork of Arkansas river, Oklahoma--_A´täntai´ p'a_.
Salt fork of Red river, Oklahoma--_Dä´-mäta´n-ä´ p'a_.
sand--_pe_.
Sand creek, Colorado--_Toñhe´ñ p'a_.
San Francisco creek, Oklahoma--_K`obä´ p'a_.
San Pedro river, Texas--see Devil river.
San Saba river, Texas--_Tso p'a_.
Santa Fé trail--_Sese p'a ho´an_.
Santa Rosa mountains, Coahuila, Mexico--_Do´`kañi k`op_.
Sarsi (tribe)--_Pa´k`iägo_.
sash (ribbon)--_yaipo_.
Satanta creek, Kansas--_Sett'a´iñte T'a`ka´-imai´mo e´`paga´ni-de p'a_.
Saturday--_Daki´a-sän_.
Scalp dance--_´dalda `gu´ăn_.
Scott, Capt. H. L., U. S. A.--_Hâñtäk`i´a_.
Scott, Mount, on reservation--_K`ob-e´tă´_.
Scout creek, Texas--_Poho´n-ä p'a_.
Sea-gull (personal name)--_T'ene´-ko´ñkya_.
sell--see trade.
Seminole (tribe)--_Ä´domko_.
serrated--see notched.
seven--_pänse´_.
sharpen--_gyäpä´to_.
Shawano, Shawnee (tribe)--_Sa´wăno_.
sheep--_ga´bodăli_.
sheep, wild--_ä´dalto´yi_.
Sheep (a society)--_Ä´dalto´yui_.
shell (of nut, etc)--_kañi_.
Sheridan, Mount, on reservation--_K`o´b-o´täbo_.
shield (noun)--_kyu´ñi_.
Shield--_Ki´ñep_.
shirt--_t'o´gyä_.
shoe--_doti_.
shoot--_deta´`bo_; see _eta´`ga_.
short--_tse´_, _kontse´_.
Shoshoni (tribe)--_so´ndo´ta_.
shoulder--_kato´n_.
shower--_bi´ăsot_.
sick, I am--_äho´dalda_.
sickness--_hodal_.
side (of house, etc)--see wall.
Sierra Madre, Mexico--_K`o´b-e´tă´_.
Signal mountain, on reservation--_K`optai´-de-do´-tse´dalte_.
Sill, Fort, on reservation--_Tso´`kada´hä´gya_.
silver--_a´dalhâ´ñ-t'a´iñ_; see metal, _hâ´ñgya_, and money,
_â´dalhâ´ñgya_.
Silver-brooch--_Tă´săwi_.
Silver-knife--_Hâ´ñt'aiñk`a´_.
similar--_pä´tsoga_.
sit--_ä´ngya_.
Sitting-bull--_Pa´-ä´ngya_.
situated upon--_tse´dalte_.
six--_mă´să´_.
skin--_kagya_, _ka´-i_.
skull--see head.
skunkberry--_t'a´ñpe-ä´_.
Sleeping-wolf--_Gu´i-k`a´te_.
sleeve--_mânka_; cf. arm and finger.
sloping (adjective)--_habä´_.
smallpox--_tä´dalkop_.
Smith, John--_Poho´me_.
Smoky-hill river, Kansas--_Pe p'a_.
smooth--_t´añi_.
snake--_sä´ne´_, _p'odal_.
soldier--_yä´`pähe´_, _so´le_.
solitary--_pägo_.
Son-of-the-Sun--_Pai´-tälyi´_.
song--_da´gya_.
sour--_a´tän_.
South Canadian river, of Oklahoma and Texas--_Gu´ădal p'a_.
spear--see lance.
split (adjective)--see spoiled.
spoiled---_p'o´dal_ (_-ta_).
spring (season)--_a´se´gya_.
spring (of water)--_to´ñtep_.
sprout--_ek`i´ädă_, _gyäk`i´ädă_, _gyäpa´ta_.
spy (verb)--_äko´ä_.
Staked plain, of Texas and New Mexico--_Päsä´ngyä_.
star--_dä_.
stay (verb)--see dwell.
steal--see _ä´semtse_.
steel--_hâ´ñgya_.
stingy--_sa´bă_.
stink (verb)--_gyäbo´nsi_.
Stinking creek, on reservation--_Zo´dăltoñ p'a_.
Stinking-saddle--_Taka´-i-p'o´dal_.
stomach--_bot_.
stone--_tso_.
Stone-calf--a hostile Cheyenne chief in 1874-75.
stream (noun)--_p'a_, _ase´_.
strong--_got_; cf. hard.
Stumbling-bear--_Se´t-ĭmki´a_.
stupid--_â´dalka´yu´m_; (see also foolish).
sugar--_penä_.
Sugar creek, on reservation--_Tsen p'a_.
Sugar creek (east fork of Rainy-mountain creek), on
reservation--_Tsodo´m p'a_. Cf. _Se´pyä´daldä p'a_.
Sugar creek, on Wichita reservation--_Penä p'a_.
Sulphur springs (?), Martin county, Texas--_Bon toñ_.
summer--_pai´gya_.
summit--_pi´ăya_; cf. top.
sun--_pai_.
Sun-boy, or Sun's-son--_Pai´-tälyi´_; _´dalbea´hya_.
Sun dance--_K'a´do´_.
Sunday--_Daki´ada_.
sunrise--_pa´i-ba´da_.
surround, we--_gyätä´dă_.
swan--_tsä´dal-t'a´iñ_.
Swan--_Tsä´dal-t'a´iñ_.
Swan lake, on Wichita reservation--_Setso´_, _Se´np'odal-e´ Setso´_.
sweat (noun)--_sä´daltep_.
sweat-house--_sä´dalgu´ăt_, _bo´npä_.
Sweetwater creek, Texas--_Iyu´gu´a p'a_.
Swift-fox--a Kiowa Apache warrior order, according to Clark;
unidentified, but not the _Kâ´itse´ñko_ or _Toñko´ñko_ (see page 230).
tail--_ton_.
take out--_gyäku´atda_.
tall--_gi´ăni_.
Tamaulipas, Mexico--_Ä´-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_.
tattoo--see picture.
Tatum, Agent Lawrie--_Dänpa´-iñgyat'a-i_.
Tawa´koni (tribe)--see _Do`gu´at_.
Tawa´koni Jim--principal chief of the confederated Wichita, Waco, and
Tawakoni tribes, and judge of the Indian court in 1888; still living.
ten--_ga´kiñ_.
Ten-bears--_Pä´riăse´amän_.
terrible--_ze´dălbe_.
Texas, southeast--_Ä´-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_. The name is applied also to
Tamaulipas.
then, or there--_o´hyo_.
thigh--_pa´ki_.
this--_i´ñhoti_.
three--_päo_.
throat--_osi_; cf. _k`odal_, neck.
throat, I cut his--_gyäo´k`atemä_ (see _ĭmk`o´daltä_).
thunder--_pa´sot_.
tie, I,--_gyäpä´-imo_; cf. initiate.
timber--_ä_.
tin--_hâñ-t'aiñ_ (see also metal, _hâ´ñgya_).
tipi, house--_do´_.
tipi pole--_guntä_.
tomorrow--_kyähi´ñaga_.
Tonkawa (tribe)--_K`i´ñähi-pi´ako_.
tooth--_zoñ_.
top--(of mountain, etc) _pi´ăya_; (end) _pätsä´t_.
Top-of-the-mountain--_Doha´sän_.
tortoise--see turtle.
trachea--_osi_.
track (noun)--_an_.
trade, I,--_dega´ñta_.
trail--_ho´an_.
Traitor creek, Texas--see Sweetwater creek, Texas.
trap--po, _hâñ-po_.
trappers--_hâ´ñpoko_.
travel, I,--_äho´ä_ (see _ho_).
Travel song--_Gu´ada´gya_.
travois--_tse´guan_ (see dog, _tse´ñhi_).
tree--_ädo_, _pep_.
tree-tops--_ä´pätsä´t_.
tripe--_abi´ñ_ (?).
triumph (noun)--_ka´gyä_ (see also _ĭmka´gyägya_).
turkey--_peñ_.
turtle--_k`a´nki´ñ_, _to´nak`a´_.
twin--_pä´da-i_.
two--_yi´a_.
Two-butte creek, Colorado--_Ä´zot p'a_ (?) _Pa p'a_ (?).
udder--_azä´_.
uncommon--see abnormal.
United States--_T'o´-t'a`ka´-i-do´mbe_.
useless--see spoiled.
Ute (tribe)--_I´ătä´go_.
Uvalde canyon (?), Texas--_Dan-toñ_.
Valdez--_Pä´li_.
valley--_hi´ădal_.
variegated--_t'o´igu´ăt_.
_Viejo_--_Bi´ăko_.
vizor--_gañto´n_, _päbo_.
vomit (noun)--_zodal_.
Waco (tribe)--see _Do´`guat_.
wailing (noun)--see lamentation.
wait! (imperative)--_hi´tugŭ´_!
Walking-bear--_Setmä´nte_.
wall--_k'aga_.
walnut--_poho´n-ä´_, _poho´n-e´_.
Walnut creek (upper) Kansas--_Tsodalhe´ñ-de p'a_.
Walsh, Mount, Oklahoma--_K`o´b-aka´n_.
Wanderer creek (?), Oklahoma--_Tso´-t'ai´ñ p'a_.
war-bonnet--_ätaha´-i_.
War-club (a society)--_T'äñpe´ko_.
war expedition--_dam_.
warrior--_yä´`pähe´_.
Washita river, Oklahoma--_Ä´guntä p'a_.
Washita river forks, Oklahoma--_Yi´a-p'a-da´ti_.
water--_toñ_.
water-lily (?)--_se´np'odal-e´_.
weasel--_sa´dălso´mte_.
web, of spider--_po_.
week--_koñtä´kia_.
West Cache creek, on reservation--_Gwa´hale p'a_.
wheel (noun)--_kotä´dal_.
whet, I,--_gyäso´nmo_ (see _somta_).
whetstone--_k`a-pä´ti_.
Whirlwind--principal chief of the Cheyenne in 1874.
whistle (noun)--_tso´dăltem_.
Whitacre, Charles W. (or Whittaker)--_Tsâli_.
white--_t'aiñ_.
White river, Texas--_T'aiñ p'a_.
White, E. E., special agent--_T'aiñte_.
White-bear--_Set-t'ai´ñte_.
White-bird--_Sen-son-da-cat_.
White-deer creek (?), Texas--_T'ä´ñpeä´ p'a_.
White-horn--_Tĭ´l-`lakai´_.
White-horse--_Tseñt'ai´ñte_.
White-man--_T'a`ka´-itai´de_.
White-people--_Be´dalpa´go_.
White-shield--A Cheyenne chief in 1874.
White-wolf--A hostile Comanche chief in 1874.
Wichita (tribe)--_Do`gu´at_.
Wichita mountains, on reservation--_Do`gu´at k`op_.
willow--_se´ñä_.
wind (breeze)--_go´mgyä_.
windbreak--_do´ä_.
wing--_tsodal_.
winter--_sai_, _sai´gya_.
Wise, Fort, Colorado--_Tso´paiñ Do´_.
without (privative)-- _-heñ_ (in composition).
wolf--_gu´i_.
Wolf creek, Oklahoma--_Gu´i p'a_.
Wolf-hair--a debatable Kiowa warrior killed by Mexicans in 1835-36
(Scott); said by Se´t-t'a´n to be properly _Do´-e´dalte_, q. v.
Wolf's-name--_Ĭ´sänä´năka_.
Wolf's-sleeve--_Babi´`pa´_.
woman--_mä´ñyi´_.
Woman-heart--_Mäñyi´-te´n_.
wonderful--_ze´dălbe_; see also medicine, _da´-i_.
worm--_p'odal_, _iyu´gu´_.
worn out (adjective)--_komse´_.
wrinkled--_aka´-i_.
write, I--_gyä`gu´ătda´_.
writing--see picture.
year--see winter.
yellow--_gu´ak`o_.
Yellow-buffalo--_Pa´-gu´ak`o_.
Yellowstone river, Montana--_Tso´sa´ p'a_.
yes--_ho_, _hâ_ (jargon, _how_!).
yesterday--_ki´äde´dal_.
young man--_do´guătal_.
Zarah, Fort, Kansas--_Tsodalhe´ñ-de P'a´gya Yä´`pähe´-k`u´dal-de´e_.
AUTHORITIES CITED
=Abbott, C. C.= Primitive industry: or illustrations of the handwork, in
stone, bone and clay, of the native races of the northern Atlantic
seaboard of America. Salem, Mass., 1881. 8^{o}.
=1=--Extract from a contemporary Kansas paper, 393.
=Battey, Thomas C.= The life and adventures of a Quaker among the
Indians. Boston, 1891. 16^{o}.
This work was originally published in 1875 by Thomas C. Battey, the
first teacher among the Kiowa, and remains today the best extended
account of the tribe, despite some inaccuracies in his statement of
their traditions, due in part to the fact that his information was
obtained chiefly through the imperfect medium of the sign language
before the days of competent Kiowa interpreters. He is still (1897)
living at Mosk, Ohio, and has aided the author in various ways in
connection with the present work.
=1=--195--206; =2=--240; =3=--191; =4=--259; =5=--302-4; =6=--286 and
291; =7=--304; =8=--310; =9=--315; =10=--316; =11=--317; =12=--102;
=13=--292; =14=--185; =15=--169 and 174; =16=--59, 76, and 100;
=17=--193; =18=--106; =19=--196; =20=--130-3; =21=--245; =22=--287 and
307.
---- Historical sketches.
A series of Kiowa and Comanche articles published in a small religious
leaflet called "The Day-star," Nos. 58-66, 1890 and 1891, Mount Vernon,
Iowa.
=Brinton, D. G.= The Lenâpe´ and their legends: with the complete text
and symbols of the Walam Olum, etc. Philadelphia, 1885. 8^{o}.
Volume V of Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature.
=Catlin, George.= Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and
condition of the North American Indians. Written during eight years'
travel (1832--1839) amongst the wildest tribes of indians in North
America. In two volumes. With several hundred illustrations from the
author's original paintings. Fourth edition. London, 1844. 8^{o}.
Catlin's work is too well known to need extended comment. He accompanied
the first United States government expedition to the Kiowa in 1834, and
gives the first English account of the tribe from actual observation,
together with the first Kiowa portraits ever painted, including that of
the great Dohásän.
=1=--II, 72; =2=--II, 74; =3=--II, 74; =4=--II, 36-86 and II, 55;
=5=--II, 60-62; =6=--II, 70; =7=--II, 72; =8=--II, 74.
=Clark,= _Capt._ =W. P.= The Indian sign language, with brief
explanatory notes of the gestures taught deaf mutes in our institutions
for their instruction, and a description of some of the peculiar laws,
customs, myths, superstitions, ways of living, code of peace and war
signals of our aborigines. Philadelphia, 1885. 8^{o}.
Prepared under instruction from General Sheridan, and invaluable.
=1=--211; =2=--133 and 194; =3=--133; =4=--238; =5=--229 and 355;
=6=--355 ibid.; =7=--249; =8=--230; =9=--33; =10=--229 and 233;
=11=--(Dunbar quoted) 293; =12=--326; =13=--350; =14=--288; =15=--248
and 398; =16=--260; =17=--261; =18=--(Dunbar quoted) 283; =19=--288;
=20=--230.
=Condition of the Indian Tribes.= Report of the joint special committee,
appointed under joint resolution, of March 3, 1865; with an appendix.
Washington, 1867. 8^{o}.
=1=--Testimony of Colonel Ford, May 31, 1865, page 65.
=Custer,= _General_ =G. A.= My life on the plains, or personal
experiences with indians. New York, 1874. 12^{o}.
=1=--144 et passim; =2=--43.
=Day-star, The.= _See_ =Battey.=
=Dodge,= _Col._ =R. I.= Our wild indians: thirty-three years' personal
experience among the red men of the great west, etc. With an
introduction by General Sherman. Illustrated. Hartford, 1882. 8^{o}.
=1=--401; =2=--391.
=Dunbar, J. B.= The Pawnee indians, a sketch. Morrisania, N. Y. [1882.]
8^{o}. (Articles reprinted from the Magazine of American History.)
=1=--Article _Calendar_, from VIII, 744, 1882.
=Ethnology.= Annual reports of the bureau of ethnology to the secretary
of the Smithsonian institution. Washington. 1879-80-1894-95. 16 vols.,
8^{o}.
=1=--Garrick Mallery, Picture Writing of the American Indians, in Tenth
Annual Report (1888-89), 274, 1893; =2=--Mallery, Pictographs of the
North American Indians, in Fourth Annual Report (1882-83), 130, 1886;
=3=--ibid., 135; =4=--Mallery, in Tenth Annual Report, 267.
=Gatschet, A. S.= The Klamath indians of southwestern Oregon.
(Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. II.) Washington, 1890.
=1=--part I, 76.
=Greer County.= Supreme court of the United States, October term, 1894.
No. 4, original. The United States, complainant, _vs._ the state of
Texas. In equity. 3 volumes. Washington, 1894. 8^{o} (single
pagination).
A compilation of all the testimony and evidence in the suit to determine
the question of federal or state jurisdiction over Greer county,
Oklahoma. Its 1400 pages, with numerous maps, constitute a storehouse of
pioneer history for the southern plains region.
=1=--632.
=Gregg, Josiah.= Commerce of the prairie: or the journal of a Santa Fé
trader during eight expeditions across the great western prairies and a
residence of nearly nine years in northern Mexico. Illustrated with maps
and engravings. In two volumes. New York and London, 1844. 12^{o}.
The most valuable account of the early Santa Fé trade ever written.
Contains a detailed account of the first event recorded upon the
calendar, 1832-33.
=1=--II, 18; =2=--II, 49-53; =3=--II, 39; =4=--II, 144, 300; =5=--I,
317; =6=--I, 147, and II, 136--139; =7=--I, 29.
=Grinnell, G. B.= Pawnee hero stories and folk tales, with notes on the
origin, customs, and character of the Pawnee people. To which is added a
chapter on the Pawnee language by John B. Dunbar. New York, 1893,
12^{o}.
No man living knows better the plains tribes than Dr George Bird
Grinnell.
=1=--391--396; =2=--65.
Blackfoot lodge tales: the story of a prairie people. By George Bird
Grinnell, etc. New York., 1892. 12^{o}.
=1=--3; =2=--251 and 261.
---- Personal letters.
=Hale, Horatio.= The Iroquois book of rites. Philadelphia, 1883. 8^{o}.
No. II of Brinton's Library of Aboriginal American Literature.
=1=--51.
=Hamersly, T. H. S.= Complete regular army register of the United
States, for one hundred years (1779 to 1879), _etc_. Washington, 1880.
8^{o}.
Valuable for its list of army posts, with geographic and historical
notes, which have been used in the compilation of the map accompanying
this work.
=Indian Miscellany.= Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnology.
Indian miscellany. Quarto series. Washington, Library of the Bureau of
Ethnology.
A collection of newspaper clippings relating to the Indians, covering
dates from 1726 to 1863 and mounted in chronologic order in ten quarto
scrapbooks, cited "_Miscel._"
=James, Edwin.= Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky
mountains, performed in the years 1819 and '20, by order of the Hon. J.
C. Calhoun, Sec'y of War: under the command of Major Stephen H. Long.
From the notes of Major Long, Mr. T. Say and other gentlemen of the
exploring party. Compiled by Edwin James, botanist and geologist for the
expedition. (In two volumes.) Philadelphia, 1823. 8^{o}.
=1=--I, 496 and 502.
=Keim, De B. R.= Sheridan's troopers on the borders: A winter campaign
on the plains. Philadelphia, 1885. 12^{o}.
The book was written in 1870. The writer accompanied the Custer
expedition which pushed the winter campaign of 1868 by which the Kiowa,
Cheyenne, etc, were compelled to settle on a reservation.
=1=--183; =2=--63; =3=--112; =4=--189.
=Kendall, G. W.= Narrative of the Texan Santa Fé expedition: comprising
a description of a tour through Texas, and across the great southwestern
prairies, the Comanche and Caygüa hunting grounds, with an account of
the sufferings from want of food, losses from hostile Indians, and
final capture of the Texans, and their march as prisoners to the city of
Mexico. With illustrations and a map. In two volumes. London, 1844.
12^{o}.
An interesting account of one of the earliest American expeditions into
the Kiowa country. The party had a disastrous encounter with the
Indians, which is noted on the Set-t´an calendar for 1841-42.
=1=--212--214; =2=--196--214.
=Kennedy, William.= Texas: the rise, progress and prospects of the
republic of Texas. In two volumes. London, 1841. 12^{o}.
Consulted for map locations.
=Lewis and Clark.= Message from the president of the United States,
communicating discoveries made in exploring the Missouri, Red river and
Washita, by Captains Lewis and Clark, Doctor Sibley and Mr. Dunbar, with
a statistical account of the countries adjacent. Washington, 1806.
12^{o}.
Contains the earliest official notice of the Kiowa.
=1=--36; =2=--41; =3=--63; =4=--Sibley's report, 1805, pages 66, 69, 70,
76; =5=--36; =6=--38; =7=--177; =8=--Sibley, 109.
=Long, S. H.= _See_ =James, Edwin=.
=Mallery, Garrick.= _See_ =Ethnology=.
=Margry, Pierre.= Découvertes et établissements des Français dans
l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale (1614--1754):
mémoires et documents originaux recueillis et publiés par Pierre Margry,
_etc_, (6 volumes). Paris, 1875--1886. 8^{o}.
A valuable publication of original manuscripts in the archives of
France, bearing on French discoveries in America.
=1=--LaSalle, 1682, pages 168 and 201, II, 1877; =2=--La Harpe and
Beaurain, 1719, 289, VI, 1886.
=Matthews, Washington.= Ethnology and philology of the Hidatsa indians.
(Miscellaneous Publications No. 7, United States Geological and
Geographical Survey.) Washington, 1877. 8^{o}.
=1=--39; =2=--_ibid._; =3=--43; =4=--70-72; =5=--85.
=Montana.= Contributions to the Historical society of Montana, with its
transactions, act of incorporation, constitution, ordinances, officers
and members. Vol. II. Helena, Montana, 1896. 8^{o}.
=1=--Lieutenant J. H. Bradley, 1876, page 176; =2=--C. W. Frush, ibid.
338.
=Morse,= _Rev._ =Jedidiah.= A report to the secretary of war of the
United States, on indian affairs, comprising a narrative of a tour
performed in the summer of 1820, under a commission from the president
of the United States, for the purpose of ascertaining, for the use of
government, the actual state of the indian tribes in our country, _etc_.
New Haven, 1822. 12^{o}.
=1=--Report of Colonel Trimble, app., 259; =2=--39 and 92; =3=--366 and
367.
=Nebraska.= Transactions and reports of the Nebraska state historical
society. (Vols. I-V.) Vol. I. Edited by Robert W. Furnas. Lincoln, Neb.,
1885. 8^{o}.
=Pacific Railroad.= Reports of explorations and surveys to ascertain the
most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the
Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, made under the direction of the
secretary of war, in 1853-54, according to acts of congress of March 3,
1853; May 31, 1854, and August 5, 1854. Vol. II. (33d Cong., 3d sess.,
House Ex. Doc. 91.) Washington, 1855, 4^{o}.
Contains map material and other information. =1=--Capt. John Pope, 1854,
53.
=Pettis, George H.= Kit Carson's fight with the Comanche and Kiowa
Indians at the Adobe Walls on the Canadian river, November 25, 1864.
Providence, 1878. 8^{o}. Pamphlet, pp. 44. (No. 5 of Personal Narratives
of the Battles of the Rebellion.)
=Pike, Z. M.= An account of expeditions to the sources of the
Mississippi and through the western parts of Louisiana to the sources of
the Arkansaw, Kans, La Platte and Pierre Jaun, rivers, performed by
order of the government of the United States during the years 1805, 1806
and 1807. And a tour through the interior parts of New Spain, when
conducted through these provinces by order of the captain general, in
the year 1807. Illustrated by maps and charts. Philadelphia, 1810.
8^{o}.
=1=--Appendix II, 16 and 17; app. III, 9 and 16; =2=--appendix III, 16.
Record of Engagements with hostile indians within the military division
of the Missouri, from 1868 to 1882, Lieutenant-General P. H. Sheridan,
commanding. Compiled from official records. Headquarters military
division of the Missouri, Chicago, Ill., August 1, 1882. 12^{o}.
=1=--16-20; =2=--45; =3=--46; =4=--_ibid._; =5=--47; =6=--52; =7=--48;
=8=--52; =9=--_ibid._; =10=--48 and 51; =11=--33.
=Report.= Annual report of the commissioner of Indian affairs.
Washington. 8^{o}.
Annual volumes from 1822. The earlier reports were made to the Secretary
of War, the later to the Secretary of the Interior. The first Kiowa
reference occurs in 1839.
=1=--Superintendent Armstrong, 475, 1839; =2=--Agent Whitfield, 116,
1855; =3=--Agent Fitzpatrick, 363, 1853; =4=--_ibid._, 299, 1854;
=5=--Governor Meriwether, 184, 1856; =6=--Superintendent Collins,
186, 1858; =7=--Agent Miller, 99, 1858; =8=--Commissioner, 17, 1863;
=9=--Governor Evans, 230, 1864; =10=--Agent Colley, 232, 1864;
=11=--G. K. Otis, 254, 1864; =12=--H. T. Ketcham, 258, 1864;
=13=--Agent Farnsworth, 369, 1864; =14=--Agent Colley, 244, 1864;
=15=--_ibid._, 243, 1864; =16=--Documents, 394-7, 1865; =17=--Report
of Commission, 528--535, 1865; =18=--Agent Taylor, 280, 1866;
=19=--Acting Commissioner Mix, 19, 1867; =20=--Agent Labadi, 214,
1867; =21=--Agent Wm. Bent, 137-9, 1859; =22=--Docs. 394-7, 1865;
Commissioner Taylor, 9, and Report of Peace Commission, 35, 1868;
=23=--Commissioner Taylor, 9, and Report of Peace Commission,
26-50, 1868; =24=--Report Peace Commission, 31, 1868;
=25=--Lieutenant-General Sherman, 76; Acting Commissioner Mix, 77,
and Agent Major Wynkoop, 266, 1868; =26=--Agent Shanklin, 287, 1868;
=27=--Commissioner Parker, 6, 1870; Superintendent Hoag, 254, 1870;
Agent Tatum, 260--265, 1870; =28=--Commissioner Walker, 41, 1872;
Agent Tatum, 247, 1872; =29=--Ross, Report of Indian Peace
Commission, 195--198, 1872; Agent Tatum, 248, 1872; =30=--Agent Miles,
250, 1872; =31=--Report of Captain Alvord, commissioner to the
Kiowas, Comanches, etc, 136, 1872; =32=--Commissioner Smith, 7,
Superintendent Hoag, 201, Agent Haworth, 219, 1873; Superintendent
Hoag, 215, Agent Haworth, 219, 1874; =33=--Agent Haworth, 219, 1873;
=34=--Agent Miles, 233--235, 1874; =35=--_ibid._, 235, 1874;
=36=--Agent Haworth, 220, 1874; =37=--_ibid._; =38=--Agent Miles,
233, 1874; =39=--Agent Haworth, 220, 1874; =40=--Agent Miles, 234,
Agent Haworth, 220; Agent Gibson, 226, 1874; =41=--Agent Miles, 234,
1874; =42=--Agent Haworth, 220, 1874; Agent Richards, 238, 1874;
Agent Haworth, 272, 1875; =43=--Agent Haworth, 222, 1874; =44=--Agent
Miles, 236, 1874; Agent Haworth, 272, 1875; =45=--Agent Haworth, 272,
1875; =46=--Report of Peace Commission, 37, 1868; =47=--Agent
Haworth, 272, 1875; =48=--Agent Miles, 269, 1875; =49=--Agent Miles,
268, 1875; =50=--_ibid._, 269, 1875; =51=--Agent Haworth, 274, 1875;
=52=--_ibid._, 273, 1875; =53=--_ibid._; =54=--Special Agent
Larrabee, 267, 1875; Agent Jones, 281, 1875; Commissioner Smith, 12,
1875; =55=--Agent Haworth, 273, 1875; =56=--_ibid._; =57=--Agent
Hunt, 59, 1878; Captain Pratt, 173--175, 1878; _ibid._, 178, 1880;
Commissioner Hayt, XLIII, 1878; =58=--Agent Hunt, 82, 1881;
=59=--Agent Haworth, 274, 1875; =60=--Agent Hunt, 75, 1880;
=61=--_ibid._, 62, 1879, and 72, 1880; =62=--Agent Hunt, 80, 1881;
=63=--_ibid._, 70, 1883; =64=--_ibid._, 72, 1883; _ibid._, 81, 1884;
Rev. J. B. Wicks, 73, 1883; =65=--Special Agent White, 98, 1888;
=66=--Union Agent Owen, 124, 1888; =67=--Agent Fitzpatrick, 365,
1853; =68=--Agent Haworth, 219, 1873; Agent Miles, 234, 1874;
_ibid._, 269, 1875; =69=--Captain Henry Alvord, 138, 1872;
=70=--Agent Haworth, 219, 1873; =71=--_ibid._, 221, 1874; _ibid._,
274, 1875; Superintendent Hoag, 214, 1874; =72=--Superintendent Hoag,
264, 1875; Agent Haworth, 274, 1875; =73=--Agent Adams, 188, 1890;
=74=--Page, 262, 1835, and 527, 1837; =75=--Page, 497, 1839;
=76=--Page, 496, 1838; =77=--Agent Fitzpatrick, 472, 1848;
=78=--Superintendent Mitchell, 49, 1850; =79=--Sub-agent Barrow, 139,
1849-50; =80=--Agent Fitzpatrick, 52, 1850; =81=--Agent Morrow, 106,
1852; =82=--Agent Whitfield (letter of September 27), 297, 1854;
=83=--Superintendent Cumming (September 30), 285, 1854; =84=--Agent
James (September 1), 312, 1854; =85=--Commissioner Greenwood, 4, 228,
1860; =86=--Agent Loree, 131, 1862; =87=--Agent Colley, 230 and 243,
1864; =88=--Agent Arny, 168, 1868; =89=--Agent Tatum, 503, 1871;
=90=--Agent Richards, 288, 1875; Commissioner Smith, 77, 1875;
=91=--Agent Haworth, 220, 1874; =92=--_ibid._, 52, 1876; =93=--Table
No. 80, 1873, and page 226, 1876; =94=--Agent Haworth, 51, 1876;
=95=--Agent Miles, 85, 1877; =96=--Agent Haworth, 89, 1877; Agent
Hunt, 61, 1878; _ibid._, 78, 1881; =97=--Agent Hall, 128, 1886;
=98=--Agent Hunt, 60, 1878; =99=--_ibid._, 64, 1879; =100=--_ibid._,
65, 1879; =101=--_ibid._, 78, 1881; =102=--_ibid._, 71, 1883;
=103=--_ibid._, 81, 1884; =104=--_ibid._, 79, 1884; =105=--_ibid._,
80, 1884; =106=--_ibid._, 84, 1885; =107=--Agent Hall, 128, 1886;
=108=--Agent Hunt, 84, 1885; =109=--Agent Hall, 83, 1887;
=110=--Agent Myers, 191, 1889; =111=--Agent Hall, 81, 1887;
=112=--Agent Adams, 189; 1890; =113=--_ibid._, I, 352, 1891; see also
Commissioner Morgan, _ibid._, 123--142; =114=--Agent Adams, I, 351,
1891; =115=--Agent Day, 386, 1892; also reports of school
superintendents Haddon and Pigg, _ibid._, 388-89; =116=--Agent Day,
385-87, 1892; =117=--Commissioner Morgan, I, 49, 1891.
Schoolcraft, H. R. Historical and statistical information respecting the
history, condition, and prospects of the indian tribes of the United
States. Collected and prepared under the direction of the bureau of
indian affairs per act of congress of March 3, 1847. Published by
authority of congress. Philadelphia. Parts I-IV. 1851--1857.
Part III contains a few tabular estimates of population.
=Scribner's Monthly.= February, 1874, volume VII, No. 4. New York.
8^{o}.
Contains notice (page 415) and portrait (page 420) of Set-t´aiñte in
prison, in article, "Glimpses of Texas, II," part of "The Great South,"
by Edward King.
=Tatum, Lawrie.= (Mr Tatum was the first agent appointed for the Kiowa
and associated tribes, 1869--1873. He is now living (1897) at Springdale,
Iowa, and has kindly furnished much valuable manuscript and photographic
material.)
=War.= Report of the Secretary of War (annual volumes). Washington.
8^{o}.
=1=--Report of General Pope, I, 30, 1874; =2=--_ibid._; =3=--Report of
Colonel (Major-General) Miles, I, 78-85, 1875; =4=--Pages 14, 57, 81,
_etc._, I, 1892; =5=--Report of General Pope, I, 10, 1870; report of
General Sheridan, I, 49, 1869; =6=--Report of Colonel McCall, 1850, in
Report of the Secretary of War for 1851, Ex. Doc. 26, 31st cong. 2d
sess. 13; =7=--Report of General Merritt, I, 197, 1890.
=Yoakum, Henderson.= History of Texas, from its first settlement in
1685 to its annexation to the United States in 1846, _etc._ Two volumes.
8^{o}. New York. 1856.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
_Gray-eagle._--Kiowa Apache (figure 58, page 247). The Apache delegates
at Washington in March-April, 1898, do not know this name, and say the
picture is intended for that of another member of the delegation of
1872, a Kiowa Apache young man, not a chief, named Ná-ishañ-déná,
"Apache-man."
_Dävéko_--(figure 60, page 250). The name seems to mean
"Recognizes-enemies," referring to one who can distinguish at a great
distance the identity of an approaching hostile party.
_Goñk`oñ_--(Plate LXXIV). "Defends-his-tipi," i. e., one who stands
guard at his tipi and prevents a hostile entrance. The name is inherited
from his grandfather. Goñkoñ is the brother of Dego, alias Peso or
Pacer, former principal chief of the Kiowa Apache. (See English-Kiowa
glossary).
_Ka-ati-wertz-ama-na_--(figure 49, page 195). This name, as written on
the photograph furnished by former agent Lawrie Tatum, seems to be a
corrupted Comanche form, but neither the name nor the picture can be
identified by the Indians to whom it has been submitted. He is described
in the inscription as "a brave man, not afraid of any Indian."
_Ná-ishañ-déna_--instead of _Ná-isha-déna_, for the native name of the
Kiowa Apache (see page 245).
_Parker's ranch_--instead of Barker's ranch, page 270.
_Dó-édalte_--instead of _Tó-édalte_, page 270.
INDEX
ÄANÓÑTE, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
ABBOTT, C. C., on capture of taíme, 325
ABELL, W. H., Kiowa agent in 1894, 226
´DALBEÁHYA, a Kiowa "medicine", 237, 238
´DALHABĴK`IA, death of, 277
´DALPEPTE, acknowledgments to, 147
[´DALPEPTE], age of, 164
----, destruction of property of, 354
----, information furnished by, 146
´DALTOÑ-ÉDAL, death of, 313
----, fight of, with Ä´läho, 300
ÄDALTÓYUI, a Kiowa military order, 230
ADAMS, CHARLES E., Kiowa agent in 1889, 226
A`DÁTE, a Kiowa chief 164, 263
---- deposed as chief, 259
ADKINS, JOHN, a Kiowa trader, 313
ADOBE WALLS, battles of, 203, 316
----, establishment of, 199, 316
----, threatened attack on, 202
Ä´DO-EÉTTE, arrest of, 188, 328
----, efforts for release of, 190, 191
----, Kiowa councilman in 1888, 221
----, portrait of, 192
----, release of, 195
----, surrender of, 206
A`GABAÍ, death of, 340
AH-TE-ES-TA, _see_ ÄTÉSTISTI.
Ä´LÄHO, attempt to identify, 300
----, Kiowa hostility to, 300
ALIATANS, identification of, 166--167
ALLISON, WILLIAM, a Kiowa trader, 283, 313
ALVORD, _Captain_, on the Kiowa Apache in 1872, 252
----, removal of Kiowa agency to, 218
----, threatened attack on, 204
ANGÓPTE, data concerning, 146
ANKO, acknowledgments to, 147
----, meaning of name of, 145
ANKO CALENDAR, beginning of, 313
----, description of, 144, 145
----, period covered by, 143
----, whereabouts of, 146
ANKO MONTHLY CALENDAR, 373--379
ANNUITIES, Cheyenne and Arapaho, grant of, 184--186
----, Kiowa, grant of, 173
----, Kiowa, recommendation to withhold, 194
ÁNSOGÍĂNI, a Kiowa taíme guardian, 241
----, death of, 328
ÁNSO`TE, _see_ ÁNSOGÍĂNI.
ANTELOPE DRIVES among Kiowa, 288
ANTELOPE DRIVEWAY, description of, 309
APACHE JOHN, _see_ GOÑK`OÑ.
APACHES of Arkansas River, of the plains, Kiowa Apache synonyms, 245
----, picture records of, 142
Ä´PÄM´DALTE, death of, 319
ÁP`ÄTÁTE, _see_ WÓIFDÓĬSH.
ÁPEÑ-GÚĂDAL in Washita council of 1872, 190
----, surrender of, 211
Ä´PIATAÑ, delegate to the Messiah, 221, 360, 375, 376
----, delegate to Washington in 1894, 225
----, pretender to Kiowa leadership, 219
APPEARING-WOLF, _see_ GUIBADÁI.
ARAPAHO at Medicine Lodge treaty, 321
----, Bent's recommendation concerning, 183
----, character of, 234
----, Comanche killing of, 272
----, dance with Kiowa by, 379
----, early recollection of Kiowa by, 155
----, first acquaintance of Kiowa with, 153
----, friendliness of, in 1872, 202
----, friendly overtures from (1864), 179
----, fulfilment of treaty obligations by, 213
----, hostilities with, in 1867, 183
---- in peace council of 1872, 190
----, Kiowa friendliness toward, 168
----, Kiowa killing of, 274
----, Kiowa peace with, 172, 275
----, measles among, 342
----, Pawnee fight with, 276
----, planned uprising among, 176
---- prisoners, transportation to Florida of, 213
----, sacred medicine of, 242
----, smallpox among, 311
----, status of, in 1859, 182
----, treaties with, 180, 183
----, treaty agreement by (1865), 179
ARIKARA, habitat of, 158
----, habits of, 158
----, Kiowa horse trade with, 251
----, Kiowa intercourse with, 156
----, removal of, on account of smallpox, 311
----, smallpox among, 275
ARIZONA, military posts in, 381
ARKANSAS, military posts in, 382
ARMSTRONG, _Agent_, at Port Gibson council, 169
ARROWS, sacred, of the Cheyenne, 242
ASINIBOIN, smallpox among, 275
Ä´-TAHÁ-IK`-Í, death of, 282
ÄTÉSTISTI, treaty signed by (1867), 186
ATHAPASCAN TRIBES, absence of clans among, 227
Ä´`TO-T'AIÑ, a Kiowa chief, 338
----, death of, 343
AUGUR, _Gen._ C. C., treaty commissioner, 183
AYUTAN, identification of, 167
AZÄ´TAÑHOP, a traditional Kiowa people, 154
BABÍ`PA, treaty signed by (1867), 186
BABY, _see_ ÍĂPA.
BAD-BACK, _see_ CHÓNSHITÁ.
BAD-HEARTS, possibly the Kiowa Apache, 246
BALDWIN, _Lieut._ F. D., fight with Cheyenne by, 211
----, Kiowa agent in 1894, 226
----, rescue of Germaine girls by, 213
BANNOCK chronology, 372
BAO, _see_ GUÑSÁDALTE.
BARKER'S FORT, raid on, 270
BARTLETT, J. R., Kiowa vocabulary collected by, 389
BATTEY, THOMAS C., acknowledgments to, 147
----, establishment of Indian schools by, 198
----, first teacher among Kiowa, 193
---- on character of Lone-wolf, 199
---- on hostilities of 1874, 202
---- on Kicking-bird, 217
---- on Kiowa character, 235
---- on Kiowa hostility in 1873, 337
---- on Kiowa hunting customs, 230
---- on Kiowa medicine lodge, 243
---- on Kiowa-Pawnee peacemaking, 334
---- on Kiowa population in 1873, 235
---- on Kiowa raids in 1873, 337
---- on Pawnee war dance, 335
---- on release of Kiowa chiefs, 197
BA-ZHE-EC, treaty signed by (1867), 186
BEAR LODGE, Kiowa mythic origin of, 160
BEAR-LYING-DOWN, _see_ SET-EM´-I.
BEAR-ON-TREES, _see_ SET-ÄGYAÍ.
BEARS, tabu of, to the taíme, 323
BEHEADERS, term applied to the Dakota, 281
BENT, WILLIAM, an early Indian trader, 172
---- at treaty of 1865, 180
---- on plains tribes of 1859, 182
----, trading post of, 283
BENT'S FORT, account of, 382
BÉSHĬLTCHA, a Kiowa synonym, 148
BÍAKO, shooting of, 335
BIDDLE, _Maj._ J., Indian operations under, 212
BIG-BOW, _see_ ZÉPKO-EÉTTE.
BIG-FACE, _see_ TÓ`-ÉDALTE.
BIG-HEAD, _see_ ´DALTOÑ-ÉDAL.
BIG-LOOKING-GLASS, _see_ PIÄNÄ´VONĬT.
BIG-RIBS, _see_ GÚATOÑ-BAIN.
BIG-TREE, _see_ Ä´DO-EÉTTE.
BIRD-APPEARING, SEE T'ENÉ-BADAÍ.
BLACK-BIRD, _see_ GÚATO-KÓÑGYA.
BLACK-BUFFALO, _see_ PA-KÓÑKYA.
BLACK-EAGLE, _see_ GÚATO-KÓÑGYA.
BLACKENS-HIMSELF, _see_ KOÑPÄ´TE.
BLACKFEET, Kiowa hostility to, 241
----, Kiowa name of, 160
----, smallpox among, 275
----, war custom of, 259
BLACK-HIDE, _see_ GÍAKÁ-ITE.
BLACK HILLS, Cheyenne possession of, 166
----, Dakota discovery and possession of, 155, 157
----, Kiowa expulsion from, 157
----, Kiowa possession of, 155, 156
----, mythic origin of, 160
BLACK-HORSE, death of, 297
----, shooting of, 213
BLACK-KETTLE, a Cheyenne chief, 324
----, surprise of, 187
BLACK LEGS, a Kiowa military order, 230
BLACK-TRIPE, _see_ KÓÑABÍÑATE.
BLACK-WARBONNET-TOP, _see_ TÄ´N-KÓÑKYA.
BLACK-WOLF, _see_ GÚI-KÓÑGYA.
BLUFF, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
BOATS, Mandan, 159
BÓHÓNKÓÑKYA, treaty signed by (1837), 269
BÓIÑ-EDAL, adopted father of, 280
BÓIÑ-EDAL, Kiowa capture of, 270
----, scalping witnessed by, 273
BONNEVILLE, _Captain_, at Fort Gibson in 1837, 170
BOOTH, ----, a Kiowa trader, 313
BOT-ÉDALTE, death of, 350
BOT-K`IÄGO, Kiowa name of the Arapaho, 160
BOURGMONT, ----, on early Comanche habitat, 161
BOX, James, death of, 184
BRAVE-MAN, _see_ NAH-TAN.
BRINTON, D. G., Walam Olum published by, 142
BROOKE, CAROLINE M., acknowledgments to, 147
BROWN, HUGH G., Kiowa agent in 1893, 226
BRULÉ, Kiowa name of, 160
BUELL, _Col._ G. P., destruction of Kiowa camp by, 211
BUFFALO, abandonment of sun dance for lack of, 346
----, effect of extermination of, 349
----, extermination of, 199, 207, 219, 283, 344, 345, 349
----, Indian trade in, 345
----, Kiowa attempt to restore, 356
----, Kiowa genesis of, 349
----, Kiowa methods of hunting, 309
----, Kiowa reverence for, 237
----, purchase of, for sun dance, 355
BUFFALO-BULL-COMING-OUT, _see_ PA-TEPTE.
BUFFALO-HORNS, _see_ SÉTK`OPTE, PAUL.
BULL-TAIL, death of, 269
BURA, _see_ DEER.
BURIAL, _see_ MORTUARY CUSTOMS.
CACTI, _see also_ PEYOTE; PRICKLY-PEAR.
CADDO in peace council of 1872, 190
----, Battey among, 193
----, Kiowa hostility to, 165
CADDO JAKE at Fort Gibson council in 1888, 221
CAHIAGUAS, CAHIGUAS, CAIAWAS, Kiowa synonyms, 148
CAIGUA, a Kiowa synonym, 148, 156
CAIHUAS, CAIWAS, Kiowa synonyms, 148
CALENDARS, aboriginal American, 141
----, aboriginal, historical value of, 146
CALIFORNIA, military post in, 382
CAMP CIRCLE, Kiowa, 228
CAMP HOLMES, location of, 171
----, treaty at (1835), 169
CAMP SUPPLY, establishment of, 187
CANBY, _General_, death of, 196
CANCY, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
CANNIBALISM of Tonkawa, 199
CAPTIVES among the Kiowa, 173--174, 181, 234, 236
----, Kiowa, surrender of, 180, 189
----, torture of, by Cheyenne, 203
CARGUA, a Kiowa synonym, 148, 156
CARLISLE SCHOOL, establishment of, 216
CARSON, KIT, attacks on Kiowa by, 179, 314
----, presence of, at treaty of 1865, 180
CASTAPANAS, identification of, 166
CAT, _see_ GUÑSÁDALTE.
CATAHA, CÁTAKÂ, Kiowa Apache synonyms, 245
CATLIN, GEO., on early traders, 171
---- on Fort Gibson Indian gathering, 1834, 169
---- on Kiowa, 268
---- on Kiowa in 1834, 171
---- on Mandan desolation by smallpox, 275
---- on meeting of Comanche and dragoons, 264
---- on Wichita houses, 266
----, visit of, to Kiowa (1834), 262--264
CAT-TAILS, use of, as food, 270
CATTAKO, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
CATTLE, payment of, for grass lease, 355
----, purchase of, for Kiowa, 340
CAYANWA, CAYCUAS, CAYGUAS, CAYUGAS, Kiowa synonyms, 148
CEAR-CHI-NEKA, _see_ SÍACHĬ´NIKA.
CHAFFEE, _Capt._ A. R., Kiowa camp destroyed by, 211
CHEYENNE, absence of clans among, 227
----, attack on Kiowa by, 271
----, Bent's recommendation as to, 183
----, character of, 234
----, chronology of, 371
----, dance with Kiowa by, 379
----, description of village of, 183
----, destruction of village of, 187
----, first acquaintance of Kiowa with, 153
----, friendly overtures from, 179
----, hostilities with (1867 and 1868), 183, 186
----, hostility of, in 1874, 202, 252
----, Kiowa friendliness toward, 168
----, Kiowa hostility to, 156, 157, 160, 273
----, Kiowa peace with, 172, 275
----, massacre of, by Chivington, 180
----, massacre of, by Kiowa, 271
----, measles among, 342
----, Navaho hostility to, 301
----, opening of lands of, 378
----, outbreak by (1874), 200
----, peace council participated in by (1872), 190
----, planned uprising among, 176
----, possession of Black Hills by, 157, 166
---- prisoners, deportation to Florida of, 213
----, raids in Texas by, 177
----, refusal of Kiowa alliance by, 190
----, sacred medicine of, 242
----, slaughter of Pawnee by, 175
----, smallpox among, 311
----, status of (1859), 182
----, surrender of (1875), 211, 212
----, torture of captives by, 203
----, traders among, 318
----, treaty agreement by (1865), 179
----, treaty with (1865), 180
----, treaty with (1866), 183
----, tribal tradition of, 142
CHICKASAW, introduction of smallpox by, 275
CHIEF JOSEPH, surrender of, 351
CHILOCCO SCHOOL, Kiowa children in, 352
CHISHOLM, Jesse, interpreter at treaty of 1865, 180
CHIVINGTON, _Colonel_, Cheyenne massacre by, 180, 183
---- epidemic of 1849, 289
CHÓNSHITÁ, treaty signed by (1867), 186
CHO-SE-TA, _see_ CHÓNSHITÁ.
CHOUTEAU, Auguste, early Kiowa trader, 262
----, on Apache picture records, 142
----, on Apache tribal sign, 246
----, on Bannock chronology, 372
----, on Crow and Hidatsa separation, 154, 155
----, on Dakota and Cheyenne chronology, 371, 372
----, on Kiowa Apache migration, 248
----, on Kiowa character, 235
----, on Kiowa military orders, 230
----, on Mandan tribal sign, 159
----, on origin of name Pawnee, 291
----, on Pawnee runners, 260
----, on Sioux custom of beheading, 260
----, on slaughter of Cheyenne and Kiowa by Pawnee, 175
----, on smallpox among Blackfeet, 275
CLASSIFICATION, linguistic, principles of, 300
COLBERT, identification of, 248
COLLEY, _Agent_, Kiowa delegation with, 177
----, outlawry of hostile Indians in, 176
COMALTY, _see_ GOMÄ´TE.
COMANCHE, Bent's recommendation concerning, 183
----, bravery of, 317
----, character of, 234
----, deportation to Florida of, 215
----, expedition against Navaho by, 321
----, first intercourse with, 169
----, former range of, 161
----, horses among, 161
----, hostility of (1874), 202, 252
---- in peace council of 1872, 190
----, killing of Arapaho by, 272
----, Kiowa confederation with, 164
----, Kiowa intercourse and war with, 161
----, Kiowa name for, 163
----, Kiowa peace with, 162
----, land allotment to, 224
----, location of home camps of, 164
----, meeting with dragoons by, 264
----, payment of grass money to, 220, 354
----, planned uprising among, 176
----, population, Catlin's exaggeration of, 266
----, population in 1896, 235
----, raid on Barker's fort by, 270
----, raids in Texas by, 177, 187, 199
----, signing of Medicine Lodge treaty by, 186, 321
----, smallpox among, 168, 176
----, status of, in 1859, 182
----, surrender of, 214
----, tabu of words by, 152
----, treaties with, 180, 184, 186, 321
----, treaty agreement by (1865), 179
----, war party of, against Sauk and Fox, 302
----, _see also_ KWÁHADI COMANCHE: NOKONI COMANCHE.
COMING-SHAKE, _see_ P'ÓDALÄ´ÑTE.
COMPTON, _Maj._ C. E., Indian operations under, 212
CONYATZ, _see_ KANEATCHE.
CORBEAU, _see_ GAÁ-BOHÓN.
CORN, sacred, of the Arapaho, 242
COUNTING among Osage, 260
COURT, Indian, establishment of, among Kiowa, 220
CRADLES, Kiowa, 154
CRAZY HORSES, a Kiowa military order, 230
CREEKS, sacred medicine of, 242
----, treaty signed by (1835), 169--170
CROW-BONNET, _see_ GAÁ-BOHÓN.
CROW-NECK, _see_ GAÁ-K`ÓDĂLTE.
CROWS, derivation of taíme from, 240
----, Kiowa acquirement of language of, 156
----, Kiowa alliance with, 153, 155
----, Kiowa medicine-lance obtained from, 325
----, Kiowa trade with, 271
----, separation from Hidatsa of, 154, 155
----, smallpox among, 275
----, treaty council with, 183
----, tribal offshoots from, 158
----, wars and friendships of, 166
CUSTER, _Gen._ G. A., campaign against Cheyenne by, 326
----, campaign against Indians by, in 1868, 145, 187
----, capture of Set-t'aiñte by, 206
CUTTAKO, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
DÁGOI, bravery of, 303
DAHO, delegate to Washington in 1872, 192, 252
DAKOTA, beheading by, 160
----, calendars of, 142
----, chronology of, 371
----, discovery and occupation of Black Hills by, 155, 157
----, Kiowa first acquaintance with, 153
----, Kiowa hostility to, 156, 157, 160
----, Kiowa intercourse with, 281
----, Kiowa name of, 281
----, peace mission to Kiowa of, 167
----, planned uprising by, 176
----, smallpox among, 275, 311
----, treaty council with, 183
----, war with (1866), 183
----, visit to Kiowa by, 352
DANCE, _see_ ÍÂM DANCE; SUN-DANCE.
DARLINGTON, surrounding of, by hostile Indians, 203--204
DÁTEKÂÑ, threat of outbreak caused by, 219
----, _see also_ PA-TEPTE.
DATŬMPÁTA, a Kiowa synonym, 148, 159
DÄVÉKO, dó-á game led by, 347--348
----, meaning of name of, 445
----, portrait of, 250
DAVIDSON, _Col._ J. W., Indian operations under (1874), 204, 212
----, surrender of Comanche to, 204
DAVIS, _Gov._ E. J., Kiowa prisoners accompanied by, 197
----, parole of Set-t'aiñte by, 209
DAY, GEORGE D., Kiowa agent in 1891, 226
DEATH SONG of Kiowa warriors, 329
DELAWARES, Shawano early dispute with, 154
----, Walam Olum of the, 142
DE SOTO, relics of, among the Creeks, 242
DEVIL'S TOWER, Kiowa mythic origin of, 160
DIVORCE among the Kiowa, 233
DÓ-Á medicine game, 347
DODGE, _Col._ HENRY, presence of, with dragoons in 1834, 264
DODGE, R. I., on aboriginal calendars, 143
---- on Kiowa tribal sign, 150
DODGE, _Col._ R. L. , at Fort Gibson council (1834), 169
----, at Fort Gibson in 1837, 170
DÓ-ÉDALTE, correction of Tó-édalte to, 445
DOG-FAT, _see_ SÄ´RIYO.
DOGS among Kiowa, 153
----, _see_ YÄ´`PAHE.
DOHÁ, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
DOHÁSÄN, Kiowa chief, account of, 164, 233, 259, 263
----, death of, 180, 318
----, expedition accompanied by (1834), 262
----, in war party against Mexicans, 302
----, in Washita council of 1872, 191
----, on expedition against Pawnee, 293
----, portrait of, 175
----, speech by, 176
----, surrender of, 211
----, treaty signed by (1837), 269
----, treaty signed by (1865), 179
----, visits to Fort Gibson by, 172
DOHÁSÄN CALENDAR, description of, 143, 144
----, whereabouts of, 146
DOHÁTE, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
DÓHÉÑTE, conduct of sun dance by, 337
----, death of, 340
DOHON, Kiowa name of the Mandan, 159
DOMÁÑK`ÍAGO, Kiowa name of Pawnee, 259
DOTAMES, identification of, 166
DRAGOONS, expedition of, in 1834, 169
----, First, expedition of, among Kiowa, 262--263
DREAMS, Kiowa regard for, 237
DUNBAR, J. B., on Pawnee runners, 260
---- on Pawnee chronology, 370, 371
DURANGO, Kiowa raids near, 165
DWELLINGS of Missouri river tribes, 158
----, Shoshoni, 160
EAGLE FEATHERS, Kiowa trade in, 336
EAGLE-HEART, escape from arrest of, 329
EARLE, ----, death of, 344
ECLIPSE, record of, in Kiowa calendar, 378
----, portrait of, 154
----, rank of, 177
----, stature of, 136
ÉMAÄ, the Kiowa taíme guardian, 241
ENLISTMENT of Indians, 223
EPIDEMIC, _see_ CHOLERA; MEASLES; SMALLPOX; WHOOPING-COUGH.
ES-A-NANACA, _see_ ĬSANÄ´NAKA.
Ĕ´SIKWÍTA, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
----, Kiowa name of Mescalero, 303
EUTAW, a synonym of Ute, 167
EVANS, _Governor_, hostile Indians outlawed by, 176
---- on Kiowa raids into Mexico, 174
---- on southwestern tribes in 1848, 286
FLATHEADS, Kiowa name of, 153
FLORIDA, deportation of Kiowa prisoners to, 215, 339
FORT ATKINSON, treaty of (1853), 173, 290
FORT COBB, operations conducted from (1868), 187
----, intertribal council at (1888), 221
FORT KEARNEY, massacre of troops at, 183
FOET LARAMIE, treaty of (1851), 290
FORT LARNED, distributing point for Indians, 177
----, Kiowa name for, 314
----, Kiowa raid on, 179
----, ransom of captives at, 181
FORT LYON, surrender of plains Indians at, 179
FORT SILL, establishment of, 188
----, Indian attack on, 188
FORT SILL, stock stealing at, 202
FOX, _see_ SAUK AND FOX.
FREIGHTING done by Kiowa, 352
FUNERAL RITES, _see_ MORTUARY CUSTOMS.
GAÁ-BOHÓN, treaty signed by (1867), 186
GAÁ-K`ÓDĂLTE, death of, 280
GAÁPIATAÑ, acknowledgments to, 147
----, age and position of, 163
----, house built for, 342
----, information furnished by, 146
---- in war party against Sauk and Fox, 302
---- portrait of, 234
----, Sarsi descent of, 160
GADÓMBÍTSOÑHI, a Kiowa sacred image, 238, 239
GAHÉWĂ, GÂ-I-GWŬ, Kiowa synonyms, 148
G´-IGWŬ division of Kiowa, 228
GAÍWA, a Kiowa synonym, 148
GÁKIÑĂTE, calendar record of house of, 352
GAME, dó-á, of the Kiowa, 347--348
GAP-IN-THE-WOODS, _see_ HOWÍA.
GATAEA, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245, 248
GÁTA`KA, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
GATSCHET, A. S., Kiowa vocabulary collected by, 389
---- on absence of clans among Klamath, 227
---- on Klamath and Modoc chronology, 372
GATTACKA, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
GENESIS of the Kiowa, 152--154
GERMAINE FAMILY, account of, 213
----, rescue of girls of, 211, 212
GERMAN SILVER, Kiowa valuation of, 318
GERONIMO'S BAND, removal to Fort Sill of, 215
GHOST-DANCE among the Kiowa, 221, 360, 375
GÍĂDEDÉETE, Kiowa war party under, 281
GÍĂGUÁDALTÁGÂ, meaning of, 152
GÍAKÁ-ITE, death of, 307
GÍ-EDAL, death of, 339
GĬNÄ´S, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
GIVEN, JOSIAH, son of Set-t`aiñte, 330
GLENNAN, J. D., Kiowa shield owned by, 305
----, treatment of Kiowa by, during epidemic, 363
GLOSSARY, Kiowa-English and English-Kiowa, 391--439
GOATS, purchase of, for Kiowa, 340
GOING-ON-THE-ROAD, death of, 301
GOMÄ´TE, a Kiowa chief, 313
GOÑK`OÑ, delegate to Washington in 1894, 225, 253
----, progressiveness of, 252
----, reference to, 445
GOODNIGHT, CHARLES, purchase of buffalo from, 355
GOVERNMENT, Kiowa, 233
GRASS LANDS, advantage of, to Kiowa, 364
----, Kiowa Apache leases of, 252
----, Kiowa leases of, 219, 223, 350, 354
----, payment for lease of, 354, 355
GRAY-EAGLE, delegate to Washington in 1872, 192, 252
----, note concerning, 445
----, portrait of, 247
GREGG, JOSIAH, on Chouteau's trading post, 171
---- on Kiowa character, 235
---- on Kiowa raid in, 1832 255--256
---- on Pawnee customs, 259, 260
---- on smallpox epidemic of, 1840, 275
---- on symbolism of meteors, 261
GRIERSON, _Colonel_, order for arrest of Kiowa by, 332
GRINNELL, G. B., on Apache tribal sign, 246
---- on Blackfoot war customs, 259
---- on Indian temper, 168
---- on Kiowa habitat, 157
---- on Pawnee movements in, 1870, 333
GROSVENTRES, _see_ HIDATSA.
GÚĂDALÓÑTE, Kiowa war party led by, 302
GÚAÑTEKÁNA, Kiowa Apache chief in 1867, 251
----, treaty signed by (1867), 186
GÚATO-KÓÑGYA, treaty signed by (1867), 185
GÚATOÑ-BAIN, name applied to Set-t'aiñte's son, 210
GUIBADÁI, stealing of wife of, 337
GÚIK`ÁTE, a Kiowa leader, 162
----, death of, 273, 306
----, Kiowa delegate in 1872, 192
GÚI-KÓÑGYA, death of, 254
GÚI-PÄ´GO, a Kiowa chief, 180
----, portrait of, 200
----, treaty signed by (1865), 179
----, data concerning, 146
----, house built for, 342
GÛTA`K, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
GWÁHALÉGO division of the Kiowa, 227
GYÁI`KO, Kiowa name for the Comanche, 163
GYAÍ`KOAÓÑTE, death of, 299
HABITAT, Kiowa, 151, 166, 171, 180
HABITATIONS, _see_ HOUSES.
HADLEY, L. D., Kiowa paper published by, 389
HAIR-DRESSING, Kiowa, 150
----, Pawnee, 290
HAITSĬKI, _see_ GAÁPIATAÑ.
HALE, HORATIO, theory of, as to clans, 227
HALL, J. LEE, Kiowa agent in 1885, 226
----, Kiowa agent in 1887, 220
----, restoration of quiet among Kiowa by, 357
HÄNÄ´CHÄ-THÍAK, _see_ SITTING-BULL.
HANCOCK, _Gen._ W. S., destruction of Cheyenne village by, 183
----, Kiowa name for, 321
----, presence of, at Medicine Lodge treaty, 321
----, presence of Set-t'aiñte with, in, 1867 207
HÂÑPÓKO, Kiowa name for Americans, 255
HÂÑT'ÓGYÄ-K`ÍA, death of, 294
HÂÑZEPHÓ`DA, death of, 313
HARELIP, _see_ POLÍĂKYA.
HARNEY, _Gen._ W. S., treaty commissioner in 1867, 183, 207
HARTWELL, _Capt._ C. A., defeat of Cheyenne by, 212
HAVASUPAI, killing of, by Kiowa, 165
HAWK as a war medicine, 299
HAWORTH, ELIZABETH, acknowledgments to, 147
HAWORTH, J. M., appointment of, as Indian agent, 197
HAWORTH, J. M., attempts to civilize Kiowa by, 342
HAWORTH, J. M., burial of Kicking-bird by, 217
HAWORTH, J. M., Kiowa agent in 1873, 226
HAWORTH, J. M. on murder of A`gábaí, 341
HEAP-OF-BEARS, _see_ SET-DAY´-ITE.
HEART-EATER, _see_ TĔN-PÍÄK`IA.
HEIDSICK, name applied to Gaápiatañ, 163
HENDERSON, J. B., treaty commissioner, 183
HENLEY, _Lieut._ A., Cheyenne attacked by, 213
HENNESSEY, PATRICK, Indian attack on, 203
HENÓÑKO, Kiowa name of the Hidatsa, 159
HERALDIC SYSTEM of the Kiowa, 230
HERANTSA, Kiowa name of the Hidatsa, 159
HIDATSA, account of, 159
----, chronology of, 370
----, habitat of, 158
----, Kiowa intercourse with, 158
----, Kiowa name of, 159
----, separation of Crows from, 154, 155
----, smallpox among, 275
----, tattooing among, 159
HOLLOWELL, FRANK, death of, 202
HORNLESS-BULL, initiation of, 283
HORSE HEAD-DRESSES, a Kiowa military order, 230
HORSEMANSHIP of the Kiowa, 173
HORSE MEDICINE of the Kiowa Apache, 253
HORSES, acquirement of, by Kiowa, 153, 160
----, eating of, by Kiowa, 344
----, effect of acquirement of, 161
----, Kiowa sacrifice of, 310
----, Kiowa trade in, 166, 251
----, numbers of, among Kiowa, 168, 340
----, sale of, for benefit of Kiowa, 340
----, surrender of, by Kiowa and Comanche, 214
HORSE'S BACK, _see_ TÄYĂKWOIP.
HOUSES built for the Kiowa, 218, 342
---- of Kiowa, 353
---- of Missouri River tribes, 159
---- of Wichita, 266
HO-WE-ARE, _see_ HOWÍA.
HOWÍA, treaty signed by (1867), 186
HULL, _Lieutenant_, death of, 278
HUNT, P. B., Kiowa agent in 1878, 226
ÍÂM DANCE of the Kiowa, 358
ÍÄPA, killing of wife by, 341
ÍĂTÄGO, Kiowa name of the Ute, 167
ÍATÄKÍA, death of, 378
IATAN, identification of, 167
IDAHO, military posts etc. in, 382
IETAN, identification of, 167
INDIAN TERRITORY, military posts etc. in, 383
INHERITANCE among the Kiowa, 233
IOWA, military post in, 383
IRON-MOUNTAIN, _see_ PÚIWI-TÓYÄBI.
IRON-SHIRT-MAN, death of, 294
----, _see also_ BA-ZHE-ECH.
ĬSÄ-HÄ´BĬT in Caddo fight of 1860, 308
ĬSANÄ´NAKA, treaty signed by (1867), 186
Ĭ´SÄTAÍ, a Comanche medicine man, 201
ISIDORE, _Father_, _see_ RICKLIN.
JATAN, identification of, 167
JETAN, identification of, 167
JICARILLAS at battle of Adobe Walls, 316
----, Kiowa hostility to, 165
JONES, H. P., Kiowa interpreter, 206, 265, 332
----, on Kiowa council in 1868, 161
JUANA MARIA, clan symbol of, 165
----, portrait of, 150
KÁÄSÄ´NTE in hostilities of 1874, 204
---- in raid against Navaho, 345
----, stealing of ponies of, 200
KA-ATI-WERTZ-AMA-NA, portrait of, 195
----, reference to, 445
K'ADÓ, _see_ SUN-DANCE.
K'ADÓGYÄ´`TO, why so called, 277
KÁGIÄTSÉ, _see_ POLÍAKYA.
KAIAWAS, KAIOWAN, KAÍ-Ó-WÁS, KAIOWÉ, Kiowa synonyms, 148
K´ITSÉÑKO, a Kiowa military order, 230, 284
----, death song of, 329
----, initiation into, 287, 320
----, paraphernalia of, 297
KAÎ-WA, KAI-WANÉ, Kiowa synonyms, 148
KANATS, _see_ KANEATCHE.
KANEATCHE, a Ute chief, 324
KANSAS, Kiowa raid in, 335
----, military posts etc. in, 383
KÁNTSI, K`Á-PÄTOP, Kiowa Apache synonyms, 245
KASKAIAS, identification of, 168, 246
K`AT'A division of the Kiowa, 228
KA-TA-KA, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
K`A-T'OGYÄ, death of, 294
KATTEKAS, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
KAWAS, KAYAGUAS, Kiowa synonyms, 148
K`AYÄ´ÑTE, medicine-stick of, 301
KAYAWAYS, KAYOWA, KÁYOWÉ, KAYOWÚ, KAYUGUAS, KÁYUWA, KEAWAS,
KEAWAYS, Kiowa synonyms, 149
KEIM, DeB. R., on Kiowa Apache, 248
---- on Kiowa early habitat, 153
---- on Set-t'aiñte, 209
---- on Ute-Kiowa fight of 1868, 325
KENDALL, G. W., on Kiowa in 1841, 172
----, on Texan-Kiowa fight in 1841, 277
KEYES, _Capt._ A. D., defeat of Cheyenne by, 212
KÍ-Â-WÂ, KIAWAYS, Kiowa synonyms, 149
KICHAI village at site of Chouteau's fort, 171
KICKING-BEAR, _see_ T'ENÉ-ANGÓPTE.
KICKING-BIRD, account of, 216--218
----, civilized burial of, 252
----, declaration for peace by (1874), 204
----, peaceful attitude of, 190
----, _see also_ T'ENÉ-ANGÓPTE.
KIDI-KI-TASHE, Wichita name for themselves, 298
KILLS-WITH-A-GUN, _see_ H´ÑZEPTHÓ`DA.
KILMARTIN, ----, services of, as scout, 214
K'ÍÑÄHÍATE, death of, 271
KINAWAS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KIÑEP division of the Kiowa, 228
KINIWAS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KIOVAS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KIOWA APACHE, account of, 245--253
----, confederation of, with Comanche, 184
----, delegation from, in 1872, 251
----, friendliness of, in 1874, 202, 252
----, habitat of, in 1805, 166
----, horses among 161
----, incorporation with Kiowa of, 147, 156
----, land allotment of, 224
----, order of, in Kiowa camp circle 228
----, peace council participated in by (1872) 190
----, planned uprising among 176
----, population of, 235
----, signing of Medicine Lodge treaty by 186, 321
----, synonomy of 245
----, treaty agreement by (1865), 179
----, treaty signed by (1837), 169, 170
----, treaty signed by (1865), 180, 251
----, treaty signed by (1866), 184
KIOWA DUTCH, capture of, by Kiowa, 270
KIOWAHS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KIOWA MOUNTAINS, location of, 153
KIOWAYS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KĬSÍNĂHIS, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
KĬTSKÛKĂTÛ´K, a Wichita village in 1834, 267
KIWAA, a Kiowa synonym 149
KLAMATH, absence of clans among, 227
----, chronology of, 372
KNIFE-SHIRT, death of, 294
K`ÓDAL-AKÁ-I, a Kiowa trader, 281
KO`GÚI, division of the Kiowa, 228
KÓMPABÍĂNTĂ, a Kiowa synonym, 149, 152
KOMPÁGO, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KÓÑABÍÑATE, medicine stick of, 302
----, wounding of, 303
KÓÑATE, _see_ KÓÑABÍÑATE.
KOÑPÄ´TE, death of, 328
KOÑTÄ´LYUI division of the Kiowa, 228
KON-ZHON-TA-CO, _see_ GÚAÑTEKÁNA.
K`ÚATO, account of, 157, 227, 229
----, dialect of, 390
KUYAWAS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
KWÁHADI COMANCHE, hostile attitude of, 188, 193
----, hostility of, in 1874, 202
----, medicine-man of, 201
KWÚ'DĂ´, a Kiowa synonym, 149, 152
KYAWAYS, a Kiowa synonym, 149
LABADI, Agent, mission of, to Texan Indians, 181
LA HARPE, mention of Kiowa Apache by, 251
LAME-OLD-MAN, _see_ TÓÑP'ÓDAL-KYÄ-TO.
LANCE, MEDICINE, capture of, by Kiowa, 272
---- of Set-t´aiñte, 210
---- of the Kiowa, 338
LAND ALLOTMENTS to the Kiowa, 224
LANGUAGE, Kiowa, 389--390
----, Kiowa, tabu of words in, 152, 231, 345, 346, 349, 355, 390
----, _see also_ LINGUISTICS.
LA PLAYES, identification of, 166
LARRABEE, C. F., special Indian agent, 215
LA SALLE, R. C., mention of Kiowa Apache by, 248
---- on horses among Indians, 161
LEAN-BEAR, _see_ SET-TÁDAL.
LEAN-BUFFALO-BULL, _see_ PÁ-TÁDAL.
LEAVENWORTH, J. H., at Medicine Lodge treaty, 186
----, at treaty of 1865, 180
----, denunciation of, by Set-t'aiñte, 207
LEAVENWORTH, _General_, expedition under (1834), 263
LEEPER, ----, Kiowa interpreter, 332
LEWIS AND CLARK, Kiowa encountered by, 165
---- on Cheyenne habitat in 1805, 157
---- on Kiowa, 166
---- on Kiowa in 1805, 171
---- on smallpox among plains tribes, 168
----, reference to Kiowa Apache by, 246, 251
L'IATAN, identification of, 167
LINGUISTIC AFFINITY of Kiowa, 150
LITTLE-BEAR, _see_ SÉT-T'ÁN.
LITTLE-BLUFF, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
LITTLE-HEART, _see_ TÉN-ÄT'ÁNTE.
LITTLE-HORN, _see_ ÄTÉSTISTI.
LITTLE-MOUNTAIN, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
LITTLE-ROBE, _see_ KÁÄSÄ´NTE.
LONE-BEAR, _see_ SET-PÄ´GO.
LONE-CHIEF, a Pawnee chief, 334
LONE-DOG, winter count of, 142, 146
LONE-WOLF, a Kiowa chief, 233
----, capture of, 187
---- death of, 219
---- death of relatives of, 337
----, delegate in 1872, 192
----, delegate to Washington in 1892, 223, 364
----, deportation to Florida of, 215
----, fight precipitated by, 205
----, hostile threats by, 197, 199
----, hostility of, in 1874, 204
----, judge of Indian court, 220
----, presence of, at Washita council of 1872, 190
----, surrender of, 211
----, _see also_ GÚI-PÄ´GO.
LONG, S. H., on Kiowa in 1820, 168
----, possible reference to Kiowa Apache by, 246
LONG-FOOT, _see_ ÁNSOGÍĂNI.
LOOKING-ALIKE, _see_ PÄTSO`GÁTE.
LYMAN, _Capt._ WYLLIS, attack on supply train of, 210
MCCUSKER, PHILIP, interpreter at Medicine Lodge treaty, 186, 321
----, surrender of Kiowa to 211
MCINTOSH, CLERMONT, treaty signed by (1837), 170
MCINTOSH, ROLY, treaty signed by (1837), 170
MACKENZIE, _Gen._ R. S., attack on Cheyenne by, 211
----, conveyance of Kiowa prisoners to Texas by, 332
----, Kiowa name of, 211
----, sale of Kiowa horses by, 340
----, surrender of Comanche to, 214
MADISON, WILLIAM, early Kiowa trader, 172
MAH-VIP-PAH, _see_ BABÍ`PA.
MALFORMATION among the Kiowa, 347
MALLERY, GARRICK, finding of Lone-dog winter count by, 142
---- on Crow discovery of the Black Hills, 155
---- on Dakota calendars, 261
---- on Dakota and Cheyenne chronology, 371
---- on Dakota-Kiowa peace mission, 168
---- on Lone-dog calendar, 146
MAMÄ´NTE, raid in Texas by, 328
MANDAN, account of, 159
----, chronology of, 370
----, habitat of, 158
----, Kiowa horse trade with, 251
----, Kiowa intercourse with, 156, 158
----, Kiowa name of, 159
----, smallpox among, 172
M´NKA-GÚĂDAL, death of, 286
MANRHOAT, mention of, by La Salle, 157
----, possible identification of, 248
MÁÑTAHÁK`IA, Kiowa name of William Bent, 283
MANY-BEARS, _see_ SET-DAY´-ITE.
MÄÑYÍ-TÉN, flight of hostiles under, 188
----, treaty signed by (1867), 186
MARRIAGE CUSTOMS, Kiowa, 231
MARTINEZ, ANDRÉS, acknowledgments to, 147
----, capture of, by Kiowa, 319
----, interpreter to Kiowa delegation in 1894, 225
MĂSÁ`TE noted on Kiowa calendar 347
MÁSÉP, date of birth of, 146
MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, on changes in Indian languages, 390
---- on effect of use of Kiowa cradle, 155
---- on Hidatsa, 158
MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, on Hidatsa and Crow separation, 154, 155
----, on Hidatsa and Mandan chronology, 370
----, on Hidatsa tattooing, 159
MAWI, a Comanche war chief, 302
MAXIMILIAN, _Prince_, on Hidatsa time reckoning, 370
MAXWELL, ----, presentation of taime to, 324
MAYBY, ----, death of, 279
MEASLES among Kiowa, 218, 219, 223, 342, 362, 379
---- among Kiowa Apache, 252
----, Indian treatment of, 274
----, Kiowa treatment of, 362
MEDICINE-DANCE, Kiowa, 204
MEDICINE-LANCE, Kiowa, 325
MEDICINE-LODGE, Kiowa, 242, 243
----, Kiowa mode of building, 280
MEDICINE LODGE, treaty of, 181, 251, 320
MEDICINE-MAN, Kiowa, 220
MEDICINE-SONG, efficacy of, 276
MEDICINE-STICK, Kiowa, origin of, 302
----, sprouting of, 302
MEDICINE-TIED-TO-TIPI-POLE, _see_ GUNPÄ´ÑDAMA.
MEDICINES, Indian tribal, 242
----, _see also_ TAÍME.
MESCAL, _see_ PEYOTE.
MESCALERO APACHE among Kiowa Apache, 246--247
----, Kiowa treaty with, 165
---- tablets among the Creeks, 242
METEORIC DISPLAY, Kiowa record of, 260
MEXICANS, Kiowa capture of, 173
----, Kiowa fights with, 269, 271
----, Kiowa name for, 269
----, Kiowa raids on settlements of, 164, 165
----, Kiowa war parties against, 281, 302
----, stealing of Sun-boy's horses by, 340
MEXICO, Kiowa raids into, 173, 276, 282, 293, 296, 300, 306, 337
MIGRATION of the Kiowa, 152, 311
---- of the Kiowa Apache, 247
MILES, _Agent_, on outbreak of 1874, 201
MILES, _Gen._ N. A., campaign against Kiowa by, 210
----, _see also_ HIDATSA.
MINNESOTA, military posts in, 384
MIRRORS, tabu of, to the taíme, 323
----, Sonoran, list of, 381
MISSOURI, military posts, etc., in, 384
MODOK, chronology of, 372
MONEY, Kiowa capture of, 254
MONTANA, Kiowa formerly in, 155
----, military posts, etc., in, 384
MORGAN, L. H., theory of, as to clans, 227
MORSE, JEDIDIAH, on Comanche loss from smallpox, 168
MORTUARY FEAST of the Kiowa, 328
MOURNING among the Kiowa, 363
MURPHY, THOS., at Medicine Lodge treaty, 186
MUSCOGEE, _see_ CREEK.
MÛTSÍĂNĂ-TÄNÍU, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
MYERS, W. D., Kiowa, agent in 1888, 226
MYTHOLOGY, Kiowa, 153
----, _see also_ RELIGION.
NADÍISHAÑ-DÉNA, native name of Kiowa Apache, 156--245
----, meaning of, 246
NAH TAN, treaty signed by (1867), 186
NÁ-ISHAÑ-DÉNA, correction of Ná-isha-déna to, 445
----, _see also_ NADÍISHAÑ-DÉNA.
NA'LÁNI, a Kiowa synonym, 149
NAME Kiowa, origin of, 152
NAME SYSTEM of the Kiowa, 231
NASTHOE, a Wichita chief, 268
NAVAHO hostility to Cheyenne, 301
----, killing of, by a Kiowa, 320
----, Kiowa hostility to, 165, 345
----, Kiowa war parties against, 175, 231, 301, 322
----, stealing of Kiowa pony by, 320
NEBRASKA, Kiowa formerly in, 155
----, military posts etc. in, 385
NECKLACES of the Dakota, 281
NEIL, _Col._ T. H., surrender of Cheyenne to, 212
NEOLITHIC class of artifacts, discussion of, 252
NEVADA, military posts in, 385
NEW MEXICO, Kiowa raids in, 175, 339
----, military posts etc. in, 385
----, smallpox in, 275
NEZ PERCÉS, Kiowa name of, 154
----, visit to Kiowa by, 351
NĬ'CHIHINĔ'NA, a Kiowa synonym, 149
NICHOLS, _Lieut._ MAURY, Kiowa agent in 1893, 226
NI-CÍ-HE-NEN-A, NITCHIHI, Kiowa synonyms, 149
NOKONI COMANCHE, surrender of, in 1874, 204
NOLAN, _Captain_, on Kiowa buffalo hunt, 344
NO-MOCCASINS, _see_ DÓHÉÑTE.
NORTH DAKOTA, military posts etc. in, 386
OKLAHOMA, military posts, etc., in, 383
OLD-MAN-OF-THE-SUN-DANCE, _see_ K'ADÓGYÄ´`TO.
OMAHA, sacred medicine of, 242
OMENS among the Kiowa, 242
ONE-BEAR, _see_ SET-PÄ´GO.
ONONDAGA, mortuary customs of, 288
ON-TOP-OF-THE-HILL, _see_ A`gabaí.
ORATOR OF THE PLAINS, name applied to Set-t'aiñte, 206, 207
OSAGE, capture of taíme by, 259
----, Kiowa hostility to, 165
----, Kiowa name for, 300
----, massacre of Kiowa by (1833), 168, 257
----, torture of captives by, 203
----, treaty signed by (1837), 169--170
----, war custom of, 259
OURAY, successor to Kanats, 325
OVERLAND MAIL, abandonment of stations by, 177
----, provision of escorts for, 179
OWL, Kiowa regard for, 345
PÄBÓTE, death of, 346
PACER, death of, 252
----, delegate to Washington in 1872, 192, 252
PADOUCA, _see_ COMANCHE.
PÁ-GUÑHÉÑTE, death of, 323
---- in expedition against Navaho, 323
PÁ-IÑGYA, account of, 220, 350, 356
PAINTED-LIPS, _see_ TĬPINÄVŎN.
PAÍ-TÄLYÍ, _see_ SUN-BOY.
PÁK´IÄGO, Kiowa name of Sarsi, 160, 330
PAKÍ-GUDĂLKANTĂ, Kiowa name of the Brulé, 160
PA-KÓÑKYA, stealing of Guibadái's wife by, 337
PALÄNI, Dakota name for Arikara, 158
PANA, identification of, 248
PANCASSA, identification of, 248
PANGYAGIATE, death of, 296
PÄRÉIYÄ, a Comanche leader, 162
----, death of, 164
PÄRIĂSÉAMAN, a Comanche chief, 161
----, treaty signed by (1867), 186
PARKER, CYNTHIA, capture of, by Comanche, 270
PARRY-WAH-SAY-MEN, _see_ PÄRIĂSÉAMAN.
PASSOS, mention of, by La Salle, 248
PÁ-TÁDAL, party against Navaho led by, 322
----, Sarsi descent of, 160
----, surrender of, 206, 211
PA-TEPTE, dó-á game led by, 347
----, effort to restore buffalo by, 349
----, _see also_ DÁTEKÂÑ.
PÄTSO´GÁTE, death of, 349
PAWNEE, Arapaho attack on, 276
----, Cheyenne and Kiowa, slaughter of, 175
----, cholera among, 290
----, chronology of, 370
----, habitat of, 248
----, Kiowa fights with, 286, 290, 293
----, Kiowa hostility to, 160
----, Kiowa name for, 259
----, Kiowa peacemaking with, 333
----, origin of name of, 291
----, Osage hostility to, 295
----, outlawry of, 172
----, raid on Kiowa horses by, 305
----, removal to Oklahoma of, 333
----, smallpox among, 168, 275
----, war customs of, 161, 259
PEACE COUNCIL of 1872, 190
PEACEMAKING among Kiowa and Pawnee, 334
PEET, TIMOTHY, acknowledgments to, 147
PÉNÄTÉKA, a Comanche division, 162, 164
----, habitat of, in 1860, 308
PESO, _see_ PACER.
PETTIS _Lieut._ G.H., on battle of Adobe Walls, 316
PEYI, suicide of, 354
PEYOTE, Kiowa reverence for, 237, 238, 239
PHYSICAL CHARACTERS of Kiowa, 171
PIÄNÄ´VONĬT, delegate to Washington in 1894, 225
PICTOGRAPHIC RECORDS among aborigines, 141
PIKE, Z.M., on James Pursley, 171
PIKES PEAK, gold rush to, 177
PIPE, ceremonial use of, 297
----, sacred, of the Arapaho, 242
---- use of, in Kiowa war ceremony, 312, 322, 328
PIPE-GIVING ceremony, 282
PLAINS INDIANS, war among, 176, 178
PLENTY-POLES, Kiowa met in north by, 155
P'ÓDALÄ´ÑTE, death of, 361, 362, 377
PÓDODAL, strange experience of, 345
POHÓME, _see_ SMITH, JOHN.
P'OLÄ´ÑTE, _see_ P'ÓDALÄ´ÑTE.
POLÄ´ÑYI-KATÓN, calendar of, 144
POLÄ´ÑYUP, a Kiowa military order, 230
POLÍAKYĂ, a Kiowa, chief, 164, 263
POLYGAMY among Kiowa, 233
POLYNESIANS, absence of clans among, 227
POOR-BEAR, _see_ GÚAÑTEKÁNA.
POOR-BUFFALO, _see_ PÁ-TÁDAL.
POO-YAH-TO-YEH-BE, _see_ PÚIWI-TÓYÄBI.
POPE, _Gen._ JOHN, campaign of, in 1874, 204
---- on Kiowa character, 235
---- on the Hueco Tanks, 302, 305
---- on outbreak of 1874-75, 199
POPULATION, Kiowa, 235
----, Kiowa Apache, 253
POWELL, J.W. on the chief Kanats, 325
PRAIRIE, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
PRARIE FIRE, calendar record of, 354
PRICE, _Maj._ W.R., campaign against Kiowa by, 210
----, Osage treatment of, 257, 259
PUEBLO INDIANS, Kiowa trade with, 165
----, Kiowa performance of dance of, 377
----, visit to Kiowa by, 336, 347
PÚIWI-TÓYÄBI, treaty signed by (1867), 186
PURSLEY, JAMES, early trader, 171
PUSHING-BEAR, _see_ SET-ĬMKÍA.
QUAKERS, _see_ BATTEY; HAWORTH; STANDING.
QUANAH, capture of mother of, 270
----, delegate to Washington in 1892, 223, 364
----, effort to lease grasslands by, 350
---- in battle of Adobe Walls, 203
----, judge of Indian court, 221
----, surrender of band under, 214
QUATAQUOIS, QUATAQUON, Kiowa Apache synonyms, 245
QUIPU, _see_ STRINGS.
QUIVERS of the Kiowa, 276
RABBIT, tabu of, to the taíme, 323
RABBITS, a Kiowa military order, 230
RAIN symbols of Chinese and Indians, comparison of, 295
RAWHIDE DANCE, description of, 312
RECORDS, aboriginal, discussion of, 141, 142
RED-FOOD, death of, 205
----, surrender of, 211
RED-OTTER, _see_ ÁPEÑ-GÚĂDAL.
RED-SLEEVE, death of, 286
REE, _see_ ARIKARA.
RELIGION, Kiowa, 237
RIANA, a Kiowa synonym, 149
RICKLIN, _Rev._ ISIDORE, acknowledgments to, 147
RUNNERS, Pawnee, feats of, 260
RYAWAS, RYUWAS, Kiowa synonyms, 149
SACRIFICE during mourning, 363
---- of properly among Kiowa, 223
----, propitiatory, among Kiowa, 310
SÁDALSÓMTE-K`ÍÄGO, a Kiowa-Apache synonym, 245
SAD-DY-YO, _see_ SÄ´RIYO.
SAITKOPETA, _see_ SET-K'OPTE.
SANBORN, J. B., treaty commissioner, 183
SANTA FÉ EXPEDITION, _see_ TEXANS.
SANTA FÉ TRADERS, Comanche attack on, 286
----, smallpox communicated by, 275
SANTA FÉ TRAIL, decline in raids on, 287
----, menace of, by Indians, 182
----, protection of, against Kiowa raids, 173
SA-PA-GA, _see_ SET-PÄ´GO.
SÄ´RIYO, treaty signed by (1867), 186
SARSI, Kiowa name of, 330
----, Kiowa visits to, 160
SA-TA-MORE, _see_ SET-EM´-I.
SATANA, _see_ SET-T'AIÑTE.
SATANK, _see_ SET-ÄNGYA.
SA-TAN-TA, _see_ SET-T'AIÑTE.
SA-TIM-GEAR, _see_ SET-ĬMKÍA.
SAUK AND FOX, Comanche war party against, 302
----, defeat of Kiowa and others by, 174
----, Kiowa fight with, 297
SCALP-DANCE of the Kiowa, 291
SCALPING among Osage and plains tribes, 260
SCHOFIELD, _Maj._ G. W., Kiowa surrender to, 211
SCHOOLS among the Kiowa, 198
----, in Indian Territory, 185
SCHOOL BOYS, Kiowa, death of, in blizzard, 222, 360, 376
SCOTT, _Capt._ H. L., acknowledgments to, 147
----, delegate to Washington in 1894, 225
SCOTT, _Capt._ H. L., disturbance among the Kiowa quieted by, 360
----, Dohásän calendar obtained by, 143
----, information furnished by, 146
----, Indian troop commanded by, 223, 362
---- on Kiowa, 346
----, portrait of, 224
----, report of, on whipping of Kiowa boys, 361
----, SET-T'AIÑTE shield willed to, 210
SCOUTS, Kiowa, enlistment of, 341
SEASONS of the Kiowa, 366
SEMÄT, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
----, order of, in Kiowa camp circle, 228
SEMATMA, capture of, by Osage, 258
SEÑI, _see_ PEYOTE.
SÉNPO-GÚADAL, Kiowa name of Haworth, 198
SET-ÄGYAÍ, death of, 294
SET-ÄNGYA, arrest of, 188, 328
---- at Medicine Lodge treaty, 321
----, death of, 188, 284, 329, 332--333
----, leader of Kiowa warrior order, 285
---- on expedition against Pawnee, 293
----, portrait of, 189
----, recovery of bones of, 327
----, Sarsi descent of, 160
----, treaty signed by (1867), 185
----, wounding of, 286
SET-DAY´-ITE, burial of, 326
----, death of, 186, 323, 351
---- in expedition against Navaho, 322
----, purchase of Mexican captives by, 319
----, taíme priest, 340
----, treaty signed by (1865), 179
SET-EM´-I, treaty signed by (1867), 186
SET-ĬMKÍA, acknowledgments to, 147
---- at Medicine Lodge treaty, 321
----, data concerning, 146
----, information furnished by, 146
---- in raid against Ute, 306
----, treaty signed by (1865), 179
----, treaty signed by (1867), 186
----, _see also_ STUMBLING-BEAR.
SET-K'OPTE, PAUL, acknowledgments to, 147
----, data concerning 147
----, education of, 216
---- on Kiowa fight in 1864, 315
----, stealing of wife of, 377
SET-PÄ´GO, treaty signed by (1867), 186
SET-TÁDAL, bravery of, 315
----, treaty signed by (1867), 180
SET-T'AIÑTE, account of, 177, 206--210
----, arrest of, 188, 328
---- at Medicine Lodge treaty, 321
----, bugle possessed by, 327
----, capture of, by Custer, 187
----, efforts for release of, 190, 191
---- in raid against Ute, 306
----, portrait of, 178, 330
----, raids conducted by, 329
----, release of, 195, 337
----, resignation of chieftaincy by, 338
----, surrender of, 206
----, treaty signed by (1867), 185
----, war party led by, 181
SET-T'AN, acknowledgments to, 147
----, data concerning, 146
----, portrait of, 254
----, presentation of calendar by, 145
SET-T'AN CALENDAR, description of, 144
----, period covered by, 143
----, whereabouts of, 146
SHEEP, purchase of, for Kiowa, 340
SHELLS, sacred, of the Omaha, 242
SHERIDAN, _Gen._ P. H., arrest of Set-t'aiñte by, 209
---- on Kiowa character, 235
SHERMAN, _Gen._ W. T., arrest of hostiles by, 188
----, Indian policy of, 186
---- on Kiowa raids, 331
SHIELDS of the Kiowa, 231
SHIRLEY, WM., interpreter at treaty of 1885, 180
----, sacking of store of, 205
SHÍSH-I-NÚ-WUT-TSÍT-A-NI-O, a Kiowa synonym, 149
SHOSHONI, Kiowa name of, 160
SÍACHĬ´NIKA, treaty signed by (1867), 186
SIERRITO, _see_ DOHÁSÄN.
SIGN, TRIBAL, Arikara, 158
----, Dakota, 281
----, Hidatsa, 159
----, Kiowa, 150
----, Kiowa Apache, 246
----, Mandan, 159
----, Sarsi, 160
SILVER-BROOCH, _see_ TÄ´SAWI.
SILVER-KNIFE, death of, 308
SÍNDIYÚI division of the Kiowa, 228
SIOUX, absence of clans among, 227
----, character of, 234
----, war with (1862), 176
----, _see also_ DAKOTA.
SIT-PAR-GA, _see_ SET-PÄ´GO.
SITTING-BEAR, _see_ SET-ÄNGYA.
SITTING-BULL among the Kiowa, 359
----, introduction of ghost-dance among Kiowa by, 221, 375
SKUNKBERRY PEOPLE, a Kiowa military order, 230
SKUNKS, tabu of, to the taíme, 323
SLEEPING-WOLF, _see_ GÚI-K`ÁTE.
SMALLPOX among Kiowa, 168, 172, 176, 274, 311
---- among plains tribes, 177
----, Indian treatment of, 274
SMITH, JOHN, trading with Kiowa by, 318
SMOKING as a war ceremony, 282
SOCIOLOGY, Kiowa, 227
SONDÓTA, Kiowa name of the Shoshoni, 160
SON-OF-THE-SAND, _see_ PEYI.
SORE-BACKED-HORSE, _see_ TÄYĂKWOIP.
SOTO, _see_ CHOUTEAU, AUGUSTE.
SOUTH DAKOTA, military posts etc. in, 386
SPOILED-SADDLE-BLANKET, _see_ TAKÁ-I-BODAL.
STANDING, A. J., establishment of Kiowa Apache school by, 252
STANDING-HEAD-FEATHER, _see_ SÍACHĬ´NIKA.
STAYS-IN-TIPI, _see_ GOÑK`OÑ.
STICKS, notched, for recording events, 142
STILWELL, ----, services of, as scout, 214
STOKES, MONTFORT, at Port Gibson council, 1834, 169
----, treaty commissioner in 1837, 170
STONE-CALF, surrender of Cheyenne under, 212
STONE-NECKLACE, death of, 283
STOVES among the Kiowa, 352
STRINGS, knotted, for recording events, 142
STUMBLING-BEAR, death of son of, 358
----, house built for, 342
---- in Kiowa fight of 1864, 315
---- in Washita council of 1872, 191
---- on the Arikara, 158
----, _see also_ SET-ĬMKÍA.
STURM, _Dr_ J. J., persuades Comanche to surrender, 214
SUICIDE among Kiowa, 173, 290, 334
SUN, Kiowa deification of, 237
----, sacrifice to, among Kiowa, 297
SUN-BOY, death of, 221, 358
----, delegate to Washington in 1872, 192
----, house built for, 342
----, in Washita council of 1872, 191
----, shooting of T'ené-zépte by, 335
----, stealing of horses of, 340
SUN-DANCE, Kiowa, 237, 242--244
----, Kiowa, decline of, 352
----, Kiowa, end of, 359
----, Kiowa, purchase of buffalo for, 355
----, Kiowa, relation of taíme to, 261
----, Kiowa, revival of, 353
----, Kiowa, stopping of, by officials, 356
----, last, by the Kiowa, 221
SUN-DANCE MEDICINE, _see_ TAÍME.
SWAN, hostility of, in 1874, 204
----, surrender of, 211
SYNONYMY of the Kiowa, 148
---- of the Kiowa Apache, 245
TÄBINÄ´NAKA, Comanche councilman in 1888, 221
---- in Caddo fight of 1860, 308
----, surrender of, 211
TABU during sun-dance, 296
---- of Kiowa words, 152
---- of names by the, 210, 231, 345, 346, 349, 355, 390
---- to the taíme, 243, 323
T´GUGALA, TAGÛI, TÁGUKERÉSH, Kiowa Apache synonyms, 245
TAHA, house built for, 342
TAÍME, a Kiowa "medicine", 238, 240
----, capture of, by Osage, 259
----, description of, 324
----, keepers of, 228
----, source of, 155, 156
----, tabus to, 323
----, violation of rules of, 296, 310
TAÍMETE, a taíme priest, 241, 340, 351
TAKÁ-I-BODAL, treaty signed by (1867), 186
TÁMĬSI, Kiowa name of Battey, 193
TAÑGÍAPA, death of, 293
TÄN-GÚĂDAL, death of, 325
TÄ´N-KÓÑKYA, death of, 318
T'ÄÑPÉKO, a Kiowa military order, 230
TAPPAN, S. F., treaty commissioner, 183
TÄ´SAWI, treaty signed by (1867), 186
TASHĬN, a Kiowa Apache synonym, 245
TATTOOING among the Kiowa, 159
---- among the Mandan, 159
TATUM, LAWRIE, acknowledgments to, 147
----, Kiowa agent, 226, 329, 331
---- on Set-ängya, 331
TAWÁKONI, treaty signed by (1837), 169, 251
TAWÁKONI JIM, judge of Indian court, 221
TÄYĂKWOIP, treaty signed by (1867), 186
TAYLOR, N. G., treaty commissioner, 183
T`ÉBODAL, acknowledgments to, 147
----, age and position of, 163
----, destruction of property of, 354
---- in Cheyenne massacre, 272
----, information furnished by, 146
---- in war raids, 258, 259
---- on the K'úato massacre, 157
TEH-TOOT-SAH, Catlin's name for Dohásän, 268
TÉN-ÄT'ÁNTE, death of, 294
TEN-BEARS, _see_ PÄRIĂSÉAMAN.
TÉÑBEYÚI, a Kiowa military order, 230
T'ENÉ-ANGÓPTE, influence of Battey over, 193
----, portrait of, 196
----, treaty signed by (1865), 179
----, treaty signed by (1867), 185
----, _see also_ _Kicking-bird_.
T'ENÉ-BADAÍ, death of, 308
TEN-ELKS, _see_ PÄRIĂSÉAMAN.
T'ENÉTAIDE, calendar record of, 377
----, Kiowa raid under, 336
T'ENÉ-ZÉPTE, shooting of, 335
TEN-PÍÄK`IA, violation of taíme rules by, 296
----, wounding of, 274
TÉPDĂ´, a Kiowa synonym, 149, 152
TEPK`ÍÑÄGO, Kiowa synonym, 149
TEP-PE-NAVON, _see_ TĬ´PINÄVÓN.
TERRY, _Gen._ A. H., treaty commissioner, 183
TETAU, identification of, 167
TEXANS, atrocities committed by, 214
----, attack on Comanche by, 214
----, Kiowa fight with, 277
----, Kiowa name for, 255
----, Kiowa opinion concerning, 170
----, raid on Kiowa by, 197
----, raids on Indians by, 205
----, Santa Fé expedition of (1841), 172, 173
----, stealing of Indian horses by, 214
TEXAS, Cheyenne raids in, 177
----, Comanche raids in, 177, 187, 199
----, Kiowa raids in, 165, 173, 177, 181, 187, 188, 270, 280, 309,
319, 325, 328, 329, 344
----, military posts etc. in, 387
----, treatment of Indians by, 182
----, warning to Indians against raids in, 190
THA`KÁ-HINĔ´NA, THA`KA-ITÄN, Kiowa Apache synonyms, 245
T'HÄPET'HÄPÁYIT'HE, a Kiowa synonym, 149
THE-SAME-ONE, _see_ DAVEKO.
THICK-BLANKET, _see_ POLÍAKYĂ.
TIL-LA-KA, _see_ TÍ´L-'LAKAÍ.
TĬ´L-'LAKAÍ, treaty signed by (1867), 186
TIME, _see_ CALENDAR; CHRONOLOGY.
TĬ´PINÄVÓN, treaty signed by (1867), 186
TIPIS, heraldic, of the Kiowa, 231, 336
TIR-HA-YAH-GUAHIP, _see_ TÄYĂKWOIP.
TOBACCO on head of Kiowa sacred image, 240
TÓ`-ÉDALTE, death of, 270
TOHAINT, _see_ DÓ-HÉÑTE.
T'Ó-K'ÍÑÄHYUP division of the Kiowa, 227
TÓME, a Kiowa trader, 172, 262
TÓME-TE, _see_ TÓME.
TON-A-EN-KO, _see_ T'ENÉ-ANGÓPTE.
TÓN-AK`Á, stealing of woman by, 353
TONKAWA, killing of Comanche by, 199
----, Kiowa hostility to, 165
----, outlawry of, 172
TÓÑKÓÑKO, a Kiowa military order, 230, 284, 315
----, Kiowa name of the Blackfeet, 160
TÓÑP'ÓDAL-KYÄ-TO, war party led by, 255
TORTURE of captives, 188
TO-SA-IN, _see_ TÄ´SAWI.
TO-SHE-WI, _see_ TÄ´SAWI.
TOUCH-THE-CLOUDS, death of, 294
TRADERS among Kiowa, 171
---- among plains tribes, 168
TRADING POSTS, list of, 381
TRADITION, mode of transmitting, 145
----, _see also_ RECORDS.
TREATY, Kiowa Apache, of 1865, 251
----, Kiowa, of 1837, 251
----, Kiowa, of 1853, 173
----, Kiowa, of 1865, 178
----, Kiowa, of 1866, 184
---- of Medicine Lodge, 1867, 181, 251
----, Tawákoni, of 1837, 251
---- with plains tribes in 1835 and 1837, 169
TRIBAL SIGN, _see_ SIGN, TRIBAL.
TSÄ´DAL-T'AIÑ, _see_ SWAN.
TSÂLI, _see_ WHITACRE, C. W.
TSÄ´ÑYUI, a Kiowa military order, 230
TSÁYĂDÍTL-TI, _see_ WHITE-MAN.
TSÉÑ-´DALKA-I