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Title: The Anabasis of Alexander - or, The History of the Wars and Conquests of Alexander the Great
Author: Nicomedia, Arrian of
Language: English
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THE
ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER.
THE
ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER;
OR,
The History of the Wars and Conquests of Alexander the Great.
_LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH A COMMENTARY,
FROM THE GREEK OF ARRIAN THE NICOMEDIAN_,
BY
E. J. CHINNOCK, M.A., LL.B., LONDON,
_Rector of Dumfries Academy_.
London:
HODDER AND STOUGHTON,
27, PATERNOSTER ROW.
MDCCCLXXXIV.
Butler & Tanner,
The Selwood Printing Works,
Frome, and London.
PREFACE.
When I began this Translation, more than two years ago, I had no
intention of publishing it; but as the work progressed, it occurred
to me that Arrian is an Author deserving of more attention from the
English-speaking races than he has yet received. No edition of his
works has, so far as I am aware, ever appeared in England, though on
the Continent many have been published. In the following Translation I
have tried to give as literal a rendering of the Greek text as I could
without transgressing the idioms of our own language. My theory of the
duty of a Translator is, to give the _ipsissima verba_ of his Author
as nearly as possible, and not put into his mouth words which he never
used, under the mistaken notion of improving his diction or his way of
stating his case. It is a comparatively easy thing to give a paraphrase
of a foreign work, presenting the general drift of the original; but no
one, unless he has himself tried it, can understand the difficulty of
translating a classical Author correctly without omission or mutilation.
In the Commentary which I have compiled, continual reference has been
made to the other extant authorities on the history of Alexander,
such as Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, Justin, and Aelian; so that I
think I may safely assert that, taking the Translation and the Notes
together, the book forms a complete history of Alexander’s reign. Much
geographical and other material has also been gathered from Herodotus,
Strabo, Pliny, and Ammianus; and the allusions to the places which are
also mentioned in the Old Testament are given from the Hebrew.
As Arrian lived in the second century of the present era, and nearly
five hundred years after Demosthenes, it is not to be expected that he
wrote classical Greek. There are, however, at least a dozen valuable
Greek authors of this century whose works are still extant, and of
these it is a safe statement to make, that Arrian is the best of them
all, with the single exception of Lucian. I have noticed as many of his
deviations from Attic Greek constructions as I thought suitable to a
work of this kind. A complete index of Proper Names has been added, and
the quantities of the vowels marked for the aid of the English Reader.
In the multiplicity of references which I have put into the Notes, I
should be sanguine if I imagined that no errors will be found; but if
such occur, I must plead as an excuse the pressure of work which a
teacher in a large school experiences, leaving him very little energy
for literary labour.
E. J. C.
DUMFRIES,
_December, 1883_.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Life and Writings of Arrian 1
Arrian’s Preface 6
BOOK I.
CHAP.
I. Death of Philip and Accession of Alexander.—His Wars
with the Thracians 8
II. Battle with the Triballians 12
III. Alexander at the Danube and in the Country of the
Getae 14
IV. Alexander destroys the City of the Getae.—The Ambassadors
of the Celts 16
V. Revolt of Clitus and Glaucias 18
VI. Defeat of Clitus and Glaucias 22
VII. Revolt of Thebes (_September_, B.C. 335) 25
VIII. Fall of Thebes 28
IX. Destruction of Thebes 31
X. Alexander’s Dealings with Athens 34
XI. Alexander crosses the Hellespont and visits Troy 36
XII. Alexander at the Tomb of Achilles.—Memnon’s advice
Rejected by the Persian Generals 38
XIII. Battle of the Granicus (B.C. 334) 41
XIV. Arrangement of the Hostile Armies 43
XV. Description of the Battle of the Granicus 45
XVI. Defeat of the Persians.—Loss on Both Sides 47
XVII. Alexander in Sardis and Ephesus 50
XVIII. Alexander marches to Miletus and Occupies the
Island of Lade 52
XIX. Siege and Capture of Miletus 55
XX. Siege of Halicarnassus.—Abortive Attack on Myndus 58
XXI. Siege of Halicarnassus 61
XXII. Siege of Halicarnassus 63
XXIII. Destruction of Halicarnassus.—Ada, Queen of Caria 64
XXIV. Alexander in Lycia and Pamphylia 66
XXV. Treason of Alexander, Son of Aëropus 68
XXVI. Alexander in Pamphylia.—Capture of Aspendus and
Side 70
XXVII. Alexander in Phrygia and Pisidia 72
XXVIII. Operations in Pisidia 74
XXIX. Alexander in Phrygia 76
BOOK II.
I. Capture of Mitylene by the Persians.—Death of Memnon 78
II. The Persians capture Tenedus.—They are Defeated at
Sea 80
III. Alexander at Gordium 82
IV. Conquest of Cappadocia.—Alexander’s Illness at Tarsus 84
V. Alexander at the Tomb of Sardanapalus.—Proceedings
in Cilicia 87
VI. Alexander advances to Myriandrus.—Darius Marches
against him 89
VII. Darius at Issus.—Alexander’s Speech to his Army 91
VIII. Arrangement of the Hostile Armies 94
IX. Alexander changes the Disposition of his Forces 97
X. Battle of Issus 99
XI. Defeat and Flight of Darius 101
XII. Kind Treatment of Darius’s Family 104
XIII. Flight of Macedonian Deserters into Egypt.—Proceedings
of Agis, King of Sparta.—Alexander occupies
Phoenicia 106
XIV. Darius’s Letter, and Alexander’s Reply 111
XV. Alexander’s Treatment of the Captured Greek
Ambassadors.—Submission of Byblus and Sidon 114
XVI. The Worship of Hercules in Tyre.—The Tyrians refuse
to admit Alexander 117
XVII. Speech of Alexander to his Officers 120
XVIII. Siege of Tyre.—Construction of a Mole from the
Mainland to the Island 121
XIX. The Siege of Tyre 123
XX. Tyre Besieged by Sea as well as Land 124
XXI. Siege of Tyre 127
XXII. Siege of Tyre.—Naval Defeat of the Tyrians b 129
XXIII. Siege of Tyre 131
XXIV. Capture of Tyre 132
XXV. The Offers of Darius rejected.—Batis, Governor of
Gaza, refuses to Submit 134
XXVI. Siege of Gaza 136
XXVII. Capture of Gaza 137
BOOK III.
I. Conquest of Egypt.—Foundation of Alexandria 140
II. Foundation of Alexandria.—Events in the Aegean 142
III. Alexander visits the Temple of Ammon 144
IV. The Oasis of Ammon 147
V. Settlement of the Affairs of Egypt 148
VI. March into Syria.—Alexander’s Kindness to Harpalus
and his other early Adherents 150
VII. Passage of the Euphrates and Tigris 152
VIII. Description of Darius’s Army at Arbela 154
IX. Alexander’s Tactics.—His Speech to the Officers 157
X. Rejection of Parmenio’s Advice 159
XI. Tactics of the Opposing Generals 160
XII. Alexander’s Tactics 163
XIII. The Battle of Arbela 164
XIV. Battle of Arbela.—Flight of Darius 166
XV. Defeat of the Persians and Pursuit of Darius 168
XVI. Escape of Darius into Media.—March of Alexander
to Babylon and Susa 170
XVII. Subjugation of the Uxians 174
XVIII. Defeat of Ariobarzanes and Capture of Persepolis 176
XIX. Darius pursued into Media and Parthia 179
XX. March through the Caspian Gates 181
XXI. Darius is Assassinated by Bessus 182
XXII. Reflections on the Fate of Darius 185
XXIII. Expedition into Hyrcania 187
XXIV. Expedition against the Mardians 189
XXV. March to Bactra.—Bessus aided by Satibarzanes 191
XXVI. Philotas and Parmenio put to Death 193
XXVII. Treatment of Amyntas.—The Ariaspians 195
XXVIII. Alexander crosses the Hindu-Koosh 196
XXIX. Conquest of Bactria, and Pursuit of Bessus across
the Oxus 199
XXX. Capture of Bessus.—Exploits in Sogdiana 201
BOOK IV.
I. Rebellion of the Sogdianians 205
II. Capture of Five Cities in Two Days 206
III. Storming of Cyropolis.—Revolt of the Scythians 208
IV. Defeat of the Scythians beyond the Tanais 210
V. Spitamenes destroys a Macedonian Detachment 212
VI. Spitamenes driven into the Desert 214
VII. Treatment of Bessus 216
VIII. The Murder of Clitus 218
IX. Alexander’s grief for Clitus 221
X. Dispute between Callisthenes and Anaxarchus 223
XI. Callisthenes Opposes the Proposal to honour Alexander
by Prostration 225
XII. Callisthenes refuses to Prostrate himself 228
XIII. Conspiracy of the Pages 229
XIV. Execution of Callisthenes and Hermolaüs 231
XV. Alliance with the Scythians and Chorasmians 233
XVI. Subjugation of Sogdiana.—Revolt of Spitamenes 235
XVII. Defeat and Death of Spitamenes 237
XVIII. Oxyartes Besieged in the Sogdian Rock 239
XIX. Alexander Captures the Rock and Marries Roxana 241
XX. Magnanimous Treatment of the Family of Darius 242
XXI. Capture of the Rock of Chorienes 244
XXII. Alexander reaches the River Cabul, and Receives the
Homage of Taxiles 246
XXIII. Battles with the Aspasians 248
XXIV. Operations against the Aspasians 250
XXV. Defeat of the Aspasians.—The Assacenians and
Guraeans Attacked 252
XXVI. Siege of Massaga 254
XXVII. Sieges of Massaga and Ora 255
XXVIII. Capture of Bazira.—Advance to the Rock of
Aornus 257
XXIX. Siege of Aornus 260
XXX. Capture of Aornus.—Arrival at the Indus 262
BOOK V.
I. Alexander at Nysa 265
II. Alexander at Nysa 267
III. Incredulity of Eratosthenes.—Passage of the Indus 269
IV. Digression about India 270
V. Mountains and Rivers of Asia 273
VI. General Description of India 274
VII. Method of Bridging Rivers 277
VIII. March from the Indus to the Hydaspes 279
IX. Porus obstructs Alexander’s Passage 280
X. Alexander and Porus at the Hydaspes 282
XI. Alexander’s Stratagem to get across 283
XII. Passage of the Hydaspes 284
XIII. Passage of the Hydaspes 285
XIV. The Battle at the Hydaspes 287
XV. Arrangements of Porus 288
XVI. Alexander’s Tactics 290
XVII. Defeat of Porus 291
XVIII. Losses of the Combatants.—Porus Surrenders 293
XIX. Alliance with Porus.—Death of Bucephalas 295
XX. Conquest of the Glausians.—Embassy from Abisares.—Passage
of the Acesines 297
XXI. Advance beyond the Hydraotes 299
XXII. Invasion of the Land of the Cathaeans 301
XXIII. Assault upon Sangala 302
XXIV. Capture of Sangala 304
XXV. The Army refuses to Advance.—Alexander’s Speech
to the Officers 306
XXVI. Alexander’s Speech (_continued_) 308
XXVII. The Answer of Coenus 311
XXVIII. Alexander resolves to Return 313
XXIX. Alexander recrosses the Hydraotes and Acesines 314
BOOK VI.
I. Preparations for a Voyage down the Indus 317
II. Voyage down the Hydaspes 318
III. Voyage down the Hydaspes (_continued_) 320
IV. Voyage down the Hydaspes into the Acesines 321
V. Voyage down the Acesines 323
VI. Campaign against the Mallians 324
VII. Campaign against the Mallians (_continued_) 326
VIII. Defeat of the Mallians at the river Hydraotes 328
IX. Storming of the Mallian Stronghold 329
X. Alexander dangerously Wounded 331
XI. Alexander Wounded 333
XII. Anxiety of the Soldiers about Alexander 335
XIII. Joy of the Soldiers at Alexander’s Recovery 336
XIV. Voyage down the Hydraotes and Acesines into the
Indus 338
XV. Voyage down the Indus to the Land of Musicanus 340
XVI. Campaign against Oxycanus and Sambus 342
XVII. Musicanus Executed.—Capture of Patala 343
XVIII. Voyage down the Indus 345
XIX. Voyage down the Indus into the Sea 346
XX. Exploration of the Mouths of the Indus 348
XXI. Campaign against the Oritians 349
XXII. March through the Desert of Gadrosia 351
XXIII. March through the Desert of Gadrosia 353
XXIV. March through Gadrosia 355
XXV. Sufferings of the Army 356
XXVI. Alexander’s Magnanimous Conduct 358
XXVII. March through Carmania.—Punishment of Viceroys 360
XXVIII. Alexander in Carmania 362
XXIX. Alexander in Persis.—Tomb of Cyrus Repaired 364
XXX. Peucestas appointed Viceroy of Persis 367
BOOK VII.
I. Alexander’s Plans.—The Indian Philosophers 369
II. Alexander’s Dealings with the Indian Sages 371
III. Self-sacrifice of the Indian Calanus 372
IV. Marriages between Macedonians and Persians 374
V. The Soldiers Rewarded 376
VI. An Army of Asiatics Trained under the Macedonian
Discipline 378
VII. Navigation of the Tigres 379
VIII. The Macedonians Offended at Alexander 381
IX. Alexander’s Speech 383
X. Alexander’s Speech (_continued_) 386
XI. Reconciliation between Alexander and his Army 387
XII. Ten Thousand Macedonians sent Home with Craterus.—Disputes
between Antipater and Olympias 390
XIII. The Nisaean Plain.—The Amazons 393
XIV. Death of Hephaestion 395
XV. Subjugation of the Cossaeans.—Embassies from Distant
Nations 398
XVI. Exploration of the Caspian.—The Chaldaean Soothsayers 400
XVII. The Advice of the Chaldees rejected 402
XVIII. Predictions of Alexander’s Death 404
XIX. Embassies from Greece.—Fleet prepared for Invading
Arabia 406
XX. Description of Arabia.—Voyage of Nearchus 408
XXI. Description of the Euphrates and the Pallacopas 411
XXII. An Omen of Alexander’s Approaching Death 412
XXIII. The Army Recruited from the Persians.—Hephaestion’s
Memory Honoured 414
XXIV. Another Omen of Alexander’s Death 417
XXV. Alexander Seized with Fever 418
XXVI. Alexander’s Death 420
XXVII. Rumour that Alexander was Poisoned 421
XXVIII. Character of Alexander 422
XXIX. Apology for Alexander’s Errors 424
XXX. Eulogy of Alexander 425
Index of Proper Names 429
ERRATA.
Page 3. Four lines from the bottom, for Anab. v. 1, _read_ v. 5, 1.
Page 8. Note 1, for Diod., xix. 93, 94; _read_ xvi. 93, 94.
Note 3, for Diod., xvi. 85; _read_ xvii. 4.
Page 48. For Onares _read_ Omares.
Page 108. (Note) for Zeph. i. 2; _read_ 11.
Page 116. (Note) for _Paradise Lost_, viii. 18; _read_ i. 446.
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF ARRIAN.
All we know of Arrian is derived from the notice of him in the
_Bibliotheca_ of Photius, who was Patriarch of Constantinople in
the ninth century, and from a few incidental references in his own
writings. We learn from Suidas that Dion Cassius wrote a biography of
Arrian; but this work is not extant. Flavius Arrianus was born near
the end of the first century of the Christian era, at Nicomedia, the
capital of Bithynia. He became a pupil of the famous Stoic philosopher
Epictetus, and afterwards went to Athens, where he received the surname
of the “younger Xenophon,” from the fact that he occupied the same
relation to Epictetus as Xenophon did to Socrates.[1] Not only was he
called Xenophon by others, but he calls himself so in _Cynegeticus_ (v.
6); and in _Periplus_ (xii. 5; xxv. 1), he distinguishes Xenophon by
the addition _the elder_. Lucian (_Alexander_, 56) calls Arrian simply
_Xenophon_. During the stay of the emperor Hadrian at Athens, A.D. 126,
Arrian gained his friendship. He accompanied his patron to Rome, where
he received the Roman citizenship. In consequence of this, he assumed
the name of Flavius.[2] In the same way the Jewish historian, Josephus,
had been allowed by Vespasian and Titus to bear the imperial name
Flavius.[3]
Photius says, that Arrian had a distinguished career in Rome, being
entrusted with various political offices, and at last reaching the
supreme dignity of consul under Antoninus Pius.[4] Previous to this
he was appointed (A.D. 132) by Hadrian, Governor of Cappadocia, which
province was soon after invaded by the Alani, or Massagetae, whom he
defeated and expelled.[5] When Marcus Aurelius came to the throne,
Arrian withdrew into private life and returned to his native city,
Nicomedia. Here, according to Photius, he was appointed priest to
Demeter and Persephone. He died in the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
The earlier literary efforts of Arrian were philosophical. After
the expulsion of the philosophers from Rome, by Domitian, Epictetus
delivered his lectures at Nicopolis, in Epirus, where it is probable
that Arrian was his pupil.
I. These lectures were published by Arrian, under the title of
_Discourses of Epictetus_, in eight books, the first four only of which
have come down to us. He tells us himself in the introduction to this
work, that he strove as far as possible to preserve the very words
of his teacher as mementoes of his method of reasoning and diction.
Gellius (xix. 1) speaks of a fifth book of these Discourses.
II. He also compiled _The Enchiridion of Epictetus_, an abstract of
the philosophy of Epictetus, which is still extant. This manual of
the Stoic moral philosophy was very popular, both among Pagans and
Christians, for many centuries.
III. Another work by Arrian, in twelve books, distinct from the above,
is mentioned by Photius under the title of “Ὁμιλίαι Ἐπικτήτου”,
or _Friendly Conversations with Epictetus_. Of this only a few
fragments survive.
IV. Another lost work of Arrian on the life and death of Epictetus
is mentioned by Simplicius in the beginning of his Commentary on the
Enchiridion.
V. Besides editing these philosophical works, Arrian wrote many
original books. By far the most important of these is the _Anabasis of
Alexander_, or the History of Alexander the Great’s Campaigns. This
is one of the most authentic and accurate of historical works. Though
inspired with admiration for his hero, the author evinces impartiality
and freedom from hero-worship. He exhibits great literary acuteness in
the choice of his authorities and in sifting evidence. The two chief
sources from which he drew his narrative were the histories written by
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, both of
whom were officers in Alexander’s army. Other authorities quoted by
Arrian himself were:—Eratosthenes, Megasthenes, Nearchus, Aristus,
and Asclepiades. He also made use of Alexander’s letters, which he
mentions five times;[6] only once, however, quoting the exact words of
the writer. The last authority which he mentions, is the _Royal Diary_
kept by Eumenes, of Cardia, the private secretary of Philip as well as
of Alexander, and by the historian Diodotus, of Erythrae. It is used by
Arrian only once,[7] as it is by Plutarch.[8]
VI. The work named _Indica_, is a description of India, and was usually
united in manuscripts with the Anabasis, as an eighth book. Though
it may be looked upon as a supplement to the Anabasis, Arrian often
refers in the one work to the other.[9] From this we may infer that the
author wished the _Indica_ to be considered a distinct book from the
Anabasis; and from the remark in Anab. v. 1, it is clear that it was
composed after the Anabasis. This book is written in the Ionic dialect,
like the History of Herodotus and the Indica of Ctesias. The latter
untrustworthy book Arrian wished to supplant by his own narrative,
principally based on the works of Megasthenes and Nearchus.
VII. Photius mentions among Arrian’s historical works:—_The Events
after Alexander_, in ten books, which gives the history of Alexander’s
successors. Photius (cod. 92) has preserved many extracts from this
work.
VIII. _Bithynica_ in eight books, a work often quoted by Eustathius in
his commentaries to the Iliad and to Dionysius Periegetes. In regard
to the contents of this book, Photius (cod. 93) says:—“The Bithynica
commences from the mythical events of history and comes down as far
as the death of the last Nicomedes, who at his death bequeathed his
kingdom to the Romans, who had never been ruled by a king after the
expulsion of Tarquin.”
IX. _Parthica_, in seventeen books. See Photius (cod. 58).
X. _History of the Alani_. See Photius (cod. 93). Only fragments of
this and the _Parthica_ remain.
XI. Besides the large works, we learn from Photius (cod. 93) that
Arrian wrote the biographies of the Corinthian Timoleon and of the
Syracusan Dion. Lucian (Alex. 2), also states that he wrote the life of
Tilliborus, the notorious robber of Asia Minor.
XII. A valuable geographical work by Arrian has come down to us, called
“Περίπλους πόντου Εὐξείνου”, a description of a voyage round the coasts
of the Euxine. This naval expedition was executed by him as Governor
of Cappadocia. The Alani, or, Albani of the East, a tribe related to
the Massagetae, were threatening to invade his province, and he made
this voyage with a view of fortifying the most important strategic
points on the coast. From section 26 of the Periplus we find that this
voyage must have taken place about the year 131 or 132 A.D.; for the
death of King Cotys II., noticed in that passage as just dead, is
proved by Böckh’s investigations to have occurred in 131 A.D. Two other
geographical works, _The Periplus of the Red Sea_ and _The Periplus of
the Euxine_, formerly ascribed to Arrian, are proved to belong to a
later date.
XIII. A work on _Tactics_, composed 137 A.D. In many parts this book
agrees nearly verbally with the larger work of Aelian on the same
subject; but Leo Tacticus (vii. 85) expressly mentions the two works as
distinct.
XIV. _An Array of Battle against the Alani_, is a fragment discovered
in the seventeenth century in the Description of his Battles with the
Alani, who invaded his province, probably 137 A.D., as Arrian had
previously feared.[10]
XV. A small work by Arrian on the Chase, forms a supplement to
Xenophon’s book on the same subject. It is entitled _Cynegeticus of
Arrian or the second Xenophon the Athenian_.
The best editions of the Anabasis are the following:—The _editio
princeps_ by Trincavelli, Venice, 1535; Gerbel, Strassburg, 1539; Henri
Estienne, 1575; N. Blancardus, Amsterdam, 1668; J. Gronovius, Leyden,
1704; G. Raphelius, Amsterdam, 1757; A. C. Borkeck, Lemgovia, 1792;
F. Schmieder, Leipzig, 1798; Tauchnitz edition, Leipzig, 1818; J. O.
Ellendt, Königsberg, 1832; C. W. Krüger, Berlin, 1835; F. Dübner,
Paris, 1846; K. Abicht, Leipzig, 1871.
ARRIAN’S PREFACE.
I have admitted into my narrative as strictly authentic all the
statements relating to Alexander and Philip which Ptolemy, son of
Lagus,[11] and Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus,[12] agree in making;
and from those statements which differ I have selected that which
appears to me the more credible and at the same time the more
deserving of record. Different authors have given different accounts
of Alexander’s life; and there is no one about whom more have
written, or more at variance with each other. But in my opinion the
narratives of Ptolemy and Aristobulus are more worthy of credit than
the rest; Aristobulus, because he served under king Alexander in his
expedition, and Ptolemy, not only because he accompanied Alexander in
his expedition, but also because he was himself a king afterwards, and
falsification of facts would have been more disgraceful to him than to
any other man. Moreover, they are both more worthy of credit, because
they compiled their histories after Alexander’s death, when neither
compulsion was used nor reward offered them to write anything different
from what really occurred. Some statements made by other writers I
have incorporated in my narrative, because they seemed to me worthy of
mention and not altogether improbable; but I have given them merely as
reports of Alexander’s proceedings. And if any man wonders why, after
so many other men have written of Alexander, the compilation of this
history came into my mind, after perusing[13] the narratives of all the
rest, let him read this of mine, and then wonder (if he can).
THE ANABASIS OF ALEXANDER.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
DEATH OF PHILIP AND ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.—HIS WARS WITH THE
THRACIANS.
It is said that Philip died[14] when Pythodemus was archon at
Athens,[15] and that his son Alexander,[16] being then about twenty
years of age, marched into Peloponnesus[17] as soon as he had secured
the regal power. There he assembled all the Greeks who were within the
limits of Peloponnesus,[18] and asked from them the supreme command of
the expedition against the Persians, an office which they had already
conferred upon Philip. He received the honour which he asked from all
except the Lacedaemonians,[19] who replied that it was an hereditary
custom of theirs, not to follow others but to lead them. The Athenians
also attempted to bring about some political change; but they were
so alarmed at the very approach of Alexander, that they conceded to
him even more ample public honours than those which had been bestowed
upon Philip.[20] He then returned into Macedonia and busied himself in
preparing for the expedition into Asia.
However, at the approach of spring (B.C. 335), he marched towards
Thrace, into the lands of the Triballians and Illyrians,[21] because
he ascertained that these nations were meditating a change of policy;
and at the same time, as they were lying on his frontier, he thought
it inexpedient, when he was about to start on a campaign so far away
from his own land, to leave them behind him without being entirely
subjugated. Setting out then from Amphipolis, he invaded the land of
the people who were called independent Thracians,[22] keeping the
city of Philippi and mount Orbelus on the left. Crossing the river
Nessus,[23] they say he arrived at mount Haemus[24] on the tenth day.
Here, along the defiles up the ascent to the mountain, he was met by
many of the traders equipped with arms, as well as by the independent
Thracians, who had made preparations to check the further advance of
his expedition by seizing the summit of the Haemus, along which was the
route for the passage of his army. They had collected their waggons,
and placed them in front of them, not only using them as a rampart
from which they might defend themselves, in case they should be forced
back, but also intending to let them loose upon the phalanx of the
Macedonians, where the mountain was most precipitous, if they tried to
ascend. They had come to the conclusion[25] that the denser the phalanx
was with which the waggons rushing down came into collision, the more
easily would they scatter it by the violence of their fall upon it.
But Alexander formed a plan by which he might cross the mountain with
the least danger possible; and since he was resolved to run all risks,
knowing that there were no means of passing elsewhere, he ordered the
heavy-armed soldiers, as soon as the waggons began to rush down the
declivity, to open their ranks, and directed that those whom the road
was sufficiently wide to permit to do so should stand apart, so that
the waggons might roll through the gap; but that those who were hemmed
in on all sides should either stoop down together or even fall flat
on the ground, and lock their shields compactly together, so that the
waggons rushing down upon them, and in all probability by their very
impetus leaping over them, might pass on without injuring them. And it
turned out just as Alexander had conjectured and exhorted. For some
of the men made gaps in the phalanx, and others locked their shields
together. The waggons rolled over the shields without doing much
injury, not a single man being killed under them. Then the Macedonians
regained their courage, inasmuch as the waggons, which they had
excessively dreaded, had inflicted no damage upon them. With a loud
cry they assaulted the Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to
march from the right wing in front of the rest of the phalanx, because
there the passage was easier, and to shoot at the Thracians where they
advanced. He himself took his own guard, the shield-bearing infantry
and the Agrianians,[26] and led them to the left. Then the archers
shot at the Thracians who sallied forward, and repulsed them; and
the phalanx, coming to close fighting, easily drove away from their
position men who were light-armed and badly equipped barbarians. The
consequence was, they no longer waited to receive Alexander marching
against them from the left, but casting away their arms they fled down
the mountain as each man best could. About 1,500 of them were killed;
but only a few were taken prisoners on account of their swiftness of
foot and acquaintance with the country. However, all the women who were
accompanying them were captured, as were also their children and all
their booty.
CHAPTER II.
BATTLE WITH THE TRIBALLIANS.
Alexander sent the booty away southward to the cities on the
seashore,[27] entrusting to Lysanias and Philotas[28] the duty of
setting it up for sale. But he himself crossed the summit, and
advancing through the Haemus into the land of the Triballians, he
arrived at the river Lyginus.[29] This river is distant from the
Ister[30] three days’ march to one intending to go to the Haemus.
Syrmus, king of the Triballians, hearing of Alexander’s expedition long
before, had sent the women and children of the nation on in advance
to the Ister, ordering them to pass over into one of the islands in
that river, the name of which was Peuce.[31] To this island also the
Thracians, whose territories were conterminous with those of the
Triballians, had fled together for refuge at the approach of Alexander.
Syrmus himself likewise, accompanied by his train, had fled for refuge
to the same place. But the main body of the Triballians fled back to
the river, from which Alexander had started the day before.
When he heard of their starting, he wheeled round again, and, marching
against them, surprised them just as they were encamping. And those
who were surprised drew themselves up in battle array in a woody glen
along the bank of the river. Alexander drew out his phalanx into a
deep column, and led it on in person. He also ordered the archers
and slingers to run forward and discharge arrows and stones at the
barbarians, hoping to provoke them by this to come out of the woody
glen into the ground unencumbered with trees. When they were within
reach of the missiles, and were struck by them, they rushed out
against the archers, who were undefended by shields, with the purpose
of fighting them hand-to-hand. But when Alexander had drawn them thus
out of the woody glen, he ordered Philotas to take the cavalry which
came from upper Macedonia, and to charge their right wing, where they
had advanced furthest in their sally. He also commanded Heraclides and
Sopolis[32] to lead on the cavalry which came from Bottiaea[33] and
Amphipolis against the left wing; while he himself extended the phalanx
of infantry and the rest of the horse in front of the phalanx and
led them against the enemy’s centre. And indeed as long as there was
only skirmishing on both sides, the Triballians did not get the worst
of it; but as soon as the phalanx in dense array attacked them with
vigour, and the cavalry fell upon them in various quarters, no longer
merely striking them with the javelin, but pushing them with their very
horses, then at length they turned and fled through the woody glen to
the river. Three thousand were slain in the flight; few of them were
taken prisoners, both because there was a dense wood in front of the
river, and the approach of night deprived the Macedonians of certainty
in their pursuit. Ptolemy says, that of the Macedonians themselves
eleven horsemen and about forty foot soldiers were killed.
CHAPTER III.
ALEXANDER AT THE DANUBE AND IN THE COUNTRY OF THE GETAE.
On the third day after the battle, Alexander reached the river Ister,
which is the largest of all the rivers in Europe, traverses a very
great tract of country, and separates very warlike nations. Most of
these belong to the Celtic race,[34] in whose territory the sources
of the river take their rise. Of these nations the remotest are the
Quadi[35] and Marcomanni[36]; then the Iazygians,[37] a branch of
the Sauromatians[38]; then the Getae,[39] who hold the doctrine of
immortality; then the main body of the Sauromatians; and, lastly, the
Scythians,[40] whose land stretches as far as the outlets of the river,
where through five mouths it discharges its water into the Euxine
Sea.[41] Here Alexander found some ships of war which had come to him
from Byzantium, through the Euxine Sea and up the river. Filling these
with archers and heavy-armed troops, he sailed to the island to which
the Triballians and Thracians had fled for refuge. He tried to force a
landing; but the barbarians came to meet him at the brink of the river,
where the ships were making the assault. But these were only few in
number, and the army in them small. The shores of the island, also,
were in most places too steep and precipitous for landing, and the
current of the river alongside it, being, as it were, shut up into a
narrow channel by the nearness of the banks, was rapid and exceedingly
difficult to stem.
Alexander therefore led back his ships, and determined to cross the
Ister and march against the Getae, who dwelt on the other side of that
river; for he observed that many of them had collected on the bank of
the river for the purpose of barring his way, if he should cross. There
were of them about 4,000 cavalry and more than 10,000 infantry. At
the same time a strong desire seized him to advance beyond the Ister.
He therefore went on board the fleet himself. He also filled with hay
the hides which served them as tent-coverings, and collected from the
country around all the boats made from single trunks of trees. Of these
there was a great abundance, because the people who dwell near the
Ister use them for fishing in the river, sometimes also for journeying
to each other for traffic up the river; and most of them carry on
piracy with them. Having collected as many of these as he could, upon
them he conveyed across as many of his soldiers as was possible in such
a fashion. Those who crossed with Alexander amounted in number to 1,500
cavalry and 4,000 infantry.
CHAPTER IV.
ALEXANDER DESTROYS THE CITY OF THE GETAE.—THE AMBASSADORS OF THE CELTS.
They crossed over by night to a spot where the corn stood high; and in
this way they reached the bank more secretly. At the approach of dawn
Alexander led his men through the field of standing corn, ordering the
infantry to lean upon the corn with their pikes[42] held transversely,
and thus to advance into the untilled ground. As long as the phalanx
was advancing through the standing corn, the cavalry followed; but
when they marched out of the tilled land, Alexander himself led the
horse round to the right wing, and commanded Nicanor[43] to lead the
phalanx in a square. The Getae did not even sustain the first charge
of the cavalry; for Alexander’s audacity seemed incredible to them,
in having thus easily crossed the Ister, the largest of rivers, in a
single night, without throwing a bridge over the stream. Terrible to
them also was the closely-locked order of the phalanx, and violent
the charge of the cavalry. At first they fled for refuge into their
city, which was distant about a parasang[44] from the Ister; but when
they saw that Alexander was leading his phalanx carefully along the
river, to prevent his infantry being anywhere surrounded by the Getae
lying in ambush; whereas he was leading his cavalry straight on, they
again abandoned the city, because it was badly fortified. They carried
off as many of their women and children as their horses could carry,
and betook themselves into the steppes, in a direction which led as
far as possible from the river. Alexander took the city and all the
booty which the Getae left behind. This he gave to Meleager[45] and
Philip[46] to carry off. After razing the city to the ground, he
offered sacrifice upon the bank of the river, to Zeus the preserver,
to Heracles,[47] and to Ister himself, because he had allowed him to
cross; and while it was still day he brought all his men back safe to
the camp.
There ambassadors came to him from Syrmus, king of the Triballians,
and from the other independent nations dwelling near the Ister. Some
even arrived from the Celts who dwelt near the Ionian gulf.[48] These
people are of great stature, and of a haughty disposition. All the
envoys said that they had come to seek Alexander’s friendship. To all
of them he gave pledges of amity, and received pledges from them in
return. He then asked the Celts what thing in the world caused them
special alarm, expecting that his own great fame had reached the Celts
and had penetrated still further, and that they would say that they
feared him most of all things. But the answer of the Celts turned out
quite contrary to his expectation; for, as they dwelt so far away from
Alexander, inhabiting districts difficult of access, and as they saw he
was about to set out in another direction, they said they were afraid
that the sky would some time or other fall down upon them. These men
also he sent back, calling them friends, and ranking them as allies,
making the remark that the Celts were braggarts.[49]
CHAPTER V.
REVOLT OF CLITUS AND GLAUCIAS.
He then advanced into the land of the Agrianians and Paeonians,[50]
where messengers reached him, who reported that Clitus, son of
Bardylis,[51] had revolted, and that Glaucias,[52] king of the
Taulantians,[53] had gone over to him. They also reported that the
Autariatians[54] intended to attack him on his way. He accordingly
resolved to commence his march without delay. But Langarus, king of the
Agrianians, who, in the lifetime of Philip, had been an open and avowed
friend of Alexander, and had gone on an embassy to him in his private
capacity, at that time also came to him with the finest and best armed
of the shield-bearing troops, which he kept as a body-guard. When this
man heard that Alexander was inquiring who the Autariatians were, and
what was the number of their men, he said that he need take no account
of them, since they were the least warlike of the tribes of that
district; and that he would himself make an inroad into their land, so
that they might have too much occupation about their own affairs to
attack others. Accordingly, at Alexander’s order, he made an attack
upon them; and not only did he attack them, but he swept their land
clean of captives and booty. Thus the Autariatians were indeed occupied
with their own affairs. Langarus was rewarded by Alexander with the
greatest honours, and received from him the gifts which were considered
most valuable in the eyes of the king of the Macedonians. Alexander
also promised to give him his sister Cyna[55] in marriage when he
arrived at Pella.[56] But Langarus fell ill and died on his return home.
After this, Alexander marched along the river Erigon,[57] and proceeded
to the city of Pelium;[58] for Clitus had seized this city, as it was
the strongest in the country. When Alexander arrived at this place,
and had encamped near the river Eordaicus,[59] he resolved to make an
assault upon the wall the next day. But Clitus held the mountains which
encircled the city, and commanded it from their height; moreover, they
were covered with dense thickets. His intention was to fall upon the
Macedonians from all sides, if they assaulted the city. But Glaucias,
king of the Taulantians, had not yet joined him. Alexander, however,
led his forces towards the city; and the enemy, after sacrificing three
boys, an equal number of girls, and three black rams, sallied forth for
the purpose of receiving the Macedonians in a hand-to-hand conflict.
But as soon as they came to close quarters, they left the positions
which they had occupied, strong as they were,[60] in such haste that
even their sacrificial victims were captured still lying on the ground.
On this day he shut them up in the city, and encamping near the wall,
he resolved to intercept them by a circumvallation; but on the next
day Glaucias, king of the Taulantians, arrived with a great force.
Then, indeed, Alexander gave up the hope of capturing the city with
his present force, since many warlike troops had fled for refuge
into it, and Glaucias with his large army would be likely to follow
him up closely if he assailed the wall. But he sent Philotas on a
foraging expedition, with the beasts of burden from the camp and a
sufficient body of cavalry to serve as a guard. When Glaucias heard
of the expedition of Philotas he marched out to meet him, and seized
the mountains which surrounded the plain, from which Philotas intended
to procure forage. As soon as Alexander was informed that his cavalry
and beasts of burden would be in danger if night overtook them, taking
the shield-bearing troops,[61] the archers, the Agrianians, and about
four hundred cavalry, he went with all speed to their aid. The rest of
the army he left behind near the city, to prevent the citizens from
hastening forth to form a junction with Glaucias (as they would have
done), if all the Macedonian army had withdrawn. Directly Glaucias
perceived that Alexander was advancing, he evacuated the mountains,
and Philotas and his forces returned to the camp in safety. But Clitus
and Glaucias still imagined that they had caught Alexander in a
disadvantageous position; for they were occupying the mountains, which
commanded the plain by their height, with a large body of cavalry,
javelin-throwers, and slingers, besides a considerable number of
heavy-armed infantry. Moreover, the men who had been beleaguered in
the city were expected to pursue the Macedonians closely if they made
a retreat. The ground also through which Alexander had to march was
evidently narrow and covered with wood; on one side it was hemmed in by
a river, and on the other there was a very lofty and craggy mountain,
so that there would not be room for the army to pass, even if only four
shield-bearers marched abreast.
CHAPTER VI.
DEFEAT OF CLITUS AND GLAUCIAS.
Then Alexander drew up his army in such a way that the depth of the
phalanx was 120 men; and stationing 200 cavalry on each wing, he
ordered them to preserve silence, in order to receive the word of
command quickly. Accordingly he gave the signal to the heavy-armed
infantry in the first place to hold their spears erect, and then to
couch them at the concerted sign; at one time to incline their spears
to the right, closely locked together, and at another time towards
the left. He then set the phalanx itself into quick motion forward,
and marched it towards the wings, now to the right, and then to the
left. After thus arranging and re-arranging his army many times very
rapidly, he at last formed his phalanx into a sort of wedge, and led
it towards the left against the enemy, who had long been in a state of
amazement at seeing both the order and the rapidity of his evolutions.
Consequently they did not sustain Alexander’s attack, but quitted
the first ridges of the mountain. Upon this, Alexander ordered the
Macedonians to raise the battle cry and make a clatter with their
spears upon their shields; and the Taulantians, being still more
alarmed at the noise, led their army back to the city with all speed.
As Alexander saw only a few of the enemy still occupying a ridge,
along which lay his route, he ordered his body-guards and personal
companions to take their shields, mount their horses, and ride to
the hill; and when they reached it, if those who had occupied the
position awaited them, he said that half of them were to leap from
their horses, and to fight as foot-soldiers, being mingled with the
cavalry. But when the enemy saw Alexander’s advance, they quitted the
hill and retreated to the mountains in both directions. Then Alexander,
with his companions,[62] seized the hill, and sent for the Agrianians
and archers, who numbered 2,000. He also ordered the shield-bearing
guards to cross the river, and after them the regiments of Macedonian
infantry, with instructions that, as soon as they had succeeded in
crossing, they should draw out in rank towards the left, so that the
phalanx of men crossing might appear compact at once. He himself, in
the vanguard, was all the time observing from the ridge the enemy’s
advance. They, seeing the force crossing the river, marched down the
mountains to meet them, with the purpose of attacking Alexander’s rear
in its retreat. But, as they were just drawing near, Alexander rushed
forth with his own division, and the phalanx raised the battle-cry,
as if about to advance through the river. When the enemy saw all the
Macedonians marching against them, they turned and fled. Upon this,
Alexander led the Agrianians and archers at full speed towards the
river, and succeeded in being himself the first man to cross it. But
when he saw the enemy pressing upon the men in the rear, he stationed
his engines of war upon the bank, and ordered the engineers to shoot
from them as far forward as possible all sorts of projectiles which are
usually shot from military engines.[63] He directed the archers, who
had also entered the water, to shoot their arrows from the middle of
the river. But Glaucias durst not advance within range of the missiles;
so that the Macedonians passed over in such safety, that not one of
them lost his life in the retreat.
Three days after this, Alexander discovered that Clitus and Glaucias
lay carelessly encamped; that neither were their sentinels on guard
in military order, nor had they protected themselves with a rampart
or ditch, as if they imagined he had withdrawn through fear; and that
they had extended their line to a disadvantageous length. He therefore
crossed the river again secretly, at the approach of night, leading
with him the shield-bearing guards, the Agrianians, the archers, and
the brigades of Perdiccas[64] and Coenus,[65] after having given orders
for the rest of the army to follow. As soon as he saw a favourable
opportunity for the attack, without waiting for all to be present, he
despatched the archers and Agrianians against the foe. These, being
arranged in phalanx, fell unawares with the most furious charge upon
their flank, where they were likely to come into conflict with their
weakest point, and slew some of them still in their beds, others being
easily caught in their flight. Accordingly, many were there captured
and killed, as were many also in the disorderly and panic-stricken
retreat which ensued. Not a few, moreover, were taken prisoners.
Alexander kept up the pursuit as far as the Taulantian mountains;
and as many of them as escaped, preserved their lives by throwing
away their arms. Clitus first fled for refuge into the city, which,
however, he set on fire, and withdrew to Glaucias, in the land of the
Taulantians.
CHAPTER VII.
REVOLT OF THEBES (_September_, B.C. 335).
While these events were occurring, some of the exiles who had been
banished from Thebes, coming to the city by night, and being brought in
by some of the citizens, in order to effect a change in the government,
apprehended and slew outside the Cadmea,[66] Amyntas and Timolaüs,[67]
two of the men who held that fortress, having no suspicion that
any hostile attempt was about to be made. Then entering the public
assembly, they incited the Thebans to revolt from Alexander, holding
out to them as pretexts the ancient and glorious words, liberty and
freedom of speech, and urging them now at last to rid themselves of the
heavy yoke of the Macedonians. By stoutly maintaining that Alexander
had been killed in Illyria they gained more power in persuading the
multitude;[68] for this report was prevalent, and for many reasons it
gained credit, both because he had been absent a long time, and because
no news had arrived from him. Accordingly, as is usual in such cases,
not knowing the facts, each man conjectured what was most pleasing to
himself.
When Alexander heard what was being done at Thebes, he thought it was
a movement not at all to be slighted, inasmuch as he had for a long
time suspected the city of Athens and deemed the audacious action of
the Thebans no trivial matter, if the Lacedaemonians, who had long been
disaffected in their feelings to him, and the Aetolians and certain
other States in the Peloponnese, who were not firm in their allegiance
to him, should take part with the Thebans in their revolutionary
effort. He therefore led his army through Eordaea and Elimiotis[69] and
along the peaks of Stymphaea and Paravaea,[70] and on the seventh day
arrived at Pelina[71] in Thessaly. Starting thence, he entered Boeotia
on the sixth day; so that the Thebans did not learn that he had passed
south of Thermopylae, until he was at Onchestus[72] with the whole of
his army. Even then the authors of the revolt asserted that Antipater’s
army had arrived out of Macedonia, stoutly affirming that Alexander
himself was dead, and being very angry with those who announced that
it was Alexander himself who was advancing.[73] For they said it must
be another Alexander, the son of Aëropus, who was coming.[74] On the
following day Alexander set out from Onchestus, and advanced towards
the city along the territory consecrated to Iolaüs;[75] where indeed
he encamped, in order to give the Thebans further time to repent of
their evil resolutions and to send an embassy to him. But so far were
they from showing any sign of wishing to come to an accommodation,
that their cavalry and a large body of light-armed infantry sallied
forth from the city as far as the camp, and, skirmishing with the
Macedonian outposts, slew a few of their men. Alexander hereupon sent
forth a party of his light-armed infantry and archers to repel their
sortie; and these men repelled them with ease, just as they were
approaching the very camp. The next day he took the whole of his army
and marched round towards the gate which led to Eleutherae and Attica.
But not even then did he assault the wall itself, but encamped not
far away from the Cadmea, in order that succour might be at hand to
the Macedonians who were occupying that citadel. For the Thebans had
blockaded the Cadmea with a double stockade and were guarding it, so
that no one from without might be able to give succour to those who
were beleaguered, and that the garrison might not be able, by making
a sally, to do them any injury, when they were attacking the enemy
outside. But Alexander remained encamped near the Cadmea, for he still
wished rather to come to friendly terms with the Thebans than to come
to a contest with them.[76] Then those of the Thebans who knew what
was for the best interest of the commonwealth were eager to go out to
Alexander and obtain pardon for the commonalty of Thebes for their
revolt; but the exiles and those who had summoned them home kept on
inciting the populace to war by every means in their power, since they
despaired of obtaining for themselves any indulgence from Alexander,
especially as some of them were also Boeotarchs.[77] However not even
for this did Alexander assault the city.
CHAPTER VIII.
FALL OF THEBES.
But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, tells us that Perdiccas, who had been posted
in the advanced guard of the camp with his own brigade, and was not far
from the enemy’s stockade, did not wait for the signal from Alexander
to commence the battle; but of his own accord was the first to assault
the stockade, and, having made a breach in it, fell upon the advanced
guard of the Thebans.[78] Amyntas,[79] son of Andromenes, followed
Perdiccas, because he had been stationed with him. This general also
of his own accord led on his brigade when he saw that Perdiccas had
advanced within the stockade. When Alexander saw this, he led on the
rest of his army, fearing that unsupported they might be intercepted by
the Thebans and be in danger of destruction. He gave instructions to
the archers and Agrianians to rush within the stockade, but he still
retained the guards and shield-bearing troops outside. Then indeed
Perdiccas, after forcing his way within the second stockade, fell there
wounded with a dart, and was carried back grievously injured to the
camp, where he was with difficulty cured of his wound. However the men
of Perdiccas, in company with the archers sent by Alexander, fell upon
the Thebans and shut them up in the hollow way leading to the temple
of Heracles, and followed them in their retreat as far as the temple
itself. The Thebans, having wheeled round, again advanced from that
position with a shout, and put the Macedonians to flight. Eurybotas the
Cretan, the captain of the archers, fell with about seventy of his men;
but the rest fled to the Macedonian guard and the royal shield-bearing
troops. Now, when Alexander saw that his own men were in flight, and
that the Thebans had broken their ranks in pursuit, he attacked them
with his phalanx drawn up in proper order, and drove them back within
the gates. The Thebans fled in such a panic that being driven into
the city through the gates they had not time to shut them; for the
Macedonians, who were close behind the fugitives, rushed with them
within the fortifications, inasmuch as the walls were destitute of
defenders on account of the numerous pickets in front of them. When the
Macedonians had entered the Cadmea, some of them marched out of it,
in company with those who held the fortress, into the other part of
the city opposite the temple of Amphion,[80] but others crossing along
the walls, which were now in the possession of those who had rushed in
together with the fugitives, advanced with a run into the market-place.
Those of the Thebans who had been drawn up opposite the temple of
Amphion stood their ground for a short time; but when the Macedonians
under the command of Alexander were seen to be pressing hard upon
them in various directions, their cavalry rushed through the city
and sallied forth into the plain, and their infantry fled for safety
as each man found it possible. Then indeed the Thebans, no longer
defending themselves, were slain, not so much by the Macedonians as by
the Phocians, Plataeans and other Boeotians,[81] who by indiscriminate
slaughter vented their rage against them. Some were even attacked in
the houses, having there turned to defend themselves from the enemy,
and others were slain as they were supplicating the protection of the
gods in the temples; not even the women and children being spared.[82]
CHAPTER IX.
DESTRUCTION OF THEBES.
This was felt by the Greeks to be a general calamity for it struck
the rest of the Greeks with no less consternation than it did those
who had themselves taken part in the struggle, both on account of the
magnitude of the captured city and the celerity of the action, the
result of which was in the highest degree contrary to the expectation
both of the sufferers and the perpetrators. For the disasters which
befell the Athenians in relation to Sicily,[83] though in regard to
the number of those who perished they brought no less misfortune to
the city, yet, because their army was destroyed far away from their
own land, being composed for the most part rather of auxiliary troops
than of native Athenians, and because their city itself was left to
them intact, so that afterwards they held their own in war even for a
long time, though fighting against the Lacedaemonians and their allies,
as well as the Great King; these disasters, I say, neither produced
in the persons who were themselves involved in the calamity an equal
sensation of the misfortune, nor did they cause the other Greeks a
similar consternation at the catastrophe. Again, the defeat sustained
by the Athenians at Aegospotami[84] was a naval one, and the city
received no other humiliation than the demolition of the Long Walls,
the surrender of most of her ships, and the loss of supremacy. However,
they still retained their hereditary form of government, and not long
after recovered their former power to such a degree as not only to
build up the Long Walls but to recover the rule of the sea[85] and in
their turn to preserve from extreme danger those very Lacedaemonians
then so formidable to them, who had come and almost obliterated their
city. Moreover, the defeat of the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra and
Mantinea filled them with consternation rather by the unexpectedness
of the disaster than because of the number of those who perished.[86]
And the attack made by the Boeotians and Arcadians under Epaminondas
upon the city of Sparta, even this terrified both the Lacedaemonians
themselves and those who participated with them in the transactions at
that time,[87] rather by the novelty of the sight than by the reality
of the danger. The capture of the city of the Plataeans was not a great
calamity, by reason of the small number of those who were taken in it;
most of the citizens having long before escaped to Athens.[88] Again,
the capture of Melus and Scione simply related to insular States, and
rather brought disgrace to those who perpetrated the outrages than
produced great surprise among the Grecian community as[89] a whole.
But the Thebans having effected their revolt suddenly and without any
previous consideration, the capture of the city being brought about
in so short a time and without difficulty on the part of the captors,
the slaughter, being great, as was natural, from its being made by men
of the same race who were glutting their revenge on them for ancient
injuries, the complete enslavement of a city which excelled among those
in Greece at that time both in power and warlike reputation, all this
was attributed not without probability to the avenging wrath of the
deity. It seemed as if the Thebans had after a long time suffered this
punishment for their betrayal of the Greeks in the Median war,[90] for
their seizure of the city of Plataeae during the truce, and for their
complete enslavement of it, as well as for the un-Hellenic slaughter
of the men who had surrendered to the Lacedaemonians, which had been
committed at the instigation of the Thebans; and for the devastation
of the territory in which the Greeks had stood in battle-array against
the Medes and had repelled danger from Greece; lastly, because by
their vote they had tried to ruin the Athenians when a motion was
brought forward among the allies of the Lacedaemonians for the
enslavement of Athens.[91] Moreover it was reported that before the
disaster many portents were sent from the deity, which indeed at the
time were treated with neglect, but afterwards when men called them
to remembrance they were compelled to consider that the events which
occurred had been long before prognosticated.[92]
The settlement of Theban affairs was entrusted by Alexander to the
allies who had taken part in the action. They resolved to occupy the
Cadmea with a garrison; to raze the city to the ground; to distribute
among themselves all the territory, except what was dedicated to the
gods; and to sell into slavery the women and children, and as many of
the males as survived, except those who were priests or priestesses,
and those who were bound to Philip or Alexander by the ties of
hospitality or had been public agents of the Macedonians. It is said
that Alexander preserved the house and the descendants of Pindar the
poet, out of respect for his memory.[93] In addition to these things,
the allies decreed that Orchomenus[94] and Plataeae should be rebuilt
and fortified.
CHAPTER X.
ALEXANDER’S DEALINGS WITH ATHENS.
As soon as news of the calamity which had befallen the Thebans reached
the other Greeks, the Arcadians, who had set out from their own
land for the purpose of giving aid to the Thebans, passed sentence
of death on those who had instigated them to render aid. The Eleans
also received back their exiles from banishment, because they were
Alexander’s adherents; and the Aetolians, each tribe for itself,
sent embassies to him, begging to receive pardon, because they also
had attempted to effect a revolution, on the receipt of the report
which had been spread by the Thebans. The Athenians also, who, at the
time when some of the Thebans, escaping from the carnage, arrived at
Athens, were engaged in celebrating the Great Mysteries,[95] abandoned
the sacred rites in great consternation, and carried their goods and
chattels from the rural districts into the city. The people came
together in public assembly, and, on the motion of Demades, elected
from all the citizens ten ambassadors, men whom they knew to be
Alexander’s special adherents, and sent them to signify to him, though
somewhat unseasonably, that the Athenian people rejoiced at his safe
return from the land of the Illyrians and Triballians, and at the
punishment which he had inflicted upon the Thebans for their rebellion.
In regard to other matters he gave the embassy a courteous reply, but
wrote a letter to the people demanding the surrender of Demosthenes and
Lycurgus, as well as that of Hyperides, Polyeuctus, Chares, Charidemus,
Ephialtes, Diotimus, and Moerocles;[96] alleging that these men were
the cause of the disaster which befell the city at Chaeronea, and the
authors of the subsequent offensive proceedings after Philip’s death,
both against himself and his father.[97] He also declared that they
had instigated the Thebans to revolt no less than had those of the
Thebans themselves who favoured a revolution. The Athenians, however,
did not surrender the men, but sent another embassy to Alexander,[98]
entreating him to remit his wrath against the persons whom he had
demanded. The king did remit his wrath against them, either out of
respect for the city of Athens, or from an earnest desire to start on
the expedition into Asia, not wishing to leave behind him among the
Greeks any cause for distrust. However, he ordered Charidemus alone of
the men whom he had demanded as prisoners and who had not been given
up, to go into banishment. Charidemus therefore went as an exile to
King Darius in Asia.[99]
CHAPTER XI.
ALEXANDER CROSSES THE HELLESPONT AND VISITS TROY.
Having settled these affairs, he returned into Macedonia. He then
offered to the Olympian Zeus the sacrifice which had been instituted
by Archelaüs,[100] and had been customary up to that time; and he
celebrated the public contest of the Olympic games at Aegae.[101] It is
said that he also held a public contest in honour of the Muses. At this
time it was reported that the statue of Orpheus, son of Oeagrus the
Thracian, which was in Pieris,[102] sweated incessantly.[103] Various
were the explanations of this prodigy given by the soothsayers; but
Aristander,[104] a man of Telmissus, a soothsayer, bade Alexander take
courage; for he said it was evident from this that there would be much
labour for the epic and lyric poets, and for the writers of odes, to
compose and sing about Alexander and his achievements.
(B.C. 334.) At the beginning of the spring he marched towards the
Hellespont, entrusting the affairs of Macedonia and Greece to
Antipater. He led not much above 30,000 infantry together with
light-armed troops and archers, and more than 5,000 cavalry.[105]
His march was past the lake Cercinitis,[106] towards Amphipolis and
the mouths of the river Strymon. Having crossed this river he passed
by the Pangaean mountain,[107] along the road leading to Abdera and
Maronea, Grecian cities built on the coast. Thence he arrived at the
river Hebrus,[108] and easily crossed it. Thence he proceeded through
Paetica to the river Melas, having crossed which he arrived at Sestus,
in twenty days altogether from the time of his starting from home. When
he came to Elaeūs he offered sacrifice to Protesilaus upon the tomb of
that hero, both for other reasons and because Protesilaus seemed to
have been the first of the Greeks who took part with Agamemnon in the
expedition to Ilium to disembark in Asia. The design of this sacrifice
was, that his disembarking in Asia might be more fortunate than that of
Protesilaus had been.[109] He then committed to Parmenio the duty of
conveying the cavalry and the greater part of the infantry from Sestus
to Abydus; and they were transported in 160 triremes, besides many
trading vessels.[110] The prevailing account is, that Alexander started
from Elaeūs and put into the Port of Achaeans,[111] that with his own
hand he steered the general’s ship across, and that when he was about
the middle of the channel of the Hellespont he sacrificed a bull to
Poseidon and the Nereids, and poured forth a libation to them into the
sea from a golden goblet. They say also that he was the first man to
step out of the ship in full armour on the land of Asia,[112] and that
he erected altars to Zeus, the protector of people landing, to Athena,
and to Heracles, at the place in Europe whence he started, and at the
place in Asia where he disembarked. It is also said that he went up to
Ilium and offered sacrifice to the Trojan Athena; that he set up his
own panoply in the temple as a votive offering, and in exchange for it
took away some of the consecrated arms which had been preserved from
the time of the Trojan war. These arms were said to have been carried
in front of him into the battles by the shield-bearing guards. A report
also prevails that he offered sacrifice to Priam upon the altar of Zeus
the household god, deprecating the wrath of Priam against the progeny
of Neoptolemus, from whom Alexander himself derived his origin.
CHAPTER XII.
ALEXANDER AT THE TOMB OF ACHILLES.—MEMNON’S ADVICE REJECTED BY THE
PERSIAN GENERALS.
When he went up to Ilium, Menoetius the pilot crowned him with a golden
crown; after him Chares the Athenian,[113] coming from Sigeum, as well
as certain others, both Greeks and natives, did the same. Alexander
then encircled the tomb of Achilles with a garland; and it is said
that Hephaestion[114] decorated that of Patroclus in the same way.
There is indeed a report that Alexander pronounced Achilles fortunate
in getting Homer as the herald of his fame to posterity.[115] And in
truth it was meet that Alexander should deem Achilles fortunate for
this reason especially; for to Alexander himself this privilege was
wanting, a thing which was not in accordance with the rest of his good
fortune. His achievements have, therefore, not been related to mankind
in a manner worthy of the hero. Neither in prose nor in verse has any
one suitably honoured him; nor has he ever been sung of in a lyric
poem, in which style of poetry Hiero, Gelo, Thero, and many others not
at all comparable with Alexander, have been praised.[116] Consequently
Alexander’s deeds are far less known than the meanest achievements of
antiquity. For instance, the march of the ten thousand with Cyrus up to
Persia against King Artaxerxes, the tragic fate of Clearchus and those
who were captured along with him,[117] and the march of the same men
down to the sea, in which they were led by Xenophon, are events much
better known to men through Xenophon’s narrative than are Alexander and
his achievements. And yet Alexander neither accompanied another man’s
expedition, nor did he in flight from the Great King overcome those who
obstructed his march down to the sea. And, indeed, there is no other
single individual among Greeks or barbarians who achieved exploits so
great or important either in regard to number or magnitude as he did.
This was the reason which induced me to undertake this history, not
thinking myself incompetent to make Alexander’s deeds known to men. For
whoever I may be, this I know about myself, that there is no need for
me to assert my name, for it is not unknown to men; nor is it needful
for me to say what my native land and family are, or if I have held
any public office in my own country. But this I do assert, that this
historical work is and has been from my youth up, in place of native
land, family, and public offices to me; and for this reason I do not
deem myself unworthy to rank among the first authors in the Greek
language, if Alexander indeed is among the first in arms.
From Ilium Alexander came to Arisbe, where his entire force had
encamped after crossing the Hellespont; and on the following day
he came to Percote. On the next, passing by Lampsacus, he encamped
near the river Practius, which flows from the Idaean mountains and
discharges itself into the sea between the Hellespont and the Euxine
Sea. Thence passing by the city of Colonae, he arrived at Hermotus. He
now sent scouts before the army under the command of Amyntas, son of
Arrhabaeus, who had the squadron of the Companion cavalry which came
from Apollonia,[118] under the captain Socrates, son of Sathon, and
four squadrons of what were called Prodromi (runners forward). In the
march he despatched Panegorus, son of Lycagoras, one of the Companions,
to take possession of the city of Priapus, which was surrendered by the
inhabitants.
The Persian generals were Arsames, Rheomithres, Petines, Niphates,
and with them Spithridates, viceroy of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites,
governor of the Phrygia near the Hellespont. These had encamped
near the city of Zeleia with the Persian cavalry and the Grecian
mercenaries. When they were holding a council about the state of
affairs, it was reported to them that Alexander had crossed (the
Hellespont). Memnon, the Rhodian,[119] advised them not to risk a
conflict with the Macedonians, since they were far superior to them
in infantry, and Alexander was there in person; whereas Darius was
not with them. He advised them to advance and destroy the fodder,
by trampling it down under their horses’ hoofs, to burn the crops
of the country, and not even to spare the very cities. “For then
Alexander,” said he, “will not be able to stay in the land from lack
of provisions.”[120] It is said that in the Persian conference Arsites
asserted that he would not allow a single house belonging to the people
placed under his rule to be burned, and that the other Persians agreed
with Arsites, because they had a suspicion that Memnon was deliberately
contriving to protract the war for the purpose of obtaining honour from
the king.
CHAPTER XIII.
BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS (B.C. 334).
Meantime Alexander was advancing to the river Granicus,[121] with his
army arranged for battle, having drawn up his heavy-armed troops in a
double phalanx, leading the cavalry on the wings, and having ordered
that the baggage should follow in the rear. And Hegelochus at the head
of the cavalry, who were armed with the long pike,[122] and about
500 of the light-armed troops, was sent by him to reconnoitre the
proceedings of the enemy. When Alexander was not far from the river
Granicus, some of his scouts rode up to him at full speed and announced
that the Persians had taken up their position on the other side of
the Granicus, drawn up ready for battle. Thereupon Alexander arranged
all his army with the intention of fighting. Then Parmenio approached
him and spoke as follows: “I think, O king, that it is advisable for
the present to pitch our camp on the bank of the river as we are.
For I think that the enemy, being, as they are, much inferior to us
in infantry, will not dare to pass the night near us, and therefore
they will permit the army to cross the ford with ease at daybreak.
For we shall then pass over before they can put themselves in order
of battle;[123] whereas, I do not think that we can now attempt the
operation without evident risk, because it is not possible to lead the
army through the river with its front extended. Besides, it is clear
that many parts of the stream are deep, and you see that these banks
are steep and in some places abrupt. Therefore the enemy’s cavalry,
being formed into a dense square, will attack us as we emerge from
the water in broken ranks and in column, in the place where we are
weakest. At the present juncture the first repulse would be difficult
to retrieve, as well as perilous for the issue of the whole war.”
But to this Alexander replied: “I recognise the force of these
arguments, O Parmenio; but I should feel it a disgrace, if, after
crossing the Hellespont so easily, this brook (for with such an
appellation he made light of the Granicus) should bar our passage for
a moment. I consider that this would be in accordance neither with the
fame of the Macedonians nor with my own eagerness for encountering
danger. Moreover, I think that the Persians will regain courage, as
being a match in war for Macedonians, since up to the present time they
have suffered no defeat from me to warrant the fear they entertain.”
CHAPTER XIV.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE HOSTILE ARMIES.
Having spoken thus, he sent Parmenio to command upon the left wing,
while he led in person on the right. And at the head of the right wing
he placed the following officers:—Philotas, son of Parmenio, with the
cavalry Companions, the archers, and the Agrianian javelin-men; and
Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, with the cavalry carrying the long pike,
the Paeonians, and the squadron of Socrates, was posted near Philotas.
Close to these were posted the Companions who were shield-bearing
infantry under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these
the brigade of Perdiccas, son of Orontes, then that of Coenus, son of
Polemocrates; then that of Craterus,[124] son of Alexander, and that of
Amyntas, son of Andromenes; finally, the men commanded by Philip, son
of Amyntas. The first on the left wing were the Thessalian cavalry,
commanded by Calas, son of Harpalus;[125] next to these, the cavalry of
the Grecian allies, commanded by Philip, son of Menelaüs;[126] next to
these the Thracians, commanded by Agatho.[127] Close to these were the
infantry, the brigades of Craterus, Meleager, and Philip, reaching as
far as the centre of the entire line.
The Persian cavalry were about 20,000 in number, and their infantry,
consisting of Grecian mercenaries, fell a little short of the same
number.[128] They had extended their horse along the bank of the river
in a long phalanx, and had posted the infantry behind the cavalry,
for the ground above the bank was steep and commanding. They also
marshalled dense squadrons of cavalry upon that part of the bank where
they observed Alexander himself advancing against their left wing;
for he was conspicuous both by the brightness of his arms and by the
respectful service of his attendants. Both armies stood a long time
at the margin of the river, keeping quiet from dread of the result;
and profound silence was observed on both sides. For the Persians were
waiting till the Macedonians should step into the water, with the
intention of attacking them as they emerged. Alexander leaped upon his
steed, ordering those about him to follow, and exhorting them to show
themselves valiant men. He then commanded Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus,
to make the first rush into the river at the head of the skirmishing
cavalry, the Paeonians, and one regiment of infantry; and in front of
these he had placed Ptolemy, son of Philip, in command of the squadron
of Socrates, which body of men indeed on that day happened to have
the lead of all the cavalry force. He himself led the right wing with
sounding of trumpets, and the men raising the war-cry to Enyalius.[129]
He entered the ford, keeping his line always extended obliquely in the
direction in which the stream flowed, in order that the Persians might
not fall upon him on the flank as he was emerging from the water, but
that he might, as far as practicable,[130] encounter them with his
phalanx.
CHAPTER XV.
DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS.
The Persians began the contest by hurling missiles from above in the
direction where the men of Amyntas and Socrates were the first to
reach the bank; some of them casting javelins into the river from
their commanding position on the bank, and others stepping down along
the flatter parts of it to the very edge of the water. Then ensued a
violent struggle on the part of the cavalry, on the one side to emerge
from the river, and on the other to prevent the landing. From the
Persians there was a terrible discharge of darts; but the Macedonians
fought with spears. The Macedonians, being far inferior in number,
suffered severely at the first onset, because they were obliged to
defend themselves in the river, where their footing was unsteady,
and where they were below the level of their assailants; whereas the
Persians were fighting from the top of the bank, which gave them an
advantage, especially as the best of the Persian horse had been posted
there. Memnon himself, as well as his sons, were running every risk
with these; and the Macedonians who first came into conflict with
the Persians, though they showed great valour, were cut down, except
those who retreated to Alexander, who was now approaching. For the
king was already near, leading with him the right wing. He made his
first assault upon the Persians at the place where the whole mass of
their horse and the leaders themselves were posted; and around him a
desperate conflict raged,[131] during which one rank of the Macedonians
after another easily kept on crossing the river. Though they fought on
horseback, it seemed more like an infantry than a cavalry battle; for
they struggled for the mastery, horses being jammed with horses and
men with men, the Macedonians striving to drive the Persians entirely
away from the bank and to force them into the plain, and the Persians
striving to obstruct their landing and to push them back again into
the river. At last Alexander’s men began to gain the advantage, both
through their superior strength and military discipline, and because
they fought with spear-shafts made of cornel-wood, whereas the Persians
used only darts.
Then indeed, Alexander’s spear being broken to shivers in the conflict,
he asked Aretis, one of the royal guards, whose duty it was to assist
the king to mount his horse, for another spear. But this man’s spear
had also been shivered whilst he was in the thickest of the struggle,
and he was conspicuous fighting with the half of his broken spear.
Showing this to Alexander, he bade him ask some one else for one. Then
Demaratus, a man of Corinth, one of his personal Companions, gave him
his own spear; which he had no sooner taken than seeing Mithridates,
the son-in-law of Darius, riding far in front of the others, and
leading with him a body of cavalry arranged like a wedge, he rode on
in front of the others, and hitting at the face of Mithridates with
his spear, struck him to the ground. But hereupon, Rhoesaces rode up
to Alexander and hit him on the head with his scimitar, breaking off
a piece of his helmet. But the helmet broke the force of the blow.
This man also Alexander struck to the ground, hitting him in the chest
through the breastplate with his lance. And now Spithridates from
behind had already raised aloft his scimitar against the king, when
Clitus, son of Dropidas, anticipated his blow, and hitting him on the
arm, cut it off, scimitar and all.[132] Meantime the horsemen, as many
as were able, kept on securing a landing all down the river, and were
joining Alexander’s forces.
CHAPTER XVI.
DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS.—LOSS ON BOTH SIDES.
The Persians themselves, as well as their horses, were now being
struck on their faces with the lances from all sides, and were being
repulsed by the cavalry. They also received much damage from the
light-armed troops who were mingled with the cavalry. They first began
to give way where Alexander himself was braving danger in the front.
When their centre had given way, the horse on both wings were also
naturally broken through, and took to speedy flight. Of the Persian
cavalry only about 1,000 were killed; for Alexander did not pursue
them far, but turned aside to attack the Greek mercenaries, the
main body of whom was still remaining where it was posted at first.
This they did rather from amazement at the unexpected result of the
struggle than from any steady resolution. Leading the phalanx against
these, and ordering the cavalry to fall upon them from all sides in
the midst, he soon cut them up, so that none of them escaped except
such as might have concealed themselves among the dead bodies. About
2,000 were taken prisoners.[133] The following leaders of the Persians
also fell in the battle: Niphates, Petines, Spithridates, viceroy
of Lydia, Mithrobuzanes, governor of Cappadocia, Mithridates, the
son-in-law of Darius, Arbupales, son of Darius the son of Artaxerxes,
Pharnaces, brother of the wife of Darius,[134] and Onares, commander
of the auxiliaries. Arsites fled from the battle into Phrygia, where
he is reported to have committed suicide, because he was deemed by the
Persians the cause of their defeat on that occasion.
Of the Macedonians, about twenty-five of the Companions were killed
at the first onset; brazen statues of whom were erected at Dium,[135]
executed by Lysippus,[136] at Alexander’s order. The same statuary
also executed a statue of Alexander himself, being chosen by him for
the work in preference to all other artists. Of the other cavalry over
sixty were slain, and of the infantry, about thirty.[137] These were
buried by Alexander the next day, together with their arms and other
decorations. To their parents and children he granted exemption from
imposts on agricultural produce, and he relieved them from all personal
services and taxes upon property. He also exhibited great solicitude in
regard to the wounded, for he himself visited each man, looked at their
wounds, and inquired how and in the performance of what duty they had
received them, allowing them both to speak and brag of their own deeds.
He also buried the Persian commanders and the Greek mercenaries who
were killed fighting on the side of the enemy. But as many of them as
he took prisoners he bound in fetters and sent them away to Macedonia
to till the soil, because, though they were Greeks, they were fighting
against Greece on behalf of the foreigners in opposition to the decrees
which the Greeks had made in their federal council.[138] To Athens also
he sent 300 suits of Persian armour to be hung up in the Acropolis[139]
as a votive offering to Athena, and ordered this inscription to be
fixed over them: “Alexander, son of Philip, and all the Greeks except
the Lacedaemonians, present this offering from the spoils taken from
the foreigners inhabiting Asia.”
CHAPTER XVII.
ALEXANDER IN SARDIS AND EPHESUS.
Having appointed Calas to the post of viceroy of the territory
which had been under the rule of Arsites, and having commanded the
inhabitants to pay to him the same tribute which they had paid to
Darius, he ordered as many of the natives as came down from the
mountains and surrendered to him to depart to their several abodes.
He also acquitted the people of Zeleia[140] of blame, because he
knew they had been compelled to assist the Persians in the war. He
then despatched Parmenio to occupy Dascylium,[141] which he easily
performed; for the garrison evacuated it. He himself advanced towards
Sardis; and when he was about 70 stades[142] distant from that city, he
was met by Mithrines, the commandant of the garrison in the Acropolis,
accompanied by the most influential of the citizens of Sardis. The
latter surrendered the city into his hands, and Mithrines the fortress
and the money laid up in it. Alexander encamped near the river
Hermus,[143] which is about twenty stades[144] distant from Sardis;
but he sent Amyntas, son of Andromenes, to occupy the citadel of
Sardis.[145] He took Mithrines with him, treating him with honour; and
granted the Sardians and other Lydians the privilege of enjoying the
ancient laws of Lydia, and permitted them to be free. He then ascended
into the citadel, which was garrisoned by the Persians. And the
position seemed to him a strong one; for it was very lofty, precipitous
on every side, and fenced round by a triple wall. He therefore resolved
to build a temple to the Olympian Zeus on the hill, and to erect an
altar in it; but while he was considering which part of the hill was
the most suitable site, suddenly a winter storm arose, though it was
the summer season, loud claps of thunder were heard, and rain fell on
the spot where the palace of the kings of Lydia had stood. From this
Alexander thought that the deity had revealed to him where the temple
to Zeus ought to be built; and he gave orders accordingly. He left
Pausanias, one of the Companions, to be superintendent of the citadel
of Sardis, Nicias to supervise the collection of the tribute and taxes,
and Asander, son of Philotas, to be superintendent of Lydia and the
rest of the dominion of Spithridates, giving him as large a number
of cavalry and light-armed infantry as seemed sufficient for present
emergencies. He also sent Calas and Alexander, son of Aëropus, into the
country of Memnon,[146] in command of the Peloponnesians and most of
the other Grecian allies, except the Argives, who had been left behind
to guard the citadel of Sardis.
Meantime, when the news of the cavalry battle was spread abroad, the
Grecian mercenaries who formed the garrison of Ephesus, seized two of
the Ephesian triremes and set off in flight. They were accompanied
by Amyntas,[147] son of Antiochus, who had fled from Alexander out
of Macedonia, not because he had received any injury from the king,
but from ill-will to him, and thinking it not unlikely that he should
suffer some ill-treatment from him (on account of his disloyalty). On
the fourth day Alexander arrived at Ephesus, where he recalled from
exile all the men who had been banished from the city on account
of their adherence to him; and having broken up the oligarchy, he
established a democratical form of government there. He also ordered
the Ephesians to contribute to Artemis[148] all the tribute which
they were in the habit of paying to the Persians. When the people of
Ephesus were relieved of their dread of the oligarchs, they rushed
headlong to kill the men who had brought Memnon into the city, as also
those who had pillaged the temple of Artemis, and those who had thrown
down the statue of Philip which was in the temple, and those who had
dug up and carried off from the tomb in the market place the bones of
Heropythus, the liberator of their city. They also led Syrphax, and
his son Pelagon, and the sons of Syrphax’s brothers out of the temple
and stoned them to death. But Alexander prevented them making any
further quest of the rest of the oligarchs for the purpose of wreaking
their vengeance upon them; for he knew that if the people were not
checked, they would kill the innocent along with the guilty, some from
hatred, and others for the sake of seizing their property. At this time
Alexander gained great popularity both by his general course of action
and especially by what he did at Ephesus.
CHAPTER XVIII.
ALEXANDER MARCHES TO MILETUS AND OCCUPIES THE ISLAND OF LADE.
Men now came to him both from Magnesia[149] and Tralles, offering to
surrender those cities; and to them he sent Parmenio, giving him 2,500
infantry from the Grecian auxiliaries, an equal number of Macedonians,
and about 200 of the Cavalry Companions. He also sent Lysimachus, son
of Agathocles,[150] with an equal force to the Aeolic cities,[151] and
to as many of the Ionic cities[152] as were still under the Persians.
He was ordered to break up the oligarchies everywhere, to set up the
democratical form of government, to restore their own laws to each of
the cities, and to remit the tribute which they were accustomed to pay
to the foreigners. But Alexander himself remained behind at Ephesus,
where he offered a sacrifice to Artemis and conducted a procession in
her honour with the whole of his army fully armed and marshalled for
battle.[153]
On the following day he took the rest of his infantry, the archers, the
Agrianians, the Thracian cavalry, the royal squadron of the Companions,
and three other squadrons in addition, and set out for Miletus. At
his first assault he captured that which was called the outer city;
for the garrison had evacuated it. There he encamped and resolved to
blockade the inner city; for Hegesistratus, to whom the king Darius
had entrusted the command of the garrison in Miletus, kept on sending
letters before this to Alexander, offering to surrender Miletus to
him. But then, having regained his courage from the fact that the
Persian fleet was not far off, he made up his mind to preserve the
city for Darius. But Nicanor, the commander of the Grecian fleet,
anticipated the Persians by sailing into the port of Miletus three days
before they approached; and with 160 ships he anchored at the island
of Lade, which lies near Miletus.[154] The Persian ships arriving
too late, and the admirals discovering that Nicanor had occupied
the anchorage at Lade before them, they took moorings near Mount
Mycale.[155] Alexander had forestalled them in seizing the island, not
only by mooring his ships near it, but also by transporting into it the
Thracians and about 4,000 of the other auxiliary troops. The ships of
the foreigners were about 400 in number.
Notwithstanding the superiority of the Persian fleet, Parmenio advised
Alexander to fight a sea-battle, expecting that the Greeks would be
victorious with their fleet both for other reasons and especially
because an omen from the deity made him confident of the result; for
an eagle had been seen sitting upon the shore, opposite the sterns of
Alexander’s ships.[156] He also urged that if they won the battle, they
would reap a great advantage from it in regard to their main object
in the war; and if they were beaten, their defeat would not be of any
great moment; for even as it was, the Persians held the sovereignty of
the sea. He added that he was willing to go on board the fleet himself
and to share the danger. However, Alexander replied that Parmenio was
mistaken in his judgment, and did not explain the sign according to
probability. For it would be rash for him with a few ships to fight a
battle against a fleet far more numerous than his own, and with his
unpractised naval force to contend against the disciplined fleet of
the Cyprians and Phoenicians. Besides, he did not wish to deliver over
to the foreigners on so unstable an element the advantage which the
Macedonians derived from their skill and courage; and if they were
beaten in the sea-battle, their defeat would be no small hindrance to
their final success in the war, both for other reasons, and especially
because the Greeks, being animated with courage at the news of his
naval defeat, would attempt to effect a revolution. Taking all these
things into consideration, he declared that he did not think that it
was a suitable time for fighting a sea-battle; and for his part, he
expounded the divine omen in a different way. He admitted that the
eagle was in his favour; but as it was seen sitting on the land, it
seemed to him rather to be a sign that he should get the mastery over
the Persian fleet by defeating their army on land.
CHAPTER XIX.
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF MILETUS.
At this time Glaucippus, one of the most notable men in Miletus, was
sent out to Alexander by the people and the Grecian mercenaries, to
whom rather than to the citizens the town had been entrusted, to
tell him that the Milesians were willing to make their walls and
harbours[157] free to him and the Persians in common; and on these
terms to demand that he should raise the siege. But Alexander ordered
Glaucippus to depart without delay into the city, and tell the citizens
to prepare for a battle at daybreak. He then stationed his military
engines near the wall, and having in a short time partly broken and
partly shaken down a large piece of it, he led his army near, that the
men might enter wherever the wall had been thrown down or shaken. The
Persians from Mycale were following close[158] upon them and could
almost see their friends and allies being besieged. In the meantime,
Nicanor, observing from Lade Alexander’s commencement of the attack,
began to sail into the harbour of Miletus, rowing along the shore;
and mooring his triremes as close as possible together, with their
prows facing the enemy, across the narrowest part of the mouth of
the harbour, he shut off the Persian fleet from the port and made it
impossible for the Persians to give succour to the Milesians. Then
the Macedonians from all sides pressed close upon the citizens and
the Grecian mercenaries, who took to flight; some of them, casting
themselves into the sea, floated along upon their shields with the
hollow upwards to an unnamed islet which lies near the city; others
getting into their skiffs and hastening to get the start of the
Macedonian triremes, were captured by them at the mouth of the harbour.
But the majority of them were slain in the city itself. As soon as
Alexander had got possession of the city, he sailed against those who
had fled for refuge into the island; ordering the men to carry ladders
upon the prows of the triremes, with the intention of effecting a
landing along the cliffs of the island, as one would mount a wall. But
when he saw that the men on the island were resolved to run every risk,
he was moved with pity for them, because they appeared to him both
brave and loyal; wherefore he made a truce with them on the condition
that they would serve as his soldiers. These Grecian mercenaries were
about 300 in number. He likewise pardoned all the citizens of Miletus
who had escaped death in the capture of the city, and he granted them
their freedom.
The foreigners used to start from Mycale every day and sail up to the
Grecian fleet, hoping to induce them to accept the challenge and come
forth to a battle; but during the night they used to moor their vessels
near Mycale, which was an inconvenient station, because they were under
the necessity of fetching water from the mouth of the river Maeander, a
great way off.[159] Alexander guarded the harbour of Miletus with his
ships, in order to prevent the foreigners from forcing an entrance;
and at the same time he sent Philotas to Mycale in command of the
cavalry and three regiments of infantry, with instructions to prevent
the men in the ships from landing. Accordingly, they, being through
the scarcity of fresh water and of the other necessaries of life as
good as besieged in their ships, sailed away to Samos; where furnishing
themselves with food, they sailed back again to Miletus. They then drew
up most of their ships in front of the harbour on the deep sea, with
the hope that they might in some way or other induce the Macedonians
to come out into the open sea. Five of their ships sailed into the
roadstead which lay between the island of Lade and the camp, expecting
to surprise Alexander’s ships while empty of their crews; for they had
ascertained that the sailors for the most part were dispersed from the
ships, some to gather fuel, others to collect provisions, and others
being arranged in foraging parties.[160] And indeed it happened that a
number of the sailors were absent; but as soon as Alexander observed
the five Persian ships sailing towards him, he manned ten ships with
the sailors who happened to be at hand, and sent them with all speed
against them with orders to attack prow to prow. No sooner did the men
in the five Persian ships see the Macedonians bearing up against them,
contrary to their expectation, than they immediately tacked about,
though far off, and fled to the rest of their fleet. However, the ship
of the Iassians,[161] not being a fast sailer, was captured in the
flight, men and all; but the other four succeeded in escaping to their
own triremes. After this the Persians sailed away from Miletus without
effecting anything.
CHAPTER XX.
SIEGE OF HALICARNASSUS.—ABORTIVE ATTACK ON MYNDUS.
Alexander now resolved to disband his fleet, partly from lack of
money at the time, and partly because he saw that his own fleet was
not a match in battle for that of the Persians. On this account he
was unwilling to run the risk of losing even a part of his armament.
Besides, he considered, that now he was occupying Asia with his
land force, he would no longer be in need of a fleet; and that he
would be able to break up that of the Persians, if he captured the
maritime cities; since they would neither have any ports from which
they could recruit their crews, nor any harbour in Asia to which they
could bring their ships. Thus he explained the omen of the eagle to
signify that he should get the mastery over the enemy’s ships by his
land force. After doing this, he set forth into Caria,[162] because
it was reported that a considerable force, both of foreigners and
of Grecian auxiliaries, had collected in Halicarnassus.[163] Having
taken all the cities between Miletus and Halicarnassus as soon as
he approached them, he encamped near the latter city, at a distance
from it of about five stades,[164] as if he expected a long siege.
For the natural position of the place made it strong; and wherever
there seemed to be any deficiency in security, it had been entirely
supplied long before by Memnon, who was there in person, having now
been proclaimed by Darius governor of lower Asia and commander of the
entire fleet. Many Grecian mercenary soldiers had been left in the
city, as well as many Persian troops; the triremes also were moored
in the harbour, so that the sailors might render him valuable aid in
the operations. On the first day of the siege, while Alexander was
leading his men up to the wall in the direction of the gate leading
towards Mylasa,[165] the men in the city made a sortie, and a skirmish
took place; but Alexander’s men making a rush upon them repulsed
them with ease, and shut them up in the city. A few days after this,
the king took the shield-bearing guards, the Cavalry Companions, the
infantry regiments of Amyntas, Perdiccas and Meleager, and in addition
to these the archers and Agrianians, and went round to the part of
the city which is in the direction of Myndus, both for the purpose
of inspecting the wall, to see if it happened to be more easy to be
assaulted there than elsewhere; and at the same time to see if he could
get hold of Myndus[166] by a sudden and secret attack. For he thought
that if Myndus were his own, it would be no small help in the siege of
Halicarnassus; moreover, an offer to surrender had been made by the
Myndians if he would approach the town secretly, under the cover of
night. About midnight, therefore, he approached the wall, according to
the plan agreed on; but as no sign of surrender was made by the men
within, and though he had with him no military engines or ladders,
inasmuch as he had not set out to besiege the town, but to receive
it on surrender, he nevertheless led the Macedonian phalanx near and
ordered them to undermine the wall. They threw down one of the towers,
which, however, in its fall did not make a breach in the wall. But the
men in the city stoutly defending themselves, and at the same time
many from Halicarnassus having already come to their aid by sea, made
it impossible for Alexander to capture Myndus by surprise or sudden
assault. Wherefore he returned without accomplishing any of the plans
for which he had set out, and devoted himself once more to the siege of
Halicarnassus.
In the first place he filled up with earth the ditch which the enemy
had dug in front of the city, about thirty cubits wide and fifteen
deep; so that it might be easy to bring forward the towers, from which
he intended to discharge missiles against the defenders of the wall;
and that he might bring up the other engines with which he was planning
to batter the wall down. He easily filled up the ditch, and the towers
were then brought forward. But the men in Halicarnassus made a sally by
night with the design of setting fire both to the towers and the other
engines which had been brought up to the wall, or were nearly brought
up to it. They were, however, easily repelled and shut up again within
the walls by the Macedonians who were guarding the engines, and by
others who were aroused by the noise of the struggle and who came to
their aid. Neoptolemus, the brother of Arrhabaeus, son of Amyntas, one
of those who had deserted to Darius, was killed, with about 170 others
of the enemy. Of Alexander’s soldiers sixteen were killed and 300
wounded; for the sally being made in the night, they were less able to
guard themselves from being wounded.
CHAPTER XXI.
SIEGE OF HALICARNASSUS.
A few days after this, two Macedonian hoplites of the brigade of
Perdiccas, living in the same tent and being messmates, happened in
the course of conversation each to be extolling himself and his own
exploits. Hence a quarrel arose between them as to which of them was
the braver, and, being somewhat inflamed with wine, they agreed to arm
themselves, and of their own accord go and assault the wall facing
the citadel, which for the most part was turned towards Mylasa. This
they did rather to make a display of their own valour than to engage
in a dangerous conflict with the enemy. Some of the men in the city,
however, perceiving that there were only two of them, and that they
were approaching the wall inconsiderately, rushed out upon them; but
they slew those who came near, and hurled darts at those who stood at
a distance. At last, however, they were overmatched both by the number
of their assailants and the disadvantage of their own position; for the
enemy made the attack upon them, and threw darts at them from a higher
level.[167] Meanwhile some other men from the brigade of Perdiccas,
and others from Halicarnassus, rushed out against each other; and a
sharp contest ensued near the wall. Those who had made the sally from
the city were driven back, and again shut up within the gates by the
Macedonians. The city also narrowly escaped capture; for the walls
at that time were not under strict guard, and two towers, with the
whole intermediate space, having already fallen to the ground, would
have offered an easy entrance within the wall to the army, if the
whole of it had undertaken the task. The third tower, which had been
thoroughly shaken, would likewise have been easily thrown down if it
had been undermined; but the enemy easily succeeded in building inside
a crescent-shaped brick wall to take the place of the one which had
fallen. This they were able to do so quickly because of the multitude
of hands at their disposal. On the following day Alexander brought his
engines up to this wall also; and the men in the city made another
sally to set them on fire. A part of the wicker-work shed near the
wall and a piece of one of the wooden towers were burnt, but the rest
were protected by Philotas and Hellanicus, to whom the charge of them
had been committed. But as soon as those who were making the sally saw
Alexander, the men who had come out to render aid by holding torches
threw them away, and the majority of them cast away their arms and fled
within the walls of the city. Then at first they had the advantage from
the nature of their position, which was commanding on account of its
height; for not only did they cast missiles right in front against the
men who were guarding the engines, but also from the towers which alone
had been left standing at each end of the battered-down wall, they were
able to cast them against the sides, and almost against the backs, of
those who were assaulting the wall which had just been built in place
of the ruined one.[168]
CHAPTER XXII.
SIEGE OF HALICARNASSUS.
A few days after this, when Alexander again brought his military
engines up to the inner brick wall, and was himself superintending
the work, a sortie in mass was made from the city, some advancing by
the breach in the wall, where Alexander himself was posted, others by
the triple gate, where the Macedonians did not at all expect them.
The first party cast torches and other combustibles at the engines,
in order to set them on fire and to defy the engineers excessively.
But when the men around Alexander attacked them vigorously, hurling
great stones with the engines from the towers, and launching darts
at them, they were easily put to rout and fled into the city; and as
a great number of them had sallied forth and great audacity had been
exhibited in the fight, no small slaughter of them took place. For
some of them were slain fighting hand-to-hand with the Macedonians,
others were killed near the ruins of the wall,[169] because the breach
was too narrow for such a multitude to pass through, and the fragments
of the wall made it difficult for them to scale it. The second party,
which sallied forth by the triple gate, was met by Ptolemy,[170] one
of the royal body-guards, who had with him the regiments of Addaeus
and Timander and some of the light-armed troops. These soldiers by
themselves easily put the men of the city to rout; but as the latter
in their retreat were fleeing over a narrow bridge which had been made
over the ditch, they had the misfortune to break it down by the weight
of their multitude. Many of them fell into the ditch, some of whom
were trampled to death by their own comrades, and others were killed
by the Macedonian weapons from above. A very great slaughter was also
made at the very gates, because they were shut before the proper time
in a state of panic. For the enemy, being afraid that the Macedonians,
who were close upon the fugitives, would rush in with them, shut many
of their friends out, who were slain by the Macedonians near the very
walls. The city narrowly escaped capture; indeed it would have been
taken, had not Alexander called back his army, to see if some friendly
sign of surrender would be made by the Halicarnassians; for he was
still desirous of saving their city. Of the men in the city about one
thousand were slain; and of Alexander’s men about forty, among whom
were Ptolemy, one of the king’s body-guards, Clearchus, a captain of
the archers, Addaeus, who had the command of a thousand infantry, and
other Macedonians of no mean position.[171]
CHAPTER XXIII.
DESTRUCTION OF HALICARNASSUS.—ADA, QUEEN OF CARIA.
Then Orontobates and Memnon, the commanders of the Persians, met and
decided from the state of affairs that they could not hold out long
against the siege, seeing that part of the wall had already fallen
down and part had been battered and weakened, and that many of their
soldiers had either perished in the sorties or been wounded and
disabled. Taking these things into consideration, about the second
watch of the night they set fire to the wooden tower which they had
themselves built to resist the enemy’s military engines, and to the
magazines in which their weapons were stored. They also cast fire into
the houses near the wall; and others were burned by the flames, which
were carried with great fury from the magazines and the tower by the
wind bearing in that direction. Some of the enemy then withdrew to the
stronghold in the island (called Arconnesus), and others to another
fortress called Salmacis. When this was reported to Alexander by some
deserters from the incendiaries, and he himself could see the raging
fire, though the occurrence took place about midnight, yet he led out
the Macedonians and slew those who were still engaged in setting fire
to the city. But he issued orders to preserve all the Halicarnassians
who should be taken in their houses. As soon as the daylight appeared
he could discern the strongholds which the Persians and the Grecian
mercenaries had occupied; but he decided not to besiege them,
considering that he would meet with no small delay beleaguering them,
from the nature of their position, and moreover thinking that they
would be of little importance to him now that he had captured the whole
city.
Wherefore, burying the dead in the night, he ordered the men who
had been placed in charge of the military engines to convey them to
Tralles. He himself marched into Phrygia, after razing the city to
the ground, and leaving 3,000 Grecian infantry and 200 cavalry as a
guard both of this place and of the rest of Caria, under the command
of Ptolemy. He appointed Ada to act as his viceroy of the whole
of Caria.[172] This queen was daughter of Hecatomnus and wife of
Hidrieus, who, though he was her brother, lived with her in wedlock,
according to the custom of the Carians. When Hidrieus was dying, he
confided the administration of affairs to her, for it had been a
custom in Asia, ever since the time of Semiramis, even for women to
rule men. But Pixodarus expelled her from the rule, and seized the
administration of affairs himself. On the death of Pixodarus, his
son-in-law Orontobates was sent by the king of the Persians to rule
over the Carians. Ada retained Alinda alone, the strongest place in
Caria; and when Alexander invaded Caria she went to meet him, offering
to surrender Alinda to him, and adopting him as her son.[173] Alexander
confided Alinda to her, and did not think the title of son unworthy of
his acceptance; moreover, when he had captured Halicarnassus and become
master of the rest of Caria, he granted her the privilege of ruling
over the whole country.
CHAPTER XXIV.
ALEXANDER IN LYCIA AND PAMPHYLIA.
Some of the Macedonians who served in Alexander’s army had married just
before he undertook the expedition. He thought that he ought not to
treat these men with neglect, and therefore sent them back from Caria
to spend the winter in Macedonia with their wives. He placed them under
the command of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, one of the royal body-guards,
and of the two generals Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and Meleager, son
of Neoptolemus, because they were also newly married. He gave these
officers instructions to levy as many horse and foot soldiers as they
could from the country, when they returned to him and brought back the
men who had been sent away with them. By this act more than by any
other Alexander acquired popularity among the Macedonians. He also sent
Cleander, son of Polemocrates, to levy soldiers in Peloponnesus,[174]
and Parmenio to Sardis, giving him the command of a regiment of the
Cavalry Companions, the Thessalian cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian
allies. He ordered him to take the wagons to Sardis and to advance from
that place into Phrygia.
He himself marched towards Lycia and Pamphylia, in order to gain
command of the coastland, and by that means render the enemy’s fleet
useless. The first place on his route was Hyparna, a strong position,
having a garrison of Grecian mercenaries; but he took it at the first
assault, and allowed the Greeks to depart from the citadel under a
truce. Then he invaded Lycia and brought over the Telmissians by
capitulation; and crossing the river Xanthus, the cities of Pinara,
Xanthus, Patara, and about thirty other smaller towns were surrendered
to him.[175] Having accomplished this, though it was now the very depth
of winter, he invaded the land called Milyas,[176] which is a part of
Great Phrygia, but at that time paid tribute to Lycia, according to
an arrangement made by the Great King. Hither came envoys from the
Phaselites,[177] to treat for his friendship, and to crown him with
a golden crown; and the majority of the maritime Lycians also sent
heralds to him as ambassadors to treat for the same object. He ordered
the Phaselites and Lycians to surrender their cities to those who were
despatched by him to receive them; and they were all surrendered. He
soon afterwards arrived himself at Phaselis, and helped the men of
that city to capture a strong fort which had been constructed by the
Pisidians to overawe the country; and sallying forth from which those
barbarians used to inflict much damage upon the Phaselites who tilled
the land.[178]
CHAPTER XXV.
TREASON OF ALEXANDER, SON OF AËROPUS.
While the king was still near Phaselis he received information that
Alexander, son of Aëropus, who was not only one of the Companions, but
also at that time commander of the Thessalian horse, was conspiring
against him. This Alexander was brother of Heromenes and Arrhabaeus,
who had taken part in the murder of Philip.[179] At that time King
Alexander pardoned him, though he was accused of complicity with them,
because after Philip’s death he was among the first of his friends to
come to him, and, helping him on with his breastplate, accompanied him
to the palace. The king afterwards showed him honour at his court,
sent him as general into Thrace; and when Calas the commander of the
Thessalian horse was sent away to a viceroyalty[180] he was appointed
to succeed that general. The details of the conspiracy were reported
as follows: When Amyntas deserted to Darius,[181] he conveyed to
him certain messages and a letter from this Alexander. Darius then
sent Sisines, one of his own faithful Persian courtiers, down to the
sea-coast, under pretence of going to Atizyes, viceroy of Phrygia, but
really to communicate with this Alexander, and to give him pledges,
that if he would kill king Alexander, Darius would appoint him king of
Macedonia, and would give him 1,000 talents of gold[182] in addition
to the kingdom. But Sisines, being captured by Parmenio, told him the
real object of his mission. Parmenio sent him immediately under guard
to the king, who obtained the same intelligence from him. The king
then, having collected his friends, proposed to them as a subject
for deliberation what decision he ought to make in regard to this
Alexander. The Companions thought that formerly he had not resolved
wisely in confiding the best part of his cavalry to a faithless man,
and that now it was advisable to put him out of the way as speedily as
possible, before he became even more popular among the Thessalians and
should try to effect some revolutionary plan with their aid. Moreover
they were terrified by a certain divine portent. For, while Alexander
the king was still besieging Halicarnassus, it is said that he was
once taking rest at midday, when a swallow flew about over his head
loudly twittering, and perched now on this side of his couch and now on
that, chirping more noisily than usual. On account of his fatigue he
could not be roused from sleep, but being disquieted by the sound he
brushed her away gently with his hand. But though struck she was so far
from trying to escape, that she perched upon the very head of the king,
and did not desist until he was wide awake. Thinking the affair of
the swallow of no trivial import, he communicated it to a soothsayer,
Aristander the Telmissian,[183] who told him that it signified a plot
formed by one of his friends. He said it also signified that the plot
would be discovered, because the swallow was a bird fond of man’s
society and well disposed to him as well as more loquacious than any
other bird. Therefore, comparing this with the depositions of the
Persian, the king sent Amphoterus, son of Alexander and brother of
Craterus to Parmenio; and with him he sent some Pergaeans to show him
the way. Amphoterus, putting on a native dress, so that he should not
be recognised on the road, reached Parmenio by stealth. He did not
carry a letter from Alexander, because it did not appear to the king
advisable to write openly about such a matter; but he reported the
message entrusted to him by word of mouth. Consequently this Alexander
was arrested and kept under guard.
CHAPTER XXVI.
ALEXANDER IN PAMPHYLIA.—CAPTURE OF ASPENDUS AND SIDE.
Alexander then, moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army to Perga
through the mountains, where the Thracians had levelled a road for him
by a route which was otherwise difficult and long. But he himself led
his own brigade by the beach along the sea, where there is no route,
except when the north wind blows. But if the south wind prevails it is
impossible to journey along the beach. At that time, after a strong
south wind, the north winds blew, and rendered his passage easy and
quick, not without the divine intervention, as both he and his men
interpreted.[184] As he was advancing from Perga, he was met on the
road by envoys from the Aspendians[185] with full powers, who offered
to surrender their city, but begged him not lead a garrison into it.
Having gained their request in regard to the garrison, they went back;
but he ordered them to give him fifty talents[186] as pay for his army,
as well as the horses which they were rearing as tribute to Darius.
Having agreed with him about the money, and having likewise promised to
hand over the horses, they departed.
Alexander then marched to Sidē,[187] the inhabitants of which were
Cymaeans from Cyme, in Aeolis. These people give the following account
of themselves, saying that their ancestors starting from Cyme,
arrived in that country, and disembarked to found a settlement. They
immediately forgot the Grecian language, and forthwith began to utter a
foreign speech, not, indeed, that of the neighbouring barbarians, but
a speech peculiar to themselves, which had never before existed. From
that time the Sidetans used to speak a foreign language unlike that of
the neighbouring nations. Having left a garrison in Sidē, Alexander
advanced to Syllium,[188] a strong place, containing a garrison of
Grecian mercenaries as well as of native barbarians themselves. But
he was unable to take Syllium offhand by a sudden assault, for he
was informed on his march that the Aspendians refused to perform any
of their agreements, and would neither deliver the horses to those
who were sent to receive them, nor pay the money; but that they had
collected their property out of the fields into the city, shut their
gates against his men, and were repairing their walls where they had
become dilapidated. Hearing this, he marched off to Aspendus.
CHAPTER XXVII.
ALEXANDER IN PHRYGIA AND PISIDIA.
The greater part of Aspendus had been built upon a strong and
precipitous rock, at the very foot of which flows the river
Eurymedon[189]; but round the rock, on the low ground, were many of
the citizens’ houses, surrounded by a small wall. As soon as they
ascertained that Alexander was approaching, the inhabitants deserted
the wall and the houses situated on the low ground, which they thought
they were unable to protect; and they fled in a body to the rock. When
he arrived with his forces, he passed within the deserted wall and
took up his quarters in the houses which had been abandoned by the
Aspendians. When these saw that Alexander himself had come, contrary to
their expectation, and that his camp was encircling them on all sides,
they sent envoys to him, entreating him to form an agreement with them
on the former terms. Alexander, considering the strength of the place,
and how unprepared he was to undertake a long siege, entered into an
agreement with them, though not on the same terms as before. For he
ordered them to give him their most influential men as hostages, to
hand over the horses which they had formerly agreed to give him, to pay
100 talents instead of fifty, to obey the viceroy appointed by him, and
to pay an annual tribute to the Macedonians. Moreover he directed an
inquiry to be held about the land which they were accused of holding by
force, though it belonged of right to their neighbours.
When all these concessions had been made to him, he marched away to
Perga, and thence set out for Phrygia, his route leading him past the
city of Termessus. The people of this city are foreigners, of the
Pisidian race, inhabiting a very lofty place, precipitous on every
side; so that the road to the city is a difficult one. For a mountain
stretches from the city as far as the road, where it suddenly stops
short; and over against it rises another mountain, no less precipitous.
These mountains form gates, as it were, upon the road; and it is
possible for those who occupy these eminences even with a small guard
to render the passage impracticable. On this occasion the Termissians
had come out in a body, and were occupying both the mountains; seeing
which, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to encamp there, armed as they
were, imagining that the Termissians would not remain in a body when
they saw them bivouacking, but that most of them would withdraw into
their city, which was near, leaving upon the mountains only sufficient
men to form a guard. And it turned out just as he conjectured; for
most of them retired, and only a guard remained. He forthwith took the
archers, the regiments of javelin-throwers, and the lighter hoplites,
and led them against those who were guarding the pass. When these were
attacked with missiles, they did not stand their ground, but abandoned
the position. Alexander then passed through the defile, and encamped
near the city.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
OPERATIONS IN PISIDIA.
While he was there, ambassadors came to him from the Selgians, who are
also Pisidian barbarians, inhabiting a large city, and being warlike.
Because they happened to be inveterate enemies to the Termessians they
had despatched this embassy to Alexander, to treat for his friendship.
He made a treaty with them, and from this time found them faithful
allies in all his proceedings. Despairing of being able to capture
Termessus without a great loss of time, he marched on to Sagalassus.
This was also a large city, inhabited likewise by Pisidians; and though
all the Pisidians are warlike, the men of this city were deemed the
most so. On this occasion they had occupied the hill in front of the
city, because it was no less strong than the walls, from which to
attack the enemy; and there they were awaiting him. But Alexander drew
up the phalanx of Macedonians in the following way: on the right wing,
where he had himself taken up his position, he held the shield-bearing
guards, and next to these he extended the foot Companions as far as
the left wing, in the order that each of the generals had precedence
in the array that day. On the left wing he stationed Amyntas, son of
Arrhabaeus, as commander. In front of the right wing were posted the
archers and Agrianians, and in front of the left wing the Thracian
javelin-throwers under the command of Sitalces. But the cavalry were
no use to him in a place so rough and unfavourable. The Termessians
also had come to the aid of the Pisidians, and arrayed themselves with
them. Alexander had already made an attack upon the mountain which the
Pisidians were occupying, advancing up the most abrupt part of the
ascent, when the barbarians from an ambuscade attacked him on both
wings, in a place where it was very easy for themselves to advance,
but where the route was very difficult for their enemy. The archers,
who were the first to approach, were put to rout, inasmuch as they
were insufficiently armed; but the Agrianians stood their ground, for
the Macedonian phalanx was already drawing near, at the head of which
Alexander himself was seen. When the battle became a hand-to-hand one,
though the barbarians were destitute of armour, they rushed against
the Macedonian hoplites, and fell wounded on all sides. Then, indeed,
they gave way, after about 500 of them had been killed. As they were
nimble and well-acquainted with the locality, they effected their
retreat without difficulty; whereas the Macedonians, on account of
the heaviness of their arms and their ignorance of the roads, durst
not pursue them vigorously. Alexander therefore held off from the
fugitives, and took their city by storm. Of those with him, Cleander,
the general of the archers, and about twenty others were slain.
Alexander then marched against the rest of the Pisidians, and took some
of their strongholds by storm; others he won over to him by granting
them terms of capitulation.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ALEXANDER IN PHRYGIA.
Thence he went into Phrygia, passing by the lake called Ascania,[190]
in which salt is naturally concreted. The natives use this salt, and
do not need the sea at all for this article. On the fifth day of
his march, he arrived at Celaenae,[191] in which city there was a
fortified rock, precipitous on all sides. This citadel was occupied
by the viceroy of Phrygia with a garrison of 1,000 Carians and 100
Grecian mercenaries. These men despatched ambassadors to Alexander,
promising to surrender the place to him, if succour did not reach them
by a day which had been agreed upon with them, naming the day.[192]
This arrangement seemed to Alexander more advantageous than to besiege
the fortified rock, which was inaccessible on all sides to attack.
At Celaenae he left a garrison of 1,500 soldiers. Remaining here ten
days, he appointed Antigonus, son of Philip,[193] viceroy of Phrygia,
placed Balacrus, son of Amyntas[194] as general over the Grecian allies
in place of Antigonus, and then directed his march to Gordium.[195]
He sent an order to Parmenio to meet him there with the forces under
his command; an order which that general obeyed. The newly-married men
also, who had been despatched to Macedonia, now arrived at Gordium, and
with them another army which had been levied, and put under the command
of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,[196] Coenus, son of Polemocrates, and
Meleager, son of Neoptolemus. This army consisted of 3,000 Macedonian
foot-soldiers and 300 horse-soldiers, 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150
Eleans under the command of Alcias the Elean.
Gordium is in the Phrygia which lies near the Hellespont, and is
situated upon the river Sangarius, which takes its rise in Phrygia,
but, flowing through the land of the Bithynian Thracians, falls into
the Euxine Sea. Here an embassy reached Alexander from the Athenians,
beseeching him to release to them the Athenian prisoners who had been
captured at the river Granicus, fighting for the Persians, and were
then in Macedonia serving in chains with the two thousand others
captured in that battle. The envoys departed without obtaining their
request on behalf of the prisoners for the present. For Alexander
did not think it safe, whilst the war against the Persian was still
going on, to relax in the slightest degree the terror with which he
inspired the Greeks, who did not deem it unbecoming for them to serve
as soldiers on behalf of the foreigners against Greece. However, he
replied that whenever his present enterprise had been successfully
achieved, they might then come as ambassadors to treat on behalf of the
same persons.[197]
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
CAPTURE OF MITYLENE BY THE PERSIANS.—DEATH OF MEMNON.
Soon after this, Memnon, whom King Darius had appointed commander of
the whole fleet and of the entire sea-coast, with the design of moving
the seat of war into Macedonia and Greece, acquired possession of
Chios, which was surrendered to him by treachery. Thence he sailed to
Lesbos and brought over to his side all the cities of the island,[198]
except Mitylene, the inhabitants of which did not submit to him. When
he had gained these cities over, he turned his attention to Mitylene;
and walling off the city from the rest of the island by constructing
a double stockade from sea to sea, he easily got the mastery on the
land side by building five camps. A part of his fleet guarded their
harbour, and, intercepting the ships passing by, he kept the rest of
his fleet as a guard off Sigrium,[199] the headland of Lesbos, where is
the best landing-place for trading vessels from Chios, Geraestus,[200]
and Malea.[201] By this means he deprived the Mitylenaeans of all hope
of succour by sea. But meantime he himself fell ill and died, and his
death at that crisis was exceedingly injurious to the king’s interests.
Nevertheless Autophradates, and Pharnabazus, son of Artabazus,
prosecuted the siege with vigour. To the latter indeed, Memnon, when
dying, had entrusted his command, as he was his sister’s son, till
Darius should come to some decision on the matter. The Mitylenaeans,
therefore, being excluded from the land, and being blockaded on the
sea by many ships lying at anchor, sent to Pharnabazus and came to
the following agreement:—That the auxiliary troops which had come
to their aid from Alexander should depart, that the citizens should
demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by them with Alexander
was inscribed,[202] that they should become allies of Darius on the
terms of the peace which was made with King Darius in the time of
Antalcidas,[203] and that their exiles should return from banishment
on condition of receiving back half the property which they possessed
when they were banished. Upon these terms the compact was made between
the Mitylenaeans and the Persians. But as soon as Pharnabazus and
Autophradates once got within the city, they introduced a garrison with
Lycomedes, a Rhodian, as its commandant. They also appointed Diogenes,
one of the exiles, to be despot of the city, and exacted money from the
Mitylenaeans, taking part of it by violence for themselves from the
wealthy citizens, and laying the rest as a tax upon the community.
CHAPTER II.
THE PERSIANS CAPTURE TENEDUS.—THEY ARE DEFEATED AT SEA.
After accomplishing this, Pharnabazus sailed to Lycia, taking with
him the Grecian mercenaries; but Autophradates sailed to the other
islands. Meantime Darius sent Thymondas, son of Mentor,[204] down to
the maritime districts, to take over the Grecian auxiliaries from
Pharnabazus and to lead them up to him; and to tell Pharnabazus that
he was to be the ruler of all that Memnon had ruled. So Pharnabazus
handed over to him the Grecian auxiliaries and then sailed to join
Autophradates and the fleet. When they met, they despatched Datames,
a Persian, with ten ships to the islands called Cyclades,[205] whilst
they with 100 sailed to Tenedus.[206] Having sailed into the harbour of
Tenedus which is called Borēus, they sent a message to the inhabitants,
commanding them to demolish the pillars on which the treaty made by
them with Alexander and the Greeks was inscribed, and to observe in
regard to Darius the terms of the peace which they had ratified with
the king of Persia in the time of Antalcidas. The Tenedians preferred
to be on terms of amity with Alexander and the Greeks; but in the
present crisis it seemed impossible to save themselves except by
yielding to the Persians, since Hegelochus, who had been commissioned
by Alexander to collect another naval force, had not yet gathered so
large a fleet as to warrant them in expecting any speedy succour from
him. Accordingly Pharnabazus made the Tenedians comply with his demands
rather from fear than good-will.
Meantime Proteas, son of Andronicus, by command of Antipater,[207]
succeeded in collecting ships of war from Euboea and the Peloponnese,
so that there might be some protection both for the islands and for
Greece itself, if the foreigners attacked them by sea, as it was
reported they intended to do. Learning that Datames with ten ships was
moored near Siphnus,[208] Proteas set out by night with fifteen from
Chalcis on the Euripus,[209] and approaching the island of Cythnus[210]
at dawn, he spent the day there in order to get more certain
information of the movements of the ten ships, resolving at the same
time to fall upon the Phoenicians by night, when he would be likely
to strike them with greater terror. Having discovered with certainty
that Datames was moored with his ships at Siphnus, he sailed thither
while it was still dark, and just at the very dawn fell upon them when
they least expected it, and captured eight of the ships, men and all.
But Datames, with the other two triremes, escaped by stealth at the
beginning of the attack made by the ships with Proteas, and reached the
rest of the Persian fleet in safety.
CHAPTER III.
ALEXANDER AT GORDIUM.
When Alexander arrived at Gordium, he was seized with an ardent desire
to go up into the citadel, which contained the palace of Gordius and
his son Midas. He was also desirous of seeing the wagon of Gordius and
the cord which bound the yoke to the wagon. There was a great deal of
talk about this wagon among the neighbouring population. It was said
that Gordius was a poor man among the ancient Phrygians, who had a
small piece of land to till, and two yoke of oxen. He used one of these
in ploughing and the other to draw the wagon. On one occasion, while
he was ploughing, an eagle settled upon the yoke,[211] and remained
sitting there until the time came for unyoking the oxen. Being alarmed
at the sight, he went to the Telmissian soothsayers to consult them
about the sign from the deity; for the Telmissians were skilful in
interpreting the meaning of Divine manifestations, and the power of
divination has been bestowed not only upon the men, but also upon
their wives and children from generation to generation. When Gordius
was driving his wagon near a certain village of the Telmissians, he
met a maiden fetching water from the spring, and to her he related how
the sign of the eagle had appeared to him. As she herself was of the
prophetic race, she instructed him to return to the very spot and offer
sacrifice to Zeus the king. Gordius requested her to accompany him and
direct him how to perform the sacrifice. He offered the sacrifice in
the way the girl suggested, and afterwards married her. A son was born
to them named Midas, who, when he arrived at the age of maturity, was
both handsome and valiant. At this time the Phrygians were harassed by
civil discord, and consulting the oracle, they were told that a wagon
would bring them a king, who would put an end to their discord.[212]
While they were still deliberating about this very matter, Midas
arrived with his father and mother, and stopped near the assembly with
the very wagon in question. They, interpreting the oracular response to
refer to him, decided that this was the person whom the god told them
the wagon would bring. They therefore appointed Midas king; and he,
putting an end to their discord, dedicated his father’s wagon in the
citadel as a thank-offering to Zeus the king for sending the eagle. In
addition to this the following report was current concerning the wagon,
that whosoever could loosen the cord with which the yoke of the wagon
was tied, was destined to be the ruler of Asia. The cord was made of
cornel bark, and neither end nor beginning to it could be seen. It is
said by some that when Alexander could find out no way to loosen the
cord and yet was unwilling to allow it to remain unloosened, lest it
should exercise some disturbing influence upon the multitude, he struck
the cord with his sword and cut it through, saying that it had been
untied by him. But Aristobulus says that he pulled out the pin of the
wagon-pole, which was a wooden peg driven right through it, holding
the cord together. Having done this, he drew out the yoke from the
wagon-pole. How Alexander performed the feat in connection with this
cord, I cannot affirm with confidence. At any rate both he and his
troops departed from the wagon as if the oracular prediction concerning
the untying of the cord had been fulfilled. Moreover, that very night,
the thunder and lightning were signs from heaven of its fulfilment; and
for this reason Alexander offered sacrifice on the following day to the
gods who had revealed the signs and assured him that the cord had been
untied in a proper way.[213]
CHAPTER IV.
CONQUEST OF CAPPADOCIA.—ALEXANDER’S ILLNESS AT TARSUS.
The next day he sent out to Ancyra[214] in Galatia, where he was met by
an embassy from the Paphlagonians, offering to surrender their nation
to him and to enter into an alliance with him; but they requested him
not to invade their land with his forces. He therefore commanded them
to submit to the authority of Calas, the viceroy of Phrygia. Marching
thence into Cappadocia, he subjugated all that part of it which lies on
this side of the river Halys,[215] and much of that which lies beyond
it. Having appointed Sabictas viceroy of Cappadocia, he advanced to
the Gates of Cilicia,[216] and when he arrived at the Camp of Cyrus,
who (went) with Xenophon,[217] and saw that the Gates were occupied by
strong guards, he left Parmenio there with the regiments of infantry
which were more heavily armed; and about the first watch, taking the
shield-bearing guards, the archers, and the Agrianians, he advanced by
night to the Gates, in order to fall upon the guards when they least
expected it. However, his advance was not unobserved; but his boldness
served him equally well, for the guards, perceiving that Alexander was
advancing in person, deserted their post and set off in flight. At dawn
next day he passed through the Gates with all his forces and descended
into Cilicia.[218] Here he was informed that Arsames had previously
intended to preserve Tarsus for the Persians; but when he heard that
Alexander had already passed through the Gates, he resolved to abandon
the city; and that the Tarsians were therefore afraid he would turn to
plunder their city and afterwards evacuate it. Hearing this, Alexander
led his cavalry and the lightest of his light infantry to Tarsus with
a forced march; consequently Arsames, hearing of his start, fled with
speed from Tarsus to King Darius without inflicting any injury upon the
city.
Alexander now fell ill from the toils he had undergone, according
to the account of Aristobulus; but other authors say that while he
was very hot and in profuse perspiration he leaped into the river
Cydnus[219] and swam, being eager to bathe in its water. This river
flows through the midst of the city; and as its source is in mount
Taurus and it flows through a clean district, it is cold and its water
is clear. Alexander therefore was seized with convulsions, accompanied
with high fever and continuous sleeplessness. None of the physicians
thought he was likely to survive,[220] except Philip, an Acarnanian,
a physician in attendance on the king, and very much trusted by him
in medical matters, who also enjoyed a great reputation in the army
in general affairs. This man wished to administer a purgative draught
to Alexander, and the king ordered him to administer it. While Philip
was preparing the cup, a letter was given to the king from Parmenio,
warning him to beware of Philip; for he heard that the physician had
been bribed by Darius to poison Alexander with medicine. But he, having
read the letter, and still holding it in his hand, took the cup which
contained the medicine and gave Philip the letter to read. While Philip
was reading the news from Parmenio, Alexander drank the potion. It was
at once evident to the king that the physician was acting honourably
in giving the medicine, for he was not alarmed at the letter, but only
so much the more exhorted the king to obey all the other prescriptions
which he might give, promising that his life would be saved if he
obeyed his instructions. Alexander was purged by the draught, and his
illness then took a favourable turn. He afterwards proved to Philip
that he was a faithful friend to him; and to the rest of those about
he proved that he had perfect confidence in his friends by refusing
to entertain any suspicion of their fidelity; and at the same time he
showed that he could meet death with dauntless courage.[221]
CHAPTER V.
ALEXANDER AT THE TOMB OF SARDANAPALUS.—PROCEEDINGS IN CILICIA.
After this he sent Parmenio to the other Gates which separate the land
of the Cilicians from that of the Assyrians, in order to capture them
before the enemy could do so, and to guard the pass.[222] He gave
him the allied infantry, the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians who
were under the command of Sitalces, and the Thessalian cavalry. He
afterwards marched from Tarsus, and on the first day arrived at the
city of Anchialus.[223] According to report, this city was founded by
Sardanapalus the Assyrian;[224] and both from the circumference and
from the foundations of the walls it is evident that a large city had
been founded and that it had reached a great pitch of power. Also near
the wall of Anchialus was the monument of Sardanapalus, upon the top
of which stood the statue of that king with the hands joined to each
other just as they are joined for clapping.[225] An inscription had
been placed upon it in Assyrian characters,[226] which the Assyrians
asserted to be in metre. The meaning which the words expressed was
this:—“Sardanapalus, son of Anacyndaraxas, built Anchialus and Tarsus
in one day; but do thou, O stranger, eat, drink, and play, since all
other human things are not worth this!” referring, as in a riddle, to
the empty sound which the hands make in clapping. It was also said that
the word translated _play_ had been expressed by a more lewd one in the
Assyrian language.
From Anchialus Alexander went to Soli,[227] into which city he
introduced a garrison, and imposed upon the inhabitants a fine of 200
talents of silver,[228] because they were more inclined to favour
the Persians than himself. Then, having taken three regiments of
Macedonian infantry, all the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched
away thence against the Cilicians, who were holding the mountains;
and in seven days in all, having expelled some by force, and having
brought the rest over by composition, he marched back to Soli. Here he
ascertained that Ptolemy and Asander[229] had gained the mastery over
Orontobates the Persian who was guarding the citadel of Halicarnassus,
and was also holding Myndus, Caunus, Thera, and Callipolis.[230] Cos
and Triopium[231] also had been brought into subjection. They wrote
to inform him that Orontobates had been worsted in a great battle;
that about 700 of his infantry and 50 of his cavalry had been killed,
and not less than 1,000 taken prisoners. In Soli Alexander offered
sacrifice to Asclepius,[232] conducting a procession of the entire
army, celebrating a torch race, and superintending a gymnastic and
musical contest. He granted the Solians the privilege of a democratical
constitution; and then marched away to Tarsus, despatching the
cavalry under Philotas to march through the Aleian plain to the
river Pyramus.[233] But he himself with the infantry and the royal
squadron of cavalry came to Magarsus, where he offered sacrifice to
the Magarsian Athena. Thence he marched to Mallus, where he rendered
to Amphilochus the sacrificial honours due to a hero.[234] He also
arrested those who were creating a sedition among the citizens, and
thus put a stop to it. He remitted the tribute which they were paying
to King Darius, because the Malliotes were a colony of the Argives, and
he himself claimed to have sprung from Argos, being a descendant of
Heracles.
CHAPTER VI.
ALEXANDER ADVANCES TO MYRIANDRUS.—DARIUS MARCHES AGAINST HIM.
While he was still at Mallus, he was informed that Darius was encamped
with all his forces at Sochi, a place in the land of Assyria, distant
about two days’ march from the Assyrian Gates.[235] Then indeed he
collected the Companions and told them what was reported about Darius
and his army. They urged him to lead them on as they were, without
delay. At that time he commended them, and broke up the conference; but
next day he led them forward against Darius and the Persians. On the
second day he passed through the Gates and encamped near the city of
Myriandrus;[236] but in the night a heavy tempest and a violent storm
of wind and rain occurred which detained him in his camp. Darius, on
the other hand, had been spending a long time with his army, having
chosen a plain in the land of Assyria which stretches out in every
direction, suitable for the immense size of his army and convenient for
the evolutions of cavalry. Amyntas, son of Antiochus, the deserter from
Alexander, advised him not to abandon this position, because there was
plenty of room for the great multitude of the Persians and for the vast
quantity of their baggage. So Darius remained. But as Alexander made a
long stay at Tarsus on account of his illness, and not a short one at
Soli, where he offered sacrifice and conducted his army in procession,
and moreover spent some time in marching against the Cilician
mountaineers, Darius was induced to swerve from his resolution. He
was also not unwilling to be led to form whatever decision was most
agreeable to his own wishes; and being influenced by those who gave
him the advice which they thought would be pleasant to him, without
consideration of its utility (for kings will always have associates to
give them bad advice),[237] he came to the conclusion that Alexander
was no longer desirous of advancing further, but was shrinking from an
encounter on learning that Darius himself was marching against him.
On all sides they were urging him on, asserting that he would trample
down the army of the Macedonians with his cavalry.[238] Nevertheless,
Amyntas, at any rate, confidently affirmed that Alexander would
certainly come to any place where he heard Darius might be; and he
exhorted him by all means to stay where he was. But the worse advice,
because at the immediate time it was more pleasant to hear, prevailed;
moreover he was led by some divine influence into that locality where
he derived little advantage from his cavalry and from the sheer number
of his men, javelins and bows, and where he could not even exhibit the
mere magnificence of his army, but surrendered to Alexander and his
troops an easy victory. For it was already decreed by fate that the
Persians should be deprived of the rule of Asia by the Macedonians,
just as the Medes had been deprived of it by the Persians, and still
earlier the Assyrians by the Medes.
CHAPTER VII.
DARIUS AT ISSUS.—ALEXANDER’S SPEECH TO HIS ARMY.
Darius crossed the mountain range by what are called the Amanic Gates,
and advancing towards Issus, came without being noticed to the rear
of Alexander.[239] Having reached Issus, he captured as many of the
Macedonians as had been left behind there on account of illness.
These he cruelly mutilated and slew. Next day he proceeded to the
river Pinarus. As soon as Alexander heard that Darius was in his rear,
because the news did not seem to him trustworthy, he embarked some of
the Companions in a ship with thirty oars, and sent them back to Issus,
to observe whether the report was true. The men who sailed in the
thirty-oared ship discovered the Persians encamped there more easily,
because the sea in this part takes the form of a bay. They therefore
brought back word to Alexander that Darius was at hand. Alexander
then called together the generals, the commanders of cavalry, and the
leaders of the Grecian allies, and exhorted them to take courage from
the dangers which they had already surmounted, asserting that the
struggle would be between themselves who had been previously victorious
and a foe who had already been beaten; and that the deity was acting
the part of general on their behalf better than himself, by putting
it into the mind of Darius to move his forces from the spacious plain
and shut them up in a narrow place, where there was sufficient room
for them to deepen their phalanx by marching from front to rear, but
where their vast multitude would be useless to their enemy in battle.
He added that their foes were similar to them neither in strength nor
in courage; for the Macedonians, who had long been practised in warlike
toils accompanied with danger, were coming into close conflict with
Persians and Medes, men who had become enervated by a long course of
luxurious ease; and, to crown all, they, being freemen, were about to
engage in battle with men who were slaves. He said, moreover, that
the Greeks who were in the two armies would not be fighting for the
same objects; for those with Darius were braving danger for pay,
and that pay not high; whereas, those on their side were voluntarily
defending the interests of Greece. Again, of foreigners, the Thracians,
Paeonians, Illyrians, and Agrianians, who were the most robust and
warlike of men in Europe, were about to be arrayed against the most
sluggish and effeminate races of Asia. In addition to all this,
Alexander was commanding in the field against Darius. These things
he enumerated as evidences of their superiority in the struggle; and
then he began to point out the great rewards they would win from the
danger to be incurred. For he told them that on that occasion they
would overcome, not merely the viceroys of Darius, nor the cavalry
drawn up at the Granicus, nor the 20,000 Grecian mercenaries, but would
overcome all the available forces of the Persians and Medes, as well
as all the other races subject to them dwelling in Asia, and the Great
King present in person. After this conflict nothing would be left for
them to do, except to take possession of all Asia, and to put an end
to their many labours. In addition to this, he reminded them of their
brilliant achievements in their collective capacity in days gone by;
and if any man had individually performed any distinguished feat of
valour from love of glory, he mentioned him by name in commendation
of the deed.[240] He then recapitulated as modestly as possible his
own daring deeds in the various battles. He is also said to have
reminded them of Xenophon and the ten thousand men who accompanied him,
asserting that the latter were in no way comparable with them either
in number or in general excellence. Besides, they had had with them
neither Thessalian, Boeotian, Peloponnesian, Macedonian, or Thracian
horsemen, nor any of the other cavalry which was in the Macedonian
army; nor had they any archers or slingers except a few Cretans and
Rhodians, and even these were got ready by Xenophon on the spur of
the moment in the very crisis of danger.[241] And yet even these put
the king and all his forces to rout close to Babylon[242] itself, and
succeeded in reaching the Euxine Sea after defeating all the races
which lay in their way as they were marching down thither. He also
adduced whatever other arguments were suitable for a great commander to
use in order to encourage brave men in such a critical moment before
the perils of battle. They urged him to lead them against the foe
without delay, coming from all sides to grasp the king’s right hand,
and encouraging him by their promises.
CHAPTER VIII.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE HOSTILE ARMIES.
Alexander then ordered his soldiers to take their dinner, and having
sent a few of his horsemen and archers forward to the Gates to
reconnoitre the road in the rear, he took the whole of his army and
marched in the night to occupy the pass again. When about midnight
he had again got possession of it, he caused the army to rest the
remainder of the night there upon the rocks, having posted vigilant
sentries. At the approach of dawn he began to descend from the pass
along the road; and as long as the space was narrow everywhere, he led
his army in column, but when the mountains parted so as to leave a
plain between them, he kept on opening out the column into the phalanx,
marching one line of heavy armed infantry after another up into line
towards the mountain on the right and towards the sea on the left.
Up to this time his cavalry had been ranged behind the infantry; but
when they advanced into the open country, he began to draw up his army
in order of battle. First, upon the right wing near the mountain he
placed his infantry guard and the shield-bearers, under the command of
Nicanor, son of Parmenio; next to these the regiment of Coenus, and
close to them that of Perdiccas. These troops were posted as far as the
middle of the heavy-armed infantry to one beginning from the right.
On the left wing first stood the regiment of Amyntas, then that of
Ptolemy, and close to this that of Meleager. The infantry on the left
had been placed under the command of Craterus; but Parmenio held the
chief direction of the whole left wing. This general had been ordered
not to abandon the sea, so that they might not be surrounded by the
foreigners, who were likely to outflank them on all sides by their
superior numbers.[243]
But as soon as Darius was certified of Alexander’s approach for battle,
he conveyed about 30,000 of his cavalry and with them 20,000 of his
light-armed infantry across the river Pinarus, in order that he might
be able to draw up the rest of his forces with ease. Of the heavy
armed infantry, he placed first the 30,000 Greek mercenaries to oppose
the phalanx of the Macedonians, and on both sides of these he placed
60,000 of the men called Cardaces,[244] who were also heavy-armed
infantry.[245] For the place where they were posted was able to
contain only this number in a single phalanx.[246] He also posted
20,000 men near the mountain on their left and facing Alexander’s
right. Some of these troops were also in the rear of Alexander’s army;
for the mountain near which they were posted in one part sloped a
great way back and formed a sort of bay, like a bay in the sea, and
afterwards bending forwards caused the men who had been posted at the
foot of it to be behind Alexander’s right wing. The remaining multitude
of Darius’s light-armed and heavy-armed infantry was marshalled by
nations to an unserviceable depth and placed behind the Grecian
mercenaries and the Persian army arranged in phalanx. The whole of the
army with Darius was said to number about 600,000 fighting men.[247]
As Alexander advanced, he found that the ground spread out a little
in breadth, and he accordingly brought up his horsemen, both those
called Companions, and the Thessalians as well as the Macedonians, and
posted them with himself on the right wing. The Peloponnesians and the
rest of the allied force of Greeks he sent to Parmenio on the left.
When Darius had marshalled his phalanx, by a pre-concerted signal he
recalled the cavalry which he had posted in front of the river for
the express purpose of rendering the arranging of his army easy. Most
of these he placed on the right wing near the sea facing Parmenio;
because here the ground was more suitable for the evolutions of
cavalry. A certain part of them also he led up to the mountain towards
the left. But when they were seen to be useless there on account of
the narrowness of the ground, he ordered most of these also to ride
round to the right wing and join their comrades there. Darius himself
occupied the centre of the whole army, inasmuch as it was the custom
for the kings of Persia to take up that position, the reason of which
arrangement has been recorded by Xenophon, son of Gryllus.[248]
CHAPTER IX.
ALEXANDER CHANGES THE DISPOSITION OF HIS FORCES.
Meantime when Alexander perceived that nearly all the Persian cavalry
had changed their ground and gone to his left towards the sea, and
that on his side only the Peloponnesians and the rest of the Grecian
cavalry were posted there, he sent the Thessalian cavalry thither with
speed, ordering them not to ride along before the front of the whole
array, lest they should be seen by the enemy to be shifting their
ground, but to proceed by stealth in the rear of the phalanx.[249] In
front of the cavalry on the right, he posted the lancers under the
command of Protomachus, and the Paeonians under that of Aristo; and of
the infantry, the archers under the direction of Antiochus, and the
Agrianians under that of Attalus. Some of the cavalry and archers
also he drew up so as to form an angle with the centre[250] towards
the mountain which was in the rear; so on the right his phalanx had
been drawn up separated into two wings, the one fronting Darius and
the main body of Persians beyond the river, and the other facing those
who had been posted at the mountain in their rear. On the left wing
the infantry consisting of the Cretan archers and the Thracians under
command of Sitalces were posted in front; and before these the cavalry
towards the left. The Grecian mercenaries were drawn up as a reserve
for all of them. When he perceived that the phalanx towards the right
was too thin, and it seemed likely that the Persians would outflank him
here considerably, he ordered two squadrons of the Companion cavalry,
viz. the Anthemusian,[251] of which Peroedas, son of Menestheus, was
captain, and that which was called Leugaean, under the command of
Pantordanus, son of Cleander, to proceed from the centre to the right
without being seen. Having also marched the archers, part of the
Agrianians and of the Grecian mercenaries up along his right in the
front, he extended his phalanx beyond the wing of the Persians. But
when those who had been posted upon the mountain did not descend, a
charge was made by a few of the Agrianians and archers at Alexander’s
order, by which they were easily put to the rout from the foot of the
mountain. As they fled to the summit he decided that he could make use
of the men who had been drawn up to keep these in check, to fill up
the ranks of his phalanx. He thought it quite sufficient to post 300
horsemen to watch the men on the mountain.
CHAPTER X.
BATTLE OF ISSUS.
Having thus marshalled his men, he caused them to rest for some time,
and then led them forward, as he thought the enemy’s approach was very
slow. For Darius was no longer leading the foreigners against him, as
he had arranged them at first, but he remained in his position, upon
the bank of the river, which was in many parts steep and precipitous;
and in certain places, where it seemed more easy to ascend, he extended
a stockade along it. By this it was at once evident to Alexander’s
men that Darius had become cowed in spirit.[252] But when the armies
at length met in conflict, Alexander rode about in every direction
to exhort his troops to show their valour; mentioning with befitting
epithets the names, not only of the generals, but also those of the
captains of cavalry and infantry, and of the Grecian mercenaries as
many as were more distinguished either by rank or merit. From all
sides arose a shout not to delay but to attack the enemy. At first he
still led them on in close array with measured step, although he had
the forces of Darius already in full view, lest by a more hasty march
any part of the phalanx should fluctuate from the line[253] and get
separated from the rest. But when they came within range of darts,
Alexander himself and those around him being posted on the right wing,
advanced first into the river with a run, in order to alarm the
Persians by the rapidity of their onset, and by coming sooner to close
conflict to receive little damage from the archers. And it turned out
just as Alexander had conjectured; for as soon as the battle became a
hand-to-hand one, the part of the Persian army stationed on the left
wing was put to rout; and here Alexander and his men won a brilliant
victory. But the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius attacked
the Macedonians at the point where they saw their phalanx especially
disordered. For the Macedonian phalanx had been broken and disjoined
towards the right wing; because Alexander had charged into the river
with eagerness, and engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict was already
driving back the Persians posted there; but the Macedonians in the
centre did not execute their task with equal speed; and finding many
parts of the bank steep and precipitous, they were unable to preserve
the front of the phalanx in the same line. Here then the struggle was
desperate; the aim of the Grecian mercenaries of Darius being to push
the Macedonians back into the river, and regain the victory, though
their own forces were already flying; the aim of the Macedonians being
not to fall short of Alexander’s good-fortune, which was already
manifest, and not to tarnish the glory of the phalanx, which up to that
time had been commonly asserted to be invincible. Moreover the feeling
of rivalry which existed between the Grecian and Macedonian races
inspired each side in the conflict. Here fell Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,
after proving himself a valiant man, besides about one hundred and
twenty other Macedonians of no mean repute.[254]
CHAPTER XI.
DEFEAT AND FLIGHT OF DARIUS.
Hereupon the regiments on the right wing, perceiving that the Persians
opposed to them had already been put to rout, wheeled round towards the
Grecian mercenaries of Darius and their own hard-pressed detachment.
Having driven the Greeks away from the river, they extended their
phalanx beyond the Persian army on the side which had been broken;
and attacking the Greeks on the flank, were already beginning to cut
them up. However the Persian cavalry which had been posted opposite
the Thessalians did not remain on the other side of the river during
the struggle, but came through the water and made a vigorous attack
upon the Thessalian squadrons.[255] In this place a fierce cavalry
battle ensued; for the Persians did not give way until they perceived
that Darius had fled and the Grecian mercenaries had been cut up by
the phalanx and severed from them. Then at last the flight of all
the Persians was plainly visible. Their horses suffered much injury
in the retreat, because the riders[256] were heavily armed; and the
horsemen themselves, being so many in number and retreating in panic
terror without any regard to order along narrow roads, were trampled
on and injured no less by each other than by the pursuing enemy. The
Thessalians also followed them up with vigour, so that no fewer of the
cavalry than of the infantry[257] were slaughtered in the flight.
But as soon as the left wing of Darius was terrified and routed by
Alexander, and the Persian king perceived that this part of his army
was severed from the rest, without any further delay he began to flee
in his chariot along with the first, just as he was.[258] He was
conveyed safely in the chariot as long as he met with level ground in
his flight; but when he lighted upon ravines and other rough ground,
he left the chariot there, divesting himself of his shield and Median
mantle. He even left his bow in the chariot; and mounting a horse
continued his flight. The night, which came on soon after, alone
rescued him from being captured by Alexander;[259] for as long as there
was daylight the latter kept up the pursuit at full speed. But when it
began to grow dark and the ground before the feet became invisible,
he turned back again to the camp, after capturing the chariot of
Darius with the shield, the Median mantle, and the bow in it.[260] For
his pursuit had been too slow for him to overtake Darius, because,
though he wheeled round at the first breaking asunder of the phalanx,
yet he did not turn to pursue him until he observed that the Grecian
mercenaries and the Persian cavalry had been driven away from the river.
Of the Persians were killed Arsames, Rheomithres, and Atizyes who had
commanded the cavalry at the Granicus. Sabaces, viceroy of Egypt, and
Bubaces, one of the Persian dignitaries, were also killed, besides
about 100,000 of the private soldiers, among them being more than
10,000 cavalry.[261] So great was the slaughter that Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, who then accompanied Alexander, says that the men who were with
them pursuing Darius, coming in the pursuit to a ravine, filled it up
with the corpses and so passed over it. The camp of Darius was taken
forthwith at the first assault, containing his mother, his wife,—who
was also his sister,—and his infant son.[262] His two daughters, and
a few other women, wives of Persian peers,[263] who were in attendance
upon them, were likewise captured. For the other Persians happened to
have despatched their women along with the rest of their property to
Damascus;[264] because Darius had sent to that city the greater part
of his money and all the other things which the Great King was in the
habit of taking with him as necessary for his luxurious mode of living,
even though he was going on a military expedition. The consequence
was, that in the camp no more than 3,000 talents[265] were captured;
and soon after, the money in Damascus was also seized by Parmenio, who
was despatched thither for that very purpose. Such was the result of
this famous battle (which was fought) in the month Maimacterion, when
Nicostratus was archon of the Athenians.[266]
CHAPTER XII.
KIND TREATMENT OF DARIUS’S FAMILY.
The next day, Alexander, though suffering from a wound which he had
received in the thigh from a sword, visited the wounded, and having
collected the bodies of the slain, he gave them a splendid burial with
all his forces most brilliantly marshalled in order of battle. He also
spoke with eulogy to those whom he himself had recognised performing
any gallant deed in the battle, and also to those whose exploits he had
learnt by report fully corroborated. He likewise honoured each of them
individually with a gift of money in proportion to his desert.[267] He
then appointed Balacrus, son of Nicanor, one of the royal body-guards,
viceroy of Cilicia; and in his place among the body-guards he chose
Menes, son of Dionysius. In the room of Ptolemy, son of Seleucus,
who had been killed in the battle, he appointed Polysperchon, son of
Simmias, to the command of a brigade. He remitted to the Solians the
fifty talents[268] which were still due of the money imposed on them as
a fine, and he gave them back their hostages.
Nor did he treat the mother, wife, and children of Darius with
neglect; for some of those who have written Alexander’s history say
that on the very night in which he returned from the pursuit of Darius,
entering the Persian king’s tent, which had been selected for his use,
he heard the lamentation of women and other noise of a similar kind not
far from the tent. Inquiring therefore who the women were, and why they
were in a tent so near, he was answered by some one as follows:—“O
king, the mother, wife, and children of Darius are lamenting for him
as slain, since they have been informed that thou hast his bow and
his royal mantle, and that his shield has been brought back.” When
Alexander heard this, he sent Leonnatus,[269] one of his Companions,
to them, with injunctions to tell them:—“Darius is still alive; in
his flight he left his arms and mantle in the chariot; and these are
the only things of his that Alexander has.” Leonnatus entered the tent
and told them the news about Darius, saying, moreover, that Alexander
would allow them to retain the state and retinue befitting their royal
rank, as well as the title of queens; for he had not undertaken the
war against Darius from a feeling of hatred, but he had conducted it
in a legitimate manner for the empire of Asia. Such are the statements
of Ptolemy and Aristobulus.[270] But there is another report, to the
effect that on the following day Alexander himself went into the tent,
accompanied alone by Hephaestion, one of his Companions. The mother
of Darius,[271] being in doubt which of them was the king (for they
had both arrayed themselves in the same style of dress), went up to
Hephaestion, because he appeared to her the taller of the two, and
prostrated herself before him. But when he drew back, and one of her
attendants pointed out Alexander, saying he was the king, she was
ashamed of her mistake, and was going to retire. But the king told her
she had made no mistake, for Hephaestion was also an Alexander. This
I record neither being sure of its truth nor thinking it altogether
unreliable. If it really occurred, I commend Alexander for his
compassionate treatment of the women, and the confidence he felt in
his companion, and the honour bestowed on him; but if it merely seems
probable to historians that Alexander would have acted and spoken thus,
even for this reason I think him worthy of commendation.[272]
CHAPTER XIII.
FLIGHT OF MACEDONIAN DESERTERS INTO EGYPT.—PROCEEDINGS OF AGIS, KING
OF SPARTA.—ALEXANDER OCCUPIES PHOENICIA.
Darius fled through the night with a few attendants; but in the
daytime, picking up as he went along the Persians and Grecian
mercenaries who had come safely out of the battle, he had in all 4,000
men under his command. He then made a forced march towards the city
of Thapsacus[273] and the river Euphrates,[274] in order to put that
river as soon as possible between himself and Alexander. But Amyntas
son of Antiochus, Thymondas son of Mentor, Aristomedes the Pheraean,
and Bianor the Acarnanian, all being deserters, fled without delay
from the posts assigned them in the battle, with about 8,000 soldiers
under their command, and passing through the mountains, they arrived
at Tripolis in Phoenicia.[275] There they seized the ships which had
been hauled up on shore in which they had previously been transported
from Lesbos; they launched as many of these vessel as they thought
sufficient to convey them, and the rest they burnt there in the docks,
in order not to supply their enemy with the means of quickly pursuing
them. They fled first to Cyprus,[276] thence to Egypt; where Amyntas
shortly after, meddling in political disputes, was killed by the
natives.
Meantime Pharnabazus and Autophradates were staying near Chios; then
having established a garrison in this island they despatched some
of their ships to Cos and Halicarnassus, and with 100 of their best
sailing vessels they put to sea themselves and landed at Siphnus. And
Agis, king of the Lacedaemonians,[277] came to them with one trireme,
both to ask for money to carry on the war, and also to urge them
to send with him into the Peloponnese as large a force both naval
and military as they could. At that very time news reached them of
the battle which had been fought at Issus; and being alarmed at the
report, Pharnabazus started off to Chios with twelve triremes and 1,500
Grecian mercenaries, for fear that the Chians might attempt to effect
a revolution when they received the news of the Persian defeat. Agis,
having received from Autophradates thirty talents of silver[278] and
ten triremes, despatched Hippias to lead these ships to his brother
Agesilaus at Taenarum,[279] ordering him also to instruct Agesilaus to
give full pay to the sailors and then to sail as quickly as possible
to Crete,[280] in order to set things in order there. For a time
he himself remained there among the islands, but afterwards joined
Autophradates at Halicarnassus.[281]
Alexander appointed Menon, son of Cerdimmas, viceroy of
Coele-Syria,[282] giving him the cavalry of the Grecian allies to
guard the country. He then went in person towards Phoenicia; and on the
march he was met by Strato, son of Gerostratus, king of the Aradians
and of the people living near Aradus.[283] But Gerostratus himself
was serving in the fleet with Autophradates, as were also the other
kings both of the Phoenicians and the Cyprians. When Strato fell in
with Alexander, he placed a golden crown upon his head, promising to
surrender to him both the island of Aradus and the great and prosperous
city of Marathus, situated on the mainland right opposite Aradus; also
Sigon, the city of Mariamme, and all the other places under his own
dominion and that of his father.
CHAPTER XIV.
DARIUS’S LETTER, AND ALEXANDER’S REPLY.
While Alexander was still in Marathus, ambassadors came bringing a
letter from Darius, entreating him to give up to their king his mother,
wife, and children. They were also instructed to support this petition
by word of mouth. The letter pointed out to him that friendship and
alliance had subsisted between Philip and Artaxerxes;[284] and that
when Arses, son of Artaxerxes, ascended the throne, Philip was the
first to practise injustice towards him, though he had suffered no
injury from the Persians. Alexander also, from the time when Darius
began to reign over the Persians, had not sent any one to him to
confirm the friendship and alliance which had so long existed, but had
crossed over into Asia with his army and had inflicted much injury upon
the Persians. For this reason he had come down in person, to defend his
country and to preserve the empire of his fathers. As to the battle, it
had been decided as seemed good to some one of the gods. And now he, a
king, begged his captured wife, mother, and children from a king; and
he wished to form a friendship with him and become his ally. For this
purpose he requested Alexander to send men to him with Meniscus and
Arsimas, the messengers who came from the Persians, to receive pledges
of fidelity from him and to give them on behalf of Alexander.
To this Alexander wrote a reply, and sent Thersippus with the men who
had come from Darius, with instructions to give the letter to Darius,
but not to converse about anything. Alexander’s letter ran thus: “Your
ancestors came into Macedonia and the rest of Greece and treated us
ill, without any previous injury from us. I, having been appointed
commander-in-chief of the Greeks, and wishing to take revenge on the
Persians, crossed over into Asia, hostilities being begun by you. For
you sent aid to the Perinthians,[285] who were dealing unjustly with my
father; and Ochus sent forces into Thrace, which was under our rule.
My father was killed by conspirators whom you instigated, as you
have yourself boasted to all in your letters;[286] and after slaying
Arses, as well as Bagoas, and unjustly seizing the throne contrary to
the law of the Persians,[287] and ruling your subjects unjustly, you
sent unfriendly letters about me to the Greeks, urging them to wage
war with me. You have also despatched money to the Lacedaemonians, and
certain other Greeks; but none of the States received it, except the
Lacedaemonians.[288] As your agents destroyed my friends, and were
striving to dissolve the league which I had formed among the Greeks, I
took the field against you, because you were the party who commenced
the hostility. Since I have vanquished your generals and viceroys in
the previous battle, and now yourself and your forces in like manner, I
am, by the gift of the gods, in possession of your land. As many of the
men who fought in your army as were not killed in the battle, but fled
to me for refuge, I am protecting; and they are with me, not against
their own will, but they are serving in my army as volunteers. Come to
me therefore, since I am lord of all Asia; but if you are afraid you
may suffer any harsh treatment from me in case you come to me, send
some of your friends to receive pledges of safety from me. Come to me
then, and ask for your mother, wife, and children, and anything else
you wish. For whatever you ask for you will receive; and nothing shall
be denied you. But for the future, whenever you send to me, send to
me as the king of Asia, and do not address to me your wishes as to an
equal; but if you are in need of anything, speak to me as to the man
who is lord of all your territories. If you act otherwise, I shall
deliberate concerning you as an evil-doer; and if you dispute my right
to the kingdom, stay and fight another battle for it; but do not run
away. For wherever you may be, I intend to march against you.” This is
the letter which he sent to Darius.
CHAPTER XV.
ALEXANDER’S TREATMENT OF THE CAPTURED GREEK AMBASSADORS.—SUBMISSION OF
BYBLUS AND SIDON.
When Alexander ascertained that all the money which Darius had sent
off to Damascus with Cophen, son of Artabazus, was captured, and also
that the Persians who had been left in charge of it, as well as the
rest of the royal property, were taken prisoners, he ordered Parmenio
to take the treasure back to Damascus, and there guard it.[289] When he
also ascertained that the Grecian ambassadors who had reached Darius
before the battle had likewise been captured, he ordered them to be
sent to him.[290] They were Euthycles, a Spartan; Thessaliscus, son
of Ismenias, and Dionysodorus, a victor in the Olympic games, Thebans;
and Iphicrates, son of Iphicrates the general, an Athenian.[291] When
these men came to Alexander, he immediately released Thessaliscus and
Dionysodorus, though they were Thebans, partly out of compassion for
Thebes, and partly because they seemed to have acted in a pardonable
manner. For their native city had been reduced to slavery by the
Macedonians, and they were trying to find whatever succour they could
for themselves and perhaps also for their native city from Darius
and the Persians. Thinking thus compassionately about both of them,
he released them, saying that he dismissed Thessaliscus individually
out of respect for his pedigree, for he belonged to the ranks of the
distinguished men of Thebes. Dionysodorus also he released because he
had been conqueror at the Olympic games; and he kept Iphicrates in
attendance on himself as long as he lived, treating him with special
honour both from friendship to the city of Athens and from recollection
of his father’s glory. When he died soon after from sickness, he sent
his bones back to his relations at Athens. But Euthycles at first
he kept in custody, though without fetters, both because he was a
Lacedaemonian of a city at that time openly and eminently hostile to
him, and because in the man as an individual he could find nothing to
warrant his pardon. Afterwards, when he met with great success, he
released even this man also.
He set out from Marathus and took possession of Byblus[292] on terms of
capitulation, as he did also of Sidon,[293] the inhabitants of which
spontaneously invited him from hatred of the Persians and Darius.[294]
Thence he advanced towards Tyre;[295] ambassadors from which city,
despatched by the commonwealth, met him on the march, announcing
that the Tyrians had decided to do whatever he might command.[296] He
commended both the city and its ambassadors, and ordered them to return
and tell the Tyrians that he wished to enter their city and offer
sacrifice to Heracles. The son of the king of the Tyrians was one of
the ambassadors, and the others were conspicuous men in Tyre; but the
king Azemilcus[297] himself was sailing with Autophradates.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE WORSHIP OF HERCULES IN TYRE.—THE TYRIANS REFUSE TO ADMIT ALEXANDER.
The reason of this demand was, that in Tyre there existed a temple
of Heracles,[298] the most ancient of all those which are mentioned
in history. It was not dedicated to the Argive Heracles, the son of
Alcmena; for this Heracles was honoured in Tyre many generations
before Cadmus set out from Phoenicia and occupied Thebes, and before
Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, was born, from whom Dionysus, the son
of Zeus, was born. This Dionysus would be third from Cadmus, being a
contemporary of Labdacus, son of Polydorus, the son of Cadmus; and the
Argive Heracles lived about the time of Oedipus, son of Laius.[299] The
Egyptians also worshipped another Heracles, not the one which either
the Tyrians or Greeks worship. But Herodotus says that the Egyptians
considered Heracles to be one of the twelve gods,[300] just as the
Athenians worshipped a different Dionysus, who was the son of Zeus and
Core; and the mystic chant called Iacchus was sung to this Dionysus,
not to the ligaturee Theban. So also I think that the Heracles honoured
in Tartessus[301] by the Iberians, where are certain pillars named
after Heracles, is the Tyrian Heracles; for Tartessus was a colony of
the Phœnicians, and the temple to Heracles there was built and the
sacrifices offered after the usage of the Phœnicians. Hecataeus the
historian[302] says Geryones, against whom the Argive Heracles was
despatched by Eurystheus to drive his oxen away and bring them to
Mycenae, had nothing to do with the land of the Iberians;[303] nor
was Heracles despatched to any island called Erythia[304] outside
the Great Sea; but that Geryones was king of the mainland (Epirus)
around Ambracia[305] and the Amphilochians, that Heracles drove the
oxen from this Epirus, and that this was deemed no mean task. I know
that to the present time this part of the mainland is rich in pasture
land and rears a very fine breed of oxen; and I do not think it beyond
the bounds of probability that the fame of the oxen from Epirus, and
the name of the king of Epirus, Geryones, had reached Eurystheus. But
I do not think that Eurystheus would know the name of the king of the
Iberians, who were the remotest nation in Europe, or whether a fine
breed of oxen grazed in their land, unless some one, by introducing
Hera into the account, as herself giving these commands to Heracles
through Eurystheus, wished, by means of the fable, to disguise the
incredibility of the tale.
To this Tyrian Heracles, Alexander said he wished to offer sacrifice.
But when this message was brought to Tyre by the ambassadors, the
people passed a decree to obey any other command of Alexander, but not
to admit into the city any Persian or Macedonian; thinking that under
the existing circumstances, this was the most specious answer, and that
it would be the safest course for them to pursue in reference to the
issue of the war, which was still uncertain.[306] When the answer from
Tyre was brought to Alexander, he sent the ambassadors back in a rage.
He then summoned a council of his Companions and the leaders of his
army, together with the captains of infantry and cavalry, and spoke as
follows:—
CHAPTER XVII.
SPEECH OF ALEXANDER TO HIS OFFICERS.
“Friends and allies, I see that an expedition to Egypt will not be safe
for us, so long as the Persians retain the sovereignty of the sea; nor
is it a safe course, both for other reasons, and especially looking at
the state of matters in Greece, for us to pursue Darius, leaving in
our rear the city of Tyre itself in doubtful allegiance, and Egypt and
Cyprus in the occupation of the Persians. I am apprehensive lest while
we advance with our forces towards Babylon and in pursuit of Darius,
the Persians should again forsooth conquer the maritime districts, and
transfer the war into Greece with a larger army, considering that the
Lacedaemonians are now waging war against us without disguise, and
the city of Athens is restrained for the present rather by fear than
by any good-will towards us. But if Tyre were captured, the whole of
Phoenicia would be in our possession, and the fleet of the Phoenicians,
which is the most numerous and the best in the Persian navy, would in
all probability come over to us. For the Phoenician sailors and marines
will not put to sea in order to incur danger on behalf of others, when
their own cities are occupied by us. After this, Cyprus will either
yield to us without delay, or will be captured with ease at the mere
arrival of a naval force; and then navigating the sea with the ships
from Macedonia in conjunction with those of the Phoenicians, Cyprus
at the same time coming over to us, we shall acquire the absolute
sovereignty of the sea, and at the same time an expedition into Egypt
will become an easy matter for us. After we have brought Egypt into
subjection, no anxiety about Greece and our own land will any longer
remain, and we shall be able to undertake the expedition to Babylon
with safety in regard to affairs at home, and at the same time with
greater reputation, in consequence of having cut off from the Persian
empire all the maritime provinces and all the land this side of the
Euphrates.”
CHAPTER XVIII.
SIEGE OF TYRE.—CONSTRUCTION OF A MOLE FROM THE MAINLAND TO THE ISLAND.
By this speech he easily persuaded his officers to make an attempt
upon Tyre. Moreover he was encouraged by a divine admonition, for
that very night in his sleep[307] he seemed to be approaching the
Tyrian walls, and Heracles seemed to take him by the right hand and
lead him up into the city. This was interpreted by Aristander[308]
to mean that Tyre would be taken with labour, because the deeds of
Heracles were accomplished with labour. Certainly, the siege of Tyre
appeared to be a great enterprise; for the city was an island[309] and
fortified all round with lofty walls. Moreover naval operations seemed
at that time more favourable to the Tyrians, both because the Persians
still possessed the sovereignty of the sea and many ships were still
remaining with the citizens themselves. However, as these arguments of
his had prevailed, he resolved to construct a mole from the mainland
to the city.[310] The place is a narrow strait full of pools; and the
part of it near the mainland is shallow water and muddy, but the part
near the city itself, where was the deepest part of the channel, was
the depth of about three fathoms. But there was an abundant supply of
stones and wood, which they put on the top of the stones.[311] Stakes
were easily fixed down firmly in the mud, which itself served as a
cement to the stones to hold them firm. The zeal of the Macedonians in
the work was great, and it was increased by the presence of Alexander
himself, who took the lead[312] in everything, now rousing the men to
exertion by speech, and now by presents of money, lightening the labour
of those who were toiling more than their fellows from the desire of
gaining praise for their exertions. As long as the mole was being
constructed near the mainland, the work made easy and rapid progress,
as the material was poured into a small depth of water, and there was
no one to hinder them; but when they began to approach the deeper
water, and at the same time came near the city itself, they suffered
severely, being assailed with missiles from the walls, which were
lofty, inasmuch as they had been expressly equipped for work rather
than for fighting. Moreover, as the Tyrians still retained command of
the sea, they kept on sailing with their triremes to various parts of
the mole, and made it impossible in many places for the Macedonians
to pour in the material. But the latter erected two towers upon the
mole, which they had now projected over a long stretch of sea, and
upon these towers they placed engines of war. Skins and prepared hides
served as coverings in front of them, to prevent them being struck
by fire-bearing missiles from the wall, and at the same time to be
a screen against arrows to those who were working. It was likewise
intended that the Tyrians who might sail near to injure the men engaged
in the construction of the mole should not retire easily, being
assailed by missiles from the towers.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SIEGE OF TYRE.
But to counteract this the Tyrians adopted the following contrivance.
They filled a vessel, which had been used for transporting horses, with
dry twigs and other combustible wood, fixed two masts on the prow,
and fenced it round in the form of a circle as large as possible, so
that the enclosure might contain as much chaff and as many torches
as possible. Moreover they placed upon this vessel quantities of
pitch, brimstone, and whatever else was calculated to foment a great
flame.[313] They also stretched out a double yard-arm upon each mast;
and from these they hung caldrons into which they had poured or
cast materials likely to kindle flame which would extend to a great
distance. They then put ballast into the stern, in order to raise the
prow aloft, the vessel being weighed down abaft.[314] Then watching
for a wind bearing towards the mole, they fastened the vessel to some
triremes which towed it before the breeze. As soon as they approached
the mole and the towers, they threw fire among the wood, and at the
same time ran the vessel, with the triremes, aground as violently as
possible, dashing against the end of the mole. The men in the vessel
easily swam away, as soon as it was set on fire. A great flame soon
caught the towers; and the yard-arms being twisted round poured out
into the fire the materials that had been prepared for kindling the
flame. The men also in the triremes tarrying near the mole kept on
shooting arrows into the towers, so that it was not safe for men to
approach in order to bring materials to quench the fire. Upon this,
when the towers had already caught fire, many men hastened from the
city, and embarking in light vessels, and striking against various
parts of the mole, easily tore down the stockade which had been placed
in front of it for protection, and burnt up all the engines of war
which the fire from the vessel did not reach.[315] But Alexander began
to construct a wider mole from the mainland, capable of containing more
towers; and he ordered the engine-makers to prepare fresh engines.
While this was being performed, he took the shield-bearing guards and
the Agrianians and set out to Sidon, to collect there all the triremes
he could; since it was evident that the successful conclusion of the
siege would be much more difficult to attain, so long as the Tyrians
retained the superiority at sea.[316]
CHAPTER XX.
TYRE BESIEGED BY SEA AS WELL AS LAND.
About this time Gerostratus, King of Aradus, and Enylus, King of
Byblus, ascertaining that their cities were in the possession of
Alexander, deserted Autophradates and the fleet under his command, and
came to Alexander with their naval force, accompanied by the Sidonian
triremes; so that about eighty Phoenician ships joined him. About the
same time triremes also came to him from Rhodes, both the one called
_Peripolus_,[317] and with it nine others. From Soli and Mallus also
came three, and from Lycia ten; from Macedonia also a ship with fifty
oars, in which sailed Proteas, son of Andronicus.[318] Not long after,
too, the kings of Cyprus put into Sidon with about one hundred and
twenty ships, when they heard of the defeat of Darius at Issus, and
were terrified, because the whole of Phoenicia was already in the
possession of Alexander. To all of these Alexander granted indemnity
for their previous conduct, because they seemed to have joined the
Persian fleet rather by necessity than by their own choice. While the
engines of war were being constructed for him, and the ships were
being fitted up for a naval attack on the city and for the trial of
a sea-battle, he took some squadrons of cavalry, the Agrianians and
archers, and made an expedition into the range of mountains called
Anti-Libănus.[319] Having subdued some of the mountaineers by force,
and drawn others over to him by terms of capitulation, he returned to
Sidon in ten days.[320] Here he found Oleander, son of Polemocrates,
just arrived from Peloponnesus, having 4,000 Grecian mercenaries with
him.[321]
When his fleet had been arranged in due order, he embarked upon the
decks as many of his shield-bearing guards as seemed sufficient for his
enterprise, unless a sea-battle were to be fought rather by breaking
the enemy’s line[322] than by a close conflict. He then started from
Sidon and sailed towards Tyre with his ships arranged in proper order,
himself being on the right wing which stretched out seaward; and with
him were the kings of the Cyprians, and all those of the Phoenicians
except Pnytagoras, who with Craterus was commanding the left wing
of the whole line. The Tyrians had previously resolved to fight a
sea-battle, if Alexander should sail against them by sea. But then
with surprise they beheld the vast multitude of his ships; for they
had not yet learnt that Alexander had all the ships of the Cyprians
and Phoenicians. At the same time they were surprised to see that he
was sailing against them with his fleet arranged in due order; for
Alexander’s fleet a little before it came near the city, tarried for a
while out in the open sea, with the view of provoking the Tyrians to
come out to a battle; but afterwards, as the enemy did not put out to
sea against them, though they were thus arranged in line, they advanced
to the attack with a great dashing of oars. Seeing this, the Tyrians
decided not to fight a battle at sea, but closely blocked up the
passage for ships with as many triremes as the mouths of their harbour
would contain, and guarded it, so that the enemy’s fleet might not find
an anchorage in any of the harbours.
As the Tyrians did not put out to sea against him, Alexander sailed
near the city, but resolved not to try to force an entrance into the
harbour towards Sidon on account of the narrowness of its mouth; and
at the same time because he saw that the entrance had been blocked
up with many triremes having their prows turned towards him. But the
Phoenicians fell upon the three triremes moored furthest out at the
mouth of the harbour, and attacking them prow to prow, succeeded in
sinking them. However, the men in the ships easily swam off to the
land which was friendly to them. Then, indeed, Alexander moored his
ships along the shore not far from the mole which had been made, where
there appeared to be shelter from the winds; and on the following day
he ordered the Cyprians with their ships and their admiral Andromachus
to moor near the city opposite the harbour which faces towards Sidon,
and the Phoenicians opposite the harbour which looks towards Egypt,
situated on the other side of the mole, where also was his own tent.
CHAPTER XXI.
SIEGE OF TYRE.
He had now collected many engineers both from Cyprus and the whole of
Phoenicia, and many engines of war had been constructed,[323] some
upon the mole, others upon vessels used for transporting horses, which
he brought with him from Sidon, and others upon the triremes which
were not fast sailers. When all the preparations had been completed
they brought up the engines of war along the mole that had been made
and also began to shoot from ships moored near various parts of the
wall and making trial of its strength. The Tyrians erected wooden
towers on their battlements opposite the mole, from which they might
annoy the enemy; and if the engines of war were brought near any other
part, they defended themselves with missiles and shot at the very
ships with fire-bearing arrows, so that they deterred the Macedonians
from approaching the wall. Their walls opposite the mole were about
one hundred and fifty feet high, with a breadth in proportion, and
constructed with large stones imbedded in gypsum. It was not easy
for the horse-transports and the triremes of the Macedonians, which
were conveying the engines of war up to the wall, to approach the
city, because a great quantity of stones hurled forward into the sea
prevented their near assault. These stones Alexander determined to drag
out of the sea; but this was a work accomplished with great difficulty,
since it was performed from ships and not from the firm earth;
especially as the Tyrians, covering their ships with mail, brought them
alongside the anchors of the triremes, and cutting the cables of the
anchors underneath, made anchoring impossible for the enemy’s ships.
But Alexander covered many thirty-oared vessels with mail in the same
way, and placed them athwart in front of the anchors, so that the
assault of the ships was repelled by them. But, notwithstanding this,
divers under the sea secretly cut their cables. The Macedonians then
used chains to their anchors instead of cables, and let them down so
that the divers could do no more harm. Then, fastening slip-knots to
the stones, they dragged them out of the sea from the mole; and having
raised them aloft with cranes, they discharged them into deep water,
where they were no longer likely to do injury by being hurled forward.
The ships now easily approached the part of the wall where it had been
made clear of the stones which had been hurled forward. The Tyrians
being now reduced to great straits on all sides, resolved to make an
attack on the Cyprian ships, which were moored opposite the harbour
turned towards Sidon. For a long time they spread sails across the
mouth of the harbour, in order that the filling of the triremes might
not be discernible; and about the middle of the day, when the sailors
were scattered in quest of necessaries, and when Alexander usually
retired from the fleet to his tent on the other side of the city, they
filled three quinqueremes, an equal number of quadriremes and seven
triremes with the most expert complement of rowers possible, and with
the best-armed men adapted for fighting from the decks, together with
the men most daring in naval contests. At first they rowed out slowly
and quietly in single file, moving forward the handles of their oars
without any signal from the men who give the time to the rowers[324];
but when they were already tacking against the Cyprians, and were near
enough to be seen, then indeed with a loud shout and encouragement to
each other, and at the same time with impetuous rowing, they commenced
the attack.
CHAPTER XXII.
SIEGE OF TYRE.—NAVAL DEFEAT OF THE TYRIANS.
It happened on that day that Alexander went away to his tent, but
after a short time returned to his ships, not tarrying according to
his usual custom. The Tyrians fell all of a sudden upon the ships
lying at their moorings, finding some entirely empty and others being
filled with difficulty from the men who happened to be present at
the very time of the noise and attack. At the first onset they at
once sank the quinquereme of the king Pnytagoras, that of Androcles
the Amathusian[325] and that of Pasicrates the Curian;[326] and they
shattered the other ships by pushing them ashore. But when Alexander
perceived the sailing out of the Tyrian triremes, he ordered most of
the ships under his command to be manned and to take position at the
mouth of the harbour, so that the rest of the Tyrian ships might not
sail out. He then took the quinqueremes which he had and about five
of the triremes, which were manned by him in haste before the rest
were ready, and sailed round the city against the Tyrians who had
sailed out of the harbour. The men on the wall, perceiving the enemy’s
attack and observing that Alexander himself was in the fleet, began
to shout to those in their own ships, urging them to return; but as
their shouts were not audible, on account of the noise of those who
were engaged in the action, they exhorted them to retreat by various
kinds of signals. At last after a long time, perceiving the impending
attack of Alexander’s fleet, they tacked about and began to flee into
the harbour; and a few of their ships succeeded in escaping, but
Alexander’s vessels assaulted the greater number, and rendered some
of them unfit for sailing; and a quinquereme and a quadrireme were
captured at the very mouth of the harbour. But the slaughter of the
marines was not great; for when they perceived that their ships were
in possession of the enemy, they swam off without difficulty into the
harbour. As the Tyrians could no longer derive any aid from their
ships, the Macedonians now brought up their military engines to the
wall itself. Those which were brought near the city along the mole,
did no damage worth mentioning on account of the strength of the wall
there. Others brought up some of the ships conveying military engines
opposite the part of the city turned towards Sidon. But when even there
they met with no success, Alexander passed round to the wall projecting
towards the south wind and towards Egypt, and tested the strength
of the works everywhere. Here first a large piece of the wall was
thoroughly shaken, and a part of it was even broken and thrown down.
Then indeed for a short time he tried to make an assault to the extent
of throwing a bridge upon the part of the wall where a breach had been
made. But the Tyrians without much difficulty beat the Macedonians back.
CHAPTER XXIII.
SIEGE OF TYRE.
The third day after this, having waited for a calm sea, after
encouraging the leaders of the regiments for the action, he led the
ships containing the military engines up to the city. In the first
place he shook down a large piece of the wall; and when the breach
appeared to be sufficiently wide, he ordered the vessels conveying the
military engines to retire, and brought up two others, which carried
his bridges, which he intended to throw upon the breach in the wall.
The shield-bearing guards occupied one of these vessels, which he had
put under the command of Admetus; and the other was occupied by the
regiment of Coenus, called the foot Companions. Alexander himself, with
the shield-bearing guards, intended to scale the wall where it might be
practicable. He ordered some of his triremes to sail against both of
the harbours, to see if by any means they could force an entrance when
the Tyrians had turned themselves to oppose him. He also ordered those
of his triremes which contained the missiles to be hurled from engines,
or which were carrying archers upon deck, to sail right round the wall
and to put in where it was practicable, and to take up position within
shooting range, until it became impossible to put in, so that the
Tyrians, being shot at from all quarters, might become distracted, and
not know whither to turn in their distress. When Alexander’s ships drew
close to the city and the bridges were thrown from them upon the wall,
the shield-bearing guards mounted valiantly along these upon the wall;
for their captain, Admetus, proved himself brave on that occasion,
and Alexander accompanied them, both as a courageous participant in
the action itself, and as a witness of brilliant and dangerous feats
of valour performed by others. The first part of the wall that was
captured was where Alexander had posted himself; the Tyrians being
easily beaten back from it, as soon as the Macedonians found firm
footing, and at the same time a way of entrance not abrupt on every
side. Admetus was the first to mount the wall; but while cheering on
his men to mount, he was struck with a spear and died on the spot.
After him, Alexander with the Companions got possession of the
wall[327]; and when some of the towers and the parts of the wall
between them were in his hands, he advanced through the battlements to
the royal palace, because the descent into the city that way seemed the
easiest.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CAPTURE OF TYRE.
To return to the fleet, the Phoenicians posted opposite the harbour
looking towards Egypt, facing which they happened to be moored, forcing
their way and bursting the bars asunder, shattered the ships in the
harbour, attacking some of them in deep water and driving others
ashore. The Cyprians also sailed into the other harbour looking towards
Sidon, which had no bar across it, and made a speedy capture of the
city on that side. The main body of the Tyrians deserted the wall when
they saw it in the enemy’s possession; and rallying opposite what was
called the chapel of Agenor,[328] they there turned round to resist the
Macedonians. Against these Alexander advanced with his shield-bearing
guards, destroyed the men who fought there, and pursued those who fled.
Great was the slaughter also made both by those who were now occupying
the city from the harbour and by the regiment of Coenus, which had also
entered it. For the Macedonians were now for the most part advancing
full of rage, being angry both at the length of the siege and also
because the Tyrians, having captured some of their men sailing from
Sidon, had conveyed them to the top of their wall, so that the deed
might be visible from the camp, and after slaughtering them, had cast
their bodies into the sea. About 8,000 of the Tyrians were killed; and
of the Macedonians, besides Admetus, who had proved himself a valiant
man, being the first to scale the wall, twenty of the shield-bearing
guards were killed in the assault on that occasion. In the whole siege
about 400 Macedonians were slain. Alexander gave an amnesty to all
those who fled for refuge into the temple of Heracles; among them
being most of the Tyrian magistrates, including the king Azemilcus, as
well as certain envoys from the Carthaginians, who had come to their
mother-city to attend the sacrifice in honour of Heracles, according
to an ancient custom.[329] The rest of the prisoners were reduced
to slavery; all the Tyrians and mercenary troops, to the number of
about 30,000, who had been captured, being sold.[330] Alexander then
offered sacrifice to Heracles, and conducted a procession in honour
of that deity with all his soldiers fully armed. The ships also took
part in this religious procession in honour of Heracles. He moreover
held a gymnastic contest in the temple, and celebrated a torch race.
The military engine, also, with which the wall had been battered down,
was brought into the temple and dedicated as a thank-offering; and the
Tyrian ship sacred to Heracles, which had been captured in the naval
attack, was likewise dedicated to the god. An inscription was placed
on it, either composed by Alexander himself or by some one else; but
as it is not worthy of recollection, I have not deemed it worth while
to describe it. Thus then was Tyre captured in the month Hecatombaion,
when Anicetus was archon at Athens.[331]
CHAPTER XXV.
THE OFFERS OF DARIUS REJECTED.—BATIS, GOVERNOR OF GAZA, REFUSES TO
SUBMIT.
While Alexander was still occupied by the siege of Tyre, ambassadors
came to him from Darius, announcing that he would give him ten thousand
talents[332] in exchange for his mother, wife, and children; that all
the territory west of the river Euphrates, as far as the Grecian Sea,
should be Alexander’s; and proposing that he should marry the daughter
of Darius, and become his friend and ally.[333] When these proposals
were announced in a conference of the Companions, Parmenio is said to
have told Alexander, that if he were Alexander he should be delighted
to put an end to the war on these terms, and incur no further hazard of
success. Alexander is said to have replied, So would he also do, if he
were Parmenio, but as he was Alexander he replied to Darius as he did.
For he said that he was neither in want of money from Darius, nor would
he receive a part of his territory instead of the whole; for that all
his money and territory were his; and that if he wished to marry the
daughter of Darius, he would marry her, even though Darius refused her
to him. He commanded Darius to come to him if he wished to experience
any generous treatment from him. When Darius heard this answer, he
despaired of coming to terms with Alexander, and began to make fresh
preparations for war.
Alexander now resolved to make an expedition into Egypt. All the other
parts of what was called Palestine Syria[334] had already yielded to
him; but a certain eunuch, named Batis, who was in possession of the
city of Gaza, paid no heed to him; but procuring Arabian mercenaries,
and having been long employed in laying up sufficient food for a long
siege, he resolved not to admit Alexander into the city, feeling
confident that the place could never be taken by storm.
CHAPTER XXVI.
SIEGE OF GAZA.
Gaza is about twenty stades from the sea;[335] the approach to it
is sandy and over heavy soil, and the sea near the city everywhere
shallow. The city of Gaza[336] was large, and had been built upon a
lofty mound, around which a strong wall had been carried. It is the
last city the traveller meets with going from Phoenicia to Egypt,
being situated on the edge of the desert. When Alexander arrived near
the city, on the first day he encamped at the spot where the wall
seemed to him most easy to assail, and ordered his military engines to
be constructed. But the engineers expressed the opinion that it was
not possible to capture the wall by force, on account of the height
of the mound. However, the more impracticable it seemed to be, the
more resolutely Alexander determined that it must be captured. For he
said that the action would strike the enemy with great alarm from its
being contrary to their expectation; whereas his failure to capture
the place would redound to his disgrace when mentioned either to the
Greeks or to Darius. He therefore resolved to construct a mound right
round the city, so as to be able to bring his military engines up to
the walls from the artificial mound which had been raised to the same
level with them. The mound was constructed especially over against
the southern wall of the city, where it appeared easiest to make an
assault. When he thought that the mound had been raised to the proper
level with the walls, the Macedonians placed their military engines
upon it, and brought them close to the wall of Gaza. At this time while
Alexander was offering sacrifice, and, crowned with a garland, was
about to commence the first sacred rite according to custom, a certain
carnivorous bird, flying over the altar, let a stone which it was
carrying with its claws fall upon his head. Alexander asked Aristander,
the soothsayer,[337] what this omen meant. He replied: “O king, thou
wilt indeed capture the city, but thou must take care of thyself on
this day.”
CHAPTER XXVII.
CAPTURE OF GAZA.
When Alexander heard this, he kept himself for a time near the military
engines, out of the reach of missiles. But when a vigorous sortie was
made from the city, and the Arabs were carrying torches to set fire
to the military engines, and from their commanding position above
hurling missiles at the Macedonians, who were defending themselves
from lower ground, were driving them down from the mound which they
had made, then Alexander either wilfully disobeyed the soothsayer, or
forgot the prophecy from excitement in the heat of action. Taking the
shield-bearing guards, he hastened to the rescue where the Macedonians
were especially hard pressed, and prevented them from being driven
down from the mound in disgraceful flight. But he was himself wounded
by a bolt from a catapult, right through the shield and breastplate
into the shoulder. When he perceived that Aristander had spoken the
truth about the wound, he rejoiced, because he thought he should also
capture the city by the aid of the soothsayer. And yet indeed he was
not easily cured of the wound. In the meantime the military engines
with which he had captured Tyre arrived, having been sent for by sea;
and he ordered the mound to be constructed quite round the city on all
sides, two stades[338] in breadth and 250 feet in height. When his
engines had been prepared, and brought up along the mound, they shook
down a large extent of wall; and mines being dug in various places,
and the earth being drawn out by stealth, the wall fell down in many
parts, subsiding into the emptied space.[339] The Macedonians then
commanded a large extent of ground with their missiles, driving back
the men who were defending the city, from the towers. Nevertheless, the
men of the city sustained three assaults, though many of their number
were killed or wounded; but at the fourth attack, Alexander led up the
phalanx of the Macedonians from all sides, threw down the part of the
wall which was undermined, and shook down another large portion of it
by battering it with his engines, so that he rendered the assault an
easy matter through the breaches with his scaling ladders. Accordingly
the ladders were brought up to the wall; and then there arose a great
emulation among those of the Macedonians who laid any claim to valour,
to see who should be the first to scale the wall. The first to do so
was Neoptolemus, one of the Companions, of the family of the Aeacidae;
and after him mounted one rank after another with their officers. When
once some of the Macedonians got within the wall, they split open in
succession the gates which each party happened to light upon, and thus
admitted the whole army into the city. But though their city was now
in the hands of the enemy, the Gazaeans nevertheless stood together
and fought; so that they were all slain fighting there, as each man had
been stationed. Alexander sold their wives and children into slavery;
and having peopled the city again from the neighbouring settlers, he
made use of it as a fortified post for the war.[340]
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
CONQUEST OF EGYPT.—FOUNDATION OF ALEXANDRIA.
Alexander now led an expedition into Egypt, whither he had set out
at first (from Tyre); and marching from Gaza, on the seventh day
he arrived at Pelusium[341] in Egypt. His fleet had also set sail
from Phoenicia to Egypt; and he found the ships already moored at
Pelusium.[342] When Mazaces the Persian, whom Darius had appointed
viceroy of Egypt,[343] ascertained how the battle at Issus had
resulted, that Darius had fled in disgraceful flight, and that
Phoenicia, Syria, and most of Arabia were already in Alexander’s
possession, as he had no Persian force with which he could offer
resistance, he admitted Alexander into the cities and the country in a
friendly way.[344] Alexander introduced a garrison into Pelusium, and
ordering the men in the ships to sail up the river as far as the city
of Memphis,[345] he went in person towards Heliopolis,[346] having the
river Nile[347] on his right. He reached that city through the desert,
after getting possession of all the places on the march through the
voluntary surrender of the inhabitants. Thence he crossed the stream
and came to Memphis; where he offered sacrifice to Apis[348] and the
other gods, and celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest, the most
distinguished artists in these matters coming to him from Greece.
From Memphis he sailed down the river towards the sea, embarking the
shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, and of the cavalry
the royal squadron of the Companions. Coming to Canobus,[349] he sailed
round the Marian lake,[350] and disembarked where now is situated the
city of Alexandria, which takes its name from him. The position seemed
to him a very fine one in which to found a city, and he foresaw that
it would become a prosperous one.[351] Therefore he was seized by an
ardent desire to undertake the enterprise, and himself marked out the
boundaries of the city, pointing out the place where the agora was to
be constructed, where the temples were to be built, stating how many
there were to be, and to what Grecian gods they were to be dedicated,
and specially marking a spot for a temple to the Egyptian Isis.[352]
He also pointed out where the wall was to be carried round it. In
regard to these matters he offered sacrifice, and the victims appeared
favourable.
CHAPTER II.
FOUNDATION OF ALEXANDRIA.—EVENTS IN THE AEGEAN.
The following story is told, which seems to me not unworthy of
belief[353]:—that Alexander himself wished to leave behind for the
builders the marks for the boundaries of the fortification, but that
there was nothing at hand with which to make a furrow in the ground.
One of the builders[354] hit upon the plan of collecting in vessels
the barley which the soldiers were carrying, and throwing it upon
the ground where the king led the way; and thus the circle of the
fortification which he was making[355] for the city was completely
marked out. The soothsayers, and especially Aristander the Telmissian,
who was said already to have given many other true predictions,
pondering this, told Alexander that the city would become prosperous in
every respect, but especially in regard to the fruits of the earth.
At this time Hegelochus[356] sailed to Egypt and informed Alexander
that the Tenedians had revolted from the Persians and attached
themselves to him; because they had gone over to the Persians against
their own wish. He also said that the democracy of Chios were
introducing Alexander’s adherents in spite of those who held the city,
being established in it by Autophradates and Pharnabazus. The latter
commander had been caught there and kept as a prisoner, as was also the
despot Aristonicus, a Methymnaean,[357] who sailed into the harbour of
Chios with five piratical vessels, fitted with one and a half banks
of oars, not knowing that the harbour was in the hands of Alexander’s
adherents, but being misled by those who kept the bars of the harbour,
because forsooth the fleet of Pharnabazus was moored in it. All the
pirates were there massacred by the Chians; and Hegelochus brought to
Alexander, as prisoners Aristonicus, Apollonides the Chian, Phisinus,
Megareus, and all the others who had taken part in the revolt of Chios
to the Persians, and who at that time were holding the government of
the island by force. He also announced that he had deprived Chares[358]
of the possession of Mitylene, that he had brought over the other
cities in Lesbos by a voluntary agreement, and that he had sent
Amphoterus to Cos with sixty ships, for the Coans themselves invited
him to their island. He said that he himself had sailed to Cos and
found it already in the hands of Amphoterus. Hegelochus brought all the
prisoners with him except Pharnabazus, who had eluded his guards at
Cos and got away by stealth. Alexander sent the despots who had been
brought from the cities back to their fellow-citizens, to be treated as
they pleased; but Apollonides and his Chian partisans he sent under a
strict guard to Elephantinē, an Egyptian city.[359]
CHAPTER III.
ALEXANDER VISITS THE TEMPLE OF AMMON.
After these transactions, Alexander was seized by an ardent desire
to visit Ammon[360] in Libya, partly in order to consult the god,
because the oracle of Ammon was said to be exact in its information,
and Perseus and Heracles were said to have consulted it, the former
when he was despatched by Polydectes[361] against the Gorgons, and
the latter, when he visited Antaeus[362] in Libya and Busiris[363] in
Egypt. Alexander was also partly urged by a desire of emulating Perseus
and Heracles, from both of whom he traced his descent.[364] He also
deduced his pedigree from Ammon, just as the legends traced that of
Heracles and Perseus to Zeus. Accordingly he made the expedition to
Ammon with the design of learning his own origin more certainly, or at
least that he might be able to say that he had learned it. According
to Aristobulus, he advanced along the seashore to Paraetonium through
a country which was a desert, but not destitute of water, a distance
of about 1,600 stades.[365] Thence he turned into the interior, where
the oracle of Ammon was located. The route is desert, and most of it is
sand and destitute of water. But there was a copious supply of rain for
Alexander, a thing which was attributed to the influence of the deity;
as was also the following occurrence. Whenever a south wind blows
in that district, it heaps up the sand upon the route far and wide,
rendering the tracks of the road invisible, so that it is impossible
to discover where one ought to direct one’s course in the sand, just
as if one were at sea; for there are no landmarks along the road,
neither mountain anywhere, nor tree, nor permanent hill standing erect,
by which travellers might be able to form a conjecture of the right
course, as sailors do by the stars.[366] Consequently, Alexander’s
army lost the way, and even the guides were in doubt about the course
to take. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that two serpents went in front
of the army, uttering a voice, and Alexander ordered the guides to
follow them, trusting in the divine portent. He says too that they
showed the way to the oracle and back again. But Aristobulus, whose
account is generally admitted as correct, says that two ravens flew in
front of the army, and that these acted as Alexander’s guides. I am
able to assert with confidence that some divine assistance was afforded
him, for probability also coincides with the supposition; but the
discrepancies in the details of the various narratives have deprived
the story of certainty.[367]
CHAPTER IV.
THE OASIS OF AMMON.
The place where the temple of Ammon is located is entirely surrounded
by a desert of far-stretching sand, which is destitute of water. The
fertile spot in the midst of this desert, is not extensive; for where
it stretches into its greater expanse, it is only about forty stades
broad.[368] It is full of cultivated trees, olives and palms; and it
is the only place in those parts which is refreshed with dew. A spring
also rises from it, quite unlike all the other springs which issue from
the earth.[369] For at midday the water is cold to the taste, and
still more so to the touch, as cold as cold can be. But when the sun
has sunk into the west, it gets warmer, and from the evening it keeps
on growing warmer until midnight, when it reaches the warmest point.
After midnight it goes on getting gradually colder; at daybreak it is
already cold; but at midday it reaches the coldest point. Every day it
undergoes these alternate changes in regular succession. In this place
also natural salt is procured by digging, and certain of the priests
of Ammon convey quantities of it into Egypt. For whenever they set out
for Egypt they put it into little boxes plaited out of palm, and carry
it as a present to the king, or some other great man. The grains of
this salt are large, some of them being even longer than three fingers’
breadth; and it is clear like crystal.[370] The Egyptians and others
who are respectful to the deity, use this salt in their sacrifices, as
it is clearer than that which is procured from the sea. Alexander then
was struck with wonder at the place, and consulted the oracle of the
god. Having heard what was agreeable to his wishes, as he himself said,
he set out on the journey back to Egypt by the same route, according to
the statement of Aristobulus; but according to that of Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, he took another road, leading straight to Memphis.[371]
CHAPTER V.
SETTLEMENT OF THE AFFAIRS OF EGYPT.
At Memphis, many embassies from Greece reached him; and he sent away
no one disappointed by the rejection of his suit. From Antipater
also arrived an army of 400 Grecian mercenaries under the command of
Menidas, son of Hegesander: likewise from Thrace 500 cavalry, under
the direction of Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus. Here he offered
sacrifice to Zeus the King, led his soldiers fully armed in solemn
procession, and celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest. He then
settled the affairs of Egypt, by appointing two Egyptians, Doloaspis
and Petisis, governors of the country, dividing between them the
whole land; but as Petisis declined his province, Doloaspis received
the whole. He appointed two of the Companions to be commandants of
garrisons: Pantaleon the Pydnaean in Memphis, and Polemo, son of
Megacles, a Pellaean, in Pelusium. He also gave the command of the
Grecian auxiliaries to Lycidas, an Aetolian, and appointed Eugnostus,
son of Xenophantes, one of the Companions, to be secretary over the
same troops. As their overseers he placed Aeschўlus and Ephippus the
Chalcidean. The government of the neighbouring country of Libya he
granted to Apollonius, son of Charinus; and the part of Arabia near
Heroöpolis[372] he put under Cleomenes, a man of Naucratis.[373] This
last was ordered to allow the governors to rule their respective
districts according to the ancient custom; but to collect from them the
tribute due to him. The native governors were also ordered to pay it to
Cleomenes. He appointed Peucestas, son of Macartatus, and Balacrus, son
of Amyntas, generals of the army which he left behind in Egypt; and he
placed Polemo, son of Theramenes, over the fleet as admiral. He made
Leonnatus, son of Anteas, one of his body-guards instead of Arrhybas,
who had died of disease. Antiochus, the commander of the archers, also
died; and in his stead Ombrion the Cretan was appointed. When Balacrus
was left behind in Egypt, the allied Grecian infantry, which had been
under his command, was put under that of Calanus. Alexander was said
to have divided the government of Egypt among so many men, because he
was surprised at the natural strength of the country, and he thought it
unsafe to entrust the rule of the whole to a single person. The Romans
also seem to me to have learned a lesson from him, and therefore keep
Egypt under strong guard; for they do not send any of the senators
thither as proconsul for the same reason, but only men who have the
rank among them of Equites (Knights).[374]
CHAPTER VI.
MARCH INTO SYRIA.—ALEXANDER’S KINDNESS TO HARPALUS AND HIS OTHER EARLY
ADHERENTS.
As soon as spring began to appear, he went from Memphis to Phoenicia,
bridging the stream of the Nile near Memphis, as well as the canals
issuing from it. When he arrived at Tyre, he found his fleet already
there.[375] In this city he again offered sacrifice to Heracles, and
celebrated both a gymnastic and musical contest. While there, the
state vessel called the _Paralus_ came to him from Athens, bringing
Diophantus and Achilleus as envoys to him; and all the crew of the
_Paralus_ were joined with them in the embassy.[376] These men obtained
all the requests which they were despatched to make, and the king gave
up to the Athenians all their fellow-citizens who had been captured at
the Granicus.[377] Being informed that revolutionary plans had been
carried out in the Peloponnese, he sent Amphoterus thither to assist
those of the Peloponnesians who were firm in their support of his war
against Persia, and were not under the control of the Lacedaemonians.
He also commanded the Phoenicians and Cyprians to despatch to the
Peloponnese 100 other ships in addition to those which he was sending
with Amphoterus. He now started up into the interior towards Thapsacus
and the river Euphrates, after placing Coeranus, a Beroean[378] over
the levy of tribute in Phoenicia, and Philoxenus to collect it in
Asia as far as the Taurus. In the place of these men he entrusted
the custody of the money which he had with him to Harpalus, son of
Machatas, who had just returned from exile. For this man at first had
been banished, while Philip was still king, because he was an adherent
of Alexander; as also was Ptolemy, son of Lagus, for the same reason;
likewise Nearchus, son of Androtimus, Erigyius, son of Larichus, and
his brother Laomedon. For Alexander fell under Philip’s suspicion
when the latter married Eurydice[379] and treated Alexander’s mother
Olympias with dishonour. But after Philip’s death those who had been
banished on Alexander’s account returned from exile and were received
into favour. He made Ptolemy one of his confidential body-guards; he
placed Harpalus over the money, because his bodily strength was unequal
to the fatigues of war. Erigyius was made commander of the allied
Grecian cavalry; and his brother Laomedon, because he could speak both
the Greek and Persian languages and could read Persian writings, was
put in charge of the foreign prisoners. Nearchus also was appointed
viceroy of Lycia and of the land adjacent to it as far as mount Taurus.
But shortly before the battle which was fought at Issus, Harpalus fell
under the influence of Tauriscus, an evil man, and fled in his company.
The latter started off to Alexander the Epirote[380] in Italy, where
he soon after died. But Harpalus found a refuge in Megaris, whence
however Alexander persuaded him to return, giving him a pledge that
he should be none the worse on account of his desertion. When he came
back, he not only received no punishment, but was even reinstated in
the office of treasurer. Menander, one of the Companions, was sent away
into Lydia as viceroy; and Clearchus was put in command of the Grecian
auxiliaries who had been under Menander. Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus,
was also appointed viceroy of Syria instead of Arimmas, because the
latter seemed to have been remiss in collecting the supplies which he
had been ordered to collect for the army which the king was about to
lead into the interior.
CHAPTER VII.
PASSAGE OF THE EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS.
Alexander arrived at Thapsacus in the month Hecatombaion,[381] in the
archonship of Aristophanes at Athens; and he found that two bridges
of boats had been constructed over the stream. But Mazaeus, to whom
Darius had committed the duty of guarding the river, with about 3,000
cavalry, 2,000 of which were Grecian mercenaries, was up to that time
keeping guard there at the river. For this reason the Macedonians had
not constructed the complete bridge as far as the opposite bank, being
afraid that Mazaeus might make an assault upon the bridge where it
ended. But when he heard that Alexander was approaching, he went off
in flight with all his army. As soon as he had fled, the bridges were
completed as far as the further bank, and Alexander crossed upon them
with his army.[382] Thence he marched up into the interior through the
land called Mesopotamia, having the river Euphrates and the mountains
of Armenia on his left. When he started from the Euphrates he did not
march to Babylon by the direct road; because by going the other route
he found all things easier for the march of his army, and it was also
easier to obtain fodder for the horses and provisions for the men
from the country. Besides this, the heat was not so scorching on the
indirect route. Some of the men from Darius’s army, who were dispersed
for the purpose of scouting, were taken prisoners; and they reported
that Darius was encamped near the river Tigris, having resolved to
prevent Alexander from crossing that stream. They also said that he
had a much larger army than that with which he had fought in Cilicia.
Hearing this, Alexander went with all speed towards the Tigris; but
when he reached it he found neither Darius himself nor any guard which
he had left. However he experienced great difficulty in crossing the
stream, on account of the swiftness of the current,[383] though no one
tried to stop him. There he made his army rest, and while so doing, an
eclipse of the moon nearly total occurred.[384] Alexander thereupon
offered sacrifice to the moon, the sun and the earth, whose deed this
was, according to common report. Aristander thought that this eclipse
of the moon was a portent favourable to Alexander and the Macedonians;
that there would be a battle that very month, and that victory for
Alexander was signified by the sacrificial victims. Having therefore
decamped from the Tigris, he went through the land of Aturia,[385]
having the mountains of the Gordyaeans[386] on the left and the Tigris
itself on the right; and on the fourth day after the passage of the
river, his scouts brought word to him that the enemy’s cavalry were
visible there along the plain, but how many of them there were they
could not guess. Accordingly he drew his army up in order and advanced
prepared for battle. Other scouts again riding forward and taking more
accurate observations, told him that the cavalry did not seem to them
to be more than 1,000 in number.
CHAPTER VIII.
DESCRIPTION OF DARIUS’S ARMY AT ARBELA.
Alexander therefore took the royal squadron of cavalry, and one
squadron of the Companions, together with the Paeonian scouts, and
marched with all speed; having ordered the rest of his army to follow
at leisure. The Persian cavalry, seeing Alexander advancing quickly,
began to flee with all their might. Though he pressed close upon
them in pursuit, most of them escaped; but a few, whose horses were
fatigued by the flight, were slain, others were taken prisoners,
horses and all. From these they ascertained that Darius with a large
force was not far off. For the Indians who were conterminous with
the Bactrians, as also the Bactrians themselves and the Sogdianians
had come to the aid of Darius, all being under the command of Bessus,
the viceroy of the land of Bactria. They were accompanied by the
Sacians, a Scythian tribe belonging to the Scythians who dwell in
Asia.[387] These were not subject to Bessus, but were in alliance
with Darius. They were commanded by Mavaces, and were horse-bowmen.
Barsaëntes, the viceroy of Arachotia, led the Arachotians[388] and the
men who were called mountaineer Indians. Satibarzanes, the viceroy
of Areia, led the Areians,[389] as did Phrataphernes the Parthians,
Hyrcanians, and Tapurians,[390] all of whom were horsemen. Atropates
commanded the Medes, with whom were arrayed the Cadusians, Albanians,
and Sacesinians.[391] The men who dwelt near the Red Sea[392] were
marshalled by Ocondobates, Ariobarzanes, and Otanes. The Uxians and
Susianians[393] acknowledged Oxathres son of Aboulites as their
leader, and the Babylonians were commanded by Boupares. The Carians
who had been deported into central Asia, and the Sitacenians[394]
had been placed in the same ranks as the Babylonians. The Armenians
were commanded by Orontes and Mithraustes, and the Cappadocians by
Ariaces. The Syrians from the vale between Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon
(_i.e._ Coele-Syria) and the men of Syria which lies between the
rivers[395] were led by Mazaeus. The whole army of Darius was said to
contain 40,000 cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry, and 200 scythe-bearing
chariots.[396] There were only a few elephants, about fifteen in
number, belonging to the Indians who live this side of the Indus.[397]
With these forces Darius had encamped at Gaugamela, near the river
Bumodus, about 600 stades distant from the city of Arbela, in a
district everywhere level;[398] for whatever ground thereabouts was
unlevel and unfit for the evolutions of cavalry, had long before been
levelled by the Persians, and made fit for the easy rolling of chariots
and for the galloping of horses. For there were some who persuaded
Darius that he had forsooth got the worst of it in the battle fought
at Issus, from the narrowness of the battle-field; and this he was
easily induced to believe.
CHAPTER IX.
ALEXANDER’S TACTICS.—HIS SPEECH TO THE OFFICERS.
When Alexander had received all this information from the Persian
scouts who had been captured, he remained four days in the place where
he had received the news; and gave his army rest after the march. He
meanwhile fortified his camp with a ditch and stockade, as he intended
to leave behind the baggage and all the soldiers who were unfit for
fighting, and to go into the contest accompanied by his warriors
carrying with them nothing except their weapons. Accordingly he took
his forces by night, and began the march about the second watch, in
order to come into collision with the foreigners at break of day. As
soon as Darius was informed of Alexander’s approach, he at once drew
out his army for battle; and Alexander led on his men drawn up in like
manner. Though the armies were only sixty stades[399] from each other,
yet they were not in sight of each other, for between the hostile
forces some hills intervened. But when Alexander was only thirty stades
distant from the enemy, and his army was already marching down from the
hills just mentioned, catching sight of the foreigners, he caused his
phalanx to halt there. Calling a council of the Companions, generals,
cavalry officers, and leaders of the Grecian allies and mercenaries,
he deliberated with them, whether he should at once lead on the
phalanx without delay, as most of them urged him to do; or, whether,
as Parmenio thought preferable, to pitch their tents there for the
present, to reconnoitre all the ground, in order to see if there was
anything there to excite suspicion or to impede their progress, or if
there were ditches or stakes firmly fixed in the earth out of sight,
as well as to make a more accurate survey of the enemy’s tactical
arrangements. Parmenio’s opinion prevailed, so they encamped there,
drawn up in the order in which they intended to enter the battle. But
Alexander took the light infantry and the cavalry Companions and went
all round, reconnoitring the whole country where he was about to fight
the battle. Having returned, he again called together the same leaders,
and said that they did not require to be encouraged by him to enter the
contest; for they had been long before encouraged by their own valour,
and by the gallant deeds which they had already so often achieved. He
thought it expedient that each of them individually should stir up
his own men separately; the infantry captain the men of his company,
the cavalry captain his own squadron, the brigadiers their various
brigades, and each of the leaders of the infantry the phalanx entrusted
to him. He assured them that in this battle they were going to fight,
not as before, either for Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, or Egypt, but for
the whole of Asia. For he said this battle would decide who were to
be the rulers of that continent. It was not necessary for him to stir
them up to gallant deeds by many words, since they had this valour by
nature; but they should see that each man took care, so far as in him
lay, to preserve discipline in the critical moment of action, and to
keep perfect silence when it was expedient to advance in silence. On
the other hand, they should see that each man uttered a sonorous shout,
where it would be advantageous to shout, and to raise as terrible a
battle-cry as possible, when a suitable opportunity occurred of raising
the battle-cry. He told them to take care to obey his orders as quickly
as possible, and to transmit the orders they had received to the ranks
with all rapidity; each man remembering that both as an individual
and in the aggregate he was increasing the general danger if he was
remiss in the discharge of his duty, and that he was assisting to gain
a victory if he zealously put forth his utmost exertions.
CHAPTER X.
REJECTION OF PARMENIO’S ADVICE.
With these words and others like them he briefly exhorted his officers,
and in return was exhorted by them to feel confidence in their valour.
He then ordered the soldiers to take dinner and to rest themselves.
It is said that Parmenio came to him in his tent, and urged him to
make a night attack on the Persians; saying that thus he would fall
upon them unprepared and in a state of confusion, and at the same time
more liable to a panic in the dark.[400] But the reply which he made,
as others were listening to their conversation, was, that it would be
mean to steal a victory, and that Alexander ought to conquer in open
daylight, and without any artifice. This vaunting did not appear any
arrogance on his part, but rather to indicate self-confidence amid
dangers. To me at any rate, he seems to have used correct reasoning
in such a matter. For in the night many accidents have occurred
unexpectedly to those who were sufficiently prepared for battle as
well as to those who were deficiently prepared, which have caused the
superior party to fail in their plans, and have handed the victory
over to the inferior party, contrary to the expectations of both
sides. Though Alexander was generally fond of encountering danger in
battle, the night appeared to him perilous; and, besides, if Darius
were again defeated, a furtive and nocturnal attack on the part of
the Macedonians would relieve him of the necessity of confessing that
he was an inferior general and commanded inferior troops. Moreover, if
any unexpected defeat befell his army, the circumjacent country was
friendly to the enemy, and they were acquainted with the locality,
whereas the Macedonians[401] were unacquainted with it, and surrounded
by nothing but foes, of whom there were a great number prisoners.
These would be a great source of anxiety, as they would be likely to
assist in attacking them in the night, not only if they should meet
with defeat, but even if they did not appear to be gaining a decisive
victory. For this way of reasoning I commend Alexander; and I think him
no less worthy of admiration for his excessive desire to fight in open
daylight.
CHAPTER XI.
TACTICS OF THE OPPOSING GENERALS.
Darius and his army remained drawn up during the night in the same
order as that in which they had first arrayed themselves; because
they had not surrounded themselves with a completely entrenched camp,
and, moreover, they were afraid that the enemy would attack them
in the night. The success of the Persians, on this occasion, was
impeded especially by this long standing on watch with their arms,
and by the fear which usually springs up before great dangers; which,
however, was not then suddenly aroused by a momentary panic, but had
been experienced for a long time, and had thoroughly cowed their
spirits.[402] The army of Darius was drawn up in the following manner:
for, according to the statement of Aristobulus, the written scheme of
arrangement drawn up by Darius was afterwards captured. His left wing
was held by the Bactrian cavalry, in conjunction with the Daans[403]
and Arachotians; near these had been posted the Persians, horse and
foot mixed together; next to these the Susians, and then the Cadusians.
This was the arrangement of the left wing as far as the middle of the
whole phalanx. On the right had been posted the men from Coele-Syria
and Mesopotamia. On the right again were the Medes; next to them the
Parthians and Sacians; then the Tapurians and Hyrcanians, and last
the Albanians and Sacesinians, extending as far as the middle of the
whole phalanx. In the centre where King Darius was, had been posted
the king’s kinsmen,[404] the Persian guards carrying spears with
golden apples at the butt end,[405] the Indians, the Carians who had
been forcibly removed to Central Asia, and the Mardian archers.[406]
The Uxians, the Babylonians, the men who dwell near the Red Sea, and
the Sitacenians had also been drawn up in deep column. On the left,
opposite Alexander’s right, had been posted the Scythian cavalry, about
1,000 Bactrians and 100 scythe-bearing chariots. In front of Darius’s
royal squadron of cavalry stood the elephants and 50 chariots. In
front of the right wing the Armenian and Cappadocian cavalry with 50
scythe-bearing chariots had been posted. The Greek mercenaries, as
alone capable of coping with the Macedonians, were stationed right
opposite their phalanx, in two divisions close beside Darius himself
and his Persian attendants, one division on each side.[407]
Alexander’s army was marshalled as follows: The right wing was held
by the cavalry Companions, in front of whom had been posted the royal
squadron, commanded by Clitus, son of Dropidas. Near this was the
squadron of Glaucias, next to it that of Aristo, then that of Sopolis,
son of Hermodorus, then that of Heraclides, son of Antiochus. Near
this was that of Demetrius, son of Althaemenes, then that of Meleager,
and last one of the royal squadrons commanded by Hegelochus, son of
Hippostratus. All the cavalry Companions were under the supreme command
of Philotas, son of Parmenio. Of the phalanx of Macedonian infantry,
nearest to the cavalry had been posted first the select corps of
shield-bearing guards, and then the rest of the shield-bearing-guards,
under the command of Nicanor, son of Parmenio. Next to these was the
brigade of Coenus, son of Polemocrates; after these that of Perdiceas,
son of Orontes, then that of Meleager, son of Neoptolemus, then that
of Polysperchon,[408] son of Simmias, and last that of Amyntas, son
of Andromenes, under the command of Simmias, because Amyntas had been
despatched to Macedonia to levy an army. The brigade of Craterus, son
of Alexander, held the left end of the Macedonian phalanx, and this
general commanded the left wing of the infantry.[409] Next to him was
the allied Grecian cavalry, under the command of Erigyius, son of
Larichus. Next to these, towards the left wing of the army, were the
Thessalian cavalry, under the command of Philip, son of Menelaüs. But
the whole left wing was led by Parmenio, son of Philotas, round whose
person were ranged the Pharsalian horsemen, who were both the best and
most numerous squadron of the Thessalian cavalry.
CHAPTER XII.
ALEXANDER’S TACTICS.
In this way had Alexander marshalled his army in front; but he also
posted a second array, so that his phalanx might be a double one.[410]
Directions had been given to the commanders of these men posted in
reserve, to wheel round and receive the attack of the foreigners, if
they should see their own comrades surrounded by the Persian army. Next
to the royal squadron on the right wing, half of the Agrianians, under
the command of Attalus, in conjunction with the Macedonian archers
under Briso’s command, were posted angular-wise (_i.e._ in such a way
that the wings were thrown forward at an angle with the centre, so as
to take the enemy in flank) in case they should be seized anyhow by
the necessity of folding back the phalanx or of closing it up (_i.e._
of deepening it by countermarching from front to rear). Next to the
archers were the men called the veteran mercenaries, whose commander
was Cleander. In front of the Agrianians and archers were posted the
light cavalry used for skirmishing, and the Paeonians, under the
command of Aretes and Aristo. In front of all had been posted the
Grecian mercenary cavalry under the direction of Menidas; and in
front of the royal squadron of cavalry and the other Companions had
been posted half of the Agrianians and archers, and the javelin-men
of Balacrus who had been ranged opposite the scythe-bearing chariots.
Instructions had been given to Menidas and the troops under him to
wheel round and attack the enemy in flank, if they should ride round
their wing. Thus had Alexander arranged matters on the right wing. On
the left the Thracians under the command of Sitalces had been posted
angular-wise, and near them the cavalry of the Grecian allies, under
the direction of Coeranus. Next stood the Odrysian cavalry, under the
command of Agatho, son of Tyrimmas. In this part, in front of all, were
posted the auxiliary cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries, under the
direction of Andromachus, son of Hiero. Near the baggage the infantry
from Thrace were posted as a guard. The whole of Alexander’s army
numbered 7,000 cavalry and about 40,000 infantry.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE BATTLE OF ARBELA.
When the armies drew near each other, Darius and the men around
him were observed; viz. the apple-bearing Persians, the Indians,
the Albanians, the Carians who had been forcibly transported into
Central Asia, the Mardian archers ranged opposite Alexander himself
and his royal squadron of cavalry. Alexander led his own army more
towards the right, and the Persians marched along parallel with him,
far outflanking him upon their left.[411] Then the Scythian cavalry
rode along the line, and came into conflict with the front men of
Alexander’s array; but he nevertheless still continued to march towards
the right, and almost entirely got beyond the ground which had been
cleared and levelled by the Persians.[412] Then Darius, fearing that
his chariots would become useless, if the Macedonians advanced into
uneven ground, ordered the front ranks of his left wing to ride round
the right wing of the Macedonians, where Alexander was commanding,
to prevent him from marching his wing any further. This being done,
Alexander ordered the cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries under the
command of Menidas to attack them. But the Scythian cavalry and the
Bactrians, who had been drawn up with them sallied forth against them,
and being much more numerous they put the small body of Greeks to rout.
Alexander then ordered Aristo at the head of the Paeonians and Grecian
auxiliaries to attack the Scythians; and the barbarians gave way. But
the rest of the Bactrians drawing near to the Paeonians and Grecian
auxiliaries, caused their own comrades who were already in flight
to turn and renew the battle; and thus they brought about a general
cavalry engagement, in which many of Alexander’s men fell, not only
being overwhelmed by the multitude of the barbarians, but also because
the Scythians themselves and their horses were much more completely
protected with armour for guarding their bodies.[413] Notwithstanding
this, the Macedonians sustained their assaults, and assailing them
violently squadron by squadron, they succeeded in pushing them out of
rank. Meantime the foreigners launched their scythe-bearing chariots
against Alexander himself, for the purpose of throwing his phalanx into
confusion; but in this they were grievously deceived. For as soon
as some of them approached, the Agrianians and the javelin-men with
Balacrus, who had been posted in front of the Companion cavalry, hurled
their javelins at them; others they seized by the reins and pulled the
drivers off, and standing round the horses killed them. Yet some rolled
right through the ranks; for the men stood apart and opened their
ranks, as they had been instructed, in the places where the chariots
assaulted them. In this way it generally happened that the chariots
passed through safely, and the men by whom they were driven were
uninjured. But these also were afterwards overpowered by the grooms of
Alexander’s army and by the royal shield-bearing guards.[414]
CHAPTER XIV.
BATTLE OF ARBELA.—FLIGHT OF DARIUS.
As soon as Darius began to set his whole phalanx in motion, Alexander
ordered Aretes to attack those who were riding completely round his
right wing; and up to that time he was himself leading his men in
column. But when the Persians had made a break in the front line of
their army, in consequence of the cavalry sallying forth to assist
those who were surrounding the right wing, Alexander wheeled round
towards the gap, and forming a wedge as it were of the Companion
cavalry and of the part of the phalanx which was posted here, he led
them with a quick charge and loud battle-cry straight towards Darius
himself. For a short time there ensued a hand-to-hand fight; but when
the Macedonian cavalry, commanded by Alexander himself, pressed on
vigorously, thrusting themselves against the Persians and striking
their faces with their spears, and when the Macedonian phalanx in
dense array and bristling[415] with long pikes had also made an attack
upon them, all things at once appeared full of terror to Darius, who
had already long been in a state of fear, so that he was the first
to turn and flee.[416] The Persians also who were riding round the
wing were seized with alarm when Aretes made a vigorous attack upon
them. In this quarter indeed the Persians took to speedy flight; and
the Macedonians followed up the fugitives and slaughtered them.[417]
Simmias and his brigade were not yet able to start with Alexander in
pursuit, but causing the phalanx to halt there, he took part in the
struggle, because the left wing of the Macedonians was reported to
be hard pressed. In this part of the field, their line being broken,
some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap
towards the baggage of the Macedonians; and there the action became
desperate. For the Persians fell boldly on the men, who were most of
them unarmed, and never expected that any men would cut through the
double phalanx and break through upon them.[418] When the Persians made
this attack, the foreign prisoners also assisted them by falling upon
the Macedonians in the midst of the action. But the commanders of the
men who had been posted as a reserve to the first phalanx, learning
what was taking place, quickly moved from the position which they had
been ordered to take, and coming upon the Persians in the rear, killed
many of them there collected round the baggage. But the rest of them
gave way and fled. The Persians on the right wing, who had not yet
become aware of the flight of Darius, rode round Alexander’s left wing
and attacked Parmenio in flank.[419]
CHAPTER XV.
DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS AND PURSUIT OF DARIUS.
At this juncture, while the Macedonians were doubtful as to the result
of the battle, Parmenio sent a messenger to Alexander in haste, to
tell him that their side was in a critical position and that he
must send him aid.[420] When this news was brought to Alexander, he
immediately turned back again from the pursuit, and wheeling round with
the Companion cavalry, led them with great speed against the right
wing of the foreigners. In the first place he assaulted the fleeing
cavalry of the enemy, the Parthians, some of the Indians, and the most
numerous and the bravest division of the Persians. Then ensued the
most obstinately contested cavalry fight in the whole engagement. For
being drawn up by squadrons as it were, the foreigners wheeled round
and falling on Alexander’s men face to face, they no longer relied on
the hurling of javelins or the dexterous deploying of horses, as is the
common practice in cavalry battles, but every one on his own account
strove eagerly to break through what stood in his way, as if this
were their only means of safety. They struck and were struck without
quarter, as if they were no longer struggling to secure the victory for
another, but were contending for their own personal safety. Here about
sixty of Alexander’s Companions fell; and Hephaestion himself, as well
as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded. But even these troops were overcome
by Alexander; and as many of them as could force their way through
his ranks fled with all their might. And now Alexander had nearly
come into conflict with the enemy’s right wing, but in the meantime
the Thessalian cavalry in a splendid struggle, had not fallen short
of Alexander’s success in the engagement. For the foreigners on the
right wing were already beginning to fly when he came on the scene of
conflict; so that he wheeled round again and started off in pursuit of
Darius once more, keeping up the chase as long as there was daylight.
Parmenio’s brigade also followed in pursuit of those who were opposed
to them. But Alexander crossed the river Lycus[421] and pitched his
camp there, to give his men and horses a little rest; while Parmenio
seized the Persian camp with their baggage, elephants, and camels.
After giving his horsemen rest until midnight, Alexander again advanced
by a forced march towards Arbela, with the hope of seizing Darius
there, together with his money and the rest of his royal property. He
reached Arbela the next day, having pursued altogether about 600 stades
from the battle-field.[422] But as Darius went on fleeing without
taking any rest,[423] he did not find him at Arbela. However the money
and all the other property were captured, as was also the chariot of
Darius. His spear and bow were likewise taken, as had been the case
after the battle of Issus.[424] Of Alexander’s men about 100 were
killed, and more than 1,000 of his horses were lost either from wounds
or from fatigue in the pursuit, nearly half of them belonging to the
Companion cavalry. Of the foreigners there were said to have been about
300,000 slain, and far more were taken prisoners than were killed.[425]
The elephants and all the chariots which had not been destroyed in the
battle were also captured. Such was the result of this battle, which
was fought in the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens, in the month
Pyanepsion;[426] and thus Aristander’s prediction was accomplished,
that Alexander would both fight a battle and gain a victory in the same
month in which the moon was seen to be eclipsed.[427]
CHAPTER XVI.
ESCAPE OF DARIUS INTO MEDIA.—MARCH OF ALEXANDER TO BABYLON AND SUSA.
Immediately after the battle, Darius marched through the mountains
of Armenia towards Media, accompanied in his flight by the Bactrian
cavalry, as they had then been posted with him in the battle; also by
those Persians who were called the king’s kinsmen, and by a few of the
men called apple-bearers.[428] About 2,000 of his Grecian mercenaries
also accompanied him in his flight, under the command of Paron the
Phocian, and Glaucus the Aetolian. He fled towards Media for this
reason, because he thought Alexander would take the road to Susa and
Babylon immediately after the battle, inasmuch as the whole of that
country was inhabited and the road was not difficult for the transit
of baggage; and besides Babylon and Susa appeared to be the prizes of
the war; whereas the road towards Media was by no means easy for the
march of a large army. In this conjecture Darius was mistaken; for when
Alexander started from Arbela, he advanced straight towards Babylon;
and when he was now not far from that city, he drew up his army in
order of battle and marched forward. The Babylonians came out to meet
him in mass, with their priests and rulers, each of whom individually
brought gifts, and offered to surrender their city, citadel, and
money.[429] Entering the city, he commanded the Babylonians to rebuild
all the temples which Xerxes had destroyed, and especially that of
Belus, whom the Babylonians venerate more than any other god.[430]
He then appointed Mazaeus viceroy of the Babylonians, Apollodorus
the Amphipolitan general of the soldiers who were left behind with
Mazaeus, and Asclepiodorus, son of Philo, collector of the revenue. He
also sent Mithrines, who had surrendered to him the citadel of Sardis,
down into Armenia to be viceroy there.[431] Here also he met with
the Chaldaeans; and whatever they directed in regard to the religious
rites of Babylon he performed, and in particular he offered sacrifice
to Belus according to their instructions.[432] He then marched away
to Susa[433]; and on the way he was met by the son of the viceroy of
the Susians,[434] and a man bearing a letter from Philoxenus, whom
he had despatched to Susa directly after the battle. In the letter
Philoxenus had written that the Susians had surrendered their city to
him, and that all the money was safe for Alexander. In twenty days
the king arrived at Susa from Babylon; and entering the city he took
possession of the money, which amounted to 50,000 talents, as well
as the rest of the royal property.[435] Many other things were also
captured there, which Xerxes brought with him from Greece, especially
the brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton.[436] These Alexander
sent back to the Athenians, and they are now standing at Athens in
the Ceramicus, where we go up into the Acropolis,[437] right opposite
the temple of Rhea, the mother of the gods, not far from the altar
of the Eudanemi. Whoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the
two goddesses[438] at Eleusis, knows the altar of Eudanemus which is
upon the plain. At Susa Alexander offered sacrifice after the custom
of his fathers, and celebrated a torch race and a gymnastic contest;
and then, leaving Abulites, a Persian, as viceroy of Susiana, Mazarus,
one of his Companions, as commander of the garrison in the citadel
of Susa, and Archelaüs, son of Theodorus, as general, he advanced
towards the land of the Persians. He also sent Menes down to the sea,
as governor of Syria, Phœnicia, and Cilicia, giving him 3,000 talents
of silver[439] to convey to the sea, with orders to despatch as many
of them to Antipater as he might need to carry on the war against the
Lacedaemonians.[440] There also Amyntas, son of Andromenes, reached
him with the forces which he was leading from Macedonia[441]; of whom
Alexander placed the horsemen in the ranks of the Companion cavalry,
and the foot he added to the various regiments of infantry, arranging
each according to nationalities. He also established two companies in
each squadron of cavalry, whereas before this time companies did not
exist in the cavalry; and over them he set as captains those of the
Companions who were pre-eminent for merit.
CHAPTER XVII.
SUBJUGATION OF THE UXIANS.
He now set out from Susa, and, crossing the river Pasitigris,[442]
invaded the country of the Uxians. Some of these people who inhabit
the plains were under the rule of the viceroy of the Persians, and on
this occasion surrendered to Alexander; but those who are called the
mountaineers were not in subjection to the Persians, and at this time
sent word to Alexander that they would not permit him to march with
his forces into Persis, unless they received from him as much as they
were in the habit of receiving from the king of the Persians for the
passage through their mountains.[443] He sent the messengers back with
instructions to come to the defiles, the possession of which made them
think that the passage into Persis was in their power, promising them
that they should there receive from him the prescribed toll. He then
took the royal body-guards, the shield-bearing infantry, and 8,000 men
from the rest of his army, and, under the guidance of the Susians,
marched by night along a different road from the frequented one.
Advancing by a route rough and difficult, on the same day he fell upon
the villages of the Uxians, where he captured much booty and killed
many of the people while still in their beds; but others escaped into
the mountains. He then made a forced march to the defiles, where the
Uxians resolved to meet him in mass in order to receive the prescribed
toll. But he had already previously despatched Craterus to seize the
heights, to which he thought the Uxians would retire if they were
repelled by force; and he himself went, with great celerity, and got
possession of the pass before their arrival. He then drew up his men in
battle array, and led them from the higher and more commanding position
against the barbarians. They, being alarmed at Alexander’s celerity,
and finding themselves deprived by stratagem[444] of the position in
which they had especially confided, took to flight without ever coming
to close combat. Some of them were killed by Alexander’s men in their
flight, and many lost their lives by falling over the precipices along
the road; but most of them fled up into the mountains for refuge, and
falling in with Craterus, were destroyed by his men. Having received
these gifts of honour[445] from Alexander, they with difficulty, after
much entreaty, procured from him the privilege of retaining possession
of their own land on condition of paying him an annual tribute.
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that the mother of Darius,[446] on their
behalf, entreated Alexander to grant them the privilege of inhabiting
the land. The tribute agreed upon was a hundred horses, five hundred
oxen, and 30,000 sheep a year; for the Uxians had no money, nor was
their country fit for tillage; but most of them were shepherds and
herdsmen.
CHAPTER XVIII.
DEFEAT OF ARIOBARZANES AND CAPTURE OF PERSEPOLIS.
After this, Alexander despatched Parmenio with the baggage, the
Thessalian cavalry, the Grecian allies, the mercenary auxiliaries,
and the rest of the more heavily armed soldiers, to march into Persis
along the carriage road leading into that country. He himself took the
Macedonian infantry, the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for
skirmishing, the Agrianians, and the archers, and made a forced march
through the mountains. But when he arrived at the Persian Gates, he
found that Ariobarzanes, the viceroy of Persis, with 40,000 infantry
and 700 cavalry, had built a wall across the pass, and had pitched his
camp there near the wall to block Alexander’s passage. Then indeed he
pitched his camp there; but next day he marshalled his army, and led
it up to the wall. When it was evident that it would be difficult to
capture it on account of the rugged nature of the ground, and as many
of his men were being wounded, the enemy assailing them with missiles
from engines of war placed upon higher ground, which gave them an
advantage over their assailants, he retreated to his camp. He was
informed by the prisoners that they could lead him round by another
route, so that he might get to the other end of the pass; but when he
ascertained that this road was rough and narrow, he left Craterus there
at the camp with his own brigade and that of Meleager, as well as a
few archers and 500 cavalry, with orders that when he perceived he had
got right round and was approaching the camp of the Persians (which
he could easily perceive, because the trumpets would give him the
signal), he should then assault the wall. Alexander advanced by night,
and travelling about 100 stades, he took the shield-bearing guards,
the brigade of Perdiccas, the lightest armed of the archers, the
Agrianians, the royal squadron of cavalry Companions, and one regiment
of cavalry besides these, containing four companies; and wheeling round
with these troops, he marched towards the pass in the direction the
prisoners led him. He ordered Amyntas, Philotas, and Coenus to lead
the rest of the army towards the plain, and to make a bridge over the
river[447] which one must cross to go into Persis. He himself went
by a route difficult and rough, along which he nevertheless marched
for the most part at full speed. Falling upon the first guard of the
barbarians before daylight,[448] he destroyed them, and so he did most
of the second; but the majority of the third guard escaped, not indeed
by fleeing into the camp of Ariobarzanes, but into the mountains as
they were, being seized with a sudden panic. Consequently He fell upon
the enemy’s camp at the approach of dawn without being observed. At the
very time he began to assault the trench, the trumpets gave the signal
to Craterus, who at once attacked the advanced fortification. The enemy
then, being in a state of confusion from being attacked on all sides,
fled without coming to close conflict; but they were hemmed in on all
hands, Alexander pressing upon them in one direction and the men of
Craterus running up in another. Therefore most of them were compelled
to wheel round and flee into the fortifications, which were already in
the hands of the Macedonians. For Alexander, expecting the very thing
which really occurred, had left Ptolemy there with three thousand
infantry; so that most of the barbarians were cut to pieces by the
Macedonians at close quarters. Others perished in the terrible flight
which ensued, hurling themselves over the precipices; but Ariobarzanes
himself, with a few horsemen, escaped into the mountains.[449]
Alexander now marched back with all speed to the river, and finding
the bridge already constructed over it, he easily crossed with his
army.[450] Thence he again continued his march to Persepolis, so
that he arrived before the guards of the city could pillage the
treasury.[451] He also captured the money which was at Pasargadae[452]
in the treasury of the first Cyrus, and appointed Phrasaortes, son
of Rheomithres, viceroy over the Persians. He burnt down the Persian
palace, though Parmenio advised him to preserve it, for many reasons,
and especially because it was not well to destroy what was now his
own property, and because the men of Asia would not by this course of
action be induced to come over to him, thinking that he himself had
decided not to retain the rule of Asia, but only to conquer it and
depart. But Alexander said that he wished to take vengeance on the
Persians, in retaliation for their deeds in the invasion of Greece,
when they razed Athens to the ground and burnt down the temples. He
also desired to punish the Persians for all the other injuries they
had done the Greeks. But Alexander does not seem to me to have acted
on this occasion with prudence; nor do I think that this was any
retributive penalty at all on the ancient Persians.[453]
CHAPTER XIX.
DARIUS PURSUED INTO MEDIA AND PARTHIA.
After bringing these matters to a successful issue, he advanced towards
Media; for he ascertained that Darius was there. Now Darius had formed
the resolution, if Alexander remained at Susa or Babylon, to stay
there among the Medes, in order to see if any change of policy were
made by Alexander. But if the latter marched against him, he resolved
to proceed into the interior towards Parthia and Hyrcania, as far
as Bactria, laying waste all the land and making it impossible for
Alexander to advance any further. He therefore sent the women and the
rest of the property which he still retained, together with the covered
carriages, to what were called the Caspian Gates[454]; but he himself
stayed at Ecbatana,[455] with the forces which had been collected
from those who were at hand. Hearing this, Alexander advanced towards
Media, and invading the land of the Paraetacae,[456] he subdued it, and
appointed Oxathres, son of Abulites, the former viceroy of Susa, to
rule as viceroy. Being informed on the march that Darius had determined
to meet him for battle, and to try the fortune of war again (for the
Scythians and Cadusians had come to him as allies), he ordered that the
beasts of burden, with their guards and the rest of the baggage, should
follow; and taking the rest of his army, he led it in order of battle,
and on the twelfth day arrived in Media. There he ascertained that the
forces of Darius were not fit for battle, and that his allies, the
Cadusians and Scythians, had not arrived; but that he had resolved to
flee. He therefore marched on with still greater speed; and when he was
only three days’ journey from Ecbatana, he was met by Bistanes, son of
Ochus, who reigned over the Persians before Darius. This man announced
that Darius had fled five days before, taking with him 7,000 talents
of money[457] from the Medes, and an army of 3,000 cavalry and 6,000
infantry.
When Alexander reached Ecbatana, he sent the Thessalian cavalry and
the other Grecian allies back to the sea, paying them the full hire
which had been stipulated, and making them an additional donation from
himself of 2,000 talents. He issued an order that if any man of his
own accord wished still to continue to serve for hire with him, he
should enlist; and those who enlisted in his service were not a few.
He then ordered Epocillus, son of Polyeides, to conduct the rest
down to the sea, taking other cavalry as a guard for them, since the
Thessalians sold their horses there. He also sent word to Menes to take
upon himself the duty of seeing that they were conveyed in triremes to
Euboea, when they arrived at the sea.[458] He instructed Parmenio to
deposit the money which was being conveyed from Persis in the citadel
at Ecbatana, and to hand it over to the charge of Harpalus;[459] for
he had left this man over the money with a guard of 6,000 Macedonians
and a few horsemen and light-armed infantry to take care of it. He told
Parmenio himself to take the Grecian mercenaries, the Thracians, and
all the other horsemen except the Companion cavalry, and march by the
land of the Cadusians into Hyrcania. He also sent word to Clitus, the
commander of the royal squadron of cavalry, who had been left behind at
Susa ill, that when he arrived at Ecbatana from Susa he should take the
Macedonians who had been left there in charge of the money, and go in
the direction of Parthia, where also he himself intended soon to arrive.
CHAPTER XX.
MARCH THROUGH THE CASPIAN GATES.
Then taking the Companion cavalry, the light cavalry used for
skirmishing, the Greek mercenary cavalry, under the command of
Erigyius, the Macedonian phalanx, except the men who had been placed
in charge of the money, the archers, and the Agrianians, he marched
against Darius. In the forced march which he made, many of his soldiers
were left behind, worn out with fatigue, and many of the horses
died. He nevertheless pressed on, and on the eleventh day arrived at
Rhagae.[460] This place is distant from the Caspian Gates one day’s
journey to one marching as Alexander did. But Darius had already passed
through this defile before Alexander came up, though many of those who
were his companions in flight deserted him on the way and retired to
their own abodes. Many also surrendered to Alexander. The latter now
gave up the hope of capturing Darius by close pursuit, and remained
there five days to give his troops repose. He appointed Oxodates a
Persian, who had the ill fortune to be arrested by Darius and shut up
at Susa, to the office of viceroy of Media; for this treatment was
an inducement to Alexander to rely on his fidelity. He then marched
towards Parthia; and on the first day encamped near the Caspian Gates,
which he passed through on the second day as far as the country was
inhabited.[461] Hearing that the country further on was desert, he
resolved to procure a stock of provisions from the place where he was
encamped, and accordingly sent Coenus out on a foraging expedition with
the cavalry and a small body of infantry.
CHAPTER XXI.
DARIUS IS ASSASSINATED BY BESSUS.
At this time Bagistanes, one of the Babylonian nobles, came to him
from the camp of Darius, accompanied by Antibelus, one of the sons of
Mazaeus. These men informed him that Nabarzanes, the commander of the
cavalry which accompanied Darius in his flight, Bessus, viceroy of
Bactria, and Barsaëntes, viceroy of the Arachotians and Drangians,[462]
had jointly arrested the king. When Alexander heard this, he marched
with still greater speed than ever, taking with him only the Companions
and the skirmishing cavalry, as well as some of the foot-soldiers
selected as the strongest and lightest men. He did not even wait for
Coenus to return from the foraging expedition; but placed Craterus over
the men left behind, with instructions to follow in short marches.
His own men took with them nothing but their arms and provisions for
two days. After marching the whole night and till noon of the next
day, he gave his army a short rest, then went on again all night, and
when day began to break reached the camp from which Bagistanes had set
out to meet him; but he did not catch the enemy. However, in regard
to Darius, he ascertained that he had been arrested and was being
conveyed in a covered carriage[463]; that Bessus possessed the command
instead of Darius, and had been nominated leader by the Bactrian
cavalry and all the other barbarians who were companions of Darius in
his flight, except Artabazus and his sons, together with the Grecian
mercenaries, who still remained faithful to Darius; but they, not being
able to prevent what was being done, had turned aside their march
from the public thoroughfare and were marching towards the mountains
by themselves, refusing to take part with Bessus and his adherents in
their enterprise. He also learnt that those who had arrested Darius had
come to the decision to surrender him to Alexander, and to procure
some advantage for themselves, if they should find that Alexander was
pursuing them; but if they should learn that he had gone back again,
they had resolved to collect as large an army as they could and to
preserve the rule for the commonwealth. He also ascertained that for
the present Bessus held the supreme command, both on account of his
relationship to Darius and because the war was being carried on in his
viceregal province. Hearing this, Alexander thought it was advisable
to pursue with all his might; and though his men and horses were
already quite fatigued by the incessant severity of their labours, he
nevertheless proceeded, and, travelling a long way all through the
night and the next day till noon, arrived at a certain village, where
those who were leading Darius had encamped the day before. Hearing
there that the barbarians had decided to continue their march by
night, he inquired of the natives if they knew any shorter road to
the fugitives. They said they did know one, but that it ran through a
country which was desert through lack of water. He nevertheless ordered
them to show him this way, and perceiving that the infantry could not
keep up with him if he marched at full speed, he caused 500 of the
cavalry to dismount from their horses; and selecting the officers of
the infantry and the best of the other foot-soldiers, he ordered them
to mount the horses armed just as they were. He also directed Nicanor,
the commander of the shield-bearing guards, and Attalus, commander
of the Agrianians, to lead their men who were left behind, by the
same route which Bessus had taken, having equipped them as lightly as
possible; and he ordered that the rest of the infantry should follow in
regular marching order. He himself began to march in the afternoon, and
led the way with great rapidity.[464]
Having travelled 400 stades in the night, he came upon the barbarians
just before daybreak, going along without any order and unarmed; so
that few of them rushed to defend themselves, but most of them, as soon
as they saw Alexander himself, took to flight without even coming to
blows. A few of those who turned to resist being killed, the rest of
these also took to flight. Up to this time Bessus and his adherents
were still conveying Darius with them in a covered carriage; but when
Alexander was already close upon their heels Nabarzanes and Barsaëntes
wounded him and left him there, and with 600 horsemen took to flight.
Darius died from his wounds soon after, before Alexander had seen
him.[465]
CHAPTER XXII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE FATE OF DARIUS.
Alexander sent the body of Darius into Persis, with orders that it
should be buried in the royal sepulchre, in the same way as the other
Persian kings before him had been buried.[466] He then proclaimed
Amminaspes, a Parthian, viceroy over the Parthians and Hyrcanians.
This man was one of those who with Mazaces had surrendered Egypt to
Alexander. He also appointed Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes, one of the
Companions, to guard his interests in Parthia and Hyrcania. Such was
the end of Darius, in the archonship of Aristophon at Athens, in the
month Hecatombaion.[467] This king was a man pre-eminently effeminate
and lacking in self-reliance in military enterprises; but as to civil
matters he never exhibited any disposition to indulge in arbitrary
conduct; nor indeed was it in his power to exhibit it. For it happened
that he was involved in a war with the Macedonians and Greeks at the
very time he succeeded to the regal power[468]; and consequently it
was no longer possible for him to act the tyrant towards his subjects,
even if he had been so inclined, standing as he did in greater danger
than they. As long as he lived, one misfortune after another was
accumulated upon him; nor did he experience any cessation of calamity
from the time when he first succeeded to the rule. At the beginning
of his reign the cavalry defeat was sustained by his viceroys at the
Granicus, and forthwith Ionia Aeolis, both the Phrygias, Lydia, and
all Caria[469] except Halicarnassus were occupied by his foe; soon
after, Halicarnassus also was captured, as well as all the littoral as
far as Cilicia. Then came his own discomfiture at Issus, where he saw
his mother, wife, and children taken prisoners. Upon this Phoenicia
and the whole of Egypt were lost; and then at Arbela he himself fled
disgracefully among the first, and lost a very vast army composed
of all the nations of his empire. After this, wandering as an exile
from his own dominions, he died after being betrayed by his personal
attendants to the worst treatment possible, being at the same time king
and a prisoner ignominiously led in chains; and at last he perished
through a conspiracy formed of those most intimately acquainted with
him. Such were the misfortunes that befell Darius in his lifetime; but
after his death he received a royal burial; his children received from
Alexander a princely rearing and education, just as if their father had
still been king; and Alexander himself became his son-in-law.[470] When
he died he was about fifty years of age.
CHAPTER XXIII.
EXPEDITION INTO HYRCANIA.
Alexander now took the soldiers who had been left behind in his pursuit
and advanced into Hyrcania,[471] which is the country lying on the
left of the road leading to Bactra.[472] On one side it is bounded
by lofty mountains densely covered with wood, and on the other it is
a plain stretching as far as the Great Sea[473] in this part of the
world. He led his army by this route, because he ascertained that the
Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius had succeeded in escaping
by it into the mountains of Tapuria; at the same time he resolved to
subdue the Tapurians themselves. Having divided his army into three
parts, he himself led the way by the shortest and most difficult route,
at the head of the most numerous and at the same time the lightest
division of his forces. He despatched Craterus at the head of his own
brigade and that of Amyntas, some of the archers, and a few of the
cavalry against the Tapurians; and he ordered Erigyius to take the
Grecian mercenaries and the rest of the cavalry, and lead the way by
the public thoroughfare, though it was longer, conducting the waggons,
the baggage, and the crowd of camp-followers. After crossing the first
mountains, and encamping there, he took the shield-bearing guards
together with the lightest men in the Macedonian phalanx and some of
the archers, and went along a road difficult and hard to travel upon,
leaving guards for the roads wherever he thought there was any peril,
so that the barbarians who held the mountains might not at those points
fall upon the men who were following. Having passed through the defiles
with his archers, he encamped in the plain near a small river[474];
and while he was here, Nabarzanes, the commander of Darius’s cavalry,
Phrataphernes, the viceroy of Hyrcania and Parthia, and the other most
distinguished of the Persians in attendance on Darius, arrived and
surrendered themselves. After waiting four days in the camp, he took
up those who had been left behind on the march, all of them advancing
in safety except the Agrianians, who, while guarding the rear, were
attacked by the barbarian mountaineers. But these soon drew off when
they got the worst of it in the skirmish. Starting from this place,
he advanced into Hyrcania as far as Zadracarta, the capital of the
Hyrcanians. In this place[475] he was rejoined by Craterus, who had
not succeeded in falling in with the Grecian mercenaries of Darius;
but he had thoroughly traversed the whole country, gaining over part
of it by force and the other part by the voluntary capitulation of the
inhabitants. Erigyius also arrived here with the baggage and waggons;
and soon after Artabazus[476] came to Alexander with three of his
sons, Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and Arsames, accompanied by Autophradates,
viceroy of Tapuria, and envoys from the Grecian mercenaries in the
service of Darius. To Autophradates he restored his viceregal office;
but Artabazus and his sons he kept near himself in a position of
honour, both on account of their fidelity to Darius and because they
were among the first nobles of Persia. To the envoys from the Greeks,
begging him to make a truce with them on behalf of the whole mercenary
force, he replied that he would not make any agreement with them;
because they were acting with great guilt in serving as soldiers
on the side of the barbarians against Greece, in contravention of
the resolution of the Greeks. He commanded them to come in a body
and surrender, leaving it to him to treat them as he pleased, or to
preserve themselves as best they could. The envoys said that they
yielded both themselves and their comrades to Alexander, and urged him
to send some one with them to act as their leader, so that they might
be conducted to him with safety. They said they were 1,500 in number.
Accordingly he sent Andronicus, son of Agerrhus, and Artabazus to them.
CHAPTER XXIV.
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MARDIANS.
He then marched forward against the Mardians[477] taking with him the
shield-bearing guards, the archers, the Agrianians, the brigades
of Coenus and Amyntas, half of the Companion cavalry, and the
horse-lancers; for he had now a troop of horse-lancers. Traversing
the greater part of the land of the Mardians, he killed many of them
in their flight, some indeed having turned to defend themselves; and
many were taken prisoners. No one for a long time had invaded their
land in a hostile manner, not only on account of its ruggedness,
but also because the people were poor, and besides being poor were
warlike. Therefore they never feared that Alexander would attack them,
especially as he had already advanced further than their country. For
this reason they were caught more easily off their guard. Many of them,
however, escaped into the mountains, which in their land are very lofty
and craggy, thinking that Alexander would not penetrate to these at
any rate. But when he was approaching them even here, they sent envoys
to surrender both the people and their land to him. He pardoned them,
and appointed Autophradates, whom he had also recently placed over the
Tapurians, viceroy over them. Returning to the camp, from which he
had started to invade the country of the Mardians, he found that the
Grecian mercenaries of Darius had arrived, accompanied by the envoys
from the Lacedaemonians who were on an embassy to king Darius. The
names of these men were, Callicratidas, Pausippus, Monimus, Onomas, and
Dropides, a man from Athens. These were arrested and kept under guard;
but he released the envoys from the Sinopeans,[478] because these
people had no share in the commonwealth of the Greeks; and as they were
in subjection to the Persians, they did not seem to be doing anything
unreasonable in going on an embassy to their own king. He also released
the rest of the Greeks who were serving for pay with the Persians
before the peace and alliance which had been made by the Greeks with
the Macedonians. He likewise released Heraclides, the ambassador from
the Chalcedonians[479] to Darius. The rest he ordered to serve in his
army for the same pay as they had received from the Persian king,
putting them under the command of Andronicus, who had led them, and had
evidently been taking prudent measures to save the lives of the men.
CHAPTER XXV.
MARCH TO BACTRA.—BESSUS AIDED BY SATIBARZANES.
Having settled these affairs, he marched to Zadracarta, the largest
city of Hyrcania, where also was the seat of the Hyrcanian government.
Tarrying here fifteen days, he offered sacrifice to the gods according
to his custom, and celebrated a gymnastic contest, after which he began
his march towards Parthia; thence to the confines of Areia[480] and
to Susia, a city in that province, where Satibarzanes, the viceroy of
the Areians, came to meet him. To this man he restored his viceregal
dignity, and with him sent Anaxippus, one of the Companions, to whom
he gave forty horse-lancers so that he might be able to station them
as guards of the localities, in order that the Areians might not be
injured by the army in its march through their land. At this time
came to him some Persians, who informed him that Bessus had assumed
the erect tiara[481] and was wearing the Persian dress,[482] calling
himself Artaxerxes instead of Bessus, and asserting that he was king
of Asia. They said he had in attendance upon him the Persians who had
escaped into Bactra and many of the Bactrians themselves; and that he
was expecting the Scythians also to come to him as allies. Alexander,
having now all his forces together, went towards Bactra, where Philip
son of Menelaüs came to him out of Media with the Greek mercenary
cavalry which were under his own command, those of the Thessalians
who had volunteered to remain, and the men of Andromachus. Nicanor,
the son of Parmenio, the commander of the shield-bearing guards, had
already died of disease. While Alexander was on his way to Bactra, he
was informed that Satibarzanes, viceroy of Areia, had killed Anaxippus
and the horse-lancers who were with him, had armed the Areians and
collected them in the city of Artacoana, which was the capital of
that nation. It was also said that he had resolved, as soon as he
ascertained that Alexander had advanced, to leave that place and go
with his forces to Bessus, with the intention of joining that prince
in an attack upon the Macedonians, wherever a chance might occur. When
he received this news, he stopped the march towards Bactra, and taking
with him the Companion cavalry, the horse-lancers, the archers, the
Agrianians and the regiments of Amyntas and Coenus, and leaving the
rest of his forces there under the command of Craterus, he made a
forced march against Satibarzanes and the Areians; and having travelled
600 stades in two days came near Artacoana. Satibarzanes, however, no
sooner perceived that Alexander was near, than being struck with terror
at the quickness of his arrival, he took to flight with a few Areian
horsemen. For he was deserted by the majority of his soldiers in his
flight, when they also learned that Alexander was at hand. The latter
made rapid marches in pursuit of the enemy, killed some of the men whom
he discovered to be guilty of the revolt and who at that time had left
their villages, fleeing, some one way, some another; and others of them
he sold into slavery. He then proclaimed Arsames, a Persian, viceroy
over the Areians. Being now joined by the men who had been left behind
with Craterus, he marched into the land of the Zarangaeans,[483] and
reached the place where their seat of government was. But Barsaëntes,
who at that time had possession of the land, being one of those who
had fallen upon Darius in his flight, learning that Alexander was
approaching, fled to the Indians who live this side of the river Indus.
But they arrested him and sent him back to Alexander, by whom he was
put to death on account of his guilty conduct towards Darius.
CHAPTER XXVI.
PHILOTAS AND PARMENIO PUT TO DEATH.
Here also Alexander discovered the conspiracy of Philōtas, son of
Parmenio. Ptolemy and Aristobūlus say that it had already been
reported to him before in Egypt[484]; but that it did not appear to
him credible, both on account of the long-existing friendship between
them, the honour which he publicly conferred upon his father Parmenio,
and the confidence he reposed in Philotas himself. Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, says that Philotas was brought before the Macedonians,[485] that
Alexander vehemently accused him, and that he defended himself from the
charges. He says also that the divulgers[486] of the plot came forward
and convicted him and his accomplices both by other clear proofs and
especially because Philotas himself confessed that he had heard of a
certain conspiracy which was being formed against Alexander. He was
convicted of having said nothing to the king about this plot, though he
visited the royal tent twice a day.[487] He and all the others who had
taken part with him in the conspiracy were killed by the Macedonians
with their javelins;[488] and Polydamas, one of the Companions, was
despatched to Parmenio, carrying letters from Alexander to the generals
in Media, Cleander, Sitalces, and Menidas, who had been placed over the
army commanded by Parmenio. By these men Parmenio was put to death,
perhaps because Alexander deemed it incredible that Philotas should
conspire against him and Parmenio not participate in his son’s plan; or
perhaps, he thought that even if he had no share in it, he would now
be a dangerous man if he survived, after the king had violently made
away with his son. Moreover he was held in very great respect both by
Alexander himself and by all the army, having great influence not only
among the Macedonian troops but also among the Grecian auxiliaries,
whom he often used to command according to Alexander’s order, both in
his own turn and out of his turn, with his sovereign’s approbation and
satisfaction.[489]
CHAPTER XXVII.
TREATMENT OF AMYNTAS.—THE ARIASPIANS.
They also say that about the same time Amyntas, son of Andromenes,
was brought to trial, together with his brothers Polemo, Attalus, and
Simmias, on the charge of being accessory to the conspiracy against
Alexander, on account of their trust in Philotas and their intimate
friendship with him. The belief in their participation in the plot was
strengthened among the mass of men by the fact that when Philotas was
arrested, Polemo, one of the brothers of Amyntas, fled to the enemy.
But Amyntas with his other two brothers stayed to await the trial,
and defended himself so vigorously among the Macedonians that he was
declared innocent of the charge. As soon as he was acquitted in the
assembly, he demanded that permission should be given him to go to
his brother and bring him back to Alexander. To this the Macedonians
acceded; so he went away and on the same day brought Polemo back. On
this account he now seemed free from guilt much more than before. But
soon after, as he was besieging a certain village, he was shot with an
arrow and died of the wound; so that he derived no other advantage from
his acquittal except that of dying with an unsullied reputation.[490]
Alexander appointed two commanders over the Companion cavalry,
Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, and Clitus, son of Dropidas, dividing
the brigade of the Companions into two parts, because he did not
wish any one of his friends to have the sole command of so many
horsemen, especially as they were the best of all his cavalry, both
in public estimation and in martial discipline.[491] He now arrived
in the land of the people formerly called Ariaspians, but afterwards
named Euergetae, because they assisted Cyrus, son of Cambyses, in
his invasion of Scythia.[492] Alexander treated these people, whose
ancestors had been serviceable to Cyrus, with honour; and when he
ascertained that the men not only enjoyed a form of government unlike
that of the other barbarians in that part of the world, but laid claim
to justice equally with the best of the Greeks, he set them free, and
gave them besides as much of the adjacent country as they asked for
themselves; but they did not ask for much. Here he offered sacrifice to
Apollo, and arrested Demetrius, one of his confidential body-guards, on
suspicion of having been implicated with Philotas in the conspiracy.
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, was appointed to the post vacated by Demetrius.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
ALEXANDER CROSSES THE HINDU-KOOSH.
After the transaction of this business, he advanced against Bactra and
Bessus, reducing the Drangians and Gadrosians[493] to subjection on his
march. He also reduced the Arachotians to subjection and appointed
Menon viceroy over them. He then reached the Indians, who inhabit
the land bordering on that of the Arachotians. All these nations he
reached marching through deep snow and his soldiers experiencing
scarcity of provisions and severe hardship. Learning that the Areians
had again revolted, in consequence of Satibarzanes invading their land
with 2,000 cavalry, which he had received from Bessus, he despatched
against them Artabazus the Persian with Erigyius and Caranus two of the
Companions, also ordering Phrataphernes, viceroy of the Parthians, to
assist them in attacking the Areians. An obstinately contested battle
then took place between the troops of Erigyius and Caranus and those
of Satibarzanes; nor did the barbarians give way until Satibarzanes,
encountering Erigyius, was struck in the face with a spear and killed.
Then the barbarians gave way and fled with headlong speed.
Meantime Alexander was leading his army towards Mount Caucasus,[494]
where he founded a city and named it Alexandreia.[495] Having offered
sacrifice here to the gods to whom it was his custom to sacrifice, he
crossed Mount Caucasus, after appointing Proëxes, a Persian, viceroy
over the land, and leaving Neiloxenus son of Satyrus, one of the
Companions, with an army as superintendent. According to the account
of Aristobulus, Mount Caucasus is as lofty as any in Asia, and most of
it is bare, at any rate in that part where Alexander crossed it. This
range of mountains stretches out so far that they say even that Mount
Taurus, which forms the boundary of Cilicia and Pamphylia, springs
from it, as do other great ranges which have been distinguished from
the Caucasus by various names according to the position of each.
Aristobulus says that in this part of the Caucasus nothing grew except
terebinth trees and silphium;[496] notwithstanding which, it was
inhabited by many people, and many sheep and oxen graze there; because
sheep are very fond of silphium. For if a sheep smells it even from a
distance, it runs to it and feeds upon the flower. They also dig up the
root, which is devoured by the sheep. For this reason in Cyrene,[497]
some drive their flocks as far as possible away from the places where
their silphium is growing; others even enclose the place with a fence,
so that even if the sheep should approach it they would not be able
to get within the enclosure. For the silphium is very valuable to the
Cyrenaeans.
Bessus, accompanied by the Persians who had taken part with him in the
seizure of Darius, and by 7,000 of the Bactrians themselves and the
Daans who dwelt on this side the Tanais,[498] was laying waste the
country at the foot of Mount Caucasus, in order to prevent Alexander
from marching any further, both by the desolation of the land between
the enemy and himself and by the lack of provisions. But none the
less did Alexander keep up the march, though with difficulty, both on
account of the deep snow and from the want of necessaries; but yet he
persevered in his journey. When Bessus was informed that Alexander was
now not far off, he crossed the river Oxus,[499] and having burnt the
boats upon which he had crossed, he withdrew to Nautaca[500] in the
land of Sogdiana. He was followed by Spitamenes and Oxyartes, with the
cavalry from Sogdiana, as well as by the Daans from the Tanais. But
the Bactrian cavalry, perceiving that Bessus had resolved to take to
flight, all dispersed in various directions to their own abodes.
CHAPTER XXIX.
CONQUEST OF BACTRIA, AND PURSUIT OF BESSUS ACROSS THE OXUS.
Alexander now arrived at Drapsaca, and having there given his army a
rest, he marched to Aornus and Bactra, which are the largest cities in
the land of the Bactrians. These he took at the first assault; and left
a garrison in the citadel of Aornus, over which he placed Archelaüs
son of Androcles, one of the Companions. He appointed Artabazus the
Persian, viceroy over the rest of the Bactrians, who were easily
reduced to submission. Then he marched towards the river Oxus, which
flows from mount Caucasus, and is the largest of all the rivers in Asia
which Alexander and his army reached, except the Indian rivers; but the
Indian rivers are the largest in the world. The Oxus discharges its
water into the great sea which is near Hyrcania. When he attempted to
cross the river it appeared altogether impassable; for its breadth was
about six stades, and its depth was much greater than the proportion of
its breadth. The bed of the river was sandy, and the stream so rapid,
that stakes fixed deep into the bottom were easily rooted up from
the earth by the mere force of the current, inasmuch as they could
not be securely fixed in the sand. Besides this, there was a scarcity
of timber in the locality, and he thought it would take a long time
and cause great delay, if they brought from a distance the materials
needful for making a bridge over the river. Therefore he collected the
skins which the soldiers used for tent-coverings, and ordered them to
be filled with chaff as dry as possible, and tied and stitched tightly
together, so that the water might not penetrate into them.[501] When
these were filled and stitched together, they were sufficient to convey
the army across in five days. But before he crossed the river, he
selected the oldest of the Macedonians, who were now unfit for military
service, and such of the Thessalians as had volunteered to remain in
the army, and sent them back home. He then dispatched Stasanor, one
of the Companions, into the land of the Areians, with instructions to
arrest Arsames, the viceroy of that people, because he thought him
disaffected, and to assume the office of viceroy of Areia himself.
After passing over the river Oxus, he made a forced march to the place
where he heard that Bessus was with his forces; but at this time
messengers reached him from Spitamenes and Dataphernes, to announce
that they would arrest Bessus and hand him over to Alexander if he
would send to them a small army and a commander for it; since even at
that very time they were holding him under guard, though they had not
bound him with fetters. When Alexander heard this, he gave his army
rest, and marched more slowly than before. But he despatched Ptolemy,
son of Lagus, at the head of three troops of the Companion cavalry and
all the horse-lancers, and of the infantry, the brigade of Philotas,
one regiment of 1,000 shield-bearing guards, all the Agrianians, and
half the archers, with orders to make a forced march to Spitamenes
and Dataphernes. Ptolemy went according to his instructions, and
completing ten days’ march in four days, arrived at the camp where on
the preceding day the barbarians under Spitamenes had bivouacked.
CHAPTER XXX.
CAPTURE OF BESSUS.—EXPLOITS IN SOGDIANA.
Here Ptolemy learned that Spitamenes and Dataphernes were not firmly
resolved about the betrayal of Bessus. He therefore left the infantry
behind with orders to follow him in regular order, and advanced with
the cavalry till he arrived at a certain village, where Bessus was
with a few soldiers; for Spitamenes and his party had already retired
from thence, being ashamed to betray Bessus themselves. Ptolemy posted
his cavalry right round the village, which was enclosed by a wall
supplied with gates. He then issued a proclamation to the barbarians
in the village, that they would be allowed to depart uninjured if they
surrendered Bessus to him. They accordingly admitted Ptolemy and his
men into the village. He then seized Bessus and departed; but sent a
messenger on before to ask Alexander how he was to conduct Bessus into
his presence. Alexander ordered him to bind the prisoner naked in a
wooden collar, and thus to lead him and place him on the right-hand
side of the road along which he was about to march with the army. Thus
did Ptolemy. When Alexander saw Bessus, he caused his chariot to stop,
and asked him, for what reason he had in the first place arrested
Darius, his own king, who was also his kinsman and benefactor, and
then led him as a prisoner in chains, and at last killed him? Bessus
said that he was not the only person who had decided to do this, but
that it was the joint act of those who were at the time in attendance
upon Darius, with the view of procuring safety for themselves from
Alexander. For this Alexander ordered that he should be scourged, and
that the herald should repeat the very same reproaches which he had
himself made to Bessus in his inquiry. After being thus disgracefully
tortured, he was sent away to Bactria to be put to death. Such is the
account given by Ptolemy in relation to Bessus; but Aristobulus says
that Spitamenes and Dataphernes brought Bessus to Ptolemy, and having
bound him naked in a wooden collar betrayed him to Alexander.[502]
Alexander supplied his cavalry with horses from that district, for many
of his own horses had perished in the passage of the Caucasus and in
the march to and from the Oxus. He then led his army to Maracanda,[503]
which is the capital of the land of the Sogdianians. Thence he
advanced to the river Tanais. This river, which Aristobulus says the
neighbouring barbarians call by a different name, Jaxartes, has its
source, like the Oxus, in mount Caucasus, and also discharges itself
into the Hyrcanian Sea.[504] It must be a different Tanais from that
of which Herodotus the historian speaks, saying that it is the eighth
of the Scythian rivers, that it flows out of a great lake in which it
originates, and discharges itself into a still larger lake, called
the Maeotis.[505] There are some who make this Tanais the boundary
of Europe and Asia, saying that the Palus Maeotis, issuing from the
furthest recess of the Euxine[506] Sea, and this river Tanais, which
discharges itself into the Maeotis, separate Asia and Europe,[507]
just in the same way as the sea near Gadeira and the Nomad Libyans
opposite Gadeira separates Libya and Europe.[508] Libya also is said
by these men to be divided from the rest of Asia by the river Nile.
In this place (viz. at the river Tanais), some of the Macedonians,
being engaged in foraging, were cut to pieces by the barbarians.
The perpetrators of this deed escaped to a mountain, which was very
rugged and precipitous on all sides. In number they were about 30,000.
Alexander took the lightest men in his army and marched against these.
Then the Macedonians made many ineffectual assaults upon the mountain.
At first they were beaten back by the missiles of the barbarians, and
many of them were wounded, including Alexander himself, who was shot
right through the leg with an arrow, and the fibula of his leg was
broken. Notwithstanding this, he captured the place, and some of the
barbarians were cut to pieces there by the Macedonians, while many
also cast themselves down from the rocks and perished; so that out of
30,000 not more than 8,000 were preserved.[509]
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
REBELLION OF THE SOGDIANIANS.
A few days after this, envoys reached Alexander from the people called
Abian Scythians, whom Homer commended in his poem, calling them the
justest of men.[510] This nation dwells in Asia and is independent,
chiefly by reason of its poverty and love of justice. Envoys also came
from the Scythians of Europe, who are the largest nation dwelling
in that continent.[511] Alexander sent some of the Companions with
them, under the pretext indeed that they were to conclude a friendly
alliance by the embassy; but the real object of the mission was rather
to spy into the natural features of the Scythian land, the number of
the inhabitants and their customs, as well as the armaments which they
possessed for making military expeditions.[512] He formed a plan of
founding a city near the river Tanais, which was to be named after
himself; for the site seemed to him suitable and likely to cause the
city to grow to large dimensions. He also thought it would be built
in a place which would serve as a favourable basis of operations for
an invasion of Scythia, if such an event should ever occur; and not
only so, but it would also be a bulwark to secure the land against the
incursions of the barbarians dwelling on the further side of the river.
Moreover he thought that the city would become great, both by reason of
the multitude of those who would join in colonizing it, and on account
of the celebrity of the name conferred upon it.[513] Meantime the
barbarians dwelling near the river seized upon the Macedonian soldiers
who were garrisoning their cities and killed them; after which they
began to strengthen the cities for their greater security. Most of the
Sogdianians joined them in this revolt, being urged on to it by the men
who had arrested Bessus. These men were so energetic that they even
induced some of the Bactrians to join in the rebellion, either because
they were afraid of Alexander, or because their seducers assigned as a
reason for their revolt, that he had sent instructions to the rulers
of that land to assemble for a conference at Zariaspa, the chief city;
which conference, they said, would be for no good purpose.[514]
CHAPTER II.
CAPTURE OF FIVE CITIES IN TWO DAYS.
When Alexander was informed of this, he gave instructions to the
infantry, company by company, to prepare the ladders which were
assigned to each company. He then started from the camp and advanced
to the nearest city, the name of which was Gaza; for the barbarians
of the land were said to have fled for refuge into seven cities. He
sent Craterus to the one called Cyropolis, the largest of them all,
into which most of the barbarians had gathered.[515] The orders of
Craterus were to encamp near the city, to dig a trench round it, to
surround it with a stockade, and to fix together the military engines
which were required for use, so that the men in this city, having had
their attention drawn to his forces, might be unable to render aid to
the other cities. As soon as Alexander arrived at Gaza, without any
delay he gave the signal to his men to place the ladders against the
wall all round and to take it by assault at once, as it was made merely
of earth and was not at all high. Simultaneously with the assault of
the infantry, his slingers, archers, and javelin-throwers assailed
the defenders on the wall, and missiles were hurled from the military
engines, so that the wall was quickly cleared of its defenders by the
multitude of the missiles. Then the fixing of the ladders against the
wall and the mounting of the Macedonians were matters soon effected.
They killed all the men, according to Alexander’s injunctions; but
the women, the children, and the rest of the booty they carried off
as plunder. Thence he immediately marched to the city situated next
to that one; and this he took in the same way and on the same day,
treating the captives in the same manner. Then he marched against the
third city, and took it on the next day at the first assault. While
he was thus occupied by these matters with the infantry, he sent out
his cavalry to the two neighbouring cities, with orders to guard the
men within them closely, so that when they heard of the capture of the
neighbouring cities, and at the same time of his own near approach,
they should not betake themselves to flight and render it impossible
for him to pursue them. It turned out just as he had conjectured; and
his despatch of the cavalry was made just at the nick of time. For
when the barbarians who occupied the two cities still uncaptured,
saw the smoke rising from the city in front of them which was then
on fire, (and some men, escaping even from the midst of the calamity
itself, became the reporters of the capture which they had themselves
witnessed,) they began to flee in crowds out of the cities as fast as
each man could; but falling in with the dense body of cavalry drawn up
in array of battle, most of them were cut to pieces.
CHAPTER III.
STORMING OF CYROPOLIS.—REVOLT OF THE SCYTHIANS.
Having thus captured the five cities and reduced them to slavery in two
days,[516] he went to Cyropolis, the largest city in the country. It
was fortified with a wall higher than those of the others, as it had
been founded by Cyrus. The majority of the barbarians of this district,
and at the same time the most warlike of them, had fled for refuge
thither, and consequently it was not possible for the Macedonians
to capture it so easily at the first assault. Wherefore Alexander
brought his military engines up to the wall with the determination
of battering it down in this way, and of making assaults wherever
breaches might be made in it. When he observed that the channel of the
river, which flows through the city when it is swollen by the winter
rains, was at that time nearly dry and did not reach up to the wall,
and would thus afford his soldiers a passage by which to penetrate
into the city, he took the body-guards, the shield-bearing guards,
the archers, and Agrianians, and made his way secretly into the city
along the channel, at first with a few men, while the barbarians had
turned their attention towards the military engines and those who were
assailing them in that quarter. Having from within broken open the
gates which were opposite this position, he gave an easy admittance to
the rest of his soldiers. Then the barbarians, though they perceived
that their city was already in the hands of the enemy, nevertheless
turned against Alexander and his men and made a desperate assault upon
them, in which Alexander himself received a violent blow on the head
and neck with a stone, and Craterus was wounded with an arrow, as were
also many other officers. Notwithstanding this, however, they drove
the barbarians out of the market-place. Meantime, those who had made
the assault upon the wall, took it, as it was now void of defenders.
In the first capture of the city about 8,000 of the enemy were killed.
The rest fled for refuge into the citadel; for 15,000 warriors in all
had gathered together in the city. Alexander encamped around these
and besieged them for one day,[517] and then they surrendered through
lack of water. The seventh city he took at the first assault. Ptolemy
says that the men in it surrendered; but Aristobulus asserts that this
city was also taken by storm, and that he slew all who were captured
therein. Ptolemy also says that he distributed the men among the army
and ordered that they should be kept guarded in chains until he should
depart from the country, so that none of those who had effected the
revolt should be left behind. Meantime an army of the Asiatic Scythians
arrived at the bank of the river Tanais, because most of them had heard
that some of the barbarians on the opposite side of the river had
revolted from Alexander. They intended to attack the Macedonians, if
any revolutionary movement worthy of consideration were effected. News
was also brought that Spitamenes was besieging the men who had been
left in the citadel at Maracanda. Against him Alexander then despatched
Andromachus, Menedemus, and Caranus with sixty of the Companion
cavalry, 800 of the mercenary cavalry under the command of Caranus,
and 1,500 mercenary infantry. Over them he placed Pharnuches the
interpreter, who, though by birth a Lycian, was skilled in the language
of the barbarians of this country, and in other respects appeared
clever in dealing with them.
CHAPTER IV.
DEFEAT OF THE SCYTHIANS BEYOND THE TANAIS.
In twenty days he fortified the city which he was projecting, and
settled in it some of the Grecian mercenaries and those of the
neighbouring barbarians who volunteered to take part in the settlement,
as well as the Macedonians from his army who were now unfit for
military service.[518] He then offered sacrifice to the gods in his
customary manner and celebrated an equestrian and gymnastic contest.
When he saw that the Scythians were not retiring from the river’s bank,
but were seen to be shooting arrows into the river, which was not wide
here, and were uttering audacious words in their barbaric tongue to
insult Alexander, to the effect that he durst not touch Scythians, or
if he did, he would learn what was the difference between them and
the Asiatic barbarians, he was irritated by these remarks, and having
resolved to cross over against them, he began to prepare the skins for
the passage of the river.[519] But when he offered sacrifice with a
view to crossing, the victims proved to be unfavourable; and though he
was vexed at this, he nevertheless controlled himself and remained
where he was. But as the Scythians did not desist from their insults,
he again offered sacrifice with a view to crossing; and Aristander told
him that the omens still portended danger to himself. But Alexander
said that it was better for him to come into extreme danger than
that, after having subdued almost the whole of Asia, he should be a
laughing-stock to the Scythians, as Darius, the father of Xerxes, had
been in days of yore.[520] Aristander refused to explain the will of
the gods contrary to the revelations made by the deity simply because
Alexander wished to hear the contrary. When the skins had been prepared
for the passage, and the army, fully equipped, had been posted near
the river, the military engines, at the signal pre-concerted, began to
shoot at the Scythians riding along the river’s bank. Some of them
were wounded by the missiles, and one was struck right through the
wicker-shield and breastplate and fell from his horse. The others,
being alarmed at the discharge of missiles from so great a distance,
and at the death of their champion, retreated a little from the bank.
But Alexander, seeing them thrown into confusion by the effect of his
missiles, began to cross the river with trumpets sounding, himself
leading the way; and the rest of the army followed him. Having first
got the archers and slingers across, he ordered them to sling and shoot
at the Scythians, to prevent them approaching the phalanx of infantry
stepping out of the water, until all his cavalry had passed over. When
they were upon the bank in dense mass, he first of all launched against
the Scythians one regiment of the Grecian auxiliary cavalry and four
squadrons of pike-men. These the Scythians received, and in great
numbers riding round them in circles, wounded them, as they were few in
number, themselves escaping with ease. But Alexander mixed the archers,
the Agrianians, and other light troops under the command of Balacrus,
with the cavalry, and then led them against the enemy. As soon as they
came to close quarters, he ordered three regiments of the cavalry
Companions and all the horse-lancers to charge them. The rest of the
cavalry he himself led, and made a rapid attack with his squadrons
in column. Accordingly the enemy were no longer able as before to
wheel their cavalry force round in circles, for at one and the same
time the cavalry and the light-armed infantry mixed with the horsemen
pressed upon them, and did not permit them to wheel about in safety.
Then the flight of the Scythians was already apparent. 1,000 of them
fell, including Satraces, one of their chiefs; and 150 were captured.
But as the pursuit was keen and fatiguing on account of the excessive
heat, the entire army was seized with thirst; and Alexander himself
while riding drank of such water as was procurable in that country. He
was seized with an incessant diarrhœa; for the water was bad; and for
this reason he could not pursue all the Scythians. Otherwise I think
all of them would have perished in the flight, if Alexander had not
fallen ill. He was carried back to the camp, having fallen into extreme
danger; and thus Aristander’s prophecy was fulfilled.
CHAPTER V.
SPITAMENES DESTROYS A MACEDONIAN DETACHMENT.
Soon after this, arrived envoys from the king of the Scythians, who
were sent to apologize for what had been done, and to state that it was
not the act of the Scythian State, but of certain men who set out for
plunder after the manner of freebooters. They also assured him that
their king was willing to obey the commands laid upon him. Alexander
sent to him a courteous reply, because it did not seem honourable
for him to abstain from marching against him if he distrusted him,
and at that time there was not an convenient opportunity to do so.
The Macedonians who were garrisoning the citadel at Maracanda, when
an assault was made upon it by Spitamenes and his adherents, sallied
forth, and killing some of the enemy and repulsing all the rest,
retreated into the citadel without any loss. But when Spitamenes was
informed that the men despatched by Alexander to Maracanda were now
drawing near, he raised the siege of the citadel, and retired to the
capital of Sogdiana.[521] Pharnuches and the generals with him, being
eager to drive him out altogether, followed him up as he was retreating
towards the frontiers of Sogdiana, and without due consideration made a
joint attack upon the Nomad Scythians. Then Spitamenes, having received
a reinforcement of 600 Scythian horsemen, was further emboldened by
the Scythian alliance to wait and receive the Macedonians who were
advancing upon him. Posting his men in a level place near the Scythian
desert, he was not willing either to wait for the enemy or to attack
them himself; but rode round and discharged arrows at the phalanx
of infantry. When the forces of Pharnuches made a charge upon them,
they easily escaped, since at that time their horses were swifter
and more vigorous, while the horse of Andromachus had been damaged
by the incessant marching, as well as by lack of fodder; and the
Scythians pressed upon them with all their might whether they halted
or retreated. Many of them then were wounded by the arrows, and some
were killed. They therefore arranged the soldiers into the form of a
square and proceeded to the river Polytimetus,[522] because there was
a woody glen near it, and it would consequently no longer be easy for
the barbarians to shoot arrows at them, and their infantry would be
more useful to them. But Caranus, the commander of the cavalry, without
communicating with Andromachus, attempted to cross the river in order
to put the cavalry in a place of safety on the other side. The infantry
followed him without any word of command; their descent into the river
being made in a panic and without any discipline down the precipitous
banks. When the barbarians perceived the error of the Macedonians,
they sprang into the ford here and there, horses and all. Some of them
seized and held tight those who had already crossed and were departing;
others being posted right in front of those who were crossing, rolled
them over into the river; others shot arrows at them from the flanks;
while others pressed upon the men who were just entering the water. The
Macedonians being thus encompassed with difficulty on all sides, fled
for refuge into one of the small islands in the river, where they were
entirely surrounded by the Scythians and the cavalry of Spitamenes,
and all killed with arrows, except a few of them, whom they reduced to
slavery. All of these were afterwards killed.
CHAPTER VI.
SPITAMENES DRIVEN INTO THE DESERT.
But Aristobulus says the greater part of this army was destroyed by an
ambuscade, the Scythians having hidden themselves in a park and fallen
upon the Macedonians from their place of concealment, when Pharnuches
was in the very act of retiring from the command in favour of the
Macedonians who had been sent with him, on the ground of his not being
skilled in military affairs, and of his having been sent by Alexander
rather to win the favour of the barbarians than to take the supreme
command in battles. He also alleged that the Macedonian officers
present were the king’s Companions. But Andromachus, Menedemus, and
Caranus declined to accept the chief command, partly because it did
not seem right to make any alteration on their own responsibility
contrary to Alexander’s instructions to them, and partly because in
the very crisis of danger, they were unwilling, if they met with any
defeat, not only individually to take a share of the blame, but also
collectively to exercise the command unsuccessfully. In this confusion
and disorder the barbarians fell upon them, and cut them all off,
so that not more than forty horsemen and 300 foot preserved their
lives.[523] When the report of this reached Alexander, he was chagrined
at the loss of his soldiers, and resolved to march with all speed
against Spitamenes and his barbarian adherents. He therefore took half
of the Companion cavalry, all the shield-bearing guards, the archers,
the Agrianians, and the lightest men of the phalanx, and went towards
Maracanda, where he ascertained Spitamenes had returned and was again
besieging the men in the citadel. Having travelled 1,500 stades in
three days, at the approach of dawn on the fourth day he came near the
city;[524] but when Spitamenes was informed of Alexander’s approach,
he did not remain, but abandoned the city and fled. Alexander pursued
him closely; and coming to the place where the battle was fought, he
buried his soldiers as well as the circumstances permitted, and then
followed the fugitives as far as the desert. Returning thence, he laid
the land waste, and slew the barbarians who had fled for refuge into
the fortified places, because they were reported to have taken part in
the attack upon the Macedonians.[525] He traversed the whole country
which the river Polytimetus waters in its course; but the country
beyond the place where the water of this river disappears is desert;
for though it has abundance of water, it disappears into the sand.[526]
Other large and perennial rivers in that region disappear in a similar
way:—the Epardus, which flows through the land of the Mardians; the
Areius, after which the country of the Areians is named; and the
Etymander, which flows through the territory of the Euergetae.[527] All
of these are rivers of such a size that none of them is smaller than
the Thessalian river Peneius, which flows through Tempē and discharges
itself into the sea. The Polytimetus is much too large to be compared
with the river Peneius.[528]
CHAPTER VII.
TREATMENT OF BESSUS.
When he had accomplished this, he came to Zariaspa; where he remained
until the depth of winter arrived.[529] At this time came to him
Phrataphernes the viceroy of Parthia, and Stasanor, who had been sent
into the land of the Areians to arrest Arsames.[530] Him they brought
with them in chains, as also Barzanes, whom Bessus had appointed
viceroy of the land of the Parthians, and some others of those who at
that time had joined Bessus in revolt. At the same time arrived from
the sea, Epocillus,[531] Melamnidas and Ptolemy, the general of the
Thracians, who had convoyed down to the sea the Grecian allies and
the money sent with Menes.[532] At this time also arrived Asander
and Nearchus at the head of an army of Grecian mercenaries.[533]
Asclepiodorus, viceroy of Syria, and Menes the deputy also arrived
from the sea, at the head of another army. Then Alexander gathered a
conference of those who were then at hand, and led Bessus in before
them. Having accused him of the betrayal of Darius, he ordered his nose
and ears to be cut off, and that he should be taken to Ecbatana to be
put to death there in the council of the Medes and Persians.[534] I
do not commend this excessive punishment; on the contrary, I consider
that the mutilation of the prominent features of the body is a
barbaric[535] custom, and I agree with those who say that Alexander
was induced to indulge his desire of emulating the Median and Persian
wealth and to treat his subjects as inferior beings according to the
custom of the foreign kings. Nor do I by any means commend him for
changing the Macedonian style of dress which his fathers had adopted,
for the Median one,[536] being as he was a descendant of Heracles.[537]
Besides, he was not ashamed to exchange the head-dress which he
the conqueror had so long worn, for that of the conquered Persians.
None of these things do I commend; but I consider Alexander’s great
achievements prove, if anything can, that supposing a man to have a
vigorous bodily constitution, to be illustrious in descent, and to be
even more successful in war than Alexander himself; even supposing
he could sail right round Libya as well as Asia, and hold them both
in subjection as Alexander indeed designed; even if he could add the
possession of Europe to that of Asia and Libya; all these things would
be no furtherance to such a man’s happiness, unless at the same time he
possess the power of self-control, though he has performed the great
deeds which have been supposed.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE MURDER OF CLITUS.
Here also I shall give an account of the tragic fate of Clitus, son
of Dropidas, and of Alexander’s mishap in regard to it. Though it
occurred a little while after this, it will not be out of place here. The
Macedonians kept a day sacred to Dionysus, and on that day Alexander
used to offer sacrifice to him every year. But they say that on this
occasion he was neglectful of Dionysus,[538] and sacrificed to the
Dioscūri[539] instead; for he had resolved to offer sacrifice to those
deities for some reason or other. When the drinking-party on this
occasion had already gone on too long (for Alexander had now made
innovations even in regard to drinking, by imitating the custom of
foreigners), and in the midst of the carouse a discussion had arisen
about the Dioscuri, how their procreation had been taken away from
Tyndareus and ascribed to Zeus, some of those present, in order to
flatter Alexander, maintained that Polydeuces and Castor were in no way
worthy to compare with him who had performed so many exploits. Such men
have always corrupted the character of kings and will never cease to
ruin the interests of those who happen to be reigning.[540] In their
carousal they did not even abstain from (comparing him with) Heracles;
saying that envy prevented the living from receiving the honours due
to them from their associates. It was well known that Clitus had
long been vexed at Alexander for the change in his style of living
in imitation of foreign kings, and at those who flattered him with
their speech. At that time also, being heated with wine, he would not
permit them either to insult the deity or, by depreciating the deeds
of the ancient heroes, to confer upon Alexander a gratification which
deserved no thanks. He affirmed Alexander’s deeds were neither in fact
so great or marvellous as they represented in their laudation; nor had
he achieved them by himself, but for the most part they were the deeds
of the Macedonians. The delivery of this speech annoyed Alexander; and
I do not commend it, for I think, in such a drunken bout, it would
have been sufficient if, so far as he was personally concerned, he
had kept silence, and not committed the error of indulging in the
same flattery as the others. But when some even mentioned Philip’s
actions without exercising a just judgment, declaring that he had
performed nothing great or marvellous, they gratified Alexander; but
Clitus being then no longer able to contain himself, began to put
Philip’s achievements in the first rank, and to depreciate Alexander
and his performances.[541] Clitus being now quite intoxicated, made
other insolent remarks and even greatly reviled him, because forsooth
he had saved his life, when the cavalry battle had been fought with
the Persians at the Granicus. Then indeed, arrogantly stretching out
his right hand, he said:—“This hand, O Alexander, preserved thee
on that occasion.” Alexander could now no longer endure the drunken
insolence of Clitus; but jumped up against him in a great rage. He was
however restrained by his boon-companions. As Clitus did not desist
from his insulting remarks, Alexander shouted out a summons for his
shield-bearing guards to attend him; but when no one obeyed him, he
said that he was reduced to the same position as Darius, when he was
led about under arrest by Bessus and his adherents, and that he now
possessed the mere name of king. Then his companions were no longer
able to restrain him; for according to some he leaped up and snatched a
javelin from one of his confidential body-guards; according to others,
a long pike from one of his ordinary guards, with which he struck
Clitus and killed him.[542] Aristobulus does not say whence the drunken
quarrel originated, but asserts that the fault was entirely on the side
of Clitus, who, when Alexander had got so enraged with him as to jump
up against him with the intention of making an end of him, was led away
by Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential body-guard, through the
gateway, beyond the wall and ditch of the citadel where the quarrel
occurred. He adds that Clitus could not control himself, but went back
again, and falling in with Alexander who was calling out for Clitus, he
exclaimed:—“Alexander, here is Clitus!” Thereupon he was struck with a
long pike and killed.
CHAPTER IX.
ALEXANDER’S GRIEF FOR CLITUS.
I think Clitus deserving of severe censure for his insolent behaviour
to his king, while at the same time I pity Alexander for his mishap,
because on that occasion he showed himself the slave of two vices,
anger and drunkenness, by neither of which is it seemly for a prudent
man to be enslaved. But then on the other hand I think his subsequent
behaviour worthy of praise, because directly after he had done the
deed he recognised that it was a horrible one. Some of his biographers
even say that he propped the pike against the wall with the intention
of falling upon it himself, thinking that it was not proper for him to
live who had killed his friend when under the influence of wine. Most
historians do not mention this, but say that he went off to bed and lay
there lamenting, calling Clitus himself by name, and his sister Lanice,
daughter of Dropidas, who had been his nurse. He exclaimed that having
reached man’s estate he had forsooth bestowed on her a noble reward for
her care in rearing him, as she lived to see her own sons die fighting
on his behalf, and the king slaying her brother with his own hand.[543]
He did not cease calling himself the murderer of his friends; and for
three days rigidly abstained from food and drink, and paid no attention
whatever to his personal appearance. Some of the soothsayers revealed
that the avenging wrath of Dionysus had been the cause of his conduct,
because he had omitted the sacrifice to that deity.[544] At last with
great difficulty he was induced by his companions to touch food and to
pay proper attention to His person.[545] He then paid to Dionysus the
sacrifice due to him, since he was not at all unwilling to attribute
the fatality rather to the avenging wrath of the deity than to his own
depravity. I think Alexander deserves great praise for this, that he
did not obstinately persevere in evil, or still worse become a defender
and advocate of the wrong which had been done, but confessed that he
had committed a crime, being a man and not a god. There are some who
say that Anaxarchus the Sophist[546] was summoned into Alexander’s
presence to give him consolation. Finding him lying down and groaning,
he laughed at him, and said that he did not know that the wise men of
old for this reason made Justice an assessor of Zeus, because whatever
was done by him was justly done[547]; and therefore also that which was
done by the Great King ought to be deemed just, in the first place by
the king himself, and then by the rest of men. They say that Alexander
was then greatly consoled by these remarks.[548] But I assert that
Anaxarchus did Alexander a great injury and one still greater than that
by which he was then oppressed, if he really thought this to be the
opinion of a wise man, that forsooth it is proper for a king to come to
hasty conclusions and act unjustly, and that whatever is done by a king
must be deemed just, no matter how it is done. There is also a current
report that Alexander wished men to prostrate themselves before him as
to a god, entertaining the notion that Ammon was his father, rather
than Philip; and that he now showed his admiration of the customs of
the Persians and Medes by changing the style of his dress, and by the
alteration he made in the general etiquette of his court. There were
not wanting those who in regard to these matters gave way to his wishes
with the design of flattering him; among others being Anaxarchus, one
of the philosophers attending his court, and Agis, an Argive who was an
epic poet.[549]
CHAPTER X.
DISPUTE BETWEEN CALLISTHENES AND ANAXARCHUS.
But it is said that Callisthenes the Olynthian, who had studied
philosophy under Aristotle, and was somewhat brusque in his manner, did
not approve of this conduct; and so far as this is concerned I quite
agree with him. But the following remark of his, if indeed it has been
correctly recorded, I do not think at all proper, when he declared that
Alexander and his exploits were dependent upon him and his history, and
that he had not come to him to acquire reputation from him, but to make
him renowned in the eyes of men;[550] consequently that Alexander’s
participation in divinity did not depend on the false assertion of
Olympias in regard to the author of his birth, but on what he might
report to mankind in his history of the king. There are some writers
also who have said that on one occasion Philotas forsooth asked him,
what man he thought to be held in especial honour by the people of
Athens; and that he replied:—“Harmodius and Aristogeiton; because they
slew one of the two despots, and put an end to the despotism.”[551]
Philotas again asked:—“If it happened now that a man should kill a
despot, to which of the Grecian States would you wish him to flee for
preservation?” Callisthenes again replied:—“If not among others, at
any rate among the Athenians an exile would find preservation; for they
waged war on behalf of the sons of Heracles against Eurystheus, who at
that time was ruling as a despot over Greece.”[552] How he resisted
Alexander in regard to the ceremony of prostration, the following
is the most received account.[553] An arrangement was made between
Alexander and the Sophists in conjunction with the most illustrious
of the Persians and Medes who were in attendance upon him, that this
topic should be mentioned at a wine-party. Anaxarchus commenced the
discussion[554] by saying that he considered Alexander much more
worthy of being deemed a god than either Dionysus or Heracles, not
only on account of the very numerous and mighty exploits which he
had performed, but also because Dionysus was only a Theban, in no way
related to Macedonians; and Heracles was an Argive, not at all related
to them, except that Alexander deduced his descent from him. He added
that the Macedonians might with greater justice gratify their king
with divine honours, for there was no doubt about this, that when he
departed from men they would honour him as a god. How much more just
then would it be to worship him while alive, than after his death, when
it would be no advantage to him to be honoured.
CHAPTER XI.
CALLISTHENES OPPOSES THE PROPOSAL TO HONOUR ALEXANDER BY PROSTRATION.
When Anaxarchus had uttered these remarks and others of a similar
kind, those who were privy to the plan applauded his speech, and
wished at once to begin the ceremony of prostration. Most of the
Macedonians, however, were vexed[555] at the speech and kept silence.
But Callisthenes interposed and said:—“O Anaxarchus, I openly declare
that there is no honour which Alexander is unworthy to receive,
provided that it is consistent with his being human; but men have made
distinctions between those honours which are due to men, and those due
to gods, in many different ways, as for instance by the building of
temples and by the erection of statues. Moreover for the gods sacred
enclosures are selected, to them sacrifice is offered, and to them
libations are made. Hymns also are composed in honour of the gods, and
eulogies for men. But the greatest distinction is made by the custom
of prostration. For it is the practice that men should be kissed by
those who salute them[556]; but because the deity is located somewhere
above, it is not lawful even to touch him, and this is the reason no
doubt why he is honoured by prostration. Bands of choral dancers are
also appointed for the gods, and paeans are sung in their honour. And
this is not at all wonderful, seeing that certain honours are specially
assigned to some of the gods and certain others to other gods, and,
by Zeus, quite different ones again are assigned to heroes, which are
very distinct from those paid to the deities.[557] It is not therefore
reasonable to confound all these distinctions without discrimination,
exalting men to a rank above their condition by extravagant
accumulation of honours, and debasing the gods, as far as lies in human
power, to an unseemly level, by paying them honours only equal to those
paid to men.” He said that Alexander would not endure the affront, if
some private individual were to be thrust into his royal honours by an
unjust vote, either by show of hand or by ballot. Much more justly then
would the gods be indignant at those mortals who usurp divine honours
or suffer themselves to be thrust into them by others. “Alexander not
only seems to be, but is in reality beyond any competition the bravest
of brave men, of kings the most kingly, and of generals the most worthy
to command an army. O Anaxarchus, it was thy duty, rather than any
other man’s, to become the special advocate of these arguments now
adduced by me, and the opponent of those contrary to them, seeing that
thou associatest with him for the purpose of imparting philosophy and
instruction. Therefore it was unseemly to begin this discussion, when
thou oughtest to have remembered that thou art not associating with
and giving advice to Cambyses or Xerxes, but to the son of Philip, who
derives his origin from Heracles and Aeacus,[558] whose ancestors came
into Macedonia from Argos, and have continued to rule the Macedonians,
not by force, but by law. Not even to Heracles himself while still
alive were divine honours paid by the Greeks; and even after his death
they were withheld until a decree had been published by the oracle of
the god at Delphi that men should honour Heracles as a god. But if,
because the discussion is held[559] in the land of foreigners, we ought
to adopt the sentiments of foreigners, I demand, O Alexander, that thou
shouldst bethink thyself of Greece, for whose sake the whole of this
expedition was undertaken by thee, that thou mightest join Asia to
Greece. Therefore make up thy mind whether thou wilt return thither and
compel the Greeks, who are men most devoted to freedom, to pay thee the
honour of prostration, or whether thou wilt keep aloof from Greece, and
inflict this honour on the Macedonians alone, or thirdly whether thou
wilt thyself make a difference in every respect as to the honours to
be paid thee, so as to be honoured by the Greeks and Macedonians as a
human being and after the manner of the Greeks, and by foreigners alone
after the foreign fashion of prostration. But if it is said that Cyrus,
son of Cambyses, was the first man to whom the honour of prostration
was paid, and that afterwards this degrading ceremony continued in
vogue among the Persians and Medes, we ought to bear in mind that
the Scythians, men poor but independent, chastised that Cyrus;[560]
that other Scythians again chastised Darius, as the Athenians and
Lacedaemonians did Xerxes, as Clearchus and Xenophon with their 10,000
followers did Artaxerxes; and finally, that Alexander, though not
honoured with prostration, has conquered this Darius.”
CHAPTER XII.
CALLISTHENES REFUSES TO PROSTRATE HIMSELF.
By making these and other remarks of a similar kind, Callisthenes
greatly annoyed Alexander, but spoke the exact sentiments of the
Macedonians. When the king perceived this, he sent to prevent the
Macedonians from making any farther mention of the ceremony of
prostration. But after the discussion silence ensued; and then the
most honourable of the Persians arose in due order and prostrated
their bodies before him. But when one of the Persians seemed to have
performed the ceremony in an awkward way, Leonnatus, one of the
Companions, laughed at his posture as mean. Alexander at the time was
angry with him for this, but was afterwards reconciled to him.[561]
The following account has also been given:—Alexander drank from a
golden goblet the health of the circle of guests, and handed it first
to those with whom he had concerted the ceremony of prostration. The
first who drank from the goblet rose up and performed the act of
prostration, and received a kiss from him. This ceremony proceeded
from one to another in due order. But when the pledging of health came
to the turn of Callisthenes, he rose up and drank from the goblet,
and drew near, wishing to kiss the king without performing the act of
prostration. Alexander happened then to be conversing with Hephaestion,
and consequently did not observe whether Callisthenes performed the
ceremony properly or not. But when Callisthenes was approaching to kiss
him, Demetrius, son of Pythonax, one of the Companions, said that he
was doing so without having prostrated himself. So the king would not
permit him to kiss him; whereupon the philosopher said:—“I am going
away only with the loss of a kiss.” I by no means approve any of these
proceedings, which manifested both the insolence of Alexander on the
present occasion and the churlish nature of Callisthenes. But I think
that, so far as regards himself, it would have been quite sufficient
if he had given his opinion discreetly, magnifying as much as possible
the exploits of the king, with whom no one thought it a dishonour to
associate. Therefore I consider that not without reason Callisthenes
became odious to Alexander on account of the unseasonable freedom of
speech in which he indulged,[562] as well as from the egregious fatuity
of his conduct. I surmise that this was the reason why such easy credit
was given to those who accused him of participating in the conspiracy
formed against Alexander by his pages, and to those also who affirmed
that they had been incited to engage in the conspiracy by him alone.
The facts of this conspiracy were as follows:—
CHAPTER XIII.
CONSPIRACY OF THE PAGES.
It was a custom introduced by Philip, that the sons of those
Macedonians who had enjoyed high office, should, as soon as they
reached the age of puberty, be selected to attend the king’s court.
These youths were entrusted with the general attendance on the king’s
person and the protection of his body while he was asleep. Whenever the
king rode out, some of them received the horses from the grooms, and
brought them to him, and others assisted him to mount in the Persian
fashion. They were also companions of the king in the emulation of
the chase.[563] Among these youths was Hermolaüs, son of Sopolis, who
seemed to be applying his mind to the study of philosophy, and to
be cultivating the society of Callisthenes for this purpose. There
is current a tale about this youth to the effect that in the chase,
a boar rushed at Alexander, and that Hermolaüs anticipated him by
casting a javelin at the beast, by which it was smitten and killed.
But Alexander, having lost the opportunity of distinguishing himself
by being too late in the assault, was indignant with Hermolaüs, and
in his wrath ordered him to receive a scourging in sight of the other
pages; and also deprived him of his horse. This Hermolaüs, being
chagrined at the disgrace he had incurred, told Sostratus, son of
Amyntas, who was his equal in age and intimate confidential friend,
that life would be insupportable to him unless he could take vengeance
upon Alexander for the affront. He easily persuaded Sostratus to join
in the enterprise, since he was fondly attached to him. They gained
over to their plans Antipater, son of Asclepiodorus, viceroy of Syria,
Epimenes son of Arseas, Anticles son of Theocritus, and Philotas son
of Carsis the Thracian. They therefore agreed to kill the king by
attacking him in his sleep, on the night when the nocturnal watch
came round to Antipater’s turn. Some say that Alexander accidentally
happened to be drinking until daybreak; but Aristobulus has given the
following account: A Syrian woman, who was under the inspiration of
the deity, used to follow Alexander about. At first she was a subject
of mirth to Alexander and his courtiers; but when all that she said
in her inspiration was seen to be true, he no longer treated her
with neglect, but she was allowed to have free access to him both by
night and day, and she often took her stand near him even when he was
asleep. And indeed on that occasion, when he was withdrawing from the
drinking-party she met him, being under the inspiration of the deity at
the time, and besought him to return and drink all night. Alexander,
thinking that there was something divine in the warning, returned
and went on drinking; and thus the enterprise of the pages fell
through.[564] The next day, Epimenes son of Arseas, one of those who
took part in the conspiracy, spoke of the undertaking to Charicles son
of Menander, who had become his confidential friend; and Charicles told
it to Eurylochus, brother of Epimenes. Eurylochus went to Alexander’s
tent and related the whole affair to Ptolemy son of Lagus, one of the
confidential body-guards. He told Alexander, who ordered those whose
names had been mentioned by Eurylochus to be arrested. These, being put
on the rack, confessed their own conspiracy, and mentioned the names of
certain others.
CHAPTER XIV.
EXECUTION OF CALLISTHENES AND HERMOLAUS.
Aristobulus says that the youths asserted it was Callisthenes who
instigated them to make the daring attempt; and Ptolemy says the
same.[565] Most writers, however, do not agree with this, but
represent that Alexander readily believed the worst about Callisthenes,
from the hatred which he already felt towards him, and because
Hermolaüs was known to be exceedingly intimate with him. Some authors
have also recorded the following particulars:—that Hermolaüs was
brought before the Macedonians, to whom he confessed that he had
conspired against the king’s life, because it was no longer possible
for a free man to bear his insolent tyranny. He then recounted all
his acts of despotism, the illegal execution of Philotas, the still
more illegal one of his father Parmenio and of the others who were put
to death at that time, the murder of Clitus in a fit of drunkenness,
his assumption of the Median garb, the introduction of the ceremony
of prostration, which had been planned and not yet relinquished, and
the drinking-bouts and lethargic sleep arising from them, to which
he was addicting himself.[566] He said that, being no longer able
to bear these things, he wished to free both himself and the other
Macedonians. These same authors say that Hermolaüs himself and those
who had been arrested with him were stoned to death by those who were
present. Aristobulus says that Callisthenes was carried about with
the army bound with fetters, and afterwards died a natural death; but
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that he was stretched upon the rack and
then hanged.[567] Thus not even did these authors, whose narratives
are very trustworthy, and who at the time were in intimate association
with Alexander, give accounts consistent with each other of events
so well known, and the circumstances of which could not have escaped
their notice. Other writers have given many various details of these
same proceedings which are inconsistent with each other; but I think I
have written quite sufficient on this subject. Though these events took
place shortly after the death of Clitus,[568] I have described them
among those which happened to Alexander in reference to that General,
because, for the purposes of narrative, I consider them very intimately
connected with each other.
CHAPTER XV.
ALLIANCE WITH THE SCYTHIANS AND CHORASMIANS.
Another embassy from the European Scythians came to Alexander with the
envoys whom he had despatched to those people; for the king who was
reigning over them at the time when he sent these envoys, happened
to die, and his brother was reigning in his stead. The object of the
embassy was to state that the Scythians were willing to do whatsoever
Alexander commanded. They were also bringing to him from their king
the gifts which among them are deemed most valuable. They said their
monarch was willing to give his daughter to Alexander in marriage, in
order to confirm the friendship and alliance with him; but if Alexander
himself deigned not to marry the princess of the Scythians, then he
was willing at any rate to give the daughters of the viceroys of the
Scythian territory and of the other mighty men throughout the country
of Scythia to the most faithful of Alexander’s officers. He also sent
word that he would come in person if bidden, in order to hear from
Alexander’s own mouth what his orders were. At this time also came
Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmians,[569] to Alexander with 1,500
horsemen, who affirmed that he dwelt on the confines of the nations
of the Colchians and the women called Amazons,[570] and promised,
if Alexander was willing to march against these nations in order to
subjugate the races in this district whose territories extended to the
Euxine Sea, to act as his guide through the mountains and to supply
his army with provisions. Alexander then gave a courteous reply to
the men who had come from the Scythians, and one that was adapted to
the exigencies of that particular time; but said that he had no need
of a Scythian wedding. He also commended Pharasmanes and concluded a
friendship and alliance with him, saying that at present it was not
convenient for him to march towards the Euxine Sea. After introducing
Pharasmanes as a friend to Artabazus the Persian, to whom he had
intrusted the government of the Bactrians,[571] and to all the other
viceroys who were his neighbours, he sent him back to his own abode.
He said that his mind at that time was engrossed by the desire of
conquering the Indians; for when he had subdued them, he should possess
the whole of Asia. He added that when Asia was in his power he would
return to Greece, and thence make an expedition with all his naval and
military forces to the eastern extremity of the Euxine Sea through the
Hellespont and Propontis.[572] He desired Pharasmanes to reserve the
fulfilment of his present promises until then.
Alexander then returned to the river Oxus, with the intention of
advancing into Sogdiana, because news was brought that many of the
Sogdianians had fled for refuge into their strongholds and refused
to submit to the viceroy whom he had placed over them. While he was
encamping near the river Oxus, a spring of water and near it another
of oil rose from the ground not far from Alexander’s own tent. When
this prodigy was announced to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the confidential
body-guard, he told Alexander, who offered the sacrifices which the
prophets directed on account of the phenomenon. Aristander affirmed
that the spring of oil was the sign of labours; but it also signified
that after the labours there would be victory.
CHAPTER XVI.
SUBJUGATION OF SOGDIANA.—REVOLT OF SPITAMENES.
He therefore crossed the river with a part of his army and entered
Sogdiana, leaving Polysperchon, Attalus, Gorgias, and Meleager there
among the Bactrians, with instructions to guard the land, to prevent
the barbarians of that region from making any revolutionary change,
and to reduce those who had already rebelled. He divided the army
which he had with him into five parts; the first of which he put under
the command of Hephaestion, the second under that of Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, the confidential body-guard; over the third he put Perdiccas;
Coenus and Artabazus commanded the fourth brigade for him, while he
himself took the fifth division and penetrated into the land towards
Maracanda.[573] The others also advanced as each found it practicable,
reducing by force some of those who had fled for refuge into the
strongholds, and capturing others who surrendered to them on terms of
capitulation. When all his forces reached Maracanda, after traversing
the greater part of the land of the Sogdianians, he sent Hephaestion
away to plant colonies in the cities of Sogdiana. He also sent Coenus
and Artabazus into Scythia, because he was informed that Spitamenes
had fled for refuge thither; but he himself with the rest of his army
traversed Sogdiana and easily reduced all the places still held by the
rebels.
While Alexander was thus engaged, Spitamenes, accompanied by some of
the Sogdianian exiles, fled into the land of the Scythians called
Massagetians,[574] and having collected 600 horsemen from this nation,
he came to one of the forts in Bactriana. Falling upon the commander
of this fort, who was not expecting any hostile demonstration, and
upon those who were keeping guard with him, he destroyed the soldiers,
and capturing the commander, kept him in custody. Being emboldened by
the capture of this fort, a few days after he approached Zariaspa; but
resolving not to attack the city, he marched away after collecting a
great quantity of booty. But at Zariaspa a few of the Companion cavalry
had been left behind on the score of illness, and with them Peithon,
son of Sosicles,[575] who had been placed over the royal household of
attendants at Zariaspa, and Aristonicus the harper. These men, hearing
of the incursion of the Scythians, and having now recovered from their
illness, took their arms and mounted their horses. Then collecting
eighty mercenary Grecian horsemen, who had been left behind to guard
Zariaspa, and some of the royal pages, they sallied forth against the
Massagetians. Falling upon the Scythians, who had no suspicion of
such an event, they deprived them of all the booty at the first onset,
and killed many of those who were driving it off. But as no one was in
command, they returned without any regard to order: and being drawn
into an ambush by Spitamenes and other Scythians, they lost seven of
the Companions and sixty of the mercenary cavalry. Aristonicus the
harper was also slain there, having proved himself a brave man, beyond
what might have been expected of a harper. Peithon, being wounded, was
taken prisoner by the Scythians.[576]
CHAPTER XVII.
DEFEAT AND DEATH OF SPITAMENES.
When this news was brought to Craterus, he made a forced march against
the Massagetians, who, when they heard that he was marching against
them, fled as fast as they could towards the desert. Following them
up closely, he overtook those very men and more than 1,000 other
Massagetian horsemen, not far from the desert. A fierce battle ensued,
in which the Macedonians were victorious. Of the Scythians, 150
horsemen were slain; but the rest of them easily escaped into the
desert, for it was impossible for the Macedonians to pursue them any
further. At this time, Alexander relieved Artabazus of the viceroyalty
of the Bactrians, at his own request, on the ground of his advanced
age; and Amyntas, son of Nicolaüs, was appointed viceroy in his
stead.[577] Coenus was left with his own brigade and that of Meleager,
400 of the Companion cavalry, and all the horse-archers, besides the
Bactrians, Sogdianians, and others who were under the command of
Amyntas. They were all under strict injunctions to obey Coenus and to
winter there in Sogdiana, in order to protect the country and to arrest
Spitamenes, if anyhow they might be able to draw him into an ambush,
as he was wandering about during the winter. But when Spitamenes saw
that every place was occupied by the Macedonians for a garrison, and
that there would soon be no way of flight left open to him, he turned
round against Coenus and the army with him, thinking that he would be
better able to fight in this way. Coming to Bagae, a fortified place in
Sogdiana, situated on the confines of the countries of the Sogdianians
and the Massagetian Scythians, he easily persuaded 3,000 Scythian
horsemen to join him in an invasion of Sogdiana. It is an easy matter
to induce these Scythians to engage in one war after another, because
they are pinched by poverty, and at the same time have no cities or
settled abodes, to give them cause for anxiety about what is most dear
to them. When Coenus ascertained that Spitamenes was advancing with his
cavalry, he went to meet him with his army. A sharp contest ensued, in
which the Macedonians were victorious, so that of the barbarian cavalry
over 800 fell in the battle, while Coenus lost 25 horsemen and twelve
foot-soldiers. The consequence was, that the Sogdianians who were still
left with Spitamenes, as well as most of the Bactrians, deserted him in
the flight, and came to Coenus to surrender. The Massagetian Scythians
having met with ill-success in the battle, plundered the baggage of
the Bactrians and Sogdianians who were serving in the same army as
themselves, and then fled into the desert in company with Spitamenes.
But when they were informed that Alexander was already on the start to
march into the desert, they cut off the head of Spitamenes and sent
it to him, with the hope by this deed of diverting him from pursuing
them.[578]
CHAPTER XVIII.
OXYARTES BESIEGED IN THE SOGDIAN ROCK.
Meantime Coenus returned to Alexander at Nautaca, as also did Craterus,
Phrataphernes the viceroy of the Parthians, and Stasanor the viceroy of
the Areians, after executing all the orders which Alexander had given
them. The king then caused his army to rest around Nautaca, because it
was now mid-winter; but he despatched Phrataphernes into the land of
the Mardians and Tapurians to fetch Autophradates the viceroy, because,
though he had often been sent for, he did not obey the summons. He
also sent Stasanor into the land of the Drangians, and Atropates into
Media,[579] with the appointment of viceroy over the Medes, because
Oxodates seemed disaffected to him. Stamenes also he despatched to
Babylon, because news came to him that Mazaeus the Babylonian governor
was dead. Sopolis, Epocillus, and Menidas he sent away to Macedonia,
to bring him the army up from that country. At the first appearance
of spring,[580] he advanced towards the rock in Sogdiana, to which he
was informed many of the Sogdianians had fled for refuge; among whom
were said to be the wife and daughters of Oxyartes the Bactrian, who
had deposited them for safety in that place, as if forsooth it were
impregnable. For he also had revolted from Alexander. If this rock
was captured, it seemed that nothing would be left to those of the
Sogdianians who wished to throw off their allegiance. When Alexander
approached it, he found it precipitous on all sides against assault,
and that the barbarians had collected provisions for a long siege. The
great quantity of snow which had fallen helped to make the approach
more difficult to the Macedonians, while at the same time it kept the
barbarians supplied with plenty of water. But notwithstanding all
this, he resolved to assault the place; for a certain overweening and
insolent boast uttered by the barbarians had thrown him into a wrathful
state of ambitious pertinacity. For when they were invited to come to
terms of capitulation, and it was held out to them as an inducement,
that if they surrendered the place, they would be allowed to withdraw
in safety to their own abodes, they burst out laughing, and in their
barbaric tongue bade Alexander seek winged soldiers, to capture the
mountain for him, since they had no apprehension of danger from other
men.[581] He then issued a proclamation that the first man who mounted
should have a reward of twelve talents,[582] the man who came next to
him the second prize, and the third so on in proportion, so that the
last reward should be three hundred darics[583] to the last prize-taker
who reached the top. This proclamation excited the valour of the
Macedonians still more, though they were even before very eager to
commence the assault.
CHAPTER XIX.
ALEXANDER CAPTURES THE ROCK AND MARRIES ROXANA.
All the men who had gained practice in scaling rocks in sieges, banded
themselves together to the number of three hundred, and provided
themselves with the small iron pegs with which their tents had been
fastened to the ground, with the intention of fixing them into the
snow, where it might be seen to be frozen hard, or into the ground, if
it should anywhere exhibit itself free from snow. Tying strong ropes
made of flax to these pegs, they advanced in the night towards the most
precipitous part of the rock, which was also most unguarded; and fixing
some of these pegs into the earth, where it made itself visible, and
others into the snow where it seemed least likely to break up, they
hoisted themselves up the rock, some in one place and some in another.
Thirty of them perished in the ascent; and as they fell into various
parts of the snows, not even could their bodies be found for burial.
The rest, however, reached the top of the mountain at the approach of
dawn; and taking possession of it, they waved linen flags towards the
camp of the Macedonians,[584] as Alexander had directed them to do. He
now sent a herald with instructions to shout to the sentries of the
barbarians to make no further delay, but surrender at once; since “the
winged men” had been found, and the summits of the mountain were in
their possession. At the same time the herald pointed at the soldiers
upon the crest of the mountain. The barbarians, being alarmed by the
unexpectedness of the sight, and suspecting that the men who were
occupying the peaks were more numerous than they really were, and that
they were completely armed, surrendered, so frightened did they become
at the sight of those few Macedonians. The wives and children of many
important men were there captured, including those of Oxyartes. This
chief had a daughter, a maiden of marriageable age, named Roxana,[585]
who was asserted by the men who served in Alexander’s army to have been
the most beautiful of all Asiatic women, with the single exception of
the wife of Darius.[586] They also say that no sooner did Alexander
see her than he fell in love with her; but though he was in love
with her, he refused to offer violence to her as a captive, and did
not think it derogatory to his dignity to marry her. This conduct of
Alexander I think worthy rather of praise than blame. Moreover, in
regard to the wife of Darius, who was said to be the most beautiful
woman in Asia, he either did not entertain a passion for her, or else
he exercised control over himself,[587] though he was young, and in
the very meridian of success, when men usually act with insolence and
violence. On the contrary, he acted with modesty and spared her honour,
exercising a great amount of chastity, and at the same time exhibiting
a very proper desire to obtain a good reputation.[588]
CHAPTER XX.
MAGNANIMOUS TREATMENT OF THE FAMILY OF DARIUS.
In relation to this subject there is a story current, that soon after
the battle which was fought at Issus between Darius and Alexander, the
eunuch who was guardian of Darius’s wife escaped and came to him. When
Darius saw this man, his first inquiry was, whether his children, wife,
and mother were alive? Ascertaining that they were not only alive, but
were called queens, and enjoyed the same personal service and attention
which they had been accustomed to have with Darius, he thereupon made a
second inquiry, whether his wife was still chaste? When he ascertained
that she remained so, he asked again whether Alexander had not offered
any violence to her to gratify his lust? The eunuch took an oath and
said: “O king, thy wife is just as thou didst leave her; and Alexander
is the best and most chaste of men.” Upon this Darius stretched his
hands towards heaven and prayed as follows:—“O King Zeus,[589] to
whom power has been assigned to regulate the affairs of kings among
men, do thou now protect for me especially the empire of the Persians
and Medes, as indeed thou didst give it to me. But if I am no longer
king of Asia according to thy behest, at any rate do thou hand over my
power to no other man but Alexander.” Thus not even to enemies, I ween,
are chaste actions a matter of unconcern. Oxyartes, hearing that his
children were in the power of Alexander, and that he was treating his
daughter Roxana with respect, took courage and came to him. He was held
in honour at the king’s court, as was natural after such a piece of
good fortune.[590]
CHAPTER XXI.
CAPTURE OF THE ROCK OF CHORIENES.
When Alexander had finished his operations among the Sogdianians, and
was now in possession of the rock, he advanced into the land of the
Paraetacians, because many of the barbarians were said to be holding
another rock, a strongly fortified place in that country. This was
called the rock of Chorienes; and to it Chorienes himself and many
other chiefs had fled for refuge. The height of this rock was about
twenty stades, and the circuit about sixty. It was precipitous on all
sides, and there was only one ascent to it, which was narrow and not
easy to mount, since it had been constructed in spite of the nature of
the place. It was therefore difficult to ascend even by men in single
file and when no one barred the way. A deep ravine also enclosed[591]
the rock all round, so that whoever intended to lead an army up to it,
must long before make a causeway of earth over this ravine in order
that he might start from level ground, when he led his troops to the
assault. Notwithstanding all this, Alexander undertook the enterprise.
To so great a pitch of audacity had he advanced through his career
of success, that he thought every place ought to be accessible to
him,[592] and to be captured by him. He cut down the pines, which were
very abundant and lofty all round the mountain, and made ladders of
them, so that by means of them the soldiers might be able to descend
into the ravine[593]; for otherwise it was impossible for them to do
so. During the daytime he himself superintended the work, keeping
half of his army engaged in it; and during the night his confidential
body-guards, Perdiccas, Leonnatus, and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, in turn
with the other half of the army, divided into three parts, performed
the duty which had been assigned to each for the night. But they could
complete no more than twenty cubits in a day, and not quite so much in
a night, though the whole army engaged in the labour; so difficult was
the place to approach and so hard was the work in it. Descending into
the ravine, they fastened pegs into the sharpest and narrowest part
of it, distant from each other as far as was consistent with strength
to support the weight of what was placed upon them. Upon these they
placed hurdles made of willow and osiers, very much in the form of a
bridge. Binding these together, they loaded earth above them, so that
there might be an approach to the rock for the army on level ground.
At first the barbarians derided, as if the attempt was altogether
abortive; but when the arrows began to reach the rock, and they were
unable to drive back the Macedonians, though they themselves were on a
higher level, because the former had constructed screens to ward off
the missiles, that they might carry on their labour under them without
receiving injury, Chorienes grew alarmed at what was being done, and
sent a herald to Alexander, beseeching him to send Oxyartes up to him.
Alexander accordingly sent Oxyartes, who on his arrival persuaded
Chorienes to entrust himself and the place to Alexander; for he told
him that there was nothing which Alexander and his army could not take
by storm; and as he himself had entered into an alliance of fidelity
and friendship with him, he commended the king’s honour and justice in
high terms, adducing other examples, and above all his own case for
the confirmation of his arguments. By these representations Chorienes
was persuaded and came himself to Alexander, accompanied by some of
his relations and companions. When he arrived, the king gave him a
courteous answer to his inquiries, and retained him after pledging his
fidelity and friendship. But he bade him send to the rock some of those
who came down with him to order his men to surrender the place; and
it was surrendered by those who had fled to it for refuge. Alexander
therefore took 500 of his shield-bearing guards and went up to get a
view of the rock; and was so far from inflicting any harsh treatment
upon Chorienes that he entrusted that very place to him again, and made
him governor of all that he had ruled before. It happened that the
army suffered much hardship from the severity of the winter, a great
quantity of snow having fallen during the siege; while at the same
time the men were reduced to great straits from lack of provisions.
But Chorienes said he would give the army food for two months; and
he gave the men in every tent corn, wine, and salted meat out of the
stores in the rock. When he had given them this, he said he had not
exhausted even the tenth part of what had been laid up for the siege.
Hence Alexander held him in still greater honour, inasmuch as he had
surrendered the rock, not so much from compulsion as from his own
inclination.
CHAPTER XXII.
ALEXANDER REACHES THE RIVER CABUL, AND RECEIVES THE HOMAGE OF TAXILES.
After performing this exploit, Alexander himself went to Bactra; but
sent Craterus with 600 of the cavalry Companions and his own brigade of
infantry as well those of Polysperchon, Attalus, and Alcetas, against
Catanes and Austanes, who were the only rebels still remaining in the
land of the Paraetacenians.[594] A sharp battle was fought with them,
in which Craterus was victorious; Catanes being killed there while
fighting, and Austanes being captured and brought to Alexander. Of the
barbarians with them 120 horsemen and about 1,500 foot soldiers were
killed. When Craterus had done this, he also went to Bactra, where the
tragedy in reference to Callisthenes and the pages befell Alexander.
As the spring was now over, he took the army and advanced from Bactra
towards India,[595] leaving Amyntas in the land of the Bactrians with
3,500 horse, and 10,000 foot. He crossed the Caucasus[596] in ten days
and arrived at the city of Alexandria, which had been founded in the
land of the Parapamisadae when he made his first expedition to Bactra.
He dismissed from office the governor whom he had then placed over
the city, because he thought he was not ruling well. He also settled
in Alexandria others from the neighbouring tribes and the soldiers
who were now unfit for service in addition to the first settlers, and
commanded Nicanor, one of the Companions, to regulate the affairs of
the city itself. Moreover he appointed Tyriaspes viceroy of the land of
the Parapamisadae and of the rest of the country as far as the river
Cophen.[597] Arriving at the city of Nicaea, he offered sacrifice to
Athena and then advanced towards the Cophen, sending a herald forward
to Taxiles[598] and the other chiefs on this side the river Indus, to
bid them come and meet him as each might find it convenient. Taxiles
and the other chiefs accordingly did come to meet him, bringing the
gifts which are reckoned of most value among the Indians. They said
that they would also present to him the elephants which they had with
them, twenty-five in number. There he divided his army, and sent
Hephaestion and Perdiccas away into the land of Peucelaotis,[599]
towards the river Indus, with the brigades of Gorgias, Clitus,[600]
and Meleager, half of the Companion cavalry, and all the cavalry of
the Grecian mercenaries. He gave them instructions either to capture
the places on their route by force, or to bring them over on terms
of capitulation; and when they reached the river Indus, to make the
necessary preparations for the passage of the army. With them Taxiles
and the other chiefs also marched. When they reached the river Indus
they carried out all Alexander’s orders. But Astes, the ruler of the
land of Peucelaotis, effected a revolt, which both ruined himself and
brought ruin also upon the city into which he had fled for refuge. For
Hephaestion captured it after a siege of thirty days, and Astes himself
was killed. Sangaeus, who had some time before fled from Astes and
deserted to Taxiles, was appointed to take charge of the city. This
desertion was a pledge to Alexander of his fidelity.
CHAPTER XXIII.
BATTLES WITH THE ASPASIANS.
Alexander now took command of the shield-bearing guards, the
Companion cavalry with the exception of those who had been joined
with Hephaestion’s division, the regiments of what were called
foot-Companions, the archers, the Agrianians and the horse-lancers,
and advanced with them into the land of the Aspasians, Guraeans and
Assacenians.[601] Marching by a mountainous and rough road along the
river called Choes,[602] which he crossed with difficulty, he ordered
the main body of his infantry to follow at leisure; while he himself
took all the cavalry, and 800 of the Macedonian infantry whom he
mounted upon horses with their infantry shields, and made a forced
march, because he had received information that the barbarians who
inhabited that district had fled for safety into the mountains which
extend through the land and into as many of their cities as were strong
enough to resist attack. Assaulting the first of these cities which
was situated on his route, he routed, at the first attack without
any delay, the men whom he found drawn up in front of the city, and
shut them up in it. He was himself wounded by a dart which penetrated
through the breastplate into his shoulder; but the wound was only a
slight one, for the breastplate prevented the dart from penetrating
right through his shoulder. Leonnatus and Ptolemy, son of Lagus, were
also wounded. Then he encamped near the city at the place where the
wall seemed most easy to assault. At dawn on the following day the
Macedonians easily forced their way through the first wall, as it had
not been strongly built. The city had been surrounded with a double
wall. At the second wall the barbarians stood their ground for a short
time; but when the scaling ladders were now being fixed, and the
defenders were being wounded with darts from all sides, they no longer
stayed; but rushed through the gates out of the city towards the
mountains. Some of them were killed in the flight, and the Macedonians,
being enraged because they had wounded Alexander, slew all whom they
took prisoners. Most of them, however, escaped into the mountains,
because they were not far from the city. Having levelled this city
with the ground, he marched to another, named Audaca, which he got
possession of by capitulation. He left Craterus there with the other
commanders of the infantry to capture all the remaining cities which
would not yield of their own accord, and to set the affairs of the
whole country in such order as he should find most convenient under the
circumstances.
CHAPTER XXIV.
OPERATIONS AGAINST THE ASPASIANS.
Alexander now took command of the shield-bearing guards, the archers,
the Agrianians, the brigade of Coenus and Attalus, the royal body-guard
of cavalry, about four regiments of the other Companion cavalry, and
half of the horse-archers, and advanced towards the river Euaspla,[603]
where the chieftain of the Aspasians was. After a long journey he
arrived at the city on the second day. When the barbarians ascertained
that he was approaching they set fire to the city and fled to the
mountains. But Alexander followed close upon the fugitives as far as
the mountains, and slaughtered many of them before they could manage
to get away into the places which were difficult of access. Ptolemy,
son of Lagus, observing that the leader himself of the Indians of
that district was on a certain hill, and that he had some of his
shield-bearing guards round him, though he had with himself far fewer
men, yet he still continued to pursue him on horseback. But as the hill
was difficult for his horse to run up, he left it there, handing it
over to one of the shield-bearing guards to lead. He then followed the
Indian on foot, without any delay. When the latter observed Ptolemy
approaching, he turned round, and so did the shield-bearing guards with
him. The Indian at close quarters struck Ptolemy on the chest through
the breastplate with a long spear, but the breastplate checked the
violence of the blow. Then Ptolemy, smiting right through the Indian’s
thigh, overthrew him, and stripped him of his arms. When his men saw
their leader lying dead, they stood their ground no longer; but the
men on the mountains, seeing their chieftain’s corpse being carried
off by the enemy, were seized with indignation, and running down
engaged in a desperate conflict over him on the hill. For Alexander
himself was now on the hill with the infantry who had dismounted from
the horses. These, falling upon the Indians, drove them away to the
mountains after a hard struggle, and remained in possession of the
corpse. Then crossing the mountains he descended to a city called
Arigaeum, and found that this had been set on fire by the inhabitants,
who had afterwards fled. There Craterus with his army reached him,
after accomplishing all the king’s orders; and because this city seemed
to be built in a convenient place, he directed that general to fortify
it well, and settle in it as many of the neighbouring people as were
willing to live there, together with any of the soldiers who were unfit
for service. He then advanced to the place where he heard that most
of the barbarians of the district had fled for refuge; and coming to
a certain mountain, he encamped at the foot of it. Meantime Ptolemy,
son of Lagus, being sent out by Alexander on a foraging expedition,
and advancing a considerable distance with a few men to reconnoitre,
brought back word to the king that he had observed many more fires
in the camp of the barbarians than there were in Alexander’s. But
the latter did not believe in the multitude of the enemy’s fires.
Discovering, however, that the barbarians of the district had joined
their forces into one body, he left a part of his army there near the
mountain, encamped as they were, and taking as many men as seemed
sufficient, according to the reports he had received, as soon as they
could descry the fires near at hand, he divided his army into three
parts. Over one part he placed Leonnatus, the confidential body-guard,
joining the brigades of Attalus and Balacrus with his own; the second
division he put under the lead of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, including the
third part of the royal shield-bearing guards, the brigades of Philip
and Philotas, two regiments of horse-archers, the Agrianians, and half
of the cavalry. The third division he himself led towards the place
where most of the barbarians were visible.
CHAPTER XXV.
DEFEAT OF THE ASPASIANS.—THE ASSACENIANS AND GURAEANS ATTACKED.
When the enemy who were occupying the commanding heights perceived
the Macedonians approaching, they descended into the plain, being
emboldened by their superiority in number and despising the
Macedonians, because they were seen to be few. A sharp contest ensued;
but Alexander won the victory with ease. Ptolemy’s men did not range
themselves on the level ground, for the barbarians were occupying
a hill. Wherefore Ptolemy, forming his battalions into column, led
them to the point where the hill seemed most easily assailable, not
surrounding it entirely, but leaving room for the barbarians to flee
if they were inclined to do so. A sharp contest also ensued with these
men, both from the difficult nature of the ground, and because the
Indians are not like the other barbarians of this district, but are
far stronger than their neighbours. These men also were driven away
from the mountain by the Macedonians. In the same way did Leonnatus
with the third division of the army; for his men also defeated those
opposed to them. Ptolemy indeed says that all the men were captured, to
a number exceeding 40,000, and that 230,000 oxen were also taken, of
which Alexander picked out the finest, because they seemed to him to
excel both in beauty and size, wishing to send them into Macedonia to
till the soil. Thence he marched towards the land of the Assacenians;
for he received news that these people had made preparations to
fight him, having 20,000 cavalry, more than 30,000 infantry, and 30
elephants. When Craterus had thoroughly fortified the city, for the
founding of which he had been left behind, he brought the heavier armed
men of his army for Alexander as well as the military engines, in case
it might be necessary to lay siege to any place. Alexander then marched
against the Assacenians at the head of the Companion cavalry, the
horse-archers, the brigades of Coenus and Polysperchon, the Agrianians,
the light-armed troops,[604] and the archers. Passing through the land
of the Guraeans, he crossed the river Guraeus,[605] which gives its
name to the land, with difficulty, both on account of its depth, and
because its current is swift, and the stones in the river being round
caused those who stepped upon them to stumble.[606] When the barbarians
perceived Alexander approaching, they durst not take their stand for a
battle in close array, but dispersed one by one to their various cities
with the determination of preserving these by resolute fighting.
CHAPTER XXVI.
SIEGE OF MASSAGA.
In the first place Alexander led his forces against Massaga,[607] the
largest of the cities in that district; and when he was approaching the
walls, the barbarians being emboldened by the mercenaries whom they had
obtained from the more distant Indians to the number of 7,000, when
they saw the Macedonians pitching their camp, advanced against them
with a run. Alexander, seeing that the battle was about to be fought
near the city, was anxious to draw them further away from their walls,
so that if they were put to rout, as he knew they would be, they might
not be able easily to preserve themselves by fleeing for refuge into
the city close at hand. When therefore he saw the barbarians running
out, he ordered the Macedonians to turn round and retreat to a certain
hill distant something about seven stades from the place where he had
resolved to encamp. The enemy being emboldened, as if the Macedonians
had already given way, rushed upon them with a run and with no kind
of order. But when the arrows began to reach them, Alexander at once
wheeled round at the appointed signal, and led his phalanx against
them with a run. His horse-lancers, Agrianians, and archers first ran
forward and engaged with the barbarians, while he himself led the
phalanx in regular order. The Indians were alarmed at this unexpected
manœuvre, and as soon as the battle became a hand-to-hand conflict,
they gave way and fled into the city. About 200 of them were killed,
and the rest were shut up within the walls. Alexander then led his
phalanx up to the wall, from which he was soon after slightly wounded
in the ankle with an arrow. On the next day he brought up his military
engines and easily battered down a piece of the wall; but the Indians
so gallantly kept back the Macedonians who were trying to force an
entrance where the breach had been made, that he recalled the army for
this day. But on the morrow the Macedonians themselves made a more
vigorous assault, and a wooden tower was drawn up to the walls, from
which the archers shot at the Indians, and missiles were hurled from
the military engines which repulsed them to a great distance. But not
even thus were they able to force their way within the wall. On the
third day he led the phalanx near again, and throwing a bridge from a
military engine over to the part of the wall where the breach had been
made, by this he led up the shield-bearing guards, who had captured
Tyre for him in a similar way.[608] But as many were urged on by
their ardour, the bridge received too great a weight, and was snapped
asunder, so that the Macedonians fell with it. The barbarians, seeing
what was taking place, raised a great shout, and shot at them from the
wall with stones, arrows, and whatever else any one happened to have at
hand, or whatever any one could lay hold of at the time. Others issued
forth by the small gates which they had between the towers in the wall,
and at close quarters struck the men who had been thrown into confusion
by the fall.
CHAPTER XXVII.
SIEGES OF MASSAGA AND ORA.
Alexander now sent Alcetas with his own brigade to recover the men
who had been severely wounded, and to recall to the camp those who
were assailing the enemy. On the fourth day he brought up another
bridge against the wall in like manner upon another military engine.
The Indians, as long as the ruler of the place survived, defended
themselves gallantly; but when he was struck and killed with a missile
hurled from an engine, and as some of their number had fallen in the
siege, which had gone on without any cessation, while most of them
were wounded and unfit for service, they sent a herald to Alexander.
He was glad to preserve the lives of brave men; so he came to terms
with the Indian mercenaries on this condition, that they should be
admitted into the ranks with the rest of his army and serve as his
soldiers. They therefore came out of the city with their arms, and
encamped by themselves upon a hill which was facing the camp of the
Macedonians; but they resolved to arise by night and run away to
their own abodes, because they were unwilling to take up arms against
the other Indians. When Alexander received intelligence of this,
he placed the whole of his army round the hill in the night, and
intercepting them in the midst of their flight, cut them to pieces.
He then took the city by storm, denuded as it was of defenders; and
captured the mother and daughter of Assacenus.[609] In the whole siege
five-and-twenty of Alexander’s men were killed. Thence he despatched
Coenus to Bazira,[610] entertaining an opinion that the inhabitants
would surrender, when they heard of the capture of Massaga. He also
despatched Attalus, Alcetas, and Demetrius the cavalry officer to
another city, named Ora, with instructions to blockade it until he
himself arrived. The men of this city made a sortie against the forces
of Alcetas; but the Macedonians easily routed them, and drove them into
the city within the wall. But affairs at Bazira were not favourable to
Coenus, for the inhabitants showed no sign of capitulating, trusting
to the strength of the place, because not only was it situated on a
lofty eminence, but it was also thoroughly fortified all round. When
Alexander learnt this, he started off to Bazira; but ascertaining that
some of the neighbouring barbarians were about to get into the city
of Ora by stealth, being despatched thither by Abisares[611] for that
very purpose, he first marched to Ora. He ordered Coenus to fortify a
certain strong position to serve as a basis of operations against the
city of Bazira, and then to come to him with the rest of his army,
after leaving in that place a sufficient garrison to restrain the men
in the city from enjoying the free use of their land. But when the
men of Bazira saw Coenus departing with the larger part of his army,
they despised the Macedonians, as not being able to contend with them,
and sallied forth into the plain. A sharply contested battle ensued,
in which 500 of the barbarians fell, and over seventy were taken
prisoners. But the rest, fleeing for refuge into the city,[612] were
now more securely shut off from the country by the men in the fort.
The siege of Ora proved an easy matter to Alexander, for he no sooner
attacked the walls than at the first assault he got possession of the
city, and captured the elephants which had been left there.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
CAPTURE OF BAZIRA.—ADVANCE TO THE ROCK OF AORNUS.
When the men in Bazira heard this news, despairing of their own
affairs, they abandoned the city about the middle of the night, and
fled to the rock as the other barbarians were doing. For all the
inhabitants deserted the cities and began to flee to the rock which
is in their land, and is called Aornus.[613] For stupendous is this
rock in this land, about which the current report is, that it was
found impregnable even by Heracles, the son of Zeus. I cannot affirm
with confidence either way, whether the Theban, Tyrian, or Egyptian
Heracles[614] penetrated into India or not; but I am rather inclined to
think that he did not penetrate so far; for men are wont to magnify the
difficulty of difficult enterprises to such a degree as to assert that
they would have been impracticable even to Heracles. Therefore, I am
inclined to think, that in regard to this rock the name of Heracles was
mentioned simply to add to the marvellousness of the tale. The circuit
of the rock is said to be about 200 stades (_i.e._ about twenty-three
miles), and its height where it is lowest, eleven stades (_i.e._, about
a mile and a quarter). There was only one ascent, which was artificial
and difficult; on the summit of the rock there was abundance of pure
water, a spring issuing from the ground, from which the water flowed;
and there was also timber, and sufficient good arable land for 1,000
men to till.[615] When Alexander heard this, he was seized with a
vehement desire to capture this mountain also, especially on account
of the legend which was current about Heracles. He then made Ora
and Massaga fortresses to keep the land in subjection, and fortified
the city of Bazira. Hephaestion and Perdiccas also fortified for him
another city, named Orobatis, and leaving a garrison in it marched
towards the river Indus. When they reached that river they at once
began to carry out Alexander’s instructions in regard to bridging it.
Alexander then appointed Nicanor, one of the Companions, viceroy of the
land on this side the river Indus; and in the first place leading his
army towards that river, he brought over on terms of capitulation the
city of Peucelaotis, which was situated not far from it. In this city
he placed a garrison of Macedonians, under the command of Philip, and
then reduced to subjection some other small towns situated near the
same river, being accompanied by Cophaeus and Assagetes, the chieftains
of the land. Arriving at the city of Embolima,[616] which was situated
near the rock Aornus, he left Craterus there with a part of the army,
to gather as much corn as possible into the city, as well as all the
other things requisite for a long stay, so that making this their base
of operations, the Macedonians might be able by a long siege to wear
out the men who were holding the rock, supposing it were not captured
at the first assault. He then took the bowmen, the Agrianians, and the
brigade of Coenus, and selecting the lightest as well as the best-armed
men from the rest of the phalanx, with 200 of the Companion cavalry and
100 horse-bowmen, he advanced to the rock. This day he encamped where
it appeared to him convenient; but on the morrow he approached a little
nearer to the rock, and encamped again.
CHAPTER XXIX.
SIEGE OF AORNUS.
At this juncture some of the natives came to him, and surrendering
themselves, offered to lead him to the part of the rock where it could
be most easily assailed, and from which it would be easy for him to
capture the place. With these he sent Ptolemy, son of Lagus, the
confidential body-guard, in command of the Agrianians and the other
light-armed troops, together with picked men from the shield-bearing
guards. He gave this officer instructions, as soon as he had got
possession of the place, to occupy it with a strong guard, and signal
to him that it was held. Ptolemy proceeded along a road which was rough
and difficult to pass, and occupied the position without the knowledge
of the barbarians. After strengthening his position with a stockade
and a ditch all round, he raised a beacon from the mountain, whence it
was likely to be seen by Alexander. The flame was at once seen, and on
the following day the king led his army forward; but as the barbarians
disputed his advance, he could do nothing further on account of the
difficult nature of the ground. When the barbarians perceived that
Alexander could not make an assault, they turned round and attacked
Ptolemy, and a sharp battle ensued between them and the Macedonians,
the Indians making great efforts to demolish the stockade, and Ptolemy
to preserve his position. But the barbarians, getting the worst of it
in the skirmish, withdrew as the night came on. Alexander now selected
from the Indian deserters a man who was not only devoted to him but
acquainted with the locality,[617] and sent him by night to Ptolemy,
carrying a letter, in which it was written that as soon as the king
attacked the rock, Ptolemy was to come down the mountain upon the
barbarians, and not be contented with holding his position in guard;
so that the Indians, being assailed from both sides at once, might be
in perplexity what course to pursue. Accordingly, starting from his
camp at daybreak, he led his army up the path by which Ptolemy had
ascended by stealth, entertaining the opinion that if he could force
his way in this direction and join his forces with those of Ptolemy,
the work would no longer be difficult for him; and so it turned out.
For until midday a smart battle was kept up between the Indians and
the Macedonians, the latter striving to force a way of approach, and
the former hurling missiles at them as they ascended. But as the
Macedonians did not relax their efforts, advancing one after another,
and those who were in advance rested till their comrades came up,
after great exertions they gained possession of the pass early in the
afternoon, and formed a junction with Ptolemy’s forces. As the whole
army was now united, Alexander led it thence against the rock itself.
But the approach to it was still impracticable. Such then was the
result of this day’s labours. At the approach of the dawn he issued
an order that each soldier individually should cut 100 stakes; and
when this had been done he heaped up a great mound against the rock,
beginning from the top of the hill where they had encamped. From this
mound he thought the arrows as well as the missiles launched from the
military engines would be able to reach the defenders of the rock.
Every one in the army assisted him in this work of raising the mound;
while he himself superintended it, as an observer, not only commending
the man who completed his task with zeal and alacrity, but also
chastising him who was dilatory in the pressing emergency.
CHAPTER XXX.
CAPTURE OF AORNUS.—ARRIVAL AT THE INDUS.
On the first day his army constructed the mound the length of a stade;
and on the following day the slingers shooting at the Indians from the
part already finished, assisted by the missiles which were hurled from
the military engines, repulsed the sallies which they made against
the men who were constructing the mound. He went on with the work for
three days without intermission, and on the fourth day a few of the
Macedonians forcing their way occupied a small eminence which was on
a level with the rock. Without taking any rest, Alexander went on
with the mound, being desirous of connecting his artificial rampart
with the eminence which the few men were now occupying for him. But
then the Indians, being alarmed at the indescribable audacity of the
Macedonians, who had forced their way to the eminence, and seeing that
the mound was already united with it, desisted from attempting any
longer to resist. They sent their herald to Alexander, saying that
they were willing to surrender the rock, if he would grant them a
truce. But they had formed the design of wasting the day by continually
delaying the ratification of the truce, and of scattering themselves
in the night with the view of escaping one by one to their own abodes.
When Alexander discovered this plan of theirs, he allowed them time
to commence their retreat, and to remove the guard which was placed
all round the place. He remained quiet until they began their retreat;
then taking 700 of the body-guards and shield-bearing infantry, he
was the first to scale the rock at the part of it abandoned by the
enemy; and the Macedonians ascended after him, one in one place
another in another, drawing each other up. These men at the concerted
signal turned themselves upon the retreating barbarians, and killed
many of them in their flight. Others retreating with panic terror
perished by leaping down the precipices; and thus the rock which had
been inexpugnable to Heracles was occupied by Alexander. He offered
sacrifice upon it, and arranged a fort, committing the superintendence
of the garrison to Sisicottus, who long before had deserted from
the Indians to Bessus in Bactra, and after Alexander had acquired
possession of the country of Bactra, entered his army and appeared to
be eminently trustworthy.
He now set out from the rock and invaded the land of the Assacenians;
for he was informed that the brother of Assacenus, with his elephants
and many of the neighbouring barbarians had fled into the mountains
in this district. When he arrived at the city of Dyrta,[618] he found
none of the inhabitants either in it or in the land adjacent. On the
following day he sent out Nearchus and Antiochus, the colonels of the
shield-bearing guards, giving the former the command of the Agrianians
and the light-armed troops,[619] and the latter the command of his
own regiments and two others besides. They were despatched both to
reconnoitre the locality and to try if they could capture some of the
barbarians anywhere in order to get information about the general
affairs of the country; and he was especially anxious to learn news of
the elephants. He now directed his march towards the river Indus,[620]
the army going in advance to make a road for him, as otherwise this
district would have been impassable. Here he captured a few of the
barbarians, from whom he learnt that the Indians of that land had fled
for safety to Abisares, but that they had left their elephants there to
pasture near the river Indus. He ordered these men to show him the way
to the elephants. Many of the Indians are elephant-hunters, and these
Alexander kept in attendance upon him in high honour, going out to hunt
the elephants in company with them. Two of these animals perished in
the chase, by leaping down a precipice, but the rest were caught and
being ridden by drivers were marshalled with the army. He also as he
was marching along the river lighted upon a wood the timber of which
was suitable for building ships; this was cut down by the army, and
ships were built for him, which were brought down the river Indus to
the bridge, which had long since been constructed by Hephaestion and
Perdiccas at his command.
BOOK V.
CHAPTER I.
ALEXANDER AT NYSA.
In this country, lying between the rivers Cophen and Indus, which was
traversed by Alexander, the city of Nysa[621] is said to be situated.
The report is, that its foundation was the work of Dionysus, who built
it after he had subjugated the Indians.[622] But it is impossible
to determine who this Dionysus[623] was, and at what time, or from
what quarter he led an army against the Indians. For I am unable to
decide whether the Theban Dionysus, starting from Thebes or from the
Lydian Tmolus[624] came into India at the head of an army, and after
traversing the territories of so many warlike nations, unknown to the
Greeks of that time, forcibly subjugated none of them except that of
the Indians. But I do not think we ought to make a minute examination
of the legends which were promulgated in ancient times about the
divinity; for things which are not credible to the man who examines
them according to the rule of probability, do not appear to be wholly
incredible, if one adds the divine agency to the story. When Alexander
came to Nysa the citizens sent out to him their president, whose name
was Acuphis, accompanied by thirty of their most distinguished men as
envoys, to entreat Alexander to leave their city free for the sake of
the god. The envoys entered Alexander’s tent and found him seated in
his armour still covered with dust from the journey, with his helmet
on his head, and holding his spear in his hand. When they beheld the
sight they were struck with astonishment, and falling to the earth
remained silent a long time. But when Alexander caused them to rise,
and bade them be of good courage, then at length Acuphis began thus to
speak: “The Nysaeans beseech thee, O king, out of respect for Dionysus,
to allow them to remain free and independent; for when Dionysus had
subjugated the nation of the Indians, and was returning to the Grecian
sea, he founded this city from the soldiers who had become unfit for
military service, and were under his inspiration as Bacchanals, so
that it might be a monument both of his wandering and of his victory,
to men of after times; just as thou also hast founded Alexandria near
mount Caucasus, and another Alexandria in the country of the Egyptians.
Many other cities thou hast already founded, and others thou wilt found
hereafter, in the course of time, inasmuch as thou hast achieved more
exploits than Dionysus. The god indeed called the city Nysa, and the
land Nysaea after his nurse Nysa. The mountain also which is near the
city he named Meros (_i.e._ thigh), because, according to the legend,
he grew in the thigh of Zeus. From that time we inhabit Nysa, a free
city, and we ourselves are independent, conducting our government with
constitutional order. And let this be to thee a proof that our city
owes its foundation to Dionysus; for ivy, which does not grow in the
rest of the country of India, grows among us.”
CHAPTER II.
ALEXANDER AT NYSA.
All this was very pleasant to Alexander to hear; for he wished that
the legend about the wandering of Dionysus should be believed, as well
as that Nysa owed its foundation to that deity, since he had himself
reached the place where Dionysus came, and had even advanced beyond
the limits of the latter’s march. He also thought that the Macedonians
would not decline still to share his labours if he advanced further,
from a desire to surpass the achievements of Dionysus. He therefore
granted the inhabitants of Nysa the privilege of remaining free and
independent; and when he inquired about their laws, he commended them
because the government was in the hands of the aristocracy. He required
them to send 300 of their horsemen to accompany him, and to select
and send 100 of the aristocrats who presided over the government of
the State, who also were 300 in number. He ordered Acuphis to make
the selection, and appointed him governor of the land of Nysaea. When
Acuphis heard this, he is said to have smiled at the speech; whereupon
Alexander asked him why he laughed. Acuphis replied:—“How, O king,
could a single city deprived of 100 of its good men be still well
governed? But if thou carest for the welfare of the Nysaeans, lead
with thee the 300 horsemen, and still more than that number if thou
wishest: but instead of the hundred of the best men whom thou orderest
me to select lead with thee double the number of the others who are
bad, so that when thou comest here again the city may appear[625] in
the same good order in which it now is.” By these remarks he persuaded
Alexander; for he thought he was speaking with prudence. So he ordered
them to send the horsemen to accompany him, but no longer demanded the
hundred select men, nor indeed others in their stead. But he commanded
Acuphis to send his own son and his daughter’s son to accompany him.
He was now seized with a strong desire of seeing the place where the
Nysaeans boasted to have certain memorials of Dionysus. So he went to
Mount Merus with the Companion cavalry and the foot guard, and saw
the mountain, which was quite covered with ivy and laurel and groves
thickly shaded with all sorts of timber, and on it were chases of all
kinds of wild animals.[626] The Macedonians were delighted at seeing
the ivy, as they had not seen any for a long time; for in the land of
the Indians there was no ivy, even where they had vines. They eagerly
made garlands of it, and crowned themselves with them, as they were,
singing hymns in honour of Dionysus, and invoking the deity by his
various names.[627] Alexander there offered sacrifice to Dionysus, and
feasted in company with his companions.[628] Some authors have also
stated, but I do not know if any one will believe it, that many of
the distinguished Macedonians in attendance upon him, having crowned
themselves with ivy, while they were engaged in the invocation of the
deity, were seized with the inspiration of Dionysus, uttered cries of
Evoi in honour of the god, and acted as Bacchanals.[629]
CHAPTER III.
INCREDULITY OF ERATOSTHENES.—PASSAGE OF THE INDUS.
Any one who receives these stories may believe or disbelieve them
as he pleases. But I do not altogether agree with Eratosthenes the
Cyrenaean,[630] who says that everything which was attributed to the
divine agency by the Macedonians was really said to gratify Alexander
by their excessive eulogy. For he says that the Macedonians, seeing a
cavern in the land of the Parapamisadians,[631] and hearing a certain
legend which was current among the natives, or themselves forming a
conjecture, spread the report that this forsooth was the cave where
Prometheus had been bound, that an eagle frequented it to feast on his
inward parts, that when Heracles arrived there he killed the eagle and
set Prometheus free from his bonds. He also says that by their account
the Macedonians transferred Mount Caucasus from the Euxine Sea to the
eastern parts of the earth, and the land of the Parapamisadians to that
of the Indians;[632] calling what was really Mount Parapamisus by the
name of Caucasus, in order to enhance Alexander’s glory, seeing that
he forsooth had gone over the Caucasus. He adds, that when they saw in
India itself some oxen marked with the brand of a club, they concluded
from this that Heracles had penetrated into India. Eratosthenes also
disbelieves the similar tale of the wandering of Dionysus. Let me leave
the stories about these matters undecided as far as I am concerned.
When Alexander arrived at the river Indus, he found a bridge made over
it by Hephaestion, and two thirty-oared galleys, besides many smaller
craft.[633] He moreover found that 200 talents of silver,[634] 3,000
oxen, above 10,000 sheep for sacrificial victims, and thirty elephants
had arrived as gifts from Taxiles the Indian; 700 Indian horsemen also
arrived from Taxiles as a reinforcement, and that prince sent word that
he would surrender to him the city of Taxila,[635] the largest town
between the rivers Indus and Hydaspes.[636] Alexander there offered
sacrifice to the gods to whom he was in the habit of sacrificing, and
celebrated a gymnastic and horse contest near the river. The sacrifices
were favourable to his crossing.
CHAPTER IV.
DIGRESSION ABOUT INDIA.
The following are statements about the river Indus which are quite
unquestionable, and therefore let me record them. The Indus is the
largest of all the rivers in Asia and Europe, except the Ganges,[637]
which is also an Indian river. It takes its rise on this side mount
Parapamisus, or Caucasus, and discharges its water into the Great Sea
which lies near India in the direction of the south wind. It has two
mouths, both of which outlets are full of shallow pools like the five
outlets of the Ister (or Danube).[638] It forms a Delta in the land
of the Indians resembling that of Egypt[639]; and this is called
Pattala in the Indian language. The Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, and
Hyphasis are also Indian rivers,[640] and far exceed the other rivers
of Asia in size; but they are not only smaller but much smaller than
the Indus, just as that river itself is smaller than the Ganges. Indeed
Ctesias[641] says (if any one thinks his evidence to be depended upon),
that where the Indus is narrowest, its banks are forty stades apart;
where it is broadest, 100 stades; and most of it is the mean between
these breadths.[642] This river Indus Alexander crossed at daybreak
with his army into the country of the Indians; concerning whom, in
this history I have described neither what laws they enjoy, nor what
strange animals their land produces, nor how many and what sort of fish
and water-monsters are produced by the Indus, Hydaspes, Ganges, or the
other rivers of India. Nor have I described the ants which dig up the
gold for them,[643] nor the guardian griffins, nor any of the other
tales that have been composed rather to amuse than to be received as
the relation of facts; since the falsity of the strange stories which
have been fabricated about India cannot be exposed by any one.[644]
However, Alexander and those who served in his army exposed the
falsity of most of these tales; but there were even some of these very
men who fabricated other stories. They proved that the Indians whom
Alexander visited with his army, and he visited many tribes of them,
were destitute of gold; and also that they were by no means luxurious
in their mode of living. Moreover, they discovered that they were tall
in stature, in fact as tall as any men throughout Asia, most of them
being five cubits in height, or a little less. They were blacker than
the rest of men, except the Ethiopians[645]; and in war they were far
the bravest of all the races inhabiting Asia at that time. For I cannot
with any justice compare the race of the ancient Persians with those of
India, though at the head of the former Cyrus, son of Cambyses, set out
and deprived the Medes of the empire of Asia, and subdued many other
races partly by force and partly by voluntary surrender on their own
part. For at that time the Persians were a poor people and inhabitants
of a rugged land, having laws and customs very similar to the Laconian
discipline.[646] Nor am I able with certainty to conjecture whether the
defeat sustained by the Persians in the Scythian land was due to the
difficult nature of the country invaded or to some other error on the
part of Cyrus, or whether the Persians were really inferior in warlike
matters to the Scythians of that district.
CHAPTER V.
MOUNTAINS AND RIVERS OF ASIA.
But of the Indians I shall treat in a distinct work,[647] giving the
most credible accounts which were compiled by those who accompanied
Alexander in his expedition, as well as by Nearchus,[648] who sailed
right round the Great Sea which is near India. Then I shall add what
has been compiled by Megasthenes[649] and Eratosthenes, two men of
distinguished authority. I shall describe the customs peculiar to the
Indians and the strange animals which are produced in the country, as
well as the voyage itself in the external sea. But now let me describe
so much only as appears to me sufficient to explain Alexander’s
achievements. Mount Taurus divides Asia, beginning from Mycale, the
mountain which lies opposite the island of Samos; then, cutting through
the country of the Pamphylians and Cilicians, it extends into Armenia.
From this country it stretches into Media and through the land of the
Parthians and Chorasmians. In Bactria it unites with mount Parapamisus,
which the Macedonians who served in Alexander’s army called Caucasus,
in order, as it is said, to enhance their king’s glory; asserting that
he went even beyond the Caucasus with his victorious arms. Perhaps
it is a fact that this mountain range is a continuation of the other
Caucasus in Scythia, as the Taurus[650] is of the same. For this
reason I have on a previous occasion called this range Caucasus, and
by the same name I shall continue to call it in the future. This
Caucasus extends as far as the Great Sea which lies in the direction
of India and the East. Of the rivers in Asia worth consideration which
take their rise from the Taurus and Caucasus, some have their course
turned towards the north, discharging themselves either into the lake
Maeotis,[651] or into the sea called Hyrcanian, which in reality is a
gulf of the Great Sea.[652] Others flow towards the south, namely, the
Euphrates, Tigres, Indus, Hydaspes, Acesines, Hydraotes, Hyphasis, and
all those that lie between these and the river Ganges. All these either
discharge their water into the sea, or disappear by pouring themselves
out into marshes, as the river Euphrates[653] does.
CHAPTER VI.
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF INDIA.
Whoever arranges the position of Asia in such a way that it is divided
by the Taurus and the Caucasus from the west wind to the east wind,
will find that these two very large divisions are made by the Taurus
itself, one of which is inclined towards the south and the south
wind, and the other towards the north and the north wind. Southern
Asia again may be divided into four parts, of which Eratosthenes and
Megasthenes make India the largest. The latter author lived with
Sibyrtius,[654] the viceroy of Arachosia, and says that he frequently
visited Sandracotus, king of the Indians.[655] These authors say that
the smallest of the four parts is that which is bounded by the river
Euphrates and extends to our inland sea. The other two lying between
the rivers Euphrates and Indus are scarcely worthy to be compared with
India, if they were joined together. They say that India is bounded
towards the east and the east wind as far as the south by the Great
Sea, towards the north by mount Caucasus, as far as its junction with
the Taurus; and that the river Indus cuts it off towards the west and
the north-west wind, as far as the Great Sea. The greater part of it
is a plain, which, as they conjecture, has been formed by the alluvial
deposits of the rivers; just as the plains in the rest of the earth
lying near the sea are for the most part due to the alluvial action of
the rivers taken singly. Consequently, the names by which the countries
are called were attached in ancient times to the rivers. For instance,
a certain plain was called after the Hermus, which rises in the
country of Asia from the mountain of Mother Dindymene,[656] and after
flowing past the Aeolian city of Smyrna discharges its water into the
sea. Another Lydian plain is named after the Cayster, a Lydian river;
another from the Caïcus in Mysia; and the Carian plain, extending as
far as the Ionian city of Miletus, is named from the Maeander. Both
Herodotus and Hecataeus[657] the historians (unless the work about
the Egyptian country is by another person, and not by Hecataeus) in
like manner call Egypt a gift of the river[658]; and Herodotus has
shown by no uncertain proofs that such is the case[659]; so that even
the country itself perhaps received its name from the river. For that
the river which both the Egyptians and men outside Egypt now name the
Nile, was in ancient times called Aegyptus, Homer is sufficient to
prove; since he says that Menelaüs stationed his ships at the outlet
of the river Aegyptus.[660] If therefore single rivers by themselves,
and those not large ones, are sufficient to form an extensive tract
of country, while flowing forward into the sea, since they carry down
slime and mud from the higher districts whence they derive their
sources, surely it is unbecoming to exhibit incredulity about India,
how it has come to pass that most of it is a plain, which has been
formed by the alluvial deposits of its rivers. For if the Hermus, the
Cayster, the Caïcus, the Maeander, and all the other[661] rivers of
Asia which discharge their waters into the midland sea were all put
together, they would not be worthy of comparison for volume of water
with one of the Indian rivers. Not only do I mean the Ganges, which is
the largest, and with which neither the water of the Egyptian Nile nor
the Ister flowing through Europe is worthy to compare; but if all those
rivers were mingled together they would not even then become equal to
the river Indus, which is a large river as soon as it issues from its
springs, and after receiving fifteen rivers,[662] all larger than those
in the province of Asia, discharges its water into the sea, retaining
its own name and absorbing those of its tributaries. Let these remarks
which I have made about India suffice for the present, and let the rest
be reserved for my “Description of India.”
CHAPTER VII.
METHOD OF BRIDGING RIVERS.
How Alexander constructed his bridge over the river Indus, is explained
neither by Aristobulus nor Ptolemy, authors whom I usually follow; nor
am I able to form a decided opinion whether the passage was bridged
with boats, as the Hellespont was by Xerxes and the Bosporus and the
Ister were by Darius,[663] or whether he made a continuous bridge
over the river. To me it seems probable that the bridge was made of
boats; for the depth of the water would not have admitted of the
construction of a regular bridge, nor could so enormous a work have
been completed in so short a time.[664] If the passage was bridged with
boats, I cannot decide whether the vessels being fastened together
with ropes and moored in a row were sufficient to form the bridge,
as Herodotus the Halicarnassian says the Hellespont was bridged, or
whether the work was effected in the way in which the bridge upon the
Ister and that upon the Celtic Rhine[665] are made by the Romans, and
in the way in which they bridged the Euphrates and Tigres, as often
as necessity compelled them. However, as I know myself, the Romans
find the quickest way of making a bridge to be with vessels; and this
method I shall on the present occasion explain, because it is worth
describing. At a pre-concerted signal they let the vessels loose down
the stream, not with their prows forward, but as if backing water.[666]
As might naturally be expected, the stream carries them down, but a
skiff furnished with oars holds them back, until it settles them in the
place assigned to them. Then pyramidal wicker-baskets made of willow,
full of unhewn stones, are let down into the water from the prow of
each vessel, in order to hold it up against the force of the stream.
As soon as any one of these vessels has been held fast, another is in
the same way moored with its prow against the stream, distant from
the first as far as is consistent with their supporting what is put
upon them. On both of them are placed pieces of timber with sharp ends
projecting out, on which cross-planks are placed to bind them together;
and so proceeds the work through all the vessels which are required to
bridge the river. At each end of this bridge firmly fixed gangways are
thrown forward,[667] so that the approach may be safer for the horses
and beasts of burden, and at the same time to serve as a bond to the
bridge. In a short time the whole is finished with a great noise and
bustle; but yet discipline is not relaxed while the work is going on.
In each vessel the exhortations of the overseers to the men, or their
censures of sluggishness, neither prevent the orders being heard nor
impede the rapidity of the work.[668]
CHAPTER VIII.
MARCH FROM THE INDUS TO THE HYDASPES.
This has been the method of constructing bridges, practised by the
Romans from olden times; but how Alexander laid a bridge over the
river Indus I cannot say, because those who served in his army have
said nothing about it. But I should think that the bridge was made
as near as possible as I have described, or if it were effected by
some other contrivance so let it be. When Alexander had crossed to
the other side of the river Indus, he again offered sacrifice there,
according to his custom.[669] Then starting from the Indus, he arrived
at Taxila, a large and prosperous city, in fact the largest of those
situated between the rivers Indus and Hydaspes. He was received in
a friendly manner by Taxiles, the governor of the city, and by the
Indians of that place; and he added to their territory as much of the
adjacent country as they asked for. Thither also came to him envoys
from Abisares, king of the mountaineer Indians, the embassy including
the brother of Abisares as well as the other most notable men. Other
envoys also came from Doxareus, the chief of the province, bringing
gifts with them. Here again at Taxila Alexander offered the sacrifices
which were customary for him to offer, and celebrated a gymnastic and
equestrian contest. Having appointed Philip, son of Machatas, viceroy
of the Indians of that district, he left a garrison in Taxila, as
well as the soldiers who were invalided by sickness, and then marched
towards the river Hydaspes. For he was informed that Porus,[670] with
the whole of his army was on the other side of that river, having
determined either to prevent him from making the passage, or to attack
him while crossing. When Alexander ascertained this, he sent Coenus,
son of Polemocrates, back to the river Indus, with instructions to cut
in pieces all the vessels which he had prepared for the passage of
that river, and to bring them to the river Hydaspes. Coenus cut the
vessels in pieces and conveyed them thither, the smaller ones being cut
into two parts, and the thirty-oared galleys into three. The sections
were conveyed upon waggons, as far as the bank of the Hydaspes; and
there the vessels were fixed together again, and seen as a fleet upon
that river. Alexander took the forces which he had when he arrived at
Taxila, and the 5,000 Indians under the command of Taxiles and the
chiefs of that district, and marched towards the same river.
CHAPTER IX.
PORUS OBSTRUCTS ALEXANDER’S PASSAGE.
Alexander encamped on the bank of the Hydaspes, and Porus was seen
with all his army and his large troop of elephants lining the opposite
bank.[671] He remained to guard the passage at the place where he
saw Alexander had encamped; and sent guards to all the other parts
of the river which were easily fordable, placing officers over each
detachment, being resolved to obstruct the passage of the Macedonians.
When Alexander saw this, he thought it advisable to move his army in
various directions, to distract the attention of Porus, and render
him uncertain what to do. Dividing his army into many parts, he led
some of his troops now in one direction and now in another, at one
time ravaging the enemy’s country, at another looking out for a place
where the river might appear easier for him to ford it. The rest of
his troops he entrusted[672] to his different generals, and sent them
about in many directions. He also conveyed corn from all quarters into
his camp from the land on this side the Hydaspes, so that it might be
evident to Porus that he had resolved to remain quiet near the bank
until the water of the river subsided in the winter, and afforded him
a passage in many places. As his vessels were sailing up and down
the river, and skins were being filled with hay, and the whole bank
appeared to be covered in one place with cavalry and in another with
infantry, Porus was not allowed to keep at rest, or to bring his
preparations together from all sides to any one point if he selected
this as suitable for the defence of the passage. Besides at this season
all the Indian rivers were flowing with swollen and turbid waters and
with rapid currents; for it was the time of year when the sun is wont
to turn towards the summer solstice.[673] At this season incessant and
heavy rain falls in India; and the snows on the Caucasus, whence most
of the rivers have their sources, melt and swell their streams to a
great degree. But in the winter they again subside, become small and
clear, and are fordable in certain places, with the exception of the
Indus, Ganges, and perhaps one or two others. At any rate the Hydaspes
becomes fordable.
CHAPTER X.
ALEXANDER AND PORUS AT THE HYDASPES.
Alexander therefore spread a report that he would wait for that season
of the year, if his passage was obstructed at the present time; but
yet all the time he was waiting in ambush to see whether by rapidity
of movement he could steal a passage anywhere without being observed.
But he perceived that it was impossible for him to cross at the place
where Porus himself had encamped near the bank of the Hydaspes, not
only on account of the multitude of his elephants, but also because
his large army, arranged in order of battle and splendidly accoutred,
was ready to attack his men as they emerged from the water. Moreover
he thought that his horses would not be willing to mount the opposite
bank, because the elephants would at once fall upon them and frighten
them both by their aspect and trumpeting; nor even before that would
they remain upon the inflated hides during the passage of the river;
but when they looked across and saw the elephants they would become
frantic and leap into the water. He therefore resolved to steal a
crossing by the following manœuvre:—In the night he led most of his
cavalry along the bank in various directions, making a clamour and
raising the battle-cry in honour of Enyalius.[674] Every kind of noise
was raised, as if they were making all the preparations necessary for
crossing the river. Porus also marched along the river at the head of
his elephants opposite the places where the clamour was heard, and
Alexander thus gradually got him into the habit of leading his men
along opposite the noise. But when this occurred frequently, and there
was merely a clamour and a raising of the battle-cry, Porus no longer
continued to move about to meet the expected advance of the cavalry;
but perceiving that his fear had been groundless,[675] he kept his
position in the camp. However he posted his scouts at many places along
the bank. When Alexander had brought it about that the mind of Porus no
longer entertained any fear of his nocturnal attempts, he devised the
following stratagem.
CHAPTER XI.
ALEXANDER’S STRATAGEM TO GET ACROSS.
There was in the bank of the Hydaspes, a projecting headland, where the
river makes a remarkable bend. It was densely covered by a grove,[676]
containing all sorts of trees; and over against it in the river was an
island full of trees and without a foot-track, on account of its being
uninhabited. Perceiving that this island was right in front of the
headland, and that both the spots were woody and adapted to conceal his
attempt to cross the river, he resolved to convey his army over at this
place. The headland and island were 150 stades distant from his great
camp.[677] Along the whole of the bank, he posted sentries, separated
as far as was consistent with keeping each other in sight, and easily
hearing when any order should be sent along from any quarter. From
all sides also during many nights clamours were raised and fires were
burnt. But when he had made up his mind to undertake the passage of
the river, he openly prepared his measures for crossing opposite the
camp. Craterus had been left behind at the camp with his own division
of cavalry, and the horsemen from the Arachotians and Parapamisadians,
as well as the brigades of Alcetas and Polysperchon from the phalanx
of the Macedonian infantry, together with the chiefs of the Indians
dwelling this side of the Hyphasis, who had with them 5,000 men. He
gave Craterus orders not to cross the river before Porus moved off
with his forces against them, or before he ascertained that Porus was
in flight and that they were victorious.[678] “If however,” said he,
“Porus should take only a part of his army and march against me, and
leave the other part with the elephants in his camp, in that case do
thou also remain in thy present position. But if he leads all his
elephants with him against me, and a part of the rest of his army is
left behind in the camp, then do thou cross the river with all speed.
For it is the elephants alone,” said he, “which render it impossible
for the horses to land on the other bank. The rest of the army can
easily cross.”
CHAPTER XII.
PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES.
Such were the injunctions laid upon Craterus. Between the island
and the great camp where Alexander had left this general, he posted
Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias, with the Grecian mercenaries, cavalry
and infantry, giving them instructions to cross in detachments,
breaking up the army as soon as they saw the Indians already involved
in battle. He then picked the select body-guard called the Companions,
as well as the cavalry regiments of Hephaestion, Perdiccas, and
Demetrius, the cavalry from Bactria, Sogdiana, and Scythia, and the
Daan horse-archers; and from the phalanx of infantry the shield-bearing
guards, the brigades of Clitus and Coenus, with the archers and
Agrianians, and made a secret march, keeping far away from the bank
of the river, in order not to be seen marching towards the island
and headland, from which he had determined to cross. There the skins
were filled in the night with the hay which had been procured long
before, and they were tightly stitched up. In the night a furious
storm of rain occurred, by which his preparations and attempt to cross
were rendered still more unobserved, since the noise of the thunder
and the storm drowned with its din the clatter of the weapons and the
noise which arose from the orders given by the officers. Most of the
vessels, the thirty-oared galleys included with the rest, had been
cut in pieces by his order and conveyed to this place, where they had
been fixed together again[679] and hidden in the wood. At the approach
of daylight, both the wind and the rain calmed down; and the rest of
the army went over opposite the island, the cavalry mounting upon the
skins, and as many of the foot soldiers as the boats would receive
getting into them. They went so secretly that they were not observed by
the sentinels posted by Porus, before they had already got beyond the
island and were only a little way from the other bank.
CHAPTER XIII.
PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES.
Alexander himself embarked in a thirty-oared galley and went over,
accompanied by Perdiccas, Lysimachus, the confidential body-guards,
Seleucus, one of the Companions, who was afterwards king,[680] and half
of the shield-bearing guards; the rest of these troops being conveyed
in other galleys of the same size. When the soldiers got beyond the
island, they openly directed their course to the bank; and when the
sentinels perceived that they had started, they at once rode off to
Porus as fast as each man’s horse could gallop. Alexander himself was
the first to land, and he at once took the cavalry as they kept on
landing from his own and the other thirty-oared galleys, and drew them
up in proper order. For the cavalry had received orders to land first;
and at the head of these in regular array he advanced. But through
ignorance of the locality he had effected a landing on ground which
was not a part of the mainland, but an island, a large one indeed and
where from the fact that it was an island, he more easily escaped
notice. It was cut off from the rest of the land by a part of the
river where the water was shallow. However, the furious storm of rain,
which lasted the greater part of the night, had swelled the water so
much that his cavalry could not find out the ford; and he was afraid
that he would have to undergo another labour in crossing as great as
the first. But when at last the ford was found, he led his men through
it with much difficulty; for where the water was deepest, it reached
higher than the breasts of the infantry; and of the horses only the
heads rose above the river.[681] When he had also crossed this piece
of water, he selected the choice guard of cavalry, and the best men
from the other cavalry regiments, and brought them up from column into
line on the right wing.[682] In front of all the cavalry he posted the
horse-archers, and placed next to the cavalry in front of the other
infantry the royal shield-bearing guards under the command of Seleucus.
Near these he placed the royal foot-guard, and next to these the other
shield-bearing guards, as each happened at the time to have the right
of precedence. On each side, at the extremities of the phalanx, his
archers, Agrianians and javelin-throwers were posted.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE BATTLE AT THE HYDASPES.
Having thus arranged his army, he ordered the infantry to follow at
a slow pace and in regular order, numbering as it did not much under
6,000 men; and because he thought he was superior in cavalry, he
took only his horse-soldiers, who were 5,000 in number, and led them
forward with speed. He also instructed Tauron, the commander of the
archers, to lead them on also with speed to back up the cavalry. He
had come to the conclusion that if Porus should engage him with all
his forces, he would easily be able to overcome him by attacking with
his cavalry, or to stand on the defensive until his infantry arrived
in the course of the action; but if the Indians should be alarmed at
his extraordinary audacity in making the passage of the river and take
to flight, he would be able to keep close to them in their flight, so
that the slaughter of them in the retreat being greater, there would
be only a slight work left for him. Aristobulus says that the son of
Porus arrived with about sixty chariots, before Alexander made his
later passage from the large island, and that he could have hindered
Alexander’s crossing (for he made the passage with difficulty even when
no one opposed him); if the Indians had leaped down from their chariots
and assaulted those who first emerged from the water. But he passed by
with the chariots and thus made the passage quite safe for Alexander;
who on reaching the bank discharged his horse-archers against the
Indians in the chariots, and these were easily put to rout, many of
them being wounded. Other writers say that a battle took place between
the Indians who came with the son of Porus and Alexander at the head
of his cavalry, that the son of Porus came with a greater force, that
Alexander himself was wounded by him, and that his horse Bucephalas,
of which he was exceedingly fond, was killed, being wounded, like his
master by the son of Porus. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, with whom I
agree, gives a different account. This author also says that Porus
despatched his son, but not at the head of merely sixty chariots; nor
is it indeed likely that Porus hearing from his scouts that either
Alexander himself or at any rate a part of his army had effected the
passage of the Hydaspes, would despatch his son against him with
only sixty chariots. These indeed were too many to be sent out as a
reconnoitring party, and not adapted for speedy retreat; but they were
by no means a sufficient force to keep back those of the enemy who had
not yet got across, as well as to attack those who had already landed.
Ptolemy says that the son of Porus arrived at the head of 2000 cavalry
and 120 chariots; but that Alexander had already made even the last
passage from the island before he appeared.
CHAPTER XV.
ARRANGEMENTS OF PORUS.
Ptolemy also says that Alexander in the first place sent the
horse-archers against these, and led the cavalry himself, thinking
that Porus was approaching with all his forces, and that this body of
cavalry was marching in front of the rest of his army, being drawn up
by him as the vanguard. But as soon as he had ascertained with accuracy
the number of the Indians, he immediately made a rapid charge upon
them with the cavalry around him. When they perceived that Alexander
himself and the body of cavalry around him had made the assault, not
in line of battle regularly formed, but by squadrons, they gave way;
and 400 of their cavalry, including the son of Porus, fell in the
contest. The chariots also were captured, horses and all, being heavy
and slow in the retreat, and useless in the action itself on account
of the clayey ground. When the horsemen who had escaped from this rout
brought news to Porus that Alexander himself had crossed the river with
the strongest part of his army, and that his son had been slain in the
battle, he nevertheless could not make up his mind what course to take,
because the men who had been left behind under Craterus were seen to be
attempting to cross the river from the great camp which was directly
opposite his position. However, at last he preferred to march against
Alexander himself with all his army, and to come into a decisive
conflict with the strongest division of the Macedonians, commanded by
the king in person. But nevertheless he left a few of the elephants
together with a small army there at the camp to frighten the cavalry
under Craterus from the bank of the river. He then took all his cavalry
to the number of 4,000 men, all his chariots to the number of 300, with
200 of his elephants and 30,000 choice infantry, and marched against
Alexander. When he found a place where he saw there was no clay, but
that on account of the sand the ground was all level and hard, and
thus fit for the advance and retreat of horses, he there drew up his
army. First he placed the elephants in the front, each animal being not
less than a plethrum[683] apart, so that they might be extended in the
front before the whole of the phalanx of infantry, and produce terror
everywhere among Alexander’s cavalry. Besides he thought that none of
the enemy would have the audacity to push themselves into the spaces
between the elephants, the cavalry being deterred by the fright of
their horses; and still less would the infantry do so, it being likely
they would be kept off in front by the heavy-armed soldiers falling
upon them, and trampled down by the elephants wheeling round against
them. Near these he had posted the infantry, not occupying a line on a
level with the beasts, but in a second line behind them, only so far
distant that the companies of foot might be pushed forward a short
distance into the spaces between them. He had also bodies of infantry
standing beyond the elephants on the wings; and on both sides of the
infantry he had posted the cavalry, in front of which were placed the
chariots on both wings of his army.
CHAPTER XVI.
ALEXANDER’S TACTICS.
Such was the arrangement which Porus made of his forces. As soon as
Alexander observed that the Indians were drawn up in order of battle,
he stopped his cavalry from advancing farther, so that he might take
up the infantry as it kept on arriving; and even when the phalanx in
quick march had effected a junction with the cavalry, he did not at
once draw it out and lead it to the attack, not wishing to hand over
his men exhausted with fatigue and out of breath, to the barbarians
who were fresh and untired. On the contrary, he caused his infantry
to rest until their strength was recruited, riding along round the
lines to inspect them.[684] When he had surveyed the arrangement of
the Indians, he resolved not to advance against the centre, in front
of which the elephants had been posted, and in the gaps between them a
dense phalanx of men; for he was alarmed at the very arrangements which
Porus had made here with that express design. But as he was superior
in the number of his cavalry, he took the greater part of that force,
and marched along against the left wing of the enemy for the purpose
of making an attack in this direction. Against the right wing he sent
Coenus with his own regiment of cavalry and that of Demetrius, with
instructions to keep close behind the barbarians when they, seeing the
dense mass of cavalry opposed to them, should ride out to fight them.
Seleucus, Antigenes, and Tauron were ordered to lead the phalanx of
infantry, but not to engage in the action until they observed[685]
the enemy’s cavalry and phalanx of infantry thrown into disorder by
the cavalry under his own command. But when they came within range of
missiles, he launched the horse-archers, 1000 in number, against the
left wing of the Indians, in order to throw those of the enemy who were
posted there into confusion by the incessant storm of arrows and by the
charge of the horses. He himself with the Companion cavalry marched
along rapidly against the left wing of the barbarians, being eager to
attack them in flank while still in a state of disorder, before their
cavalry could be deployed.
CHAPTER XVII.
DEFEAT OF PORUS.
Meantime the Indians had collected their cavalry from all parts, and
were riding along, advancing out of their position to meet Alexander’s
charge. Coenus also appeared with his men in their rear, according
to his instructions. The Indians, observing this, were compelled to
make the line of their cavalry face both ways[686]; the largest and
best part against Alexander, while the rest wheeled round against
Coenus and his forces. This therefore at once threw the ranks as well
as the decisions of the Indians into confusion. Alexander, seeing
his opportunity, at the very moment the cavalry was wheeling round in
the other direction, made an attack on those opposed to him with such
vigour that the Indians could not sustain the charge of his cavalry,
but were scattered and driven to the elephants, as to a friendly wall,
for refuge. Upon this, the drivers of the elephants urged forward
the beasts against the cavalry; but now the phalanx itself of the
Macedonians was advancing against the elephants, the men casting darts
at the riders and also striking the beasts themselves, standing round
them on all sides. The action was unlike any of the previous contests;
for wherever the beasts could wheel round, they rushed forth against
the ranks of infantry and demolished the phalanx of the Macedonians,
dense as it was. The Indian cavalry also, seeing that the infantry
were engaged in the action, rallied again and advanced against the
Macedonian cavalry. But when Alexander’s men, who far excelled both in
strength and military discipline, got the mastery over them the second
time, they were again repulsed towards the elephants and cooped up
among them. By this time the whole of Alexander’s cavalry had collected
into one squadron, not by any command of his, but having settled
into this arrangement by the mere effect of the struggle itself; and
wherever it fell upon the ranks of the Indians they were broken up
with great slaughter. The beasts being now cooped up into a narrow
space, their friends were no less injured by them than their foes,
being trampled down in their wheeling and pushing about. Accordingly
there ensued a great slaughter of the cavalry, cooped up as it was in a
narrow space around the elephants. Most of the keepers of the elephants
had been killed by the javelins, and some of the elephants themselves
had been wounded, while others no longer kept apart in the battle on
account of their sufferings or from being destitute of keepers. But,
as if frantic with pain, rushing forward at friends and foes alike,
they pushed about, trampled down and killed them in every kind of way.
However, the Macedonians retired whenever they were assailed, for they
rushed at the beasts in a more open space, and in accordance with their
own plan; and when they wheeled round to return, they followed them
closely and hurled javelins at them; whereas the Indians retreating
among them were now receiving greater injury from them. But when the
beasts were tired out, and they were no longer able to charge with any
vigour, they began to retire, facing the foe like ships backing water,
merely uttering a shrill piping sound. Alexander himself surrounded
the whole line with his cavalry, and gave the signal that the infantry
should link their shields together so as to form a very densely closed
body, and thus advance in phalanx. By this means the Indian cavalry,
with the exception of a few men, was quite cut up in the action; as was
also the infantry, since the Macedonians were now pressing upon them
from all sides. Upon this, all who could do so turned to flight through
the spaces which intervened between the parts of Alexander’s cavalry.
CHAPTER XVIII.
LOSSES OF THE COMBATANTS.—PORUS SURRENDERS.
At the same time Craterus and the other officers of Alexander’s army
who had been left behind on the bank of the Hydaspes crossed the
river, when they perceived that Alexander was winning a brilliant
victory. These men, being fresh, followed up the pursuit instead
of Alexander’s exhausted troops, and made no less a slaughter of
the Indians in their retreat. Of the Indians little short of 20,000
infantry and 3,000 cavalry were killed in this battle.[687] All their
chariots were broken to pieces; and two sons of Porus were slain, as
were also Spitaces, the governor of the Indians of that district, the
managers of the elephants and of the chariots, and all the cavalry
officers and generals of Porus’s army. All the elephants which were
not killed there, were captured. Of Alexander’s forces, about 80 of
the 6,000 foot-soldiers who were engaged in the first attack, were
killed; 10 of the horse-archers, who were also the first to engage in
the action; about 20 of the Companion cavalry, and about 200 of the
other horsemen fell.[688] When Porus, who exhibited great talent in
the battle, performing the deeds not only of a general but also of a
valiant soldier, observed the slaughter of his cavalry, and some of his
elephants lying dead, others destitute of keepers straying about in a
forlorn condition, while most of his infantry had perished, he did not
depart as Darius the Great King did, setting an example of flight to
his men; but as long as any body of Indians remained compact in the
battle, he kept up the struggle. But at last, having received a wound
on the right shoulder, which part of his body alone was unprotected
during the battle, he wheeled round. His coat of mail warded off the
missiles from the rest of his body, being extraordinary both for its
strength and the close fitting of its joints, as it was afterwards
possible for those who saw him to observe. Then indeed he turned his
elephant round and began to retire. Alexander, having seen that he was
a great man and valiant in the battle, was very desirous of saving his
life. He accordingly sent first to him Taxiles the Indian; who rode
up as near to the elephant which was carrying Porus as seemed to him
safe, and bade him stop the beast, assuring him that it was no longer
possible for him to flee, and bidding him listen to Alexander’s
message. But when he saw his old foe Taxiles, he wheeled round and was
preparing to strike him with a javelin; and he would probably have
killed him, if he had not quickly driven his horse forward out of
the reach of Porus before he could strike him. But not even on this
account was Alexander angry with Porus; but he kept on sending others
in succession; and last of all Meroës an Indian, because he ascertained
that he was an old friend of Porus. As soon as the latter heard the
message brought to him by Meroës, being at the same time overcome by
thirst, he stopped his elephant and dismounted from it. After he had
drunk some water and felt refreshed, he ordered Meroës to lead him
without delay to Alexander; and Meroës led him thither.[689]
CHAPTER XIX.
ALLIANCE WITH PORUS.—DEATH OF BUCEPHALAS.
When Alexander heard that Meroës was bringing Porus to him, he rode
in front of the line with a few of the Companions to meet Porus;
and stopping his horse, he admired his handsome figure and his
stature,[690] which reached somewhat above five cubits. He was also
surprised that he did not seem to be cowed in spirit,[691] but advanced
to meet him as one brave man would meet another brave man, after having
gallantly struggled in defence of his own kingdom against another king.
Then indeed Alexander was the first to speak, bidding him say what
treatment he would like to receive. The report goes that Porus replied:
“Treat me, O Alexander, in a kingly way!” Alexander being pleased at
the expression, said: “For my own sake, O Porus, thou shalt be thus
treated; but for thy own sake do thou demand what is pleasing to thee!”
But Porus said that everything was included in that. Alexander, being
still more pleased at this remark, not only granted him the rule over
his own Indians, but also added another country to that which he had
before, of larger extent than the former.[692] Thus he treated the
brave man in a kingly way, and from that time found him faithful in
all things. Such was the result of Alexander’s battle with Porus and
the Indians living beyond the river Hydaspes, which was fought in the
archonship of Hegemon at Athens, in the month Munychion[693] (18 April
to 18 May, 326 B.C.).
Alexander founded two cities, one where the battle took place, and the
other on the spot whence he started to cross the river Hydaspes; the
former he named Nicaea,[694] after his victory over the Indians, and
the latter Bucephala in memory of his horse Bucephalas, which died
there, not from having been wounded by any one, but from the effects of
toil and old age; for he was about thirty years old, and quite worn out
with toil.[695] This Bucephalas had shared many hardships and incurred
many dangers with Alexander during many years, being ridden by none but
the king, because he rejected all other riders. He was both of unusual
size and generous in mettle. The head of an ox had been engraved upon
him as a distinguishing mark, and according to some this was the reason
why he bore that name; but others say, that though he was black he had
a white mark upon his head which bore a great resemblance to the head
of an ox. In the land of the Uxians this horse vanished from Alexander,
who thereupon sent a proclamation throughout the country that he would
kill all the inhabitants, unless they brought the horse back to him. As
a result of this proclamation it was immediately brought back. So great
was Alexander’s attachment to the horse, and so great was the fear of
Alexander entertained by the barbarians.[696] Let so much honour be
paid by me to this Bucephalas for the sake of his master.
CHAPTER XX.
CONQUEST OF THE GLAUSIANS.—EMBASSY FROM ABISARES.—PASSAGE OF THE
ACESINES.
When Alexander had paid all due honours to those who had been killed
in the battle, he offered the customary sacrifices to the gods in
gratitude for his victory, and celebrated a gymnastic and horse
contest upon the bank of the Hydaspes at the place where he first
crossed with his army.[697] He then left Craterus behind with a part
of the army, to erect and fortify the cities which he was founding
there; but he himself marched against the Indians conterminous with
the dominion of Porus. According to Aristobulus the name of this
nation was Glauganicians; but Ptolemy calls them Glausians. I am quite
indifferent which name it bore. Alexander traversed their land with
half the Companion cavalry, the picked men from each phalanx of the
infantry, all the horse-bowmen, the Agrianians, and the archers. All
the inhabitants came over to him on terms of capitulation; and he thus
took thirty-seven cities, the inhabitants of which, where they were
fewest, amounted to no less than 5,000, and those of many numbered
above 10,000. He also took many villages, which were no less populous
than the cities. This land also he granted to Porus to rule; and sent
Taxiles back to his own abode after affecting a reconciliation between
him and Porus. At this time arrived envoys from Abisares,[698] who told
him that their king was ready to surrender himself and the land which
he ruled. And yet before the battle which was fought between Alexander
and Porus, Abisares intended to join his forces with those of the
latter. On this occasion he sent his brother with the other envoys to
Alexander, taking with them money and forty elephants as a gift. Envoys
also arrived from the independent Indians, and from a certain other
Indian ruler named Porus.[699] Alexander ordered Abisares to come to
him as soon as possible, threatening that unless he came he would see
him arrive with his army at a place where he would not rejoice to see
him. At this time Phrataphernes, viceroy of Parthia and Hyrcania, came
to Alexander at the head of the Thracians who had been left with him.
Messengers also came from Sisicottus, viceroy of the Assacenians, to
inform him that those people had slain their governor and revolted from
Alexander. Against these he despatched Philip and Tyriaspes with an
army, to arrange and set in order the affairs of their land.
He himself advanced towards the river Acesines.[700] Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, has described the size of this river alone of those in India,
stating that where Alexander crossed it with his army upon boats and
skins, the stream was rapid and the channel was full of large and sharp
rocks, over which the water being violently carried seethed and dashed.
He says also that its breadth amounted to fifteen stades; that those
who went over upon skins had an easy passage; but that not a few of
those who crossed in the boats perished there in the water, many of
the boats being wrecked upon the rocks and dashed to pieces. From this
description then it would be possible for one to come to a conclusion
by comparison, that the size of the river Indus has been stated not
far from the fact by those who think that its mean breadth is forty
stades, but that it contracts to fifteen stades where it is narrowest
and therefore deepest; and that this is the width of the Indus in many
places. I come then to the conclusion that Alexander chose a part of
the Acesines where the passage was widest, so that he might find the
stream slower than elsewhere.
CHAPTER XXI.
ADVANCE BEYOND THE HYDRAOTES.
After crossing the river,[701] he left Coenus with his own brigade
there upon the bank, with instructions to superintend the passage of
the part of the army which had been left behind for the purpose of
collecting[702] corn and other supplies from the country of the Indians
which was already subject to him. He now sent Porus away to his own
abode, commanding him to select the most warlike of the Indians and
take all the elephants he had and come to him. He resolved to pursue
the other Porus, the bad one, with the lightest troops in his army,
because he was informed that he had left the land which he ruled and
had fled. For this Porus, while hostilities subsisted between Alexander
and the other Porus, sent envoys to Alexander offering to surrender
both himself and the land subject to him, rather out of enmity to Porus
than from friendship to Alexander. But when he ascertained that the
former had been released, and that he was ruling over another large
country in addition to his own, then, fearing not so much Alexander as
the other Porus, his namesake, he fled from his own land, taking with
him as many of his warriors as he could persuade to share his flight.
Against this man Alexander marched, and arrived at the Hydraotes,[703]
which is another Indian river, not less than the Acesines in breadth,
but less in swiftness of current. He traversed the whole country as far
as the Hydraotes, leaving garrisons in the most suitable places, in
order that Craterus and Coenus might advance with safety, scouring most
of the land for forage. Then he despatched Hephaestion into the land of
the Porus who had revolted, giving him a part of the army, comprising
two brigades of infantry, his own regiment of cavalry with that of
Demetrius and half of the archers, with instructions to hand the
country over to the other Porus, to subdue any independent tribes of
Indians which dwelt near the banks of the river Hydraotes, and to give
them also into the hands of Porus to rule. He himself then crossed the
river Hydraotes, not with difficulty, as he had crossed the Acesines.
As he was advancing into the country beyond the Hydraotes, it happened
that most of the people yielded themselves up on terms of capitulation;
but some came to meet him with arms, while others who tried to escape
he captured and forcibly reduced to obedience.
CHAPTER XXII.
INVASION OF THE LAND OF THE CATHAEANS.
Meantime he received information that the tribe called Cathaeans
and some other tribes of the independent Indians were preparing for
battle, if he approached their land; and that they were summoning to
the enterprise all the tribes conterminous with them who were in like
manner independent. He was also informed that the city, Sangala by
name,[704] near which they were thinking of having the struggle, was
a strong one. The Cathaeans themselves were considered very daring
and skilful in war; and two other tribes of Indians, the Oxydracians
and Mallians, were in the same temper as the Cathaeans. For a short
time before it happened that Porus and Abisares had marched against
them with their own forces and had roused many other tribes of the
independent Indians to arms, but were forced to retreat without
effecting anything worthy of the preparations they had made. When
Alexander was informed of this, he made a forced march against the
Cathaeans, and on the second day after starting from the river
Hydraotes he arrived at a city called Pimprama, inhabited by a
tribe of Indians named Adraistaeans, who yielded to him on terms of
capitulation. Giving his army a rest the next day, he advanced on the
third day to Sangala, where the Cathaeans and the other neighbouring
tribes had assembled and marshalled themselves in front of the city
upon a hill which was not precipitous on all sides. They had posted
their waggons all round this hill and were encamping within them in
such a way that they were surrounded by a triple palisade of waggons.
When Alexander perceived the great number of the barbarians and the
nature of their position, he drew up his forces in the order which
seemed to him especially adapted to his present circumstances, and sent
his horse-archers at once without any delay against them, ordering
them to ride along and shoot at them from a distance; so that the
Indians might not be able to make any sortie, before his army was in
proper array, and that even before the battle commenced they might be
wounded within their stronghold. Upon the right wing he posted the
guard of cavalry and the cavalry regiment of Clitus; next to these
the shield-bearing guards, and then the Agrianians. Towards the left
he had stationed Perdiccas with his own regiment of cavalry, and the
battalions of foot Companions. The archers he divided into two parts
and placed them on each wing. While he was marshalling his army, the
infantry and cavalry of the rear-guard came up. Of these, he divided
the cavalry into two parts and led them to the wings, and with the
infantry which came up he made the ranks of the phalanx more dense and
compact. He then took the cavalry which had been drawn up on the right,
and led it towards the waggons on the left wing of the Indians; for
here their position seemed to him more easy to assail, and the waggons
had not been placed together so densely.
CHAPTER XXIII.
ASSAULT UPON SANGALA.
As the Indians did not run out from behind the waggons against the
advancing cavalry, but mounted upon them and began to shoot from
the top of them, Alexander, perceiving that it was not the work for
cavalry, leaped down from his horse, and on foot led the phalanx of
infantry against them. The Macedonians without difficulty forced the
Indians from the first row of waggons; but then the Indians, taking
their stand in front of the second row, more easily repulsed the
attack, because they were posted in denser array in a smaller circle.
Moreover the Macedonians were attacking them likewise in a confined
space, while the Indians were secretly creeping under the front row
of waggons, and without regard to discipline were assaulting their
enemy through the gaps left between the waggons as each man found a
chance.[705] But nevertheless even from these the Indians were forcibly
driven by the phalanx of infantry. They no longer made a stand at
the third row, but fled as fast as possible into the city and shut
themselves up in it. During that day Alexander with his infantry
encamped round the city, as much of it, at least, as his phalanx
could surround; for he could not with his camp completely encircle
the wall, so extensive was it. Opposite the part unenclosed by his
camp, near which also was a lake, he posted the cavalry, placing them
all round the lake, which he discovered to be shallow. Moreover, he
conjectured that the Indians, being terrified at their previous defeat,
would abandon the city in the night; and it turned out just as he had
conjectured; for about the second watch of the night most of them
dropped down from the wall, but fell in with[706] the sentinels of
cavalry. The foremost of them were cut to pieces by these; but the men
behind them perceiving that the lake was guarded all round, withdrew
into the city again. Alexander now surrounded the city with a double
stockade, except in the part where the lake shut it in, and round the
lake he posted more perfect guards. He also resolved to bring military
engines up to the wall, to batter it down. But some of the men in the
city deserted to him, and told him that the Indians intended that very
night to steal out of the city and escape by the lake, where the gap in
the stockade existed. He accordingly stationed Ptolemy, son of Lagus,
there, giving him three regiments of the shield-bearing guards, all
the Agrianians, and one line of archers, pointing out to him the place
where he especially conjectured the barbarians would try to force their
way. “When thou perceivest the barbarians forcing their way here,”
said he, “do thou, with the army obstruct their advance, and order
the bugler to give the signal. And do you, O officers, as soon as the
signal has been given, each being arrayed in battle order with your own
men, advance towards the noise, wherever the bugle summons you. Nor
will I myself withdraw from the action.”
CHAPTER XXIV.
CAPTURE OF SANGALA.
Such were the orders he gave; and Ptolemy collected there as many
waggons as he could from those which had been left behind in the first
flight, and placed them athwart, so that there might seem to the
fugitives in the night to be many difficulties in their way; and as
the stockade had been knocked down, or had not been firmly fixed in
the ground, he ordered his men to heap up a mound of earth in various
places between the lake and the wall. This his soldiers effected in
the night. When it was about the fourth watch,[707] the barbarians,
just as Alexander had been informed, opened the gates towards the
lake, and made a run in that direction. However they did not escape
the notice of the guards there, nor that of Ptolemy, who had been
placed behind them to render aid. But at this moment the buglers gave
him the signal, and he advanced against the barbarians with his army
fully equipped and drawn up in battle array. Moreover the waggons and
the stockade which had been placed in the intervening space, were an
obstruction to them. When the bugle sounded and Ptolemy attacked them,
killing the men as they kept on stealing out through the waggons, then
indeed they were driven back again into the city; and in their retreat
500 of them were killed. In the meanwhile Porus arrived, bringing with
him the elephants that were left to him, and 5,000 Indians. Alexander
had constructed his military engines and they were being led up to the
wall; but before any of it was battered down, the Macedonians took the
city by storm, digging under the wall, which was made of brick, and
placing scaling ladders against it all round. In the capture 17,000 of
the Indians were killed, and above 70,000 were captured, besides 300
chariots and 500 cavalry. In the whole siege a little less than 100 of
Alexander’s army were killed; but the number of the wounded was greater
than the proportion of the slain, being more than 1,200, among whom
were Lysimachus, the confidential body-guard, and other officers. After
burying the dead according to his custom, Alexander sent Eumenes, the
secretary,[708] with 300 cavalry to the two cities which had joined
Sangala in revolt, to tell those who held them about the capture of
Sangala, and to inform them that they would receive no harsh treatment
from Alexander if they stayed there and received him as a friend; for
no harm had happened to any of the other independent Indians who had
surrendered to him of their own accord. But they had become frightened,
and had abandoned the cities and were fleeing; for the news had already
reached them that Alexander had taken Sangala by storm. When Alexander
was informed of their flight he pursued them with speed; but most of
them were too quick for him, and effected their escape, because the
pursuit began from a distant starting-place. But all those who were
left behind in the retreat from weakness, were seized by the army and
killed, to the number of about 500. Then, giving up the design of
pursuing the fugitives any further, he returned to Sangala, and razed
the city to the ground. He added the land to that of the Indians who
had formerly been independent, but who had then voluntarily submitted
to him. He then sent Porus with his forces to the cities which had
submitted to him, to introduce garrisons into them; whilst he himself,
with his army, advanced to the river Hyphasis,[709] to subjugate the
Indians beyond it. Nor did there seem to him any end of the war, so
long as anything hostile to him remained.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE ARMY REFUSES TO ADVANCE.—ALEXANDER’S SPEECH TO THE OFFICERS.
It was reported that the country beyond the river Hyphasis was fertile,
and that the men were good agriculturists, and gallant in war; and
that they conducted their own political affairs in a regular and
constitutional manner. For the multitude was ruled by the aristocracy,
who governed in no respect contrary to the rules of moderation. It was
also stated that the men of that district possessed a much greater
number of elephants than the other Indians, and that those men were
of very great stature, and excelled in valour. These reports excited
in Alexander an ardent desire to advance farther; but the spirit of
the Macedonians now began to flag, when they saw the king raising
one labour after another, and incurring one danger after another.
Conferences were held throughout the camp, in which those who were the
most moderate bewailed their lot, while others resolutely declared that
they would not follow Alexander any farther, even if he should lead
the way. When he heard of this, before the disorder and pusillanimity
of the soldiers should advance to a great degree, he called a council
of the officers of the brigades and addressed them as follows:—“O
Macedonians and Grecian allies, seeing that you no longer follow me
into dangerous enterprises with a resolution equal to that which
formerly animated you, I have collected you together into the same
spot, so that I may either persuade you to march forward with me, or
may be persuaded by you to return. If indeed the labours which you
have already undergone up to our present position seem to you worthy
of disapprobation, and if you do not approve of my leading you into
them, there can be no advantage in my speaking any further. But, if as
the result of these labours, you hold possession of Ionia,[710] the
Hellespont, both the Phrygias, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lydia, Caria,
Lycia, Pamphylia, Phoenicia, Egypt together with Grecian Libya, as
well as part of Arabia, Hollow Syria, Syria between the rivers,[711]
Babylon, the nation of the Susians, Persia, Media, besides all the
nations which the Persians and the Medes ruled, and many of those which
they did not rule, the land beyond the Caspian Gates, the country
beyond the Caucasus, the Tanais, as well as the land beyond that river,
Bactria, Hyrcania, and the Hyrcanian Sea; if we have also subdued
the Scythians as far as the desert; if, in addition to these, the
river Indus flows through our territory, as do also the Hydaspes, the
Acesines, and the Hydraotes, why do ye shrink from adding the Hyphasis
also, and the nations beyond this river, to your empire of Macedonia?
Do ye fear that your advance will be stopped in the future by any other
barbarians? Of whom some submit to us of their own accord, and others
are captured in the act of fleeing, while others, succeeding in their
efforts to escape, hand over to us their deserted land, which we add to
that of our allies, or to that of those who have voluntarily submitted
to us.
CHAPTER XXVI.
ALEXANDER’S SPEECH (_continued_).
“I, for my part, think, that to a brave man there is no end to labours
except the labours themselves, provided they lead to glorious
achievements. But if any one desires to hear what will be the end to
the warfare itself, let him learn that the distance still remaining
before we reach the river Ganges and the Eastern Sea is not great; and
I inform you that the Hyrcanian Sea will be seen to be united with
this, because the Great Sea encircles the whole earth. I will also
demonstrate both to the Macedonians and to the Grecian allies, that the
Indian Gulf is confluent with the Persian, and the Hyrcanian Sea with
the Indian Gulf. From the Persian Gulf our expedition will sail round
into Libya as far as the Pillars of Heracles.[712] From the pillars all
the interior of Libya[713] becomes ours, and so the whole of Asia[714]
will belong to us, and the limits of our empire, in that direction,
will be those which God has made also the limits of the earth. But, if
we now return, many warlike nations are left unconquered beyond the
Hyphasis as far as the Eastern Sea, and many besides between these and
Hyrcania in the direction of the north wind, and not far from these the
Scythian races. Wherefore, if we go back, there is reason to fear that
the races which are now held in subjection, not being firm in their
allegiance, may be excited to revolt by those who are not yet subdued.
Then our many labours will prove to have been in vain; or it will be
necessary for us to incur over again fresh labours and dangers, as
at the beginning. But, O Macedonians and Grecian allies, stand firm!
Glorious are the deeds of those who undergo labour and run the risk
of danger; and it is delightful to live a life of valour and to die
leaving behind immortal glory. Do ye not know that our ancestor[715]
reached so great a height of glory as from being a man to become a god,
or to seem to become one, not by remaining in Tiryns[716] or Argos, or
even in the Peloponnese or at Thebes? The labours of Dionysus were not
few, and he was too exalted a deity to be compared with Heracles. But
we, indeed, have penetrated into regions beyond Nysa[717]; and the rock
of Aornus, which Heracles was unable to capture, is in our possession.
Do ye also add the parts of Asia still left unsubdued to those already
acquired, the few to the many. But what great or glorious deed could
we have performed, if, sitting at ease in Macedonia, we had thought
it sufficient to preserve our own country without any labour, simply
repelling the attacks of the nations on our frontiers, the Thracians,
Illyrians, and Triballians, or even those Greeks who were unfriendly
to our interests? If, indeed, without undergoing labour and being free
from danger I were acting as your commander, while you were undergoing
labour and incurring danger, not without reason would you be growing
faint in spirit and resolution, because you alone would be sharing
the labours, while procuring the rewards of them for others. But now
the labours are common to you and me, we have an equal share of the
dangers, and the rewards are open to the free competition of all. For
the land is yours, and you act as its viceroys. The greater part also
of the money now comes to you; and when we have traversed the whole of
Asia, then, by Zeus, not merely having satisfied your expectations, but
having even exceeded the advantages which each man hopes to receive,
those of you who wish to return home I will send back to their own
land, or I will myself lead them back; while those who remain here, I
will make objects of envy to those who go back.”[718]
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE ANSWER OF COENUS.
When Alexander had uttered these remarks, and others in the same
strain, a long silence ensued, for the auditors neither had the
audacity to speak in opposition to the king without constraint, nor did
they wish to acquiesce in his proposal. Hereupon, he repeatedly urged
any one who wished it, to speak, if he entertained different views
from those which he had himself expressed. Nevertheless the silence
still continued a long time; but at last, Coenus, son of Polemocrates,
plucked up courage and spoke as follows[719]:—“O king, inasmuch as
thou dost not wish to rule Macedonians by compulsion, but sayest thou
wilt lead them by persuasion, or yielding to their persuasion wilt not
use violence towards them, I am going to make a speech, not on my own
behalf and that of my colleagues here present, who are held in greater
honour than the other soldiers, and most of us have already carried off
the rewards of our labours, and from our pre-eminence are more zealous
than the rest to serve thee in all things; but I am going to speak on
behalf of the bulk of the army. On behalf of this army I am not going
to say what may be gratifying to the men, but what I consider to be
both advantageous to thee at present, and safest for the future. I feel
it incumbent upon me not to conceal what I think the best course to
pursue, both on account of my age, the honour paid to me by the rest
of the army at thy behest, and the boldness which I have without any
hesitation displayed up to the present time in incurring dangers and
undergoing labours. The more numerous and the greater the exploits
have been, which were achieved by thee as our commander, and by those
who started from home with thee, the more advantageous does it seem to
me that some end should be put to our labours and dangers. For thou
thyself seest how many Macedonians and Greeks started with thee, and
how few of us have been left. Of our number thou didst well in sending
back home the Thessalians at once from Bactra, because thou didst
perceive that they were no longer eager to undergo labours.[720] Of the
other Greeks, some have been settled as colonists in the cities which
thou hast founded; where they remain not indeed all of them of their
own free will. The Macedonian soldiers and the other Greeks who still
continued to share our labours and dangers, have either perished in
the battles, become unfit for war on account of their wounds, or been
left behind in the different parts of Asia. The majority, however, have
perished from disease, so that few are left out of many; and these few
are no longer equally vigorous in body, while in spirit they are much
more exhausted. All those whose parents still survive, feel a great
yearning to see them once more; they feel a yearning after their wives
and children, and a yearning for their native land itself; which it is
surely pardonable for them to yearn to see again with the honour and
dignity they have acquired from thee, returning as great men, whereas
they departed small, and as rich men instead of being poor. Do not
lead us now against our will; for thou wilt no longer find us the same
men in regard to dangers, since free-will will be wanting to us in
the contests. But, rather, if it seem good to thee, return to thy own
land, see thy mother, regulate the affairs of the Greeks, and carry to
the home of thy fathers these victories so many and great. Then start
afresh on another expedition, if thou wishest, against these very
tribes of Indians situated towards the east; or, if thou wishest, into
the Euxine Sea[721]; or else against Carchedon and the parts of Libya
beyond the Carchedonians.[722] It is now thy business to manage these
matters; and the other Macedonians and Greeks will follow thee, young
men in place of old, fresh men in place of exhausted ones, and men to
whom warfare has no terrors, because up to the present time they have
had no experience of it; and they will be eager to set out, from hope
of future reward. The probability also is, that they will accompany
thee with still more zeal on this account, when they see that those who
in the earlier expedition shared thy labours and dangers have returned
to their own abodes as rich men instead of being poor, and renowned
instead of being obscure as they were before. Self-control in the midst
of success is the noblest of all virtues, O king! For thou hast nothing
to fear from enemies, while thou art commanding and leading such an
army as this; but the visitations of the deity are unexpected, and
consequently men can take no precautions against them.”
CHAPTER XXVIII.
ALEXANDER RESOLVES TO RETURN.
When Coenus had concluded this speech, loud applause was given to his
words by those who were present; and the fact that many even shed
tears, made it still more evident that they were disinclined to incur
further hazards, and that return would be delightful to them. Alexander
then broke up the conference, being annoyed at the freedom of speech
in which Coenus indulged, and the hesitation displayed by the other
officers. But the next day he called the same men together again in
wrath, and told them that he intended to advance farther, but would
not force any Macedonian to accompany him against his will; that he
would have those only who followed their king of their own accord; and
that those who wished to return home were at liberty to return and
carry back word to their relations that they were come back, having
deserted their king in the midst of his enemies. Having said this, he
retired into his tent, and did not admit any of the Companions on that
day, or until the third day from that, waiting to see if any change
would occur in the minds of the Macedonians and Grecian allies, as is
wont to happen, as a general rule among a crowd of soldiers, rendering
them more disposed to obey. But on the contrary, when there was a
profound silence throughout the camp, and the soldiers were evidently
annoyed at his wrath, without being at all changed by it, Ptolemy, son
of Lagus, says that he none the less offered sacrifice there for the
passage of the river, but the victims were unfavourable to him when he
sacrificed. Then indeed he collected the oldest of the Companions and
especially those who were friendly to him, and as all things indicated
the advisability of returning, he made known to the army that he had
resolved to march back again.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ALEXANDER RECROSSES THE HYDRAOTES AND ACESINES.
Then they shouted as a mixed multitude would shout when rejoicing;
and most of them shed tears of joy. Some of them even approached the
royal tent, and prayed for many blessings upon Alexander; because by
them alone he suffered himself to be conquered. Then he divided the
army into brigades, and ordered twelve altars to be prepared, equal in
height to very large towers, and in breadth much larger than towers,
to serve as thank-offerings to the gods who had led him so far as a
conqueror, and also to serve as monuments of his own labours.[723] When
the altars were completed, he offered sacrifice upon them according to
his custom, and celebrated a gymnastic and equestrian contest. After
adding the country as far as the river Hyphasis to the dominion of
Porus, he marched back to the Hydraotes. Having crossed this river, he
continued his return march to the Acesines, where he found the city
which Hephaestion had been ordered to fortify, quite built. In this
city he settled as many of the neighbouring people as volunteered
to live in it, as well as those of the Grecian mercenaries who were
now unfit for military service; and then began to make the necessary
preparations for a voyage down the river into the Great Sea. At this
time Arsaces, the ruler of the land bordering on that of Abisares, and
the brother of the latter, with his other relations, came to Alexander,
bringing the gifts which are reckoned most valuable among the Indians,
including some elephants from Abisares, thirty in number. They declared
that Abisares himself was unable to come on account of illness; and
with these men the ambassadors sent by Alexander to Abisares agreed.
Readily believing that such was the case, he granted that prince the
privilege of ruling his own country as his viceroy, and placed Arsaces
also under his power. After arranging what tribute they were to pay, he
again offered sacrifice near the river Acesines. He then crossed that
river again, and came to the Hydaspes, where he employed the army in
repairing the damage caused to the cities of Nicaea and Bucephala by
the rain, and put the other affairs of the country in order.
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER I.
PREPARATIONS FOR A VOYAGE DOWN THE INDUS.
Alexander now resolved to sail down the Hydaspes to the Great Sea,
after he had prepared on the banks of that river many thirty-oared
galleys and others with one and a half bank of oars, as well as a
number of vessels for conveying horses, and all the other things
requisite for the easy conveyance of an army on a river. At first
he thought he had discovered the origin of the Nile, when he saw
crocodiles in the river Indus, which he had seen in no other river
except the Nile,[724] as well as beans growing near the banks of
the Acesines of the same kind as those which the Egyptian land
produces.[725] This conjecture was confirmed when he heard that the
Acesines falls into the Indus. He thought the Nile rises somewhere or
other in India, and after flowing through an extensive tract of desert
country loses the name of Indus there; but afterwards when it begins to
flow again through the inhabited land, it is called Nile both by the
Aethiopians of that district and by the Egyptians, and finally empties
itself into the Inner Sea.[726] In like manner Homer made the river
Egypt give its name to the country of Egypt.[727] Accordingly when he
wrote to Olympias about the country of India, after mentioning other
things, he said that he thought he had discovered the sources of the
Nile, forming his conclusions about things so great from such small and
trivial premisses. However, when he had made a more careful inquiry
into the facts relating to the river Indus, he learned the following
details from the natives:—That the Hydaspes unites its water with
the Acesines, as the latter does with the Indus, and that they both
yield up their names to the Indus; that the last-named river has two
mouths, through which it discharges itself into the Great Sea; but that
it has no connection with the Egyptian country. He then removed from
the letter to his mother the part he had written about the Nile.[728]
Planning a voyage down the rivers as far as the Great Sea, he ordered
ships for this purpose to be prepared for him. The crews of his ships
were fully supplied from the Phoenicians, Cyprians, Carians, and
Egyptians who accompanied the army.
CHAPTER II.
VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDASPES.
At this time Coenus, who was one of Alexander’s most faithful
Companions, fell ill and died, and the king buried him with as much
magnificence as circumstances allowed. Then collecting the Companions
and the Indian envoys who had come to him, he appointed Porus king of
the part of India which had already been conquered, seven nations
in all, containing more than 2,000 cities. After this he made the
following distribution of his army.[729] With himself he placed on
board the ships all the shield-bearing guards, the archers, the
Agrianians, and the body-guard of cavalry.[730] Craterus led a part
of the infantry and cavalry along the right bank of the Hydaspes,
while along the other bank Hephaestion advanced at the head of the
most numerous and efficient part of the army, including the elephants,
which now numbered about 200. These generals were ordered to march
as quickly as possible to the place where the palace of Sopeithes
was situated,[731] and Philip, the viceroy of the country beyond the
Indus[732] extending to Bactria, was ordered to follow them with his
forces after an interval of three days. He sent the Nysaean cavalry
back to Nysa.[733] The whole of the naval force was under the command
of Nearchus; but the pilot of Alexander’s ship was Onesicritus,
who, in the narrative which he composed of Alexander’s campaigns,
falsely asserted that he was admiral, while in reality he was only
a pilot.[734] According to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, whose statements
I chiefly follow, the entire number of the ships was about eighty
thirty-oared galleys; but the whole number of vessels, including the
horse transports and boats, and all the other river craft, both those
previously plying on the rivers and those built at that time, fell not
far short of 2,000.[735]
CHAPTER III.
VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDASPES (_continued_).
When he had made all the necessary preparations the army began to
embark at the approach of the dawn; while according to custom he
offered sacrifice to the gods and to the river Hydaspes, as the
prophets directed.[736] When he had embarked he poured a libation into
the river from the prow of the ship out of a golden goblet, invoking
the Acesines as well as the Hydaspes, because he had ascertained that
it is the largest of all the rivers which unite with the Hydaspes, and
that their confluence was not far off. He also invoked the Indus, into
which the Acesines flows after its junction with the Hydaspes. Moreover
he poured out libations to his forefather Heracles, to Ammon,[737]
and the other gods to whom he was in the habit of sacrificing, and
then he ordered the signal for starting seawards to be given with the
trumpet. As soon as the signal was given they commenced the voyage in
regular order; for directions had been given at what distance apart
it was necessary for the baggage vessels to be arranged, as also for
the vessels conveying the horses and for the ships of war; so that
they might not fall foul of each other by sailing down the channel at
random. He did not allow even the fast-sailing ships to get out of rank
by outstripping the rest. The noise of the rowing was never equalled on
any other occasion, inasmuch as it proceeded from so many ships rowed
at the same time; also the shouting of the boatswains giving the time
for beginning and stopping the stroke of the oars, and the clamour of
the rowers, when keeping time all together with the dashing of the
oars, made a noise like a battle-cry. The banks of the river also,
being in many places higher than the ships, and collecting the sound
into a narrow space, sent back to each other an echo which was very
much increased by its very compression. In some parts too the groves
of trees on each side of the river helped to swell the sound, both
from the solitude and the reverberation of the noise. The horses which
were visible on the decks of the transports struck the barbarians who
saw them with such surprise that those of them who were present at
the starting of the fleet accompanied it a long way from the place of
embarkation. For horses had never before been seen on board ships in
the country of India; and the natives did not call to mind that the
expedition of Dionysus into India was a naval one. The shouting of the
rowers and the noise of the rowing were heard by the Indians who had
already submitted to Alexander, and these came running down to the
river’s bank and accompanied him singing their native songs. For the
Indians have been eminently fond of singing and dancing since the time
of Dionysus and those who under his bacchic inspiration traversed the
land of the Indians with him.[738]
CHAPTER IV.
VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDASPES INTO THE ACESINES.
Sailing thus, he stopped on the third day at the spot where he had
instructed Hephaestion and Craterus to encamp on opposite banks of
the river at the same place. Here he remained two days, until Philip
with the rest of the army came up with him. He then sent this general
with the men he brought with him to the river Acesines, with orders
to march along the bank of that river. He also sent Craterus and
Hephaestion off again with instructions how they were to conduct the
march. But he himself continued his voyage down the river Hydaspes,
the channel of which is nowhere less than twenty stades broad. Mooring
his vessels near the banks wherever he could, he received some of the
Indians dwelling near into allegiance by their voluntary surrender,
while he reduced by force those who came into a trial of strength
with him. Then he sailed rapidly towards the country of the Mallians
and Oxydracians, having ascertained that these tribes were the most
numerous and the most warlike of the Indians in that region; and
having been informed that they had put their wives and children for
safety into their strongest cities, with the resolution of fighting
a battle with him, he made the voyage with the greater speed with
the express design of attacking them before they had arranged their
plans, and while there was still lack of preparation and a state of
confusion among them. Thence he made his second start, and on the
fifth day reached the junction of the Hydaspes and Acesines. Where
these rivers unite, one very narrow river is formed out of the two;
and on account of its narrowness the current is swift. There are also
prodigious eddies in the whirling stream, and the water rises in waves
and plashes exceedingly, so that the noise of the swell of waters is
distinctly heard by people while they are still far off. These things
had previously been reported to Alexander by the natives, and he had
told his soldiers; and yet, when his army approached the junction
of the rivers, the noise made by the stream produced so great an
impression upon them that the sailors stopped rowing, not from any word
of command, but because the very boatswains who gave the time to the
rowers became silent from astonishment and stood aghast at the noise.
CHAPTER V.
VOYAGE DOWN THE ACESINES.
When they came near the junction of the rivers, the pilots passed on
the order that the men should row as hard as possible to get out of
the narrows, so that the ships might not fall into the eddies and be
overturned by them, but might by the vigorous rowing overcome the
whirlings of the water. Being of a round form, the merchant vessels
which happened to be whirled round by the current received no damage
from the eddy, but the men who were on board were thrown into disorder
and fright. For being kept upright by the force of the stream itself,
these vessels settled again into the onward course. But the ships
of war, being long, did not emerge so scatheless from the whirling
current, not being raised aloft in the same way as the others upon
the plashing swell of water. These ships had two ranks of oars on
each side, the lower oars being only a little out of the water. These
vessels getting athwart in the eddies, their oars could not be raised
aloft in proper time and were consequently caught by the water and came
into collision with each other. Thus many of the ships were damaged;
two indeed fell foul of each other and were destroyed, and many of
those sailing in them perished.[739] But when the river widened out,
there the current was no longer so rapid, and the eddies did not whirl
round with so much violence. Alexander therefore moored his fleet on
the right bank, where there was a protection from the force of the
stream and a roadstead for the ships. A certain promontory also in the
river jutted out conveniently for collecting the wrecks. He preserved
the lives of the men who were still being conveyed upon them; and when
he had repaired the damaged ships, he ordered Nearchus to sail down
the river until he reached the confines of the nation called Mallians.
He himself made an inroad into the territories of the barbarians who
would not yield to him, and after preventing them from succouring the
Mallians, he again formed a junction with the naval armament.[740]
Hephaestion, Craterus, and Philip had already united their forces here.
Alexander then transported the elephants, the brigade of Polysperchon,
the horse-archers, and Philip with his army, across the river Hydaspes,
and instructed Craterus to lead them. He sent Nearchus with the fleet
with orders to set sail three days before the army started. He divided
the rest of his army into three parts, and ordered Hephaestion to
go five days in advance, so that if any should flee before the men
under his own command and go rapidly forward they might fall in with
Hephaestion’s brigade and thus be captured. He also gave a part of the
army to Ptolemy, son of Lagus, with orders to follow him after the
lapse of three days, so that all those who fled from him and turned
back again might fall in with Ptolemy’s brigade. He ordered those in
advance to wait, when they arrived at the confluence of the rivers
Acesines and Hydraotes, until he himself came up; and he instructed
Craterus and Ptolemy also to form a junction with him at the same place.
CHAPTER VI.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MALLIANS.
He then took the shield-bearing guards, the bowmen, the Agrianians,
Peithon’s brigade of men, who were called foot Companions, all the
horse bowmen and half the cavalry Companions, and marched through a
tract of country destitute of water against the Mallians, a tribe of
the independent Indians.[741] On the first day he encamped near a
small piece of water which was about 100 stades distant from the river
Acesines. Having dined there and caused his army to rest a short time,
he ordered every man to fill whatever vessel he had with water. After
travelling the remaining part of that day and all the ensuing night
a distance of about 400 stades, he at daybreak reached the city into
which many of the Mallians had fled for refuge. Most of them were
outside the city and unarmed, supposing that Alexander would never come
against them through the waterless country. It was evident that he led
his army by this route for this very reason, because it was difficult
to lead an army this way, and consequently it appeared incredible to
the enemy that he would lead his forces in this direction. He therefore
fell upon them unexpectedly, and killed most of them without their
even turning to defend themselves, since they were unarmed. He cooped
the rest up in the city, and posted his cavalry all round the wall,
because the phalanx of infantry had not yet[742] come up with him.
He thus made use of his cavalry in place of a stockade. As soon as
the infantry arrived, he sent Perdiccas with his own cavalry regiment
and that of Clitus, as well as the Agrianians, against another city
of the Mallians, whither many of the Indians of that region had fled
for refuge. He ordered Perdiccas to blockade the men in the city, but
not to commence the action until he himself should arrive, so that
none might escape from this city and carry news to the rest of the
barbarians that Alexander was already approaching. He then began to
assault the wall; but the barbarians abandoned it, finding that they
were no longer able to defend it, since many had been killed in the
capture, and others had been rendered unfit for fighting on account
of their wounds. Fleeing for refuge into the citadel, they defended
themselves for some time from a position commanding from its height
and difficult of access. But as the Macedonians pressed on vigorously
from all sides, and Alexander himself appeared now in this part of the
action and now in that, the citadel was taken by storm, and all the men
who had fled into it for refuge were killed, to the number of 2,000.
Perdiccas also reached the city to which he had been despatched and
found it deserted; but learning that the inhabitants had fled from it
not long before, he made a forced march on the track of the fugitives.
The light-armed troops followed him as quickly as they could on foot,
so that he took and massacred as many of the fugitives as could not
outstrip him and flee for safety into the river-marshes.
CHAPTER VII.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MALLIANS (_continued_).
After dining and causing his men to rest until the first watch of the
night, Alexander marched forward; and travelling a great distance
through the night, he arrived at the river Hydraotes[743] at daybreak.
There he ascertained that most of the Mallians had already crossed the
river; but coming upon those who were still in the act of crossing, he
slew many of them in their passage. Having crossed with them in pursuit
without any delay by the same ford, he kept close up with those who had
outstripped him in their retreat. Many also of these he slew; some he
took prisoners; but the majority of them escaped into a place strong by
nature and made more so by fortifications. When the infantry reached
him, Alexander despatched Peithon against the men in the fortress,
giving him the command of his own brigade of infantry and two regiments
of cavalry. These, attacking the place, took it at the first assault,
and made slaves of all those who had fled thither for safety, at least
as many of them as had not perished in the attack. After accomplishing
this, Peithon returned again to the camp. Alexander in person led
his forces against a certain city of the Brachmans,[744] because he
ascertained that some of the Mallians had fled for refuge into it. When
he reached it, he led his phalanx in serried ranks close up to the wall
on all sides. The enemy seeing that their walls were being undermined,
and being themselves repulsed by the missiles, abandoned the walls, and
having fled for safety into the citadel, began to defend themselves
from thence. A few Macedonians having rushed in with them, turning
round and drawing together into a close body, drove some of them back
and killed five-and-twenty of them in their retreat. Hereupon Alexander
ordered the scaling-ladders to be placed against the citadel on all
sides, and the wall to be undermined; and when one of the towers, being
undermined, fell down, and a part of the wall between two towers was
breached, and thus rendered the citadel more accessible to assault
in this quarter, he was seen to be the first man to scale the wall
and get hold of it. The other Macedonians seeing him were ashamed of
themselves and mounted the ladders in various places. The citadel was
soon in their possession. Some of the Indians began to set fire to the
houses, and being caught in them were killed; but most of them were
slain fighting. About 5,000 in all were killed; and on account of their
valour, only a few were taken prisoners.
CHAPTER VIII.
DEFEAT OF THE MALLIANS AT THE RIVER HYDRAOTES.
Having remained there one day to give his army rest, he advanced on the
morrow against the other Mallians. He found the cities abandoned, and
ascertained that the men had fled into the desert. There he again gave
the army one day’s rest, and on the next day sent Peithon and Demetrius
the cavalry general back to the river, in command of their own troops,
giving them in addition as many battalions of the light-armed infantry
as were sufficient for the enterprise. Their instructions were to go
along the bank of the river, and if they met any of those who had fled
for safety into the woods, of which there were many near the river’s
bank, to kill all who refused to surrender. Peithon and Demetrius
captured many of these in the woods and killed them. He himself led
his forces against the largest city of the Mallians, whither he was
informed many from the other cities had taken refuge. But this also the
Indians abandoned when they heard that Alexander was marching against
it. Crossing the river Hydraotes, they remained with their forces drawn
up upon its bank, because it was high, and they thought they could
obstruct Alexander’s passage. When he heard this, he took all the
cavalry which he had with him, and went to the part of the river where
he was informed that the Mallians had drawn themselves up for battle;
and the infantry was ordered to follow. When he reached the river and
beheld the enemy drawn up on the opposite bank, he made no delay, but
instantly plunged into the ford with the cavalry alone. When they saw
that he was now in the middle of the river, though they were drawn
up ready for battle, they withdrew from the bank with all speed; and
Alexander followed them with his cavalry alone. But when the Indians
perceived only cavalry, they wheeled round and fought with desperate
valour, being about 50,000 in number. When Alexander perceived that
their phalanx was densely compact, and that his own infantry was
absent, he rode right round their army and made charges upon them, but
did not come to close fighting with them. Meanwhile the archers, the
Agrianians and the other battalions of light-armed infantry, being
picked men whom he was leading with him, arrived, and his phalanx of
infantry was seen not far off. As all kinds of danger were threatening
them at once, the Indians now wheeled round again and began to flee
with headlong speed into the strongest of their adjacent cities; but
Alexander followed them and slew many, while those who escaped into the
city were cooped up within it. At first indeed he surrounded the city
with the horse-soldiers as they came up from the march; but when the
infantry arrived, he encamped all round the wall for this day, because
not much of it was left for making the assault, and his army had been
exhausted, the infantry by the long march, and the cavalry by the
uninterrupted pursuit, and especially by the passage of the river.
CHAPTER IX.
STORMING OF THE MALLIAN STRONGHOLD.
On the following day, dividing the army into two parts, he himself
assaulted the wall at the head of one, and Perdiccas led on the
other. Upon this the Indians did not wait to receive the attack of
the Macedonians, but abandoned the walls of the city and fled for
safety into the citadel. Alexander and his troops therefore split
open a small gate, and got within the city long before the others;
for those who had been put under Perdiccas were behind time, having
experienced difficulty in scaling the walls, as most of them did not
bring ladders, thinking that the city had been captured, when they
observed that the walls were deserted by the defenders. But when the
citadel was seen to be still in the possession of the enemy, and many
of them were observed drawn up in front of it to repel attacks, some
of the Macedonians tried to force an entry by undermining the wall,
and others by placing scaling ladders against it, wherever it was
practicable to do so. Alexander, thinking that the men who carried the
ladders were too slow, snatched one from a man who was carrying it,
placed it against the wall, and began to mount it, crouching under his
shield. After him mounted Peucestas, the man who carried the sacred
shield which Alexander took from the temple of the Trojan Athena and
used to keep with him, and have it carried before him in all his
battles.[745] After Peucestas, by the same ladder ascended Leonnatus
the confidential body-guard; and up another ladder went Abreas, one of
the soldiers who received double pay for distinguished services.[746]
The king was now near the battlement of the wall, and leaning his
shield against it was pushing some of the Indians within the fort,
and had cleared that part of the wall, by killing others with his
sword. The shield-bearing guards becoming very anxious for the king’s
safety, pushed each other with ardour up the same ladder and broke it;
so that those who were already mounting fell down and made the ascent
impracticable for the rest. Alexander then, standing upon the wall,
was being assailed all round from the adjacent towers; for none of the
Indians dared approach him. He was also being assailed by the men in
the city, who were throwing darts at him from no great distance; for
a mound of earth happened to have been heaped up there opposite the
wall. Alexander was conspicuous both by the brightness of his weapons
and by his extraordinary display of audacity. He therefore perceived
that if he remained where he was, he would be incurring danger without
being able to perform anything at all worthy of consideration; but
if he leaped down within the fort he might perhaps by this very act
strike the Indians with terror, and if he did not, but should only
thereby be incurring danger, at any rate he would die not ignobly
after performing great deeds of valour worthy of recollection by men
of after times.[747] Forming this resolution, he leaped down from the
wall into the citadel; where, supporting himself against the wall, he
struck with his sword and killed some of the Indians who came to close
quarters with him, including their leader, who rushed upon him too
boldly. Another man who approached him he kept in check by hurling a
stone at him, and a third in like manner. Those who advanced nearer to
him he again kept off with his sword; so that the barbarians were no
longer willing to approach him, but standing round him cast at him from
all sides whatever any one happened to have or could get hold of at the
time.
CHAPTER X.
ALEXANDER DANGEROUSLY WOUNDED.
Meantime Peucestas and Abreas, the soldier entitled to double pay,
and after them Leonnatus, being the only men who happened to have
scaled the wall before the ladders were broken, had leaped down and
were fighting in front of the king. Abreas, the man entitled to double
pay, fell there, being shot with an arrow in the forehead. Alexander
himself also was wounded with an arrow under the breast through his
breastplate into the chest, so that Ptolemy says air was breathed out
from the wound together with the blood. But although he was faint with
exhaustion, he defended himself, as long as his blood was still warm.
But the blood streaming out copiously and without ceasing at every
expiration of breath, he was seized with a dizziness and swooning,
and bending over fell upon his shield. After he had fallen Peucestas
defended him, holding over him in front the sacred shield brought
from Troy; and on the other side he was defended by Leonnatus. But
both these men were themselves wounded, and Alexander was now nearly
fainting away from loss of blood. For the Macedonians had experienced
great difficulty in the assault also on this account, because those
who saw Alexander being shot at upon the wall and then leaping down
into the citadel within, in their ardour arising from fear lest their
king should meet with any mishap by recklessly exposing himself to
danger, broke the ladders. Then some began to devise one plan and
others another to mount upon the wall, as well as they could in their
state of embarrassment, some fixing pegs into the wall, which was made
of earth, and suspending themselves from these hoisted themselves up
with difficulty by their means; others got up by mounting one upon
the other. The first man who got up threw himself down from the wall
into the city, and so on in succession; and when they saw the king
lying there on the ground they all raised a loud lamentation and howl
of grief. Now ensued a desperate conflict around his fallen body, one
Macedonian after another holding his shield in front of him. In the
meantime some of the soldiers having shivered in pieces the bar by
which the gate in the space of wall between the towers was secured,
entered the city a few at the time; while others, inasmuch as a gap
had been made in the gate, put their shoulders under it and forced it
into the space inside the wall, and thus laid the citadel open in that
quarter.
CHAPTER XI.
ALEXANDER WOUNDED.
Hereupon some of them began to kill the Indians, all of whom they slew,
sparing not even a woman or child. Others carried off the king, who
was lying in a faint condition, upon his shield; and they could not
yet tell whether he was likely to survive. Some authors have stated
that Critodemus, a physician of Cos, an Asclepiad by birth,[748]
made an incision into the injured part and drew the weapon out of
the wound. Other authors say that as there was no physician present
at the critical moment, Perdiccas, the confidential body-guard, at
Alexander’s bidding, made an incision with his sword into the wounded
part and removed the weapon. On its removal there was such a copious
effusion of blood that Alexander swooned again; and the effect of
the swoon was, that the effusion of blood was stanched.[749] Many
other things concerning this catastrophe have been recorded by the
historians; and Rumour having received the statements as they were
given by the first falsifiers of the facts, still preserves them even
to our times, nor will she desist from handing the falsehoods on to
others also in regular succession, unless a stop is put to it by this
history.[750] For example, the common account is, that this calamity
befell Alexander among the Oxydracians; whereas, it really occurred
among the Mallians, an independent tribe of Indians; the city belonged
to the Mallians,[751] and the men who wounded him were Mallians. These
people, indeed, had resolved to join their forces with the Oxydracians
and then to make a desperate struggle; but he forestalled them by
marching against them through the waterless country, before any aid
could reach them from the Oxydracians, or they could render any help
to the latter. Moreover, the common account is, that the last battle
fought with Darius was near Arbela, at which battle he fled and did not
desist from flight until he was arrested by Bessus and put to death
at Alexander’s approach; just as the battle before this was at Issus,
and the first cavalry battle near the Granicus. The cavalry battle did
really take place near the Granicus, and the next battle with Darius
near Issus; but those authors who make Arbela most distant say that it
is 600[752] stades distant from the place where the last battle between
Alexander and Darius was fought, while those who make it least distant,
say that it is 500 stades off. Moreover, Ptolemy and Aristobulus say
that the battle was fought at Gaugamela near the river Bumodus. But as
Gaugamela was not a city, but only a large village, the place is not
celebrated, nor is the name pleasing to the ear; hence, it seems to
me, that Arbela, being a city, has carried off the glory of the great
battle. But if it is necessary to consider that this engagement took
place near Arbela, being in reality so far distant from it, then it is
allowable to say that the sea-battle fought at Salamis occurred near
the isthmus[753] of the Corinthians, and that fought at Artemisium, in
Euboea, occurred near Aegina or Sunium. Moreover, in regard to those
who covered Alexander with their shields in his peril, all agree that
Peucestas did so; but they no longer agree in regard to Leonnatus or
Abreas, the soldier in receipt of double pay for his distinguished
services. Some say that Alexander, having received a blow on the head
with a piece of wood, fell down in a fit of dizziness; and that having
risen again he was wounded with a dart through the corselet in the
chest. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that he received only this wound
in the chest. However, in my opinion, the greatest error made by those
who have written the history of Alexander is the following. There are
some who have recorded[754] that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, in company with
Peucestas, mounted the ladder with Alexander; that Ptolemy held his
shield over him when he lay wounded, and that he was called Soter (the
preserver) on that account.[755] And yet Ptolemy himself has recorded
that he was not even present at this engagement, but was fighting
battles against other barbarians at the head of another army. Let me
mention these facts as a digression from the main narrative, so that
the correct account of such great deeds and calamities may not be a
matter of indifference to men of the future.[756]
CHAPTER XII.
ANXIETY OF THE SOLDIERS ABOUT ALEXANDER.
While Alexander was remaining in this place until his wound was cured,
the first news which reached the camp from which he had set out to
attack the Mallians was that he had died of the wound; and at first
there arose a sound of lamentation from the entire army, as one man
handed the rumour on to another. When they ceased their lamentation,
they became spiritless, and felt perplexed as to the man who was to
become the leader of the army; for many of the officers seemed to have
stood in equal rank and merit, both in the opinion of Alexander and
in that of the Macedonians. They were also in a state of perplexity
how to get back in safety to their own country, being quite enclosed
by so many warlike nations, some of whom had not yet submitted, and
who they conjectured would fight stoutly for their freedom; while
others would no doubt revolt as soon as they were relieved of their
fear of Alexander. Besides, they seemed at that time to be in the
midst of impassable rivers, and all things appeared to them uncertain
and impracticable now that they were bereft of Alexander. But when at
length the news came that he was still alive, they with difficulty
acquiesced in it; and did not yet believe that he was likely to
survive. Even when a letter came from the king, saying that he was
coming down to the camp in a short time, this did not appear to most
of them worthy of credit, on account of their excessive fear; for
they conjectured that the letter was concocted by his confidential
body-guards and generals.
CHAPTER XIII.
JOY OF THE SOLDIERS AT ALEXANDER’S RECOVERY.
When Alexander became acquainted with this, for fear some attempt at a
revolution might be made in the army, he had himself conveyed, as soon
as it could be done with safety, to the bank of the river Hydraotes,
and placed in a boat to sail down the river. For the camp was at the
confluence of the Hydraotes and Acesines, where Hephaestion was at the
head of the army, and Nearchus of the fleet. When the ship bearing the
king approached the camp, he ordered the tent covering to be removed
from the stern, that he might be visible to all. But they were still
incredulous, thinking, forsooth, that Alexander’s corpse was being
conveyed on the vessel; until at length he stretched out his hand to
the multitude, when the ship was nearing the bank. Then the men raised
a cheer, lifting their hands, some towards the sky and others to the
king himself. Many even shed involuntary tears at the unexpected sight.
Some of the shield-bearing guards brought a litter for him when he
was conveyed out of the ship; but he ordered them to fetch his horse.
When he was seen again mounting his horse, the whole army re-echoed
with loud clapping of hands, so that the banks of the river and the
groves near them reverberated with the sound. On approaching his tent
he dismounted from his horse, so that he might be seen walking. Then
the men came near, some on one side, others on the other, some touching
his hands, others his knees, others only his clothes. Some only came
close to get a sight of him, and went away having chanted his praise,
while others threw garlands upon him, or the flowers which the country
of India supplied at that season of the year. Nearchus says that some
of his friends incurred his displeasure, reproaching him for exposing
himself to danger in the front of the army in battle; which they said
was the duty of a private soldier, and not that of the general.[757]
It seems to me that Alexander was offended at these remarks, because
he knew that they were correct, and that he deserved the censure.
However, like those who are mastered by any other pleasure, he had
not sufficient self-control to keep aloof from danger, through his
impetuosity in battle and his passion for glory. Nearchus also says
that a certain old Boeotian, whose name he does not mention, perceiving
that Alexander was offended at the censures of his friends and was
looking sullenly at them, came near him, and speaking in the Boeotian
dialect, said: “O Alexander, it is the part of heroes to perform great
deeds!” and repeated a certain Iambic verse, the purport of which
is, that the man who performs anything great is destined also to
suffer.[758] This man was not only acceptable to Alexander at the time,
but was afterwards received into his more intimate acquaintance.
CHAPTER XIV.
VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDRAOTES AND ACESINES INTO THE INDUS.
At this time arrived envoys from the Mallians who still survived,
offering the submission of the nation; also from the Oxydracians came
both the leaders of the cities and the governors of the provinces,
accompanied by the other 150 most notable men, with full powers to make
a treaty, bringing the gifts which are considered most valuable among
the Indians, and also, like the Mallians, offering the submission of
their nation. They said that their error in not having sent an embassy
to him before was pardonable, because they excelled other races in the
desire to be free and independent, and their freedom had been secure
from the time Dionysus came into India until Alexander came; but if
it seemed good to him, inasmuch as there was a general report that
he also was sprung from gods, they were willing to receive whatever
viceroy he might appoint, pay the tribute decreed by him, and give
him as many hostages as he might demand. He therefore demanded the
thousand best men of the nation, whom he might hold as hostages, if he
pleased; and if not, that he might keep them as soldiers in his army,
until he had finished the war which he was waging against the other
Indians. They accordingly selected the thousand best and tallest men
of their number, and sent them to him, together with 500 chariots and
charioteers, though these were not demanded. Alexander appointed Philip
viceroy over these people and the Mallians who were still surviving.
He sent back the hostages to them, but retained the chariots. When
he had satisfactorily arranged these matters, since many vessels had
been built during the delay arising from his being wounded,[759] he
embarked 1,700 of the cavalry Companions, as many of the light-armed
troops as before, and 10,000 infantry, and sailed a short distance down
the river Hydraotes. But when that river mingled its waters with the
Acesines, the latter giving its name to the united stream, he continued
his voyage down the Acesines, until he reached its junction with the
Indus. For these four large rivers,[760] which are all navigable,
discharge their water into the river Indus, though each does not
retain its distinct name. For the Hydaspes discharges itself into the
Acesines, and after the junction the whole stream forms what is called
the Acesines. Again this same river unites with the Hydraotes, and
after absorbing this river, still retains its own name. After this
the Acesines takes in the Hyphasis, and finally flows into the Indus
under its own name; but after the junction it yields its name to the
Indus. From this point I have no doubt that the Indus proceeds 100
stades,[761] and perhaps more, before it is divided so as to form the
Delta; and there it spreads out more like a lake than a river.
CHAPTER XV.
VOYAGE DOWN THE INDUS TO THE LAND OF MUSICANUS.
There, at the confluence of the Acesines and Indus, he waited until
Perdiccas with the army arrived, after having routed on his way the
independent tribe of the Abastanians.[762] Meantime, he was joined by
other thirty-oared galleys and trading vessels which had been built
for him among the Xathrians, another independent tribe of Indians who
had yielded to him. From the Ossadians, who were also an independent
tribe of Indians, came envoys to offer the submission of their nation.
Having fixed the confluence of the Acesines and Indus as the limit
of Philip’s viceroyalty, he left with him all the Thracians and as
many men from the infantry regiments as appeared to him sufficient to
provide for the security of the country. He then ordered a city to be
founded there at the very junction of the two rivers, expecting that
it would become large and famous among men.[763] He also ordered a
dockyard to be made there. At this time the Bactrian Oxyartes, father
of his wife Roxana, came to him, to whom he gave the viceroyalty over
the Parapamisadians, after dismissing the former viceroy, Tiryaspes,
because he was reported to be exercising his authority improperly.[764]
Then he transported Craterus with the main body of the army and the
elephants to the left bank of the river Indus, both because it seemed
easier for a heavy-armed force to march along that side of the river,
and the tribes dwelling near were not quite friendly. He himself sailed
down to the capital of the Sogdians; where he fortified another city,
made another dockyard, and repaired his shattered vessels. He appointed
Oxyartes viceroy, and Peithon general of the land extending from the
confluence of the Indus and Acesines as far as the sea, together with
all the coastland of India. He then again despatched Craterus with
his army through the country of the Arachotians and Drangians; and
himself sailed down the river into the dominions of Musicanus, which
was reported to be the most prosperous part of India. He advanced
against this king because he had not yet come to meet him to offer the
submission of himself and his land, nor had he sent envoys to seek
his alliance. He had not even sent him the gifts which were suitable
for a great king, or asked any favour from him. He accelerated his
voyage down the river to such a degree that he succeeded in reaching
the confines of the land of Musicanus before he had even heard that
Alexander had started against him. Musicanus was so greatly alarmed
that he went as fast as he could to meet him, bringing with him
the gifts valued most highly among the Indians, and taking all his
elephants. He offered to surrender both his nation and himself, at
the same time acknowledging his error, which was the most effectual
way with Alexander for any one to get what he requested. Accordingly
for these considerations Alexander granted him an indemnity for his
offences. He also granted him the privilege of ruling the city and
country, both of which Alexander admired. Craterus was directed to
fortify the citadel in the capital; which was done while Alexander was
still present. A garrison was also placed in it, because he thought the
place suitable for keeping the circumjacent tribes in subjection.
CHAPTER XVI.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST OXYCANUS AND SAMBUS.
Then he took the archers, Agrianians, and cavalry sailing with him,
and marched against the governor of that country, whose name was
Oxycanus,[765] because he neither came himself nor did envoys come
from him, to offer the surrender of himself and his land. At the very
first assault he took by storm the two largest cities under the rule
of Oxycanus; in the second of which that prince himself was captured.
The booty he gave to his army, but the elephants he led with himself.
The other cities in the same land surrendered to him as he advanced,
nor did any one turn to resist him; so cowed in spirit[766] had all
the Indians now become at the thought of Alexander and his fortune.
He then marched back against Sambus, whom he had appointed viceroy of
the mountaineer Indians and who was reported to have fled, because
he learned that Musicanus had been pardoned by Alexander and was
ruling over his own land. For he was at war with Musicanus. But when
Alexander approached the city which the country of Sambus held as its
metropolis, the name of which was Sindimana, the gates were thrown
open to him at his approach, and the relations of Sambus reckoned up
his money and went out to meet him, taking with them the elephants
also. They assured him that Sambus had fled, not from any hostile
feeling towards Alexander, but fearing on account of the pardon of
Musicanus.[767] He also captured another city which had revolted
at this time, and slew as many of the Brachmans[768] as had been
instigators of this revolt. These men are the philosophers of the
Indians, of whose philosophy, if such it may be called, I shall give an
account in my book descriptive of India.[769]
CHAPTER XVII.
MUSICANUS EXECUTED.—CAPTURE OF PATALA.
Meantime he was informed that Musicanus had revolted. He despatched the
viceroy, Peithon, son of Agenor, with a sufficient army against him,
while he himself marched against the cities which had been put under
the rule of Musicanus. Some of these he razed to the ground, reducing
the inhabitants to slavery; and into others he introduced garrisons and
fortified the citadels. After accomplishing this, he returned to the
camp and fleet. By this time Musicanus had been captured by Peithon,
who was bringing him to Alexander. The king ordered him to be hanged
in his own country, and with him as many of the Brachmans as had
instigated him to the revolt. Then came to him the ruler of the land of
the Patalians,[770] who said that the Delta formed by the river Indus
was still larger than the Egyptian Delta.[771] This man surrendered
to him the whole of his own land and entrusted both himself and his
property to him. Alexander sent him away again in possession of his own
dominions, with instructions to provide whatever was needful for the
reception of the army. He then sent Craterus into Carmania with the
brigades of Attalus, Meleager, and Antigenes, some of the archers, and
as many of the Companions and other Macedonians as, being now unfit
for military service, he was despatching to Macedonia by the route
through the lands of the Arachotians and Zarangians. To Craterus he
also gave the duty of leading the elephants; but the rest of the army,
except the part of it which was sailing with himself down to the sea,
he put under the command of Hephaestion. He transported Peithon with
the cavalry-lancers and Agrianians to the opposite bank of the Indus,
not the one along which Hephaestion was about to lead the army. Peithon
was ordered to collect men to colonize the cities which had just been
fortified, and to form a junction with the king at Patala, after having
settled the affairs of the Indians of that region, if they attempted
any revolutionary proceedings. On the third day of his voyage,
Alexander was informed that the governor of the Patalians[772] had
collected most of his subjects and was going away by stealth, having
left his land deserted. For this reason Alexander sailed down the river
with greater speed than before[773]; and when he arrived at Patala, he
found both the country and the city deserted by the inhabitants and
tillers of the soil. He however despatched the lightest troops in his
army in pursuit of the fugitives; and when some of them were captured,
he sent them away to the rest, bidding them be of good courage and
return, for they might inhabit the city and till the country as before.
Most of them accordingly returned.
CHAPTER XVIII.
VOYAGE DOWN THE INDUS.
After instructing Hephaestion to fortify the citadel in Patala, he sent
men into the adjacent country, which was waterless, to dig wells and to
render the land fit for habitation. Certain of the native barbarians
attacked these men, and falling upon them unawares slew some of them;
but having lost many of their own men, they fled into the desert.
The work was therefore accomplished by those who had been sent out,
another army having joined them, which Alexander had despatched to take
part in the work, when he heard of the attack of the barbarians. Near
Patala the water of the Indus is divided into two large rivers, both
of which retain the name of Indus as far as the sea. Here Alexander
constructed a harbour and dockyard; and when his works had advanced
towards completion he resolved to sail down as far as the mouth of the
right branch of the river.[774] He gave Leonnatus the command of 1,000
cavalry and 8,000 heavy and light-armed infantry, and sent him to march
through the island of Patala opposite the naval expedition; while he
himself took the fastest sailing vessels, having one and a half bank of
oars, all the thirty-oared galleys, and some of the boats, and began
to sail down the right branch of the river. The Indians of that region
had fled, and consequently he could get no pilot for the voyage, and
the navigation of the river was very difficult. On the day after the
start a storm arose, and the wind blowing right against the stream made
the river hollow[775] and shattered the hulls of the vessels violently,
so that most of his ships were injured, and some of the thirty-oared
galleys were entirely broken up. But they succeeded in running them
aground before they quite fell to pieces in the water; and others were
therefore constructed. He then sent the quickest of the light-armed
troops into the land beyond the river’s bank and captured some Indians,
who from this time piloted him down the channel. But when they arrived
at the place where the river expands, so that where it was widest it
extended 200 stades, a strong wind blew from the outer sea, and the
oars could hardly be raised in the swell; they therefore took refuge
again in a canal into which his pilots conducted them.
CHAPTER XIX.
VOYAGE DOWN THE INDUS INTO THE SEA.
While their vessels were moored here, the phenomenon of the ebb and
flow of the tide in the great sea occurred, so that their ships were
left upon dry ground. This caused Alexander and his companions no small
alarm, inasmuch as they were previously quite unacquainted with it.
But they were much more alarmed when, the time coming round again, the
water approached and the hulls of the vessels were raised aloft.[776]
The ships which it caught settled in the mud were raised aloft without
any damage, and floated again without receiving any injury; but those
that had been left on the drier land and had not a firm settlement,
when an immense compact wave advanced, either fell foul of each other
or were dashed against the land and thus shattered to pieces. When
Alexander had repaired these vessels as well as his circumstances
permitted, he sent some men on in advance down the river in two boats
to explore the island at which the natives said he must moor his
vessels in his voyage to the sea. They told him that the name of the
island was Cilluta.[777] As he was informed that there were harbours
in this island, that it was a large one and had plenty of water in it,
he made the rest of his fleet put in there; but he himself with the
best sailing ships advanced beyond, to see if the mouth of the river
afforded an easy voyage out into the open sea. After advancing about
200 stades from the first island, they descried another which was quite
out in the sea. Then indeed they returned to the island in the river;
and having moored his vessels near the extremity of it, Alexander
offered sacrifice to those gods to whom he said he had been directed by
Ammon to sacrifice. On the following day he sailed down to the other
island which was in the deep sea; and having come to shore here also,
he offered other sacrifices to other gods and in another manner. These
sacrifices he also offered according to the oracular instructions
of Ammon. Then having gone beyond the mouths of the river Indus, he
sailed out into the open sea, as he said, to discover if any land lay
anywhere near in the sea; but in my opinion, chiefly that he might be
able to say that he had navigated the great outer sea of India. There
he sacrificed some bulls to Poseidon and cast them into the sea; and
having poured out a libation after the sacrifice, he threw the goblet
and bowls, which were golden, into the deep as thank-offerings,
praying the god to escort safely for him the fleet, which he intended
to despatch to the Persian Gulf and the mouths of the Euphrates and
Tigres.[778]
CHAPTER XX.
EXPLORATION OF THE MOUTHS OF THE INDUS.
Returning to Patala, he found that the citadel had been fortified and
that Peithon had arrived with his army, having accomplished everything
for which he was despatched. He ordered Hephaestion to prepare what was
needful for the fortification of a naval station and the construction
of dockyards; for he resolved to leave behind here a fleet of many
ships near the city of Patala, where the river Indus divides itself
into two streams. He himself sailed down again into the Great Sea by
the other mouth of the Indus, to ascertain which branch of the river is
easier to navigate. The mouths of the river Indus are about 1800 stades
distant from each other.[779] In the voyage down he arrived at a large
lake in the mouth of the river, which the river makes by spreading
itself out; or perhaps the waters of the surrounding district draining
into it make it large, so that it very much resembles a gulf of the
sea.[780] For in it were seen fish like those in the sea, larger indeed
than those in our sea. Having moored his ships then in this lake, where
the pilots directed, he left there most of the soldiers and all the
boats with Leonnatus; but he himself with the thirty-oared galleys and
the vessels with one and a half row of oars passed beyond the mouth of
the Indus, and advancing into the sea also this way, ascertained that
the outlet of the river on this side (_i.e._ the west) was easier to
navigate than the other. He moored his ships near the shore, and taking
with him some of the cavalry went along the sea-coast three days’
journey, exploring what kind of country it was for a coasting voyage,
and ordering wells to be dug, so that the sailors might have water to
drink. He then returned to the ships and sailed back to Patala; but he
sent a part of his army along the sea-coast to effect the same thing,
instructing them to return to Patala when they had dug the wells.
Sailing again down to the lake, he there constructed another harbour
and dockyard; and leaving a garrison for the place, he collected
sufficient food to supply the army for four months, as well as whatever
else he could procure for the coasting voyage.
CHAPTER XXI.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE ORITIANS.
The season of the year was then unfit for voyaging; for the periodical
winds prevailed, which at that season do not blow there from the
north, as with us, but from the Great Sea, in the direction of the
south wind.[781] Moreover it was reported that there the sea was fit
for navigation after the beginning of winter, from the setting of
the Pleiades[782] until the winter solstice; for at that season mild
breezes usually blow from the land, drenched as it has been with
great rains; and these winds are convenient on a coasting voyage both
for oars and sails. Nearchus, who had been placed in command of the
fleet, waited for the coasting season; but Alexander, starting from
Patala, advanced with all his army as far as the river Arabius.[783]
He then took half of the shield-bearing guards and archers, the
infantry regiments called foot Companions, the guard of the Companion
cavalry, a squadron of each of the other cavalry regiments, and all
the horse-bowmen, and turned away thence on the left towards the sea
to dig wells, so that there might be abundance of them for the fleet
sailing along on the coasting voyage; and at the same time to make an
unexpected attack upon the Oritians,[784] a tribe of the Indians in
this region, which had long been independent. This he meditated doing
because they had performed no friendly act either to himself or his
army. He placed Hephaestion in command of the forces left behind. The
Arabitians,[785] another independent tribe dwelling near the river
Arabius, thinking that they could not cope with Alexander in battle,
and yet being unwilling to submit to him, fled into the desert when
they heard that he was approaching. But crossing the river Arabius,
which was both narrow and shallow, and travelling by night through
the greater part of the desert, he came near the inhabited country at
daybreak. Then ordering the infantry to follow him in regular line, he
took the cavalry with him, dividing it into squadrons, that it might
occupy a very large part of the plain, and thus marched into the land
of the Oritians. All those who turned to defend themselves were cut to
pieces by the cavalry, and many of the others were taken prisoners. He
then encamped near a small piece of water; but when Hephaestion formed
a junction with him, he advanced farther. Arriving at the largest
village of the tribe of the Oritians, which was called Rhambacia,[786]
he commended the place and thought that if he colonized a city there it
would become great and prosperous. He therefore left Hephaestion behind
to carry out this project.[787]
CHAPTER XXII.
MARCH THROUGH THE DESERT OF GADROSIA.
Again he took half of the shield-bearing guards and Agrianians, the
guard of cavalry and the horse-bowmen, and marched forward to the
confines of the Gadrosians and Oritians, where he was informed that
the passage was narrow, and the Oritians were drawn up with the
Gadrosians and were encamping in front of the pass, with the purpose
of barring Alexander’s passage. They had indeed marshalled themselves
there; but when it was reported that he was already approaching, most
of them fled from the pass, deserting their guard. The chiefs of the
Oritians, however, came to him, offering to surrender both themselves
and their nation. He instructed these to collect the multitude of their
people together and send them to their own abodes, since they were not
about to suffer any harm. Over these people he placed Apollophanes as
viceroy, and with him he left Leonnatus the confidential body-guard in
Ora,[788] at the head of all the Agrianians, some of the bowmen and
cavalry, and the rest of the Grecian mercenary infantry and cavalry. He
instructed him to wait until the fleet had sailed round the land, to
colonize the city, and to regulate the affairs of the Oritians so that
they might pay the greater respect to the viceroy. He himself, with the
main body of the army (for Hephaestion had arrived at the head of the
men who had been left behind), advanced into the land of the Gadrosians
by a route most of which was desert. Aristobulus says that in this
desert many myrrh-trees grew, larger than the ordinary kind; and that
the Phoenicians, who accompanied the army for trafficking, gathered the
gum of myrrh, and loading the beasts of burden, carried it away.[789]
For there was a great quantity of it, inasmuch as it exuded from large
stems and had never before been gathered. He also says that this desert
produces many odoriferous roots of nard,[790] which the Phoenicians
likewise gathered; but much of it was trampled down by the army, and a
sweet perfume was diffused far and wide over the land by the trampling;
so great was the abundance of it. In the desert there were also other
kinds of trees, one of which had foliage like that of the bay-tree,
and grew in places washed by the waves of the sea. These trees were on
ground which was left dry by the ebb-tide; but when the water advanced
they looked as if they had grown in the sea. Of others the roots were
always washed by the sea, because they grew in hollow places, from
which the water could not retire; and yet the trees were not destroyed
by the sea. Some of these trees in this region were even thirty cubits
high. At that season they happened to be in bloom; and the flower was
very much like the white violet,[791] but the perfume was far superior
to that of the latter. There was also another thorny stalk growing out
of the earth, the thorn on which was so strong that, piercing the
clothes of some men just riding past, it pulled the horseman down from
his horse rather than be itself torn off the stalk. It is also said
that when hares run past these bushes, the thorns cling to their fur;
and thus these animals are caught, as birds are with bird-lime, or
fish with hooks. However they were easily cut through with steel; and
when the thorns are cut the stalk gives forth much juice, still more
abundantly than fig-trees do in the springtime, and more pungent.[792]
CHAPTER XXIII.
MARCH THROUGH THE DESERT OF GADROSIA.
Thence Alexander marched through the land of the Gadrosians, by a
difficult route, which was also destitute of all the necessaries of
life; and in many places there was no water for the army. Moreover they
were compelled to march most of the way by night, and a great distance
from the sea. However he was very desirous of coming to the part of the
country along the sea, both to see what harbours were there, and to
make what preparations he could on his march for the fleet, either by
employing his men in digging wells, or by making arrangements somewhere
for a market and anchorage. But the part of the country of the
Gadrosians near the sea was entirely desert. He therefore sent Thoas,
son of Mandrodorus, with a few horsemen down to the sea, to reconnoitre
and see if there happened to be any haven anywhere near, or whether
there was water or any other of the necessaries of life not far from
the sea. This man returned and reported that he found some fishermen
upon the shore living in stifling huts, which were made by putting
together mussel-shells, and the back-bones of fishes were used to form
the roofs.[793] He also said that these fishermen used little water,
obtaining it with difficulty by scraping away the gravel, and that what
they got was not at all fresh. When Alexander reached a certain place
in Gadrosia, where corn was more abundant, he seized it and placed
it upon the beasts of burden; and marking it with his own seal, he
ordered it to be conveyed down to the sea. But while he was marching
to the halting stage nearest to the sea, the soldiers paying little
regard to the seal, the guards made use of the corn themselves, and
gave a share of it to those who were especially pinched with hunger.
To such a degree were they overcome by their misery that after mature
deliberation they resolved to take account of the visible and already
impending destruction rather than the danger of incurring the king’s
wrath, which was not before their eyes and still remote. When Alexander
ascertained the necessity which constrained them so to act, he pardoned
those who had done the deed. He himself hastened forward to collect
from the land all he could for victualling the army which was sailing
round with the fleet; and sent Cretheus the Callatian[794] to convey
the supplies to the coast. He also ordered the natives to grind as much
corn as they could and convey it down from the interior of the country,
together with dates[795] and sheep for sale to the soldiers. Moreover
he sent Telephus, one of the confidential Companions, down to another
place on the coast with a small quantity of ground corn.
CHAPTER XXIV.
MARCH THROUGH GADROSIA.
He then advanced towards the capital of the Gadrosians, which was
named Pura[796]; and he arrived there in sixty days after starting
from Ora. Most of the historians of Alexander’s reign assert that
all the hardships which his army suffered in Asia were not worthy of
comparison with the labours undergone here. Nearchus alone asserts that
Alexander pursued this route, not from ignorance of the difficulty
of the journey, but because he heard that no one had ever hitherto
passed that way with an army and emerged in safety from the desert,
except Semiramis, when she fled from India. The natives said that even
she emerged with only twenty men of her army; and that Cyrus, son of
Cambyses, escaped with only seven of his men.[797] For they say that
Cyrus also marched into this region for the purpose of invading India;
but that he did not effect his retreat before losing the greater part
of his army, from the desert and the other difficulties of this route.
When Alexander received this information he was seized with a desire of
excelling Cyrus and Semiramis. Nearchus says that he turned his march
this way, both for this reason and at the same time for the purpose of
conveying provisions near the fleet. The scorching heat and lack of
water destroyed a great part of the army, and especially the beasts of
burden; most of which perished from thirst and some of them even from
the depth and heat of the sand, because it had been thoroughly scorched
by the sun. For they met with lofty ridges of deep sand, not closely
pressed and hardened, but such as received those who stepped upon it
just as if they were stepping into mud, or rather into untrodden snow.
At the same time too the horses and mules suffered still more, both in
going up and coming down the hills, from the unevenness of the road as
well as from its instability. The length of the marches between the
stages also exceedingly distressed the army; for the lack of water
often compelled them to make the marches of unusual length.[798]
When they travelled by night on a journey which it was necessary to
complete, and at daybreak came to water, they suffered no hardship at
all; but if, while still on the march, on account of the length of
the way, they were caught by the heat, then they did indeed suffer
hardships from the blazing sun, being at the same time oppressed by
unassuageable thirst.[799]
CHAPTER XXV.
SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY.
The soldiers killed many of the beasts of burden of their own accord;
for when provisions were lacking, they came together, and slaughtered
most of the horses and mules. They ate the flesh of these, and said
that they had died of thirst or had perished from the heat. There was
no one who divulged the real truth of their conduct, both on account of
the men’s distress and because all alike were implicated in the same
offence. What was being done had not escaped Alexander’s notice; but
he saw that the best cure for the present state of affairs would be
to pretend to be ignorant of it, rather than to permit it as a thing
known to himself. The consequence was, that it was no longer easy to
convey the soldiers who were suffering from disease, or those who were
left behind on the roads on account of the heat, partly from the want
of beasts of burden and partly because the men themselves were knocking
the waggons to pieces, not being able to draw them on account of the
depth of the sand. They did this also because in the first stages they
were compelled on this account to go, not by the shortest routes, but
by those which were easiest for the carriages. Thus some were left
behind along the roads on account of sickness, others from fatigue or
the effects of the heat, or from not being able to bear up against the
drought; and there was no one either to show them the way or to remain
and tend them in their sickness. For the expedition was being made
with great urgency; and the care of individual persons was necessarily
neglected in the zeal displayed for the safety of the army as a whole.
As they generally made the marches by night, some of the men were
overcome by sleep on the road; afterwards rousing up again, those who
still had strength followed upon the tracks of the army; but only a few
out of many overtook the main body in safety. Most of them perished in
the sand, like men shipwrecked on the sea.[800] Another calamity also
befell the army, which greatly distressed men, horses, and beasts of
burden; for the country of the Gadrosians is supplied with rain by the
periodical winds, just as that of the Indians is; not the plains of
Gadrosia, but only the mountains where the clouds are carried by the
wind and are dissolved into rain without passing beyond the summits of
the mountains. On one occasion, when the army bivouacked, for the sake
of its water, near a small brook which was a winter torrent, about the
second watch of the night the brook which flowed there was suddenly
swelled by the rains in the mountains which had fallen unperceived by
the soldiers. The torrent advanced with so great a flood as to destroy
most of the wives and children of the men who followed the army, and to
sweep away all the royal baggage as well as all the beasts of burden
still remaining. The soldiers, after great exertions, were hardly able
to save themselves together with their weapons, many of which they lost
beyond recovery. When, after enduring the burning heat and thirst, they
lighted upon abundance of water, many of them perished from drinking to
excess, not being able to check their appetite for it. For this reason
Alexander generally pitched his camp, not near the water itself, but
at a distance of about twenty stades from it, to prevent the men and
beasts from pressing in crowds into the river and thus perishing, and
at the same time to prevent those who had no control over themselves
from fouling the water for the rest of the army by stepping into the
springs or streams.
CHAPTER XXVI.
ALEXANDER’S MAGNANIMOUS CONDUCT.
Here I have resolved not to pass over in silence the most noble deed
perhaps ever performed by Alexander, which occurred either in this land
or, according to the assertion of some other authors, still earlier,
among the Parapamisadians.[801] The army was continuing its march
through the sand, though the heat of the sun was already scorching,
because it was necessary to reach water before halting. They were far
on the journey, and Alexander himself, though oppressed with thirst,
was nevertheless with great pain and difficulty leading the army on
foot, so that his soldiers, as is usual in such a case, might more
patiently bear their hardships by the equalization of the distress. At
this time some of the light-armed soldiers, starting away from the army
in quest of water, found some collected in a shallow cleft, a small and
mean spring. Collecting this water with difficulty, they came with all
speed to Alexander, as if they were bringing him some great boon. As
soon as they approached the king, they poured the water into a helmet
and carried it to him. He took it, and commending the men who brought
it, immediately poured it upon the ground in the sight of all. As a
result of this action, the entire army was re-invigorated to so great
a degree that any one would have imagined that the water poured away
by Alexander had furnished a draught to every man. This deed beyond
all others I commend as evidence of Alexander’s power of endurance
and self-control, as well as of his skill in managing an army. The
following adventure also occurred to the army in that country. At last
the guides declared that they no longer remembered the way, because
the tracks of it had been rendered invisible by the wind blowing the
sand over them. Moreover, in the deep sand which had been everywhere
reduced to one level, there was nothing by which they could conjecture
the right way, not even the usual trees growing along it, nor any solid
hillock rising up; and they had not practised themselves in making
journeys by the stars at night or by the sun in the daytime, as sailors
do by the constellations of the Bears—the Phoenicians by the Little
Bear, and other men by the Greater Bear.[802] Then at length Alexander
perceived that it was necessary for him to lead the way by declining to
the left; and taking a few horsemen with him he advanced in front of
the army. But when the horses even of these were exhausted by the heat,
he left most of these men behind, and rode away with only five men and
found the sea. Having scraped away the shingle on the sea-beach, he
found water fresh and pure, and then went and fetched the whole army.
For seven days they marched along the sea-coast, supplying themselves
with water from the shore. Thence he led his expedition into the
interior, for now the guides knew the way.
CHAPTER XXVII.
MARCH THROUGH CARMANIA.—PUNISHMENT OF VICEROYS.
When he arrived at the capital of Gadrosia, he there gave his army
a rest. He deposed Apollophanes from the viceroyalty,[803] because
he discovered that he had paid no heed to his instructions. Thoas
was appointed viceroy over the people of this district; but as he
fell ill and died, Sibyrtius succeeded to the office. The same man
had also lately been appointed by Alexander viceroy of Carmania; but
now the rule over the Arachotians and Gadrosians was given to him,
and Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes, received Carmania. The king was
already advancing into Carmania, when news was brought to him that
Philip, the viceroy of the country of the Indians, had been plotted
against by the mercenaries and treacherously killed; but that Philip’s
Macedonian body-guards had caught some of the murderers in the very
act and others afterwards, and had put them to death. When he had
ascertained this, he sent a letter into India to Eudemus and Taxiles,
ordering them to administer the affairs of the land which had
previously been subordinated to Philip until he could send a viceroy
for it. When he arrived in Carmania, Craterus effected a junction with
him, bringing with him the rest of the army and the elephants. He
also brought Ordanes, whom he had arrested for revolting and trying
to effect a revolution.[804] Thither also came Stasanor, the viceroy
of the Areians[805] and Zarangians, accompanied by Pharismanes, son
of Phrataphernes, the viceroy of the Parthians and Hyrcanians. There
came also the generals who had been left with Parmenio over the army in
Media, Cleander, Sitalces, and Heracon, bringing with them the greater
part of their army. Both the natives and the soldiers themselves
brought many accusations against Cleander and Sitalces, as for example,
that the temples had been pillaged by them, old tombs rifled, and other
acts of injustice, recklessness, and tyranny perpetrated against their
subjects. As these charges were proved,[806] he put them to death,
in order to inspire others who might be left as viceroys, governors,
or prefects of provinces with the fear of suffering equal penalties
with them if they swerved from the path of duty.[807] This was one of
the chief means by which Alexander kept in subordination the nations
which he had conquered in war or which had voluntarily submitted to
him, though they were so many in number and so far distant from each
other; because under his regal sway it was not allowed that those who
were ruled should be unjustly treated by those who ruled. At that time
Heracon was acquitted of the charge, but soon after, being convicted
by the men of Susa of having pillaged the temple in that city, he also
suffered punishment. Stasanor and Phrataphernes came to Alexander
bringing a multitude of beasts of burden and many camels, when they
learnt that he was marching by the route to Gadrosia, conjecturing that
his army would suffer the very hardships which it did suffer. Therefore
these men arrived just at the very time they were required, as also did
their camels and beasts of burden. For Alexander distributed all these
animals to the officers man by man, to all the various squadrons and
centuries of the cavalry, and to the various companies of the infantry,
as their number allowed him.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
ALEXANDER IN CARMANIA.
Certain authors have said (though to me the statement seems incredible)
that Alexander led his forces through Carmania lying extended with
his Companions upon two covered waggons joined together, the flute
being played to him; and that the soldiers followed him wearing
garlands and sporting. Food was provided for them, as well as all
kinds of dainties which had been brought together along the roads by
the Carmanians. They say that he did this in imitation of the Bacchic
revelry of Dionysus, because a story was told about that deity, that
after subduing the Indians he traversed the greater part of Asia in
this manner and received the appellation of Thriambus.[808] For the
same reason the processions in honour of victories after war were
called _thriambi_. This has been recorded neither by Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, nor by Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, nor by any other writer
whose testimony on such points any one would feel to be worthy of
credit. It is sufficient therefore for me to record it as unworthy of
belief.[809] But as to what I am now going to describe I follow the
account of Aristobulus. In Carmania Alexander offered sacrifices to the
gods as thank-offerings for his victory over the Indians, and because
his army had been brought in safety out of Gadrosia. He also celebrated
a musical and gymnastic contest. He then appointed Peucestas one of his
confidential body-guards, having already resolved to make him viceroy
of Persis. He wished him, before being appointed to the viceroyalty,
to experience this honour and evidence of confidence, as a reward for
his exploit among the Mallians. Up to this time the number of his
confidential body-guards had been seven:—Leonnatus, son of Anteas,
Hephaestion, son of Amyntor, Lysimachus, son of Agathocles, Aristonoüs,
son of Pisaeus, these four being Pellaeans; Perdiccas, son of Orontes,
from Orestis, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, and Peithon, son of Crateas, the
Heordaeans. Peucestas, who had held the shield over Alexander, was now
added to them as an eighth. At this time Nearchus, having sailed round
the coast of Ora and Gadrosia and that of the Ichthyophagi, put into
port in the inhabited part of the coastland of Carmania,[810] and going
up thence into the interior with a few men he reported to Alexander
the particulars of the voyage which he had made along the coasts of
the external sea. Nearchus was then sent down to the sea again to
sail round as far as the country of Susiana, and the outlets of the
river Tigres.[811] How he sailed from the river Indus to the Persian
Sea and the mouth of the Tigres, I shall describe in a separate book,
following the account of Nearchus himself.[812] For he also wrote a
history of Alexander in Greek. Perhaps I shall be able to compose this
narrative in the future, if inclination and the divine influence urge
me to it. Alexander now ordered Hephaestion to march into Persis[813]
from Carmania along the seashore with the larger division of the army
and the beasts of burden, taking with him also the elephants; because,
as he was making the expedition in the season of winter,[814] the part
of Persis near the sea was warm and possessed abundant supplies of
provisions.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ALEXANDER IN PERSIS.—TOMB OF CYRUS REPAIRED.
He himself then marched to Pasargadae in Persis, with the lightest of
his infantry, the Companion cavalry and a part of the archers; but
he sent Stasanor down to his own land.[815] When he arrived at the
confines of Persis, he found that Phrasaortes was no longer viceroy,
for he happened to have died of disease while Alexander was still in
India. Orxines was managing the affairs of the country, not because he
had been appointed ruler by Alexander, but because he thought it his
duty to keep Persia in order for him, as there was no other ruler.[816]
Atropates, the viceroy of Media, also came to Pasargadae, bringing
Baryaxes, a Mede, under arrest, because he had assumed the upright
head-dress and called himself king of the Persians and Medes.[817]
With Baryaxes he also brought those who had taken part with him in the
attempted revolution and revolt. Alexander put these men to death.
He was grieved by the outrage committed upon the tomb of Cyrus, son
of Cambyses; for according to Aristobulus, he found it dug through
and pillaged. The tomb of the famous Cyrus was in the royal park at
Pasargadae, and around it a grove of all kinds of trees had been
planted. It was also watered by a stream, and high grass grew in the
meadow. The base of the tomb itself had been made of squared stone in
the form of a rectangle. Above there was a stone building surmounted
by a roof, with a door leading within, so narrow that even a small man
could with difficulty enter, after suffering much discomfort.[818] In
the building lay a golden coffin, in which the body of Cyrus had been
buried, and by the side of the coffin was a couch, the feet of which
were of gold wrought with the hammer. A carpet of Babylonian tapestry
with purple rugs formed the bedding; upon it were also a Median coat
with sleeves and other tunics of Babylonian manufacture. Aristobulus
adds that Median trousers and robes dyed the colour of hyacinth were
also lying upon it, as well as others of purple and various other
colours; moreover there were collars, sabres, and earrings of gold and
precious stones soldered together, and near them stood a table. On
the middle of the couch lay the coffin[819] which contained the body
of Cyrus. Within the enclosure, near the ascent leading to the tomb,
there was a small house built for the Magians who guarded the tomb; a
duty which they had discharged ever since the time of Cambyses, son
of Cyrus, son succeeding father as guard. To these men a sheep and
specified quantities of wheaten flour and wine were given daily by
the king; and a horse once a month as a sacrifice to Cyrus. Upon the
tomb an inscription in Persian letters had been placed, which bore the
following meaning in the Persian language: “O man, I am Cyrus, son of
Cambyses, who founded the empire of the Persians, and was king of Asia.
Do not therefore grudge me this monument.” As soon as Alexander had
conquered Persia, he was very desirous of entering the tomb of Cyrus;
but he found that everything else had been carried off except the
coffin and couch. They had even maltreated the king’s body; for they
had torn off the lid of the coffin and cast out the corpse. They had
tried to make the coffin itself of smaller bulk and thus more portable,
by cutting part of it off and crushing part of it up; but as their
efforts did not succeed, they departed, leaving the coffin in that
state. Aristobulus says that he was himself commissioned by Alexander
to restore the tomb for Cyrus, to put in the coffin the parts of the
body still preserved, to put the lid on, and to restore the parts
of the coffin which had been defaced. Moreover he was instructed to
stretch the couch tight with bands, and to deposit all the other things
which used to lie there for ornament, both resembling the former ones
and of the same number. He was ordered also to do away with the door,
building part of it up with stone and plastering part of it over with
cement; and finally to put the royal seal upon the cement. Alexander
arrested the Magians who were the guards of the tomb, and put them to
the torture to make them confess who had done the deed; but in spite of
the torture they confessed nothing either about themselves or any other
person. In no other way were they proved to have been privy to the
deed; they were therefore released by Alexander.[820]
CHAPTER XXX.
PEUCESTAS APPOINTED VICEROY OF PERSIS.
Thence he proceeded to the royal palace of the Persians, which he
had on a former occasion himself burnt down, as I have previously
related, expressing my disapprobation of the act[821]; and on his
return Alexander himself did not commend it. Many charges were brought
by the Persians against Orxines, who ruled them after the death of
Phrasaortes. He was convicted of having pillaged temples and royal
tombs, and of having unjustly put many of the Persians to death. He
was therefore hanged by men acting under Alexander’s orders[822]; and
Peucestas the confidential body-guard was appointed viceroy of Persis.
The king placed special confidence in him both for other reasons,
and especially on account of his exploit among the Mallians, where
he braved the greatest dangers and helped to save Alexander’s life.
Besides this, he did not refuse to accommodate himself to the Asiatic
mode of living; and as soon as he was appointed to the position of
viceroy of Persis, he openly assumed the native garb, being the only
man among the Macedonians who adopted the Median dress in preference
to the Grecian.[823] He also learnt to speak the Persian language
correctly, and comported himself in all other respects like a Persian.
For this conduct he was not only commended by Alexander, but the
Persians also were highly delighted with him, for preferring their
national customs to those of his own forefathers.
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER I.
ALEXANDER’S PLANS.—THE INDIAN PHILOSOPHERS.
When Alexander arrived at Pasargadae and Persepolis,[824] he was seized
with an ardent desire to sail down the Euphrates and Tigres[825] to the
Persian Sea, and to see the mouths of those rivers as he had already
seen those of the Indus as well as the sea into which it flows. Some
authors[826] also have stated that he was meditating a voyage round the
larger portion of Arabia, the country of the Ethiopians, Libya (_i.e._
Africa), and Numidia beyond Mount Atlas to Gadeira (_i.e._ Cadiz),[827]
inward into our sea (_i.e._ the Mediterranean); thinking that after he
had subdued both Libya and Carchedon (_i.e._ Carthage), he might with
justice be called king of all Asia.[828] For he said that the kings
of the Persians and Medes called themselves Great Kings without any
right, since they did not rule the larger part of Asia. Some say that
he was meditating a voyage thence into the Euxine Sea, to Scythia and
the Lake Maeotis (_i.e._ the Sea of Azov); while others assert that
he intended to go to Sicily and the Iapygian Cape,[829] for the fame
of the Romans spreading far and wide was now exciting his jealousy.
For my own part I cannot conjecture with any certainty what were his
plans; and I do not care to guess. But this I think I can confidently
affirm, that he meditated nothing small or mean; and that he would
never have remained satisfied with any of the acquisitions he had made,
even if he had added Europe to Asia, or the islands of the Britons to
Europe; but would still have gone on seeking for unknown lands beyond
those mentioned. I verily believe that if he had found no one else to
strive with, he would have striven with himself. And on this account
I commend some of the Indian philosophers, who are said to have been
caught by Alexander as they were walking in the open meadow where they
were accustomed to spend their time.[830] At the sight of him and his
army they did nothing else but stamp with their feet on the earth, upon
which they were stepping. When he asked them by means of interpreters
what was the meaning of their action, they replied as follows: “O
king Alexander, every man possesses as much of the earth as this upon
which we have stepped; but thou being only a man like the rest of us,
except in being meddlesome and arrogant, art come over so great a part
of the earth from thy own land, giving trouble both to thyself and
others.[831] And yet thou also wilt soon die, and possess only as much
of the earth as is sufficient for thy body to be buried in.”
CHAPTER II.
ALEXANDER’S DEALINGS WITH THE INDIAN SAGES.
On this occasion Alexander commended both the words and the men who
spoke them; but nevertheless he did just the opposite to that which he
commended. When also in the Isthmus he met Diogenes of Sinope, lying
in the sun, standing near him with his shield-bearing guards and foot
Companions, he asked if he wanted anything. But Diogenes said that he
wanted nothing else, except that he and his attendants would stand out
of the sunlight. Alexander is said to have expressed his admiration
of Diogenes’s conduct.[832] Thus it is evident that Alexander was
not entirely destitute of better feelings; but he was the slave of
his insatiable ambition. Again, when he arrived at Taxila and saw
the naked sect of Indian philosophers, he was exceedingly desirous
that one of these men should live with him; because he admired their
power of endurance.[833] But the oldest of the philosophers, Dandamis
by name, of whom the others were disciples, refused to come himself
to Alexander, and would not allow the others to do so.[834] He is
said to have replied that he was himself a son of Zeus, if Alexander
was[835]; and that he wanted nothing from him, because he was quite
contented with what he had. And besides he said that he saw his
attendants wandering over so much of the land and sea to no advantage,
and that there was no end to their many wanderings. Therefore he had
no desire that Alexander should give him anything which was in his
own possession, nor on the other hand was he afraid that he should
be excluded from anything which Alexander ruled over. For while he
lived the country of India, which produces the fruits in their season,
was sufficient for him; and when he died he should be released from
the body, an unsuitable associate. Alexander then did not attempt
to force him to come with him, considering that the man was free to
do as he pleased. But Megasthenes has recorded that Calanus, one of
the philosophers of this region, who had very little power over his
desires, was induced to do so; and that the philosophers themselves
reproached him, for having deserted the happiness existing among them,
and serving another lord instead of the God.[836]
CHAPTER III.
SELF-SACRIFICE OF THE INDIAN CALANUS.
This I have recorded, because in a history of Alexander it is necessary
also to speak of Calanus; for when he was in the country of Persis
his health became delicate, though he had never before been subject
to illness.[837] Accordingly, not being willing to lead the life of a
man in infirm health, he told Alexander that in such circumstances
he thought it best for him to put an end to his existence, before he
came into experience of any disease which might compel him to change
his former mode of living. For a long time the king tried to dissuade
him; however, when he saw that he was not to be overcome, but would
find some other way of release, if this were not yielded to him, he
ordered a funeral pyre to be heaped up for him, in the place where the
man himself directed, and gave instructions that Ptolemy, son of Lagus,
the confidential body-guard, should have the charge of it. They say
that a solemn procession, consisting both of horses and men, advanced
before him, some of the latter being armed and others carrying all
kinds of incense for the pyre. They also say that they were carrying
gold and silver goblets and royal apparel; and because he was unable to
walk through illness, a horse was prepared for him. However, not being
able to mount the horse, he was conveyed stretched out upon a litter,
crowned with a garland after the custom of the Indians, and singing in
the Indian language. The Indians say that he sang hymns to the gods and
eulogiums on his countrymen.[838] Before he ascended the funeral-pyre
he presented the horse which he should himself have mounted, being a
royal steed of the Nisaean breed,[839] to Lysimachus, one of those who
attended him to learn his philosophy. He distributed among his other
disciples the goblets and rugs which Alexander had ordered to be cast
into the pyre as an honour to him. Then mounting the pyre he lay down
upon it in a becoming manner, and was visible to the whole army. To
Alexander the spectacle appeared unseemly, as it was being exhibited at
the cost of a friend; but to the rest it was a cause of wonder that he
did not move any part of his body in the fire.[840] As soon as the men
to whom the duty had been assigned set fire to the pyre, Nearchus says
the trumpets sounded, in accordance with Alexander’s order, and the
whole army raised the war-cry as it was in the habit of shouting when
advancing to battle. The elephants also chimed in with their shrill and
warlike cry, in honour of Calanus. Authors upon whom reliance may be
placed, have recorded these and such-like things, facts of great import
to those who are desirous of learning how steadfast and immovable a
thing the human mind is in regard to what it wishes to accomplish.
CHAPTER IV.
MARRIAGES BETWEEN MACEDONIANS AND PERSIANS.
At this time Alexander sent Atropates away to his own viceroyalty,[841]
after advancing to Susa; where he arrested Abulites and his son
Oxathres, and put them to death on the ground that they were governing
the Susians badly.[842] Many outrages upon temples, tombs, and the
subjects themselves had been committed by those who were ruling the
countries conquered by Alexander in war; because the king’s expedition
into India had taken a long time, and it was not thought credible that
he would ever return in safety from so many nations possessing so
many elephants, going to his destruction beyond the Indus, Hydaspes,
Acesines, and Hyphasis.[843] The calamities that befell him among the
Gadrosians were still greater inducements to those acting as viceroys
in this region to be free from apprehension of his return to his
dominions. Not only so, but Alexander himself is said to have become
more inclined at that time to believe accusations which were plausible
in every way, as well as to inflict very severe punishment upon those
who were convicted even of small offences, because with the same
disposition he thought they would be likely to perform great ones.[844]
In Susa also he celebrated both his own wedding and those of his
companions. He himself married Barsine, the eldest daughter of
Darius,[845] and according to Aristobulus, besides her another,
Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus.[846] He had already married
Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes the Bactrian.[847] To Hephaestion he
gave Drypetis, another daughter of Darius, and his own wife’s sister;
for he wished Hephaestion’s children to be first cousins to his own.
To Craterus he gave Amastrine, daughter of Oxyartes the brother of
Darius; to Perdiccas, the daughter of Atropates, viceroy of Media; to
Ptolemy the confidential body-guard, and Eumenes the royal secretary,
the daughters of Artabazus, to the former Artacama, and to the latter
Artonis. To Nearchus he gave the daughter of Barsine and Mentor; to
Seleucus the daughter of Spitamenes the Bactrian. Likewise to the rest
of his Companions he gave the choicest daughters of the Persians and
Medes, to the number of eighty. The weddings were celebrated after
the Persian manner, seats being placed in a row for the bridegrooms;
and after the banquet the brides came in and seated themselves, each
one near her own husband. The bridegrooms took them by the right hand
and kissed them; the king being the first to begin, for the weddings
of all were conducted in the same way. This appeared the most popular
thing which Alexander ever did; and it proved his affection for his
Companions. Each man took his own bride and led her away; and on all
without exception Alexander bestowed dowries.[848] He also ordered
that the names of all the other Macedonians who had married any of the
Asiatic women should be registered. They were over 10,000 in number;
and to these Alexander made presents on account of their weddings.
CHAPTER V.
THE SOLDIERS REWARDED.
He now thought it a favourable opportunity to liquidate the debts of
all the soldiers who had incurred them[849]; and for this purpose he
ordered that a register should be made of how much each man owed,
in order that they might receive the money. At first only a few
registered their names, fearing that this was being instituted as a
test by Alexander, to discover which of the soldiers found their pay
insufficient for their expenses, and which of them were extravagant
in their mode of living. When he was informed that most of them were
not registering their names, but that those who had borrowed money on
bonds were concealing the fact, he reproached them for their distrust
of him. For he said that it was not right either that the king should
deal otherwise than sincerely with his subjects, or that any of those
ruled by him should think that he would deal otherwise than sincerely
with them. Accordingly, he had tables placed in the camp with money
upon them; and he appointed men to manage the distribution of it. He
ordered the debts of all who showed a money-bond to be liquidated
without the debtors’ names being any longer registered. Consequently,
the men believed that Alexander was dealing sincerely with them; and
the fact that they were not known was a greater pleasure to them than
the fact that they ceased to be in debt. This presentation to the army
is said to have amounted to 20,000 talents.[850] He also gave presents
to particular individuals, according as each man was held in honour
for his merit or valour, if he had become conspicuous in crises of
danger. Those who were distinguished for their personal gallantry he
crowned with golden chaplets:—first, Peucestas, the man who had held
the shield over him; second, Leonnatus, who also had held his shield
over him, and moreover had incurred dangers in India and won a victory
in Ora.[851] For he had posted himself with the forces left with him
against the Oritians and the tribes living near them, who were trying
to effect a revolution, and had conquered them in battle. He also
seemed to have managed other affairs in Ora with great success. In
addition to these, he crowned Nearchus for his successful voyage round
the coast from the land of the Indians through the Great Sea; for
this officer had now arrived at Susa. Besides these three, he crowned
Onesicritus, the pilot of the royal ship; as well as Hephaestion and
the rest of the confidential body-guards.
CHAPTER VI.
AN ARMY OF ASIATICS TRAINED UNDER THE MACEDONIAN DISCIPLINE.
The viceroys from the newly-built cities and the rest of the territory
subdued in war came to him, bringing with them youths just growing into
manhood to the number of 30,000, all of the same age, whom Alexander
called Epigoni (successors).[852] They were accoutred with Macedonian
arms, and exercised in military discipline after the Macedonian system.
The arrival of these is said to have vexed the Macedonians, who thought
that Alexander was contriving every means in his power to free himself
from his previous need of their services. For the same reason also
the sight of his Median dress was no small cause of dissatisfaction
to them; and the weddings celebrated in the Persian fashion were
displeasing to most of them, even including some of those who married,
although they had been greatly honoured by the king putting himself on
the same level with them in the marriage ceremony. They were offended
at Peucestas, the viceroy of Persis, on account of his Persianizing
both in dress and in speech, because the king was delighted by his
adopting the Asiatic customs. They were disgusted that the Bactrian,
Sogdianian, Arachotian, Zarangian, Arian, and Parthian horsemen, as
well as the Persian horsemen called the Evacae, were distributed
among the squadrons of the Companion cavalry; as many of them at
least as were seen to excel in reputation, fineness of stature, or
any other good quality; and that a fifth cavalry division was added
to these troops, not composed entirely of foreigners; but the whole
body of cavalry was increased in number, and men were picked from
the foreigners and put into it. Cophen, son of Artabazus, Hydarnes
and Artiboles, sons of Mazaeus, Sisines and Phradasmenes, sons of
Phrataphernes, viceroy of Parthia and Hyrcania, Histanes, son of
Oxyartes and brother of Alexander’s wife, Roxane, as well as Autobares
and his brother Mithrobaeus were picked out and enrolled among the
foot-guard in addition to the Macedonian officers. Over these Hystaspes
the Bactrian was placed as commander; and Macedonian spears were given
to them instead of the barbarian javelins which had thongs attached
to them.[853] All this offended the Macedonians, who thought that
Alexander was becoming altogether Asiatic in his ideas, and was holding
the Macedonians themselves as well as their customs in a position of
contempt.[854]
CHAPTER VII.
NAVIGATION OF THE TIGRES.
Alexander now ordered Hephaestion to lead the main body of the infantry
as far as the Persian Sea, while he himself, his fleet having sailed up
into the land of Susiana, embarked with the shield-bearing guards and
the body-guard of infantry; and having also put on board a few of the
cavalry Companions, he sailed down the river Eulaeus to the sea.[855]
When he was near the place where the river discharges itself into the
deep, he left there most of his ships, including those which were in
need of repair, and with those especially adapted for fast sailing he
coasted along out of the river Eulaeus through the sea to the mouth of
the Tigres. The rest of the ships were conveyed down the Eulaeus as
far as the canal which has been cut from the Tigres into the Eulaeus,
and by this means they were brought into the Tigres. Of the rivers
Euphrates and Tigres which enclose Syria between them, whence also
its name is called by the natives Mesopotamia,[856] the Tigres flows
in a much lower channel than the Euphrates, from which it receives
many canals; and after taking up many tributaries and its waters being
swelled by them, it falls into the Persian Sea.[857] It is a large
river and can be crossed on foot nowhere as far as its mouth,[858]
inasmuch as none of its water is used up by irrigation of the country.
For the land through which it flows is more elevated than its water,
and it is not drawn off into canals or into another river, but rather
receives them into itself. It is nowhere possible to irrigate the
land from it. But the Euphrates flows in an elevated channel, and is
everywhere on a level with the land through which it passes. Many
canals have been made from it, some of which are always kept flowing,
and from which the inhabitants on both banks supply themselves with
water; others the people make only when requisite to irrigate the land,
when they are in need of water from drought.[859] For this country is
usually free from rain. The consequence is, that the Euphrates at
last has only a small volume of water, which disappears into a marsh.
Alexander sailed over the sea round the shore of the Persian Gulf lying
between the rivers Eulaeus and Tigres; and thence he sailed up the
latter river as far as the camp where Hephaestion had settled with all
his forces. Thence he sailed again to Opis, a city situated on that
river.[860] In his voyage up he destroyed the weirs which existed in
the river, and thus made the stream quite level. These weirs had been
constructed by the Persians, to prevent any enemy having a superior
naval force from sailing up from the sea into their country. The
Persians had had recourse to these contrivances because they were not
a nautical people; and thus by making an unbroken succession of weirs
they had rendered the voyage up the Tigres a matter of impossibility.
But Alexander said that such devices were unbecoming to men who are
victorious in battle; and therefore he considered this means of safety
unsuitable for him; and by easily demolishing the laborious work of the
Persians, he proved in fact that what they thought a protection was
unworthy of the name.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE MACEDONIANS OFFENDED AT ALEXANDER.
When he arrived at Opis, he collected the Macedonians and announced
that he intended to discharge from the army those who were useless for
military service either from age or from being maimed in the limbs;
and he said he would send them back to their own abodes. He also
promised to give those who went back as much as would make them special
objects of envy to those at home and arouse in the other Macedonians
the wish to share similar dangers and labours. Alexander said this,
no doubt, for the purpose of pleasing the Macedonians; but on the
contrary they were, not without reason, offended by the speech which
he delivered, thinking that now they were despised by him and deemed
to be quite useless for military service. Indeed, throughout the whole
of this expedition they had been offended at many other things; for
his adoption of the Persian dress, thereby exhibiting his contempt
for their opinion, caused them grief, as did also his accoutring the
foreign soldiers called Epigoni in the Macedonian style, and the mixing
of the alien horsemen among the ranks of the Companions. Therefore
they could not remain silent and control themselves, but urged him to
dismiss all of them from his army; and they advised him to prosecute
the war in company with his father, deriding Ammon by this remark. When
Alexander heard this (for at that time he was more hasty in temper than
heretofore, and no longer, as of old, indulgent to the Macedonians from
having a retinue of foreign attendants), leaping down from the platform
with his officers around him, he ordered the most conspicuous of the
men who had tried to stir up the multitude to sedition to be arrested.
He himself pointed out with his hand to the shield-bearing guards those
whom they were to arrest, to the number of thirteen; and he ordered
these to be led away to execution.[861] When the rest, stricken with
terror, became silent, he mounted the platform and spoke as follows:—
CHAPTER IX.
ALEXANDER’S SPEECH.
“The speech which I am about to deliver will not be for the purpose
of checking your start homeward, for, so far as I am concerned, you
may depart wherever you wish; but because I wish you to know what
kind of men you were originally and how you have been transformed
since you came into our service. In the first place, as is reasonable,
I shall begin my speech from my father Philip. For he found you
vagabonds and destitute of means, most of you clad in hides, feeding
a few sheep up the mountain sides, for the protection of which you
had to fight with small success against Illyrians, Triballians, and
the border Thracians.[862] Instead of the hides he gave you cloaks
to wear, and from the mountains he led you down into the plains, and
made you capable of fighting the neighbouring barbarians, so that you
were no longer compelled to preserve yourselves by trusting rather
to the inaccessible strongholds than to your own valour. He made you
colonists of cities, which he adorned with useful laws and customs;
and from being slaves and subjects, he made you rulers over those
very barbarians by whom you yourselves, as well as your property,
were previously liable to be plundered and ravaged. He also added
the greater part of Thrace to Macedonia, and by seizing the most
conveniently situated places on the sea-coast, he spread abundance
over the land from commerce, and made the working of the mines a
secure employment.[863] He made you rulers over the Thessalians,
of whom you had formerly been in mortal fear[864]; and by humbling
the nation of the Phocians, he rendered the avenue into Greece
broad and easy for you, instead of being narrow and difficult.[865]
The Athenians and Thebans, who were always lying in wait to attack
Macedonia, he humbled to such a degree,—I also then rendering him my
personal aid in the campaign,[866]—that instead of paying tribute to
the former[867] and being vassals to the latter,[868] those States
in their turn procure security to themselves by our assistance. He
penetrated into the Peloponnese, and after regulating its affairs,
was publicly declared commander-in-chief of all the rest of Greece
in the expedition against the Persian, adding this glory not more to
himself than to the commonwealth of the Macedonians. These were the
advantages which accrued to you from my father Philip; great indeed
if looked at by themselves, but small if compared with those you
have obtained from me. For though I inherited from my father only a
few gold and silver goblets, and there were not even sixty talents
in the treasury, and though I found myself charged with a debt of
500 talents owing by Philip,[869] and I was obliged myself to borrow
800 talents in addition to these, I started from the country which
could not decently support you, and forthwith laid open to you the
passage of the Hellespont, though at that time the Persians held the
sovereignty of the sea. Having overpowered the viceroys of Darius
with my cavalry, I added to your empire the whole of Ionia,[870] the
whole of Aeolis, both Phrygias[871] and Lydia, and I took Miletus by
siege. All the other places I gained by voluntary surrender, and I
granted you the privilege of appropriating the wealth found in them.
The riches of Egypt and Cyrene, which I acquired without fighting a
battle, have come to you. Coele-Syria, Palestine, and Mesopotamia are
your property. Babylon, Bactra, and Susa are yours. The wealth of the
Lydians, the treasures of the Persians, and the riches of the Indians
are yours; and so is the External Sea. You are viceroys, you are
generals, you are captains. What then have I reserved to myself after
all these labours, except this purple robe and this diadem?[872] I have
appropriated nothing myself, nor can any one point out my treasures,
except these possessions of yours or the things which I am guarding
on your behalf.[873] Individually, however, I have no motive to guard
them, since I feed on the same fare as you do, and I take only the same
amount of sleep. Nay, I do not think that my fare is as good as that of
those among you who live luxuriously; and I know that I often sit up at
night to watch for you, that you may be able to sleep.
CHAPTER X.
ALEXANDER’S SPEECH (_continued_).
“But some one may say, that while you endured toil and fatigue, I have
acquired these things as your leader without myself sharing the toil
and fatigue. But who is there of you who knows that he has endured
greater toil for me than I have for him? Come now! whoever of you has
wounds, let him strip and show them, and I will show mine in turn;
for there is no part of my body, in front at any rate, remaining free
from wounds; nor is there any kind of weapon used either for close
combat or for hurling at the enemy, the traces of which I do not bear
on my person. For I have been wounded with the sword in close fight,
I have been shot with arrows, and I have been struck with missiles
projected from engines of war; and though oftentimes I have been hit
with stones and bolts of wood for the sake of your lives, your glory,
and your wealth, I am still leading you as conquerors over all the
land and sea, all rivers, mountains, and plains. I have celebrated
your weddings with my own, and the children of many of you will be
akin to my children. Moreover I have liquidated the debts of all those
who had incurred them, without inquiring too closely for what purpose
they were contracted, though you receive such high pay, and carry off
so much booty whenever there is booty to be got after a siege. Most
of you have golden crowns, the eternal memorials of your valour and
of the honour you receive from me. Whoever has been killed, has met
with a glorious end and has been honoured with a splendid burial.
Brazen statues of most of the slain have been erected at home,[874]
and their parents are held in honour, being released from all public
service and from taxation. But no one of you has ever been killed
in flight under my leadership. And now I was intending to send back
those of you who are unfit for service, objects of envy to those at
home; but since you all wish to depart, depart all of you! Go back and
report at home that your king Alexander, the conqueror of the Persians,
Medes, Bactrians, and Sacians[875]; the man who has subjugated the
Uxians, Arachotians, and Drangians; who has also acquired the rule
of the Parthians, Chorasmians, and Hyrcanians, as far as the Caspian
Sea; who has marched over the Caucasus, through the Caspian Gates; who
has crossed the rivers Oxus and Tanais, and the Indus besides, which
has never been crossed by any one else except Dionysus; who has also
crossed the Hydaspes, Acesines, and Hydraotes, and who would have
crossed the Hyphasis, if you had not shrunk back with alarm; who has
penetrated into the Great Sea by both the mouths of the Indus; who
has marched through the desert of Gadrosia, where no one ever before
marched with an army; who on his route acquired possession of Carmania
and the land of the Oritians, in addition to his other conquests, his
fleet having in the meantime already sailed round the coast of the sea
which extends from India to Persia—report that when you returned to
Susa you deserted him and went away, handing him over to the protection
of conquered foreigners. Perhaps this report of yours will be both
glorious to you in the eyes of men and devout forsooth in the eyes of
the gods. Depart!”
CHAPTER XI.
RECONCILIATION BETWEEN ALEXANDER AND HIS ARMY.
Having thus spoken, he leaped down quickly from the platform, and
entered the palace, where he paid no attention to the decoration of
his person, nor was any of his Companions admitted to see him. Not
even on the morrow was any one of them admitted to an audience; but
on the third day he summoned the select Persians within, and among
them he distributed the commands of the brigades, and made the rule
that only those whom he had proclaimed his kinsmen,[876] should have
the honour of saluting him with a kiss.[877] But the Macedonians
who heard the speech were thoroughly astonished at the moment, and
remained there in silence near the platform; nor when he retired did
any of them accompany the king, except his personal Companions and
the confidential body-guards. Though they remained, most of them had
nothing to do or say; and yet they were unwilling to retire. But when
the news was reported to them about the Persians and Medes, that the
military commands were being given to Persians, that the foreign
soldiers were being selected and divided into companies, that a Persian
foot-guard, Persian foot Companions, a Persian regiment of men with
silver shields,[878] as well as the cavalry Companions, and another
royal regiment of cavalry distinct from these, were being called by
Macedonian names, they were no longer able to restrain themselves;
but running in a body to the palace, they cast their weapons there in
front of the gates as a sign of supplication to the king. Standing in
front of the gates, they shouted, beseeching to be allowed to enter,
and saying that they were willing to surrender the men who had been
the instigators of the disturbance on that occasion, and those who
had begun the clamour. They also declared they would not retire from
the gates either day or night, unless Alexander would take some pity
upon them. When he was informed of this, he came out without delay;
and seeing them lying on the ground in humble guise, and hearing most
of them lamenting with loud voice, tears began to flow also from
his own eyes. He made an effort to say something to them, but they
continued their importunate entreaties.[879] At length one of them,
Callines by name, a man conspicuous both for his age and because he
was captain of the Companion cavalry, spoke as follows:—“O king, what
grieves the Macedonians is, that thou hast already made some of the
Persians kinsmen to thyself, and that Persians are called Alexander’s
kinsmen, and have the honour of saluting thee with a kiss; whereas none
of the Macedonians have as yet enjoyed this honour.” Then Alexander
interrupting him, said:—“But all of you without exception I consider
my kinsmen, and so from this time I shall call you.” When he had said
this, Callines advanced and saluted him with a kiss, and so did all
those who wished to salute him. Then they took up their weapons and
returned to the camp, shouting and singing a song of thanksgiving to
Apollo. After this Alexander offered sacrifice to the gods to whom it
was his custom to sacrifice, and gave a public banquet, over which he
himself presided, with the Macedonians sitting around him; and next
to them the Persians; after whom came the men of the other nations,
honoured for their personal rank or for some meritorious action. The
king and his guests drew wine from the same bowl and poured out the
same libations, both the Grecian prophets and the Magians commencing
the ceremony. He prayed for other blessings, and especially that
harmony and community of rule might exist between the Macedonians and
Persians. The common account is, that those who took part in this
banquet were 9,000 in number, that all of them poured out one libation,
and after it sang a song of thanksgiving to Apollo.[880]
CHAPTER XII.
TEN THOUSAND MACEDONIANS SENT HOME WITH CRATERUS.—DISPUTES BETWEEN
ANTIPATER AND OLYMPIAS.
Then those of the Macedonians who were unfit for service on account
of age or any other misfortune, went back of their own accord, to the
number of about 10,000. To these Alexander gave the pay not only for
the time which had already elapsed, but also for that which they would
spend in returning home. He also gave to each man a talent in addition
to his pay.[881] If any of them had children by Asiatic wives, he
ordered them to leave them behind with him, lest they should introduce
into Macedonia a cause of discord, taking with them children by foreign
women who were of a different race from the children whom they had left
behind at home born of Macedonian mothers. He promised to take care
that they should be brought up as Macedonians, educating them not only
in general matters but also in the art of war. He also undertook to
lead them into Macedonia when they arrived at manhood, and hand them
over to their fathers. These uncertain and obscure promises were made
to them as they were departing; and he thought he was giving a most
indubitable proof of the friendship and affection he had for them by
sending with them, as their guardian and the leader of the expedition,
Craterus, the man most faithful to him, and whom he valued equally with
himself.[882] Then, having saluted them all, he with tears dismissed
them likewise weeping from his presence. He ordered Craterus[883] to
lead these men back, and when he had done so, to take upon himself the
government of Macedonia, Thrace, and Thessaly, and to preside over the
freedom of the Greeks. He also ordered Antipater to bring to him the
Macedonians of manly age as successors to those who were being sent
back. He despatched Polysperchon also with Craterus, as his second in
command, so that if any mishap befell Craterus on the march (for he
was sending him back on account of the weakness of his health), those
who were going might not be in need of a general.[884] A secret report
was also going about that Alexander was now overcome by his mother’s
accusations of Antipater, and that he wished to remove him from
Macedonia.[885] This report was current among those who thought that
royal actions are more worthy of honour in proportion to their secrecy,
and who were inclined to impute what is worthy of belief to a bad
motive rather than to attribute it to the real one; a course to which
they were led by appearances and their own depravity. But probably this
sending for Antipater was not designed for his dishonour, but rather
to prevent any unpleasant consequences to Antipater and Olympias from
their quarrel which he might not himself be able to rectify. For they
were incessantly writing to Alexander, the former saying that the
arrogance, acerbity, and meddlesomeness of Olympias was exceedingly
unbecoming to the king’s mother; insomuch that Alexander was related
to have used the following remark in reference to the reports which
he received about his mother:—that she was exacting from him a heavy
house-rent for the ten months.[886] The queen wrote that Antipater
was overweeningly insolent in his pretensions and in the service of
his court, no longer remembering the one who had appointed him, but
claiming to win and hold the first rank[887] among the Macedonians and
Greeks. These slanderous reports about Antipater appeared to have more
weight with Alexander, since they were more formidable in regard to the
regal dignity. However no overt act or word of the king was reported,
from which any one could infer that Antipater was in any way less in
favour with him than before.[888]
CHAPTER XIII.
THE NISAEAN PLAIN.—THE AMAZONS.
It is said that Hephaestion much against his will yielded to this
argument and was reconciled to Eumenes, who on his part wished to
settle the dispute.[889] In this journey[890] Alexander is said to
have seen the plain which was devoted to the royal mares. Herodotus
says that the plain itself was named Nisaean, and that the mares were
called Nisaean[891]; adding that in olden times there were 150,000
of these horses. But at this time Alexander found not many above
50,000; for most of them had been carried off by robbers. They say
that Atropates, the viceroy of Media, gave him a hundred women, saying
that they were of the race of Amazons.[892] These had been equipped
with the arms of male horsemen, except that they carried axes instead
of spears and targets instead of shields. They also say that they had
the right breast smaller than the left, and that they exposed it in
battle. Alexander dismissed them from the army, that no attempt to
violate them might be made by the Macedonians or barbarians; and he
ordered them to carry word to their queen that he was coming to her
in order to procreate children by her.[893] But this story has been
recorded neither by Aristobulus nor Ptolemy, nor any other writer who
is a trustworthy authority on such matters. I do not even think that
the race of Amazons was surviving at that time; for before Alexander’s
time they were not mentioned even by Xenophon,[894] who mentions the
Phasians, Colchians, and all the other barbaric races which the Greeks
came upon, when they started from Trapezus or before they marched down
to Trapezus. They would certainly have fallen in with the Amazons if
they were still in existence. However it does not seem to me credible
that this race of women was altogether fictitious, because it has been
celebrated by so many famous poets. For the general account is, that
Heracles marched against them and brought the girdle of their queen
Hippolyte into Greece.[895] The Athenians also under Theseus were the
first to conquer and repulse these women as they were advancing into
Europe[896]; and the battle of the Athenians and Amazons has been
painted by Micon,[897] no less than that of the Athenians and Persians.
Herodotus also has frequently written about these women[898]; and so
have the Athenian writers who have honoured the men who perished in
war with funeral orations. They have mentioned the exploit of the
Athenians against the Amazons as one of their special glories.[899]
If therefore Atropates showed any equestrian women to Alexander, I
think he must have shown him some other foreign women trained in
horsemanship, and equipped with the arms which were said to be those of
the Amazons.[900]
CHAPTER XIV.
DEATH OF HEPHAESTION.
In Ecbatana Alexander offered sacrifice according to his custom, for
good fortune; and he celebrated a gymnastic and musical contest.
He also held drinking parties with his Companions. At this time
Hephaestion fell sick; and they say that the stadium was full of people
on the seventh day of his fever, for on that day there was a gymnastic
contest for boys. When Alexander was informed that Hephaestion was
in a critical state, he went to him without delay, but found him no
longer alive.[901] Different authors have given different accounts
of Alexander’s grief on this occasion; but they agree in this, that
his grief was great. As to what was done in honour of Hephaestion,
they make diverse statements, just as each writer was actuated by
good-will or envy towards him, or even towards Alexander himself. Of
the authors who have made these reckless statements, some seem to
me to have thought that whatever Alexander said or did to show his
excessive grief for the man who was the dearest to him in the world,
redounds to his own honour; whereas others seem to have thought that
it rather tended to his disgrace, as being conduct unbecoming to any
king and especially to Alexander. Some say that he lay prostrate on his
companion’s body for the greater part of that day, bewailing him and
refusing to depart from him, until he was forcibly carried away by his
Companions. Others that he lay upon the body the whole day and night.
Others again say that he hanged the physician Glaucias, for having
indiscreetly given the medicine[902]; while others affirm that he,
being a spectator of the games, neglected Hephaestion, who was filled
with wine. That Alexander should have cut off his hair in honour of
the dead man, I do not think improbable, both for other reasons and
especially from a desire to imitate Achilles, whom from his boyhood he
had an ambition to rival.[903] Others also say that Alexander himself
at one time drove the chariot on which the body was borne; but this
statement I by no means believe. Others again affirm that he ordered
the shrine of Asclepius in Ecbatana to be razed to the ground; which
was an act of barbarism, and by no means in harmony with Alexander’s
general behaviour, but rather in accordance with the arrogance of
Xerxes in his dealings with the deity, who is said to have let fetters
down into the Hellespont, in order to punish it forsooth.[904] But
the following statement, which has been recorded, does not seem to me
entirely beyond the range of probability:—that when Alexander was
marching to Babylon, he was met on the road by many embassies from
Greece, among which were some Epidaurian envoys, who obtained from him
their requests.[905] He also gave them an offering to be conveyed to
Asclepius, adding this remark:—“Although Asclepius has not treated me
fairly, in not saving the life of my Companion, whom I valued equally
with my own head.”[906] It has been stated by most writers that he
ordered honours to be always paid to Hephaestion as a hero; and some
say that he even sent men to Ammon’s temple to ask the god if it were
allowable to offer sacrifice to Hephaestion as a god; but Ammon replied
that it was not allowable. All the authorities, however, agree as to
the following facts:—that until the third day after Hephaestion’s
death, Alexander neither tasted food nor paid any attention to his
personal appearance, but lay on the ground either bewailing or silently
mourning; that he also ordered a funeral pyre to be prepared for him
in Babylon at the expense of 10,000 talents; some say at a still
greater cost[907]; that a decree was published throughout all the
barbarian territory for the observance of a public mourning.[908] Many
of Alexander’s Companions dedicated themselves and their arms to the
dead Hephaestion in order to show their respect to him; and the first
to begin the artifice was Eumenes, whom we a short time ago mentioned
as having been at variance with him.[909] This he did that Alexander
might not think he was pleased at Hephaestion’s death. Alexander did
not appoint any one else to be commander of the Companion cavalry in
the place of Hephaestion, so that the name of that general might not
perish from the brigade; but that division of cavalry was still called
Hephaestion’s and the figure made from Hephaestion went in front of
it. He also resolved to celebrate a gymnastic and musical contest,
much more magnificent than any of the preceding, both in the multitude
of competitors and in the amount of money expended upon it. For he
provided 3,000 competitors in all; and it is said that these men a
short time after also competed in the games held at Alexander’s own
funeral.
CHAPTER XV.
SUBJUGATION OF THE COSSAEANS.—EMBASSIES FROM DISTANT NATIONS.
The mourning was prolonged for many days; and as he was now beginning
to recall himself from it, under such circumstances his Companions
had less difficulty in rousing him to action. Then at length he made
an expedition against the Cossaeans,[910] a warlike race bordering on
the territory of the Uxians. They are mountaineers, inhabiting strong
positions in separate villages. Whenever a force approached them,
they were in the habit of retiring to the summits of their mountains,
either in a body or separately as each man found it practicable; and
thus they escaped, making it difficult for those who attacked them
with their forces to come near them. After the enemy’s departure,
they used to turn themselves again to marauding, by which occupation
they supported themselves. But Alexander subdued this race, though he
marched against them in the winter; for neither winter nor ruggedness
of ground was any impediment either to him or to Ptolemy, son of
Lagus, who led a part of the army in the campaign against them. Thus no
military enterprise which Alexander undertook was ever unsuccessful.
As he was marching back to Babylon, he was met by embassies from the
Libyans, who congratulated him and crowned him as conqueror of the
kingdom of Asia.[911] From Italy also came Bruttians, Lucanians, and
Tyrrhenians[912] as envoys, for the same purpose. The Carthaginians
are said to have sent an embassy to him at this time[913]; and it is
also asserted that envoys came to request his friendship from the
Ethiopians, the Scythians of Europe, the Gauls, and Iberians—nations
whose names were heard and their accoutrements seen then for the first
time by Greeks and Macedonians. They are also said to have entrusted
to Alexander the duty of settling their disputes with each other. Then
indeed it was especially evident both to himself and to those about
him that he was lord of all the land and sea.[914] Of the men who have
written the history of Alexander, Aristus and Asclepiades[915] alone
say that the Romans also sent an embassy to him, and that when he met
their embassy, he predicted something of the future power of Rome,
observing both the attire of the men, their love of labour, and their
devotion to freedom. At the same time he made urgent inquiries about
their political constitution. This incident I have recorded neither
as certainly authentic nor as altogether incredible; but none of the
Roman writers have made any mention of this embassy having been
despatched to Alexander; nor of those who have written an account of
Alexander’s actions, has either Ptolemy, son of Lagus, or Aristobulus
mentioned it. With these authors I am generally inclined to agree. Nor
does it seem likely that the Roman republic, which was at that time
remarkable for its love of liberty, would send an embassy to a foreign
king, especially to a place so far away from their own land, when they
were not compelled to do so by fear or any hope of advantage, being
possessed as they were beyond any other people by hatred to the very
name and race of despots.[916]
CHAPTER XVI.
EXPLORATION OF THE CASPIAN.—THE CHALDAEAN SOOTHSAYERS.
After this, Alexander sent Heraclides, son of Argaeus, into Hyrcania
in command of a company of shipwrights, with orders to cut timber from
the Hyrcanian mountains and with it to construct a number of ships of
war, some without decks and others with decks after the Grecian fashion
of ship-building.[917] For he was very desirous of discovering with
what sea the one called the Hyrcanian or Caspian unites; whether it
communicates with the water of the Euxine Sea, or whether the Great
Sea comes right round from the Eastern Sea, which is near India and
flows up into the Hyrcanian Gulf; just as he had discovered that the
Persian Sea, which was called the Red Sea, is really a gulf of the
Great Sea.[918] For the sources of the Caspian Sea had not yet been
discovered, although many nations dwell around it, and navigable rivers
discharge their waters into it. From Bactria, the Oxus, the largest of
Asiatic rivers, those of India excepted, discharges itself into this
sea[919]; and through Scythia flows the Jaxartes.[920] The general
account is, that the Araxes also, which flows from Armenia, falls into
the same sea.[921] These are the largest; but many others flow into
these, while others again discharge themselves directly into this
sea. Some of these were known to those who visited these nations with
Alexander; others are situated towards the farther side of the gulf, as
it seems, in the country of the Nomadic Scythians, a district which is
quite unknown.
When Alexander had crossed the river Tigres with his army and was
marching to Babylon, he was met by the Chaldaean philosophers[922];
who, having led him away from his Companions, besought him to suspend
his march to that city. For they said that an oracular declaration had
been made to them by the god Belus, that his entrance into Babylon at
that time would not be for his good. But he answered their speech with
a line from the poet Euripides to this effect: “He the best prophet
is that guesses well.”[923] But said the Chaldaeans:—“O king, do not
at any rate enter the city looking towards the west, nor leading the
army advancing in that direction; but rather go right round towards the
east.” But this did not turn out to be easy for him, on account of the
difficulty of the ground; for the deity was leading him to the place
where entering he was doomed soon to die. And perhaps it was better for
him to be taken off in the very acme of his glory as well as of the
affection entertained for him by men, before any of the vicissitudes
natural to man befell him. Probably this was the reason Solon advised
Croesus to look at the end of a long life, and not before pronounce
any man happy.[924] Yea indeed, Hephaestion’s death had been no small
misfortune to Alexander; and I think he would rather have departed
before it occurred than have been alive to experience it; no less than
Achilles, as it seems to me, would rather have died before Patroclus
than have been the avenger of his death.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE ADVICE OF THE CHALDEES REJECTED.
But he had a suspicion that the Chaldaeans were trying to prevent his
entrance into Babylon at that time with reference rather to their own
advantage than to the declaration of the oracle. For in the middle of
the city of the Babylonians was the temple of Belus,[925] an edifice
very great in size, constructed of baked bricks which were cemented
together with bitumen. This temple had been razed to the ground by
Xerxes, when he returned from Greece; as were also all the other sacred
buildings of the Babylonians. Some say that Alexander had formed the
resolution to rebuild it upon the former foundations; and for this
reason he ordered the Babylonians to carry away the mound. Others say
that he intended to build a still larger one than that which formerly
existed.[926] But after his departure, the men who had been entrusted
with the work prosecuted it without any vigour, so that he determined
to employ the whole of his army in completing it. A great quantity
of land as well as gold had been dedicated to the god Belus by the
Assyrian kings; and in olden times the temple was kept in repair and
sacrifices were offered to the god. But at that time the Chaldaeans
were appropriating the property of the god, since nothing existed upon
which the revenues could be expended. Alexander suspected that they did
not wish him to enter Babylon for this reason, for fear that in a short
time the temple would be finished, and they should be deprived of the
gains accruing from the money. And yet, according to Aristobulus, he
was willing to yield to their persuasions so far at least as to change
the direction of his entry into the city. For this purpose, on the
first day he encamped near the river Euphrates; and on the next day he
marched along the bank, keeping the river on his right hand, with the
intention of passing beyond the part of the city turned towards the
west, and there wheeling round to lead his army towards the east. But
on account of the difficulty of the ground he could not march with his
army in this direction; because if a man who is entering the city from
the west, here changes his direction eastward, he comes upon ground
covered with marshes and shoals. Thus, partly by his own will and
partly against his will, he disobeyed the god.
CHAPTER XVIII.
PREDICTIONS OF ALEXANDER’S DEATH.
Moreover Aristobulus has recorded the following story. Apollodorus
the Amphipolitan, one of Alexander’s Companions, was general of the
army which the king left with Mazaeus, the viceroy of Babylon.[927]
When he joined his forces with the king’s on the return of the
latter from India, and observed that he was severely punishing the
viceroys who had been placed over the several countries, he sent to
his brother Peithagoras and asked him to divine about his safety. For
Peithagoras was a diviner who derived his knowledge of the future from
the inspection of the inward parts of animals. This man sent back to
Apollodorus, inquiring of whom he was so especially afraid, as to
wish to consult divination. The latter wrote back: “The king himself
and Hephaestion.” Peithagoras therefore in the first place offered
sacrifice with reference to Hephaestion. But as there was no lobe
visible upon the liver of the sacrificial victim,[928] he stated this
fact in a letter, which he sealed and sent to his brother from Babylon
to Ecbatana, explaining that there was no reason at all to be afraid
of Hephaestion, for in a short time he would be out of their way. And
Aristobulus says that Apollodorus received this epistle only one day
before Hephaestion died. Then Peithagoras again offered sacrifice in
respect to Alexander, and the liver of the victim consulted in respect
to him was also destitute of a lobe. He therefore wrote to Apollodorus
to the same purport about Alexander as about Hephaestion. Apollodorus
did not conceal the information sent to him, but told Alexander, in
order the more to show his good-will to the king, if he urged him to
be on his guard lest some danger might befall him at that time. And
Aristobulus says that the king commended Apollodorus, and when he
entered Babylon, he asked Peithagoras what sign he had met with, to
induce him to write thus to his brother. He said that the liver of the
victim sacrificed for him was without a lobe. When Alexander asked what
the sign portended, he said that it was a very disastrous one. The
king was so far from being angry with him, that he even treated him
with greater respect, for telling him the truth without any disguise.
Aristobulus says that he himself heard this story from Peithagoras; and
adds that the same man acted as diviner for Perdiccas and afterwards
for Antigonus, and that the same sign occurred for both. It was
verified by fact; for Perdiccas lost his life leading an army against
Ptolemy,[929] and Antigonus was killed in the battle fought by him at
Ipsus against Seleucus and Lysimachus.[930] Also concerning Calanus,
the Indian philosopher, the following story has been recorded. When he
was going to the funeral pyre to die, he gave the parting salutation
to all his other companions; but he refused to approach Alexander to
give him the salutation, saying he would meet him at Babylon and there
salute him. At the time indeed this remark was treated with neglect;
but afterwards, when Alexander had died at Babylon, it came to the
recollection of those who had heard it, and they thought forsooth that
it was a divine intimation of Alexander’s approaching end.
CHAPTER XIX.
EMBASSIES FROM GREECE.—FLEET PREPARED FOR INVADING ARABIA.
As he was entering Babylon, he was met by embassies from the Greeks;
but for what purpose each embassy was sent has not been recorded.[931]
To me indeed it seems probable that most of them came to crown and
eulogize him on account of his victories, especially the Indian ones,
as well as to say that the Greeks rejoiced at his safe return from
India. It is said that he greeted these men with the right hand, and
after paying them suitable honour sent them back. He also gave the
ambassadors permission to take with them all the statues of men and
images of gods and the other votive offerings which Xerxes had carried
off from Greece to Babylon, Pasargadae, Susa, or any other place in
Asia. In this way it is said that the brazen statues of Harmodius and
Aristogeiton,[932] as well as the monument of the Celcaean Artemis,
were carried back to Athens.[933]
Aristobulus says that he found at Babylon the fleet with Nearchus,
which had sailed from the Persian Sea up the river Euphrates; and
another which had been conveyed from Phoenicia, consisting of two
Phoenician quinqueremes, three quadriremes, twelve triremes, and thirty
triacontors. These had been taken to pieces and conveyed to the river
Euphrates from Phoenicia to the city of Thapsacus. There they were
joined together again and sailed down to Babylon. The same writer
says that he cut down the cypresses in Babylonia and with them built
another fleet; for in the land of the Assyrians these trees alone are
abundant, but of the other things necessary for ship-building this
country affords no supply. A multitude of purple-fishers and other
sea-faring men came to him from Phoenicia and the rest of the seaboard
to serve as crews for the ships and perform the other services on
board. Near Babylon he made a harbour by excavation large enough to
afford anchorage to 1,000 ships of war; and adjoining the harbour
he made dockyards. Miccalus the Clazomenian[934] was despatched to
Phoenicia and Syria with 500 talents[935] to enlist some men and to
purchase others who were experienced in nautical affairs. For Alexander
designed to colonize the seaboard near the Persian Gulf, as well as
the islands in that sea. For he thought that this land would become no
less prosperous than Phoenicia. He made these preparations of the fleet
to attack the main body of the Arabs,[936] under the pretext that they
were the only barbarians of this region who had not sent an embassy to
him or done anything else becoming their position and showing respect
to him. But the truth was, as it seems to me, that Alexander was
insatiably ambitious of acquiring fresh territory.[937]
CHAPTER XX.
DESCRIPTION OF ARABIA.—VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.
The common report is, that he heard that the Arabs venerated only
two gods, Uranus and Dionysus[938]; the former because he is visible
and contains in himself the heavenly luminaries, especially the sun,
from which emanates the greatest and most evident benefit to all
things human; and the latter on account of the fame he acquired by his
expedition into India. Therefore he thought himself quite worthy to be
considered by the Arabs as a third god, since he had performed deeds
by no means inferior to those of Dionysus. If then he could conquer
the Arabs, he intended to grant them the privilege of conducting their
government according to their own customs, as he had already done to
the Indians. The fertility of the land was a secret inducement to him
to invade it; because he heard that the people obtained cassia from the
lakes, and myrrh and frankincense from the trees; that cinnamon was
cut from the shrubs, and that the meadows produce spikenard without
any cultivation.[939] As to the size of the country, he was informed
that the seaboard of Arabia was not less in extent than that of India;
that near it lie many islands; that in all parts of the country there
were harbours sufficiently commodious to provide anchorage for his
fleet, and that it supplied sites for founding cities, which would
become flourishing. He was also informed that there were two islands
in the sea facing the mouth of the Euphrates, the first of which was
not far from the place where the waters of that river are discharged
into the sea, being about 120 stades[940] distant from the shore and
the river’s mouth. This is the smaller of the two, and was densely
covered with every kind of timber. In it was also a temple of Artemis,
around which the inhabitants themselves spent their lives. The island
was devoted to the use of wild goats and stags, which were allowed
to range at large as being dedicated to Artemis. It was unlawful to
chase them unless any one wished to offer sacrifice to the goddess;
and for this purpose alone it was lawful to chase them. Aristobulus
says that Alexander ordered this island to be called Icarus, after the
island so named in the Aegean Sea,[941] on which, as the report goes,
Icarus, son of Daedalus fell, when the wax, by which the wings had been
fastened to him, melted. For he did not fly near the earth, according
to his father’s injunctions, but senselessly flying far aloft, he
allowed the sun to soften and loosen the wax. Icarus left his name to
the island and the sea, the former being called Icarus and the latter
the Icarian. The other island was said to be distant from the mouth
of the Euphrates about a day and night’s voyage for a ship running
before the breeze. Its name was Tylus[942]; it was large and most of
it neither rugged nor woody, but suitable for producing cultivated
fruits and all things in due season. Some of this information was
imparted to Alexander by Archias, who was sent with a triacontor to
investigate the course of the coasting voyage to Arabia, and who went
as far as the island of Tylus, but durst not pass beyond that point.
Androsthenes[943] was despatched with another triacontor and sailed
to a part of the peninsula of Arabia. Hieron of Soli the pilot also
received a triacontor from Alexander and advanced farthest of those
whom he despatched to this region; for he had received instructions
to sail round the whole Arabian peninsula as far as the Arabian Gulf
near Egypt over against Heroöpolis.[944] Although he coasted along
the country of the Arabs to a great distance, he durst not go as far
as he was ordered; but returning to Alexander he reported that the
size of the peninsula was marvellous, being only a little smaller than
the country of the Indians, and its extremity projected far into the
Great Sea.[945] Nearchus indeed in his voyage from India had seen this
stretching out a little, before he turned aside into the Persian Gulf,
and he was almost induced to cross over to it. The pilot Onesicritus
thought they ought to have gone thither; but Nearchus says that he
himself prevented it, so that after sailing right round the Persian
Gulf he might be able to give a report to Alexander that he had
accomplished the voyage on which he had sent him. For Nearchus said he
had not been despatched to navigate the Great Sea, but to explore the
land bordering on the sea, to find out what men inhabit it, to discover
the harbours and rivers in it, to ascertain the customs of the people,
and to see if any of the country was fertile and if any was sterile.
This was the reason why Alexander’s naval expedition returned in
safety; for if it had sailed beyond the deserts of Arabia, it would not
have returned in safety. This is said also to have been the reason why
Hieron turned back.[946]
CHAPTER XXI.
DESCRIPTION OF THE EUPHRATES AND THE PALLACOPAS.
While the triremes were being built for him, and the harbour near
Babylon was being excavated, Alexander sailed from Babylon down the
Euphrates to what was called the river Pallacopas, which is distant
from Babylon about 800 stades.[947] This Pallacopas is not a river
rising from springs, but a canal cut from the Euphrates. For that river
flowing from the Armenian mountains,[948] proceeds within its banks in
the season of winter, because its water is scanty; but when the spring
begins to make its appearance, and especially just before the summer
solstice, it pours along with mighty stream and overflows its banks
into the Assyrian country.[949] For at that season the snow upon the
Armenian mountains melts and swells its water to a great degree; and
as its stream flows high above the level of the country, it would flow
over the land if some one had not furnished it with an outlet along
the Pallacopas and turned it aside into the marshes and pools, which,
beginning from this canal, extend as far as the country contiguous
to Arabia. Thence it spreads out far and wide into a shallow lake,
from which it falls into the sea by many invisible mouths. After the
snow has melted, about the time of the setting of the Pleiades, the
Euphrates flows with a small stream; but none the less the greater part
of it discharges itself into the pools along the Pallacopas. Unless,
therefore, some one had dammed up the Pallacopas again, so that the
water might be turned back within the banks and carried down the
channel of the river, it would have drained the Euphrates into itself,
and consequently the Assyrian country would not be watered by it. But
the outlet of the Euphrates into the Pallacopas was dammed up by the
viceroy of Babylonia with great labour (although it was an easy matter
to construct the outlet), because the ground in this region is slimy
and most of it mud, so that when it has once received the water of the
river it is not easy to turn it back. But more than 10,000 Assyrians
were engaged in this labour even until the third month. When Alexander
was informed of this, he was induced to confer a benefit upon the land
of Assyria. He determined to shut up the outlet where the stream of
the Euphrates was turned into the Pallacopas. When he had advanced
about thirty stades, the earth appeared to be somewhat rocky, so that
if it were cut through and a junction made with the old canal along
the Pallacopas, on account of the hardness of the soil, it would not
allow the water to percolate, and there would be no difficulty in
turning it back at the appointed season. For this purpose he sailed
to the Pallacopas, and then continued his voyage down that canal into
the pools towards the country of the Arabs. There seeing a certain
admirable site, he founded a city upon it and fortified it. In it he
settled as many of the Grecian mercenaries as volunteered to remain,
and such as were unfit for military service by reason of age or wounds.
CHAPTER XXII.
AN OMEN OF ALEXANDER’S APPROACHING DEATH.
Having thus proved the falsity of the prophecy of the Chaldaeans, by
not having experienced any unpleasant fortune in Babylon,[950] as they
had predicted, but having marched out of that city without suffering
any mishap, he grew confident in spirit and sailed again through the
marshes, having Babylon on his left hand. Here a part of his fleet lost
its way in the narrow branches of the river through want of a pilot,
until he sent a man to pilot it and lead it back into the channel
of the river. The following story is told. Most of the tombs of the
Assyrian kings had been built among the pools and marshes.[951] When
Alexander was sailing through these marshes, and, as the story goes,
was himself steering the trireme, a strong gust of wind fell upon his
broad-brimmed Macedonian hat, and the fillet which encircled it. The
hat, being heavy, fell into the water; but the fillet, being carried
along by the wind, was caught by one of the reeds growing near the
tomb of one of the ancient kings.[952] This incident itself was an
omen of what was about to occur, and so was the fact that one of the
sailors[953] swam off towards the fillet and snatched it from the reed.
But he did not carry it in his hands, because it would have been wetted
while he was swimming; he therefore put it round his own head and thus
conveyed it to the king. Most of the biographers of Alexander say
that the king presented him with a talent as a reward for his zeal,
and then ordered his head to be cut off; as the prophets had directed
him not to permit that head to be safe which had worn the royal
fillet. However, Aristobulus says that the man received a talent; but
afterwards also received a scourging for placing the fillet round his
head. The same author says that it was one of the Phoenician sailors
who fetched the fillet for Alexander; but there are some who say it
was Seleucus, and that this was an omen to Alexander of his death and
to Seleucus of his great kingdom. For that of all those who succeeded
to the sovereignty after Alexander, Seleucus became the greatest king,
was the most kingly in mind, and ruled over the greatest extent of land
after Alexander himself, does not seem to me to admit of question.[954]
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE ARMY RECRUITED FROM THE PERSIANS.—HEPHAESTION’S MEMORY HONOURED.
When he returned to Babylon he found that Peucestas had arrived from
Persis, bringing with him 20,000 Persians, as well as many Cossaeans
and Tapurians, because these races were reported to be the most warlike
of those bordering on Persis. Philoxenus also came to him, bringing an
army from Caria; Menander, with another from Lydia, and Menidas with
the cavalry which had been put under his command.[955] At the same
time arrived embassies from Greece, the members of which, with crowns
upon their own heads, approached Alexander and crowned him with golden
crowns, as if forsooth they came to him as special envoys deputed to
pay him divine honours; and his end was not far off. Then he commended
the Persians for their great zeal towards him, which was shown by their
obedience to Peucestas in all things, and Peucestas himself for the
prudence which he had displayed in ruling them. He distributed these
foreign soldiers among the Macedonian ranks in the following way.
Each company was led by a Macedonian decurion, and next to him was a
Macedonian receiving double pay for distinguished valour; and then
came one who received ten staters,[956] who was so named from the pay
he received, being less than that received by the man with double pay,
but more than that of the men who were serving as soldiers without
holding a position of honour. Next to these came twelve Persians, and
last in the company another Macedonian, who also received the pay of
ten staters; so that in each company there were twelve Persians and
four Macedonians, three of whom received higher pay, and the fourth was
in command of the company.[957] The Macedonians were armed in their
hereditary manner; but of the Persians some were archers, while others
had javelins furnished with straps, by which they were held.[958] At
this time Alexander often reviewed his fleet, had many sham-fights with
his triremes and quadriremes in the river, and contests both for rowers
and pilots, the winners receiving crowns.
Now arrived the special envoys whom he had despatched to Ammon to
inquire how it was lawful for him to honour Hephaestion. They told him
that Ammon said it was lawful to offer sacrifice to him as to a hero.
Rejoicing at the response of the oracle, he paid respect to him as a
hero from that time. He also despatched a letter to Cleomenes, who was
a bad man and had committed many acts of injustice in Egypt.[959] For
my own part I do not blame him for his friendship to Hephaestion and
for his recollection of him even when dead; but I do blame him for many
other acts. For the letter commanded Cleomenes to prepare chapels for
the hero Hephaestion in the Egyptian Alexandria, one in the city itself
and another in the island of Pharos, where the tower is situated.[960]
The chapels were to be exceedingly large and to be built at lavish
expense. The letter also directed that Cleomenes should take care
that Hephaestion’s name should be attached to them; and moreover that
his name should be engraved on all the legal documents with which the
merchants entered into bargains with each other.[961] These things I
cannot blame, except that he made so much ado about matters of trifling
moment. But the following I must blame severely: “If I find,” said the
letter, “the temples and chapels of the hero Hephaestion in Egypt well
completed, I will not only pardon you any crimes you may have committed
in the past, but in the future you shall suffer no unpleasant treatment
from me, however great may be the crimes you have committed.” I cannot
commend this message sent from a great king to a man who was ruling
a large country and many people, especially as the man was a wicked
one.[962]
CHAPTER XXIV.
ANOTHER OMEN OF ALEXANDER’S DEATH.
But Alexander’s own end was now near. Aristobulus says that the
following occurrence was a prognostication of what was about to happen.
He was distributing the army which came with Peucestas from Persia,
and that which came with Philoxenus and Menander from the sea,[963]
among the Macedonian lines, and becoming thirsty he retired from his
seat and thus left the royal throne empty. On each side of the throne
were couches with silver feet, upon which his personal Companions were
sitting. A certain man of obscure condition (some say that he was even
one of the men kept under guard without being in chains), seeing the
throne and the couches empty, and the eunuchs standing round the throne
(for the Companions also rose up from their seats with the king when
he retired), walked through the line of eunuchs, ascended the throne,
and sat down upon it.[964] According to a Persian law, they did not
make him rise from the throne; but rent their garments and beat their
breasts and faces as if on account of a great evil.
When Alexander was informed of this, he ordered the man who had sat
upon his throne to be put to the torture, with the view of discovering
whether he had done this according to a plan concerted by a conspiracy.
But the man confessed nothing, except that it came into his mind at
the time to act thus. Even more for this reason the diviners explained
that this occurrence boded no good to him. A few days after this, after
offering to the gods the customary sacrifices for good success, and
certain others also for the purpose of divination, he was feasting with
his friends, and was drinking far into the night.[965] He is also said
to have distributed the sacrificial victims as well as a quantity of
wine to the army throughout the companies and centuries. There are some
who have recorded that he wished to retire after the drinking party to
his bed-chamber; but Medius, at that time the most influential of the
Companions, met him and begged him to join a party of revellers at his
residence, saying that the revel would be a pleasant one.
CHAPTER XXV.
ALEXANDER SEIZED WITH FEVER.
The Royal Diary gives the following account,[966] to the effect that
he revelled and drank at the dwelling of Medius; then rose up, took a
bath, and slept; then again supped at the house of Medius and again
drank till far into the night. After retiring from the drinking party
he took a bath; after which he took a little food and slept there,
because he already felt feverish. He was carried out upon a couch to
the sacrifices, in order that he might offer them according to his
daily custom. After performing the sacred rites he lay down in the
banqueting hall until dusk. In the meantime he gave instructions to
the officers about the expedition and voyage, ordering those who were
going on foot to be ready on the fourth day, and those who were going
to sail with him to be ready to sail on the fifth day. From this place
he was carried upon the couch to the river, where he embarked in a boat
and sailed across the river to the park. There he again took a bath and
went to rest.
On the following day he took another bath and offered the customary
sacrifices. He then entered a tester bed, lay down, and chatted with
Medius. He also ordered his officers to meet him at daybreak. Having
done this he ate a little supper and was again conveyed into the tester
bed. The fever now raged the whole night without intermission. The next
day he took a bath; after which he offered sacrifice, and gave orders
to Nearchus and the other officers that the voyage should begin on the
third day. The next day he bathed again and offered the prescribed
sacrifices. After performing the sacred rites, he did not yet cease to
suffer from the fever. Notwithstanding this, he summoned the officers
and gave them instructions to have all things ready for the starting of
the fleet. In the evening he took a bath, after which he was very ill.
The next day he was transferred to the house near the swimming-bath,
where he offered the prescribed sacrifices. Though he was now very
dangerously ill, he summoned the most responsible of his officers and
gave them fresh instructions about the voyage. On the following day he
was with difficulty carried out to the sacrifices, which he offered;
and none the less gave other orders to the officers about the voyage.
The next day, though he was now very ill, he offered the prescribed
sacrifices. He now gave orders that the generals should remain in
attendance in the hall,[967] and that the colonels and captains should
remain before the gates. But being now altogether in a dangerous state,
he was conveyed from the park into the palace. When his officers
entered the room, he knew them indeed, but could no longer utter a
word, being speechless. During the ensuing night and day and the next
night and day he was in a very high fever.
CHAPTER XXVI.
ALEXANDER’S DEATH.
Such is the account given in the Royal Diary. In addition to this, it
states that the soldiers were very desirous of seeing him; some, in
order to see him once more while still alive; others, because there was
a report that he was already dead, imagined that his death was being
concealed by the confidential body-guards, as I for my part suppose.
Most of them through grief and affection for their king forced their
way in to see him. It is said that when his soldiers passed by him he
was unable to speak; yet he greeted each of them with his right hand,
raising his head with difficulty and making a sign with his eyes. The
Royal Diary also says that Peithon, Attalus, Demophon, and Peucestas,
as well as Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus, slept in the temple of
Serapis,[968] and asked the god whether it would be better and more
desirable for Alexander to be carried into his temple, in order as
a suppliant to be cured by him. A voice issued from the god saying
that he was not to be carried into the temple, but that it would be
better for him to remain where he was. This answer was reported by the
Companions; and soon after Alexander died, as if forsooth this were now
the better thing. Neither Aristobulus nor Ptolemy has given an account
differing much from the preceding. Some authors, however, have related
that his Companions asked him to whom he left his kingdom; and that
he replied: “To the best.”[969] Others say, that in addition to this
remark, he told them that he saw there would be a great funeral contest
held in his honour.[970]
CHAPTER XXVII.
RUMOUR THAT ALEXANDER WAS POISONED.
I am aware that many other particulars have been related by historians
concerning Alexander’s death, and especially that poison was sent for
him by Antipater, from the effects of which he died.[971] It is also
asserted that the poison was procured for Antipater by Aristotle, who
was now afraid of Alexander on account of Callisthenes.[972] It is
said to have been conveyed by Cassander, the son of Antipater,[973]
some recording that he conveyed it in the hoof of a mule, and that
his younger brother Iollas gave it to the king.[974] For this man was
the royal cup-bearer, and he happened to have received some affront
from Alexander a short time before his death. Others have stated that
Medius, being a lover of Iollas, took part in the deed; for he it was
who induced the king to hold the revel. They say that Alexander was
seized with an acute paroxysm of pain over the wine-cup, on feeling
which he retired from the drinking bout.[975] One writer has not even
been ashamed to record that when Alexander perceived he was unlikely to
survive, he was going out to throw himself into the river Euphrates, so
that he might disappear from men’s sight, and leave among the men of
after-times a more firmly-rooted opinion that he owed his birth to a
god, and had departed to the gods. But as he was going out he did not
escape the notice of his wife Roxana, who restrained him from carrying
out his design. Whereupon he uttered lamentations, saying that she
forsooth envied him the complete glory of being thought the offspring
of the god. These statements I have recorded rather that I may not seem
to be ignorant that they have been made, than because I consider them
worthy of credence or even of narration.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER.
Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, in the
archonship of Hegesias at Athens.[976] According to the statement of
Aristobulus, he lived thirty-two years, and had reached the eighth
month of his thirty-third year. He had reigned twelve years and these
eight months.[977] He was very handsome in person, and much devoted to
exertion, very active in mind, very heroic in courage, very tenacious
of honour, exceedingly fond of incurring danger, and strictly observant
of his duty to the gods. In regard to the pleasures of the body, he had
perfect self-control; and of those of the mind, praise was the only
one of which he was insatiable. He was very clever in recognising what
was necessary to be done, even when it was still a matter unnoticed
by others; and very successful in conjecturing from the observation
of facts what was likely to occur. In marshalling, arming, and ruling
an army, he was exceedingly skilful; and very renowned for rousing
the courage of his soldiers, filling them with hopes of success,
and dispelling their fear in the midst of danger by his own freedom
from fear. Therefore even what he had to do in secret he did with
the greatest boldness. He was also very clever in getting the start
of his enemies, and snatching from them their advantages by secretly
forestalling them, before any one even feared what was about to
happen. He was likewise very steadfast in keeping the agreements and
settlements which he made, as well as very secure from being entrapped
by deceivers. Finally, he was very sparing in the expenditure of money
for the gratification of his own pleasures; but he was exceedingly
bountiful in spending it for the benefit of his associates.
CHAPTER XXIX.
APOLOGY FOR ALEXANDER’S ERRORS.
That Alexander should have committed errors in his conduct from
quickness of temper or from wrath,[978] and that he should have been
induced to comport himself like the Persian monarchs to an immoderate
degree, I do not think remarkable if we fairly consider both his
youth[979] and his uninterrupted career of good fortune; likewise that
kings have no associates in pleasure who aim at their best interests,
but that they will always have associates urging them to do wrong.
However, I am certain that Alexander was the only one of the ancient
kings who, from nobility of character, repented of the errors which he
had committed. The majority of men, even if they have become conscious
that they have committed an error, make the mistake of thinking that
they can conceal their sin by defending their error as if it had been
a just action. But it seems to me that the only cure for sin is for
the sinner to confess it, and to be visibly repentant in regard to it.
Thus the suffering will not appear altogether intolerable to those who
have undergone unpleasant treatment, if the person who inflicted it
confesses that he has acted dishonourably; and this good hope for the
future is left to the man himself, that he will never again commit a
similar sin, if he is seen to be vexed at his former errors. I do not
think that even his tracing his origin to a god was a great error on
Alexander’s part, if it was not perhaps merely a device to induce his
subjects to show him reverence.[980] Nor does he seem to me to have
been a less renowned king than Minos, Aeacus, or Rhadamanthus, to whom
no insolence is attributed by the men of old, because they traced their
origin to Zeus. Nor does he seem at all inferior to Theseus or Ion, the
former being the reputed son of Poseidon, and the latter of Apollo. His
adoption of the Persian mode of dressing also seems to me to have been
a political device in regard to the foreigners, that the king might not
appear altogether an alien to them; and in regard to the Macedonians,
to show them that he had a refuge from their rashness of temper and
insolence. For this reason I think, he mixed the Persian royal guards,
who carried golden apples at the end of their spears,[981] among
the ranks of the Macedonians, and the Persian peers[982] with the
Macedonian body-guards. Aristobulus also asserts that Alexander used
to have long drinking parties, not for the purpose of enjoying the
wine, as he was not a great wine-drinker, but in order to exhibit his
sociality and friendly feeling to his Companions.[983]
CHAPTER XXX.
EULOGY OF ALEXANDER.
Whoever therefore reproaches Alexander as a bad man, let him do so;
but let him first not only bring before his mind all his actions
deserving reproach, but also gather into one view all his deeds of
every kind. Then, indeed, let him reflect who he is himself, and what
kind of fortune he has experienced; and then consider who that man was
whom he reproaches as bad, and to what a height of human success he
attained, becoming without any dispute king of both continents,[984]
and reaching every place by his fame; while he himself who reproaches
him is of smaller account, spending his labour on petty objects, which,
however, he does not succeed in effecting, petty as they are. For my
own part, I think there was at that time no race of men, no city, nor
even a single individual to whom Alexander’s name and fame had not
penetrated. For this reason it seems to me that a hero totally unlike
any other human being could not have been born without the agency of
the deity. And this is said to have been revealed after Alexander’s
death by the oracular responses, by the visions which presented
themselves to various people, and by the dreams which were seen by
different individuals. It is also shown by the honour paid to him by
men up to the present time, and by the recollection which is still held
of him as more than human. Even at the present time, after so long an
interval, other oracular responses in his honour have been received by
the nation of the Macedonians. In relating the history of Alexander’s
achievements, there are some things which I have been compelled to
censure; but I am not ashamed to admire Alexander himself. Those
actions I have branded as bad, both from a regard to my own veracity,
and at the same time for the benefit of mankind.[985] For this reason
I think that I undertook the task of writing this history not without
the divine inspiration.
THE END OF THE HISTORY OF ALEXANDER’S DEEDS.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Cf. Arrian (_Cynegeticus_, i. 4).
[2] See _Dio Cassius_, lxix. 15.
[3] Cf. Josephus (_Vita ipsius_, 76).
[4] Cf. Lucian (_Alexander_, 2).
[5] See _Dio Cassius_, lxix. 15.
[6] See _Anabasis_, i. 10, 4; ii. 14, 4; ii. 25, 3; vi. 1, 4; vii. 23,
7.
[7] _Anab._, vii. 25.
[8] _Life of Alexander_, chap. 76.
[9] See _Anab._, v. 5, 1; 6, 8; vi. 28, 6; _Indica_, 19, 21, 23, 32, 40
cc.
[10] See _Photius_ (codex 58); _Dio Cassius_, lxix. 15.
[11] Ptolemaeus, surnamed Soter, the Preserver, but more commonly known
as the Son of Lagus, a Macedonian of low birth. Ptolemy’s mother,
Arsinoe, had been a concubine of Philip of Macedon, for which reason
it was generally believed that Ptolemy was the offspring of that
king. Ptolemy was one of the earliest friends of Alexander before his
accession to the throne, and accompanied him throughout his campaigns,
being one of his most skilful generals and most intimate friends. On
the division of the empire after Alexander’s death, Ptolemy obtained
the kingdom of Egypt, which he transmitted to his descendants. After
a distinguished reign of thirty-eight years, he abdicated the throne
to his youngest son, Ptolemy Philadelphus. He survived this event two
years, and died B.C. 283. He was a liberal patron of literature and the
arts, and wrote a history of the wars of Alexander, which is one of
the chief authorities on which Arrian composed his narrative. For his
beneficence, see Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xiii. 12). Not only Arrian,
but Plutarch and Strabo, derived much information from Ptolemy’s work,
which is highly commended by Athenæus.
[12] Aristobulus of Potidaea, a town in Macedonia, which was afterwards
called Cassandrea, served under Alexander, and wrote a history of his
wars, which, like that of Ptolemy, was sometimes more panegyrical
than the facts warranted. Neither of these histories has survived,
but they served Arrian as the groundwork for the composition of
his own narrative. Lucian in his treatise, _Quomodo historia sit
conscribenda_, ch. 12, accuses Aristobulus of inventing marvellous
tales of Alexander’s valour for the sake of flattery. Plutarch based
his _Life of Alexander_ chiefly on the work of this writer. We learn
from Lucian (_Macrobioi_, c. 22), that Aristobulus wrote his history
at the advanced age of eighty-four. He was employed by Alexander to
superintend the restoration of Cyrus’s tomb (_Arrian_, vi. 30).
[13] ἀναλέγομαι in the sense of reading through = ἀναγιγνώσκειν, is
found only in the later writers, Arrian, Plutarch, Dion, Callimachus,
etc.
[14] B.C. 336. He was murdered by a young noble named Pausanias,
who stabbed him at the festival which he was holding to celebrate
the marriage of his daughter with Alexander, king of Epirus. It was
suspected that both Olympias and her son Alexander were implicated in
the plot. At the time of his assassination Philip was just about to
start on an expedition against Persia, which his son afterwards so
successfully carried out. See Plutarch (_Alex._, 10); _Diod._, xix. 93,
94; Aristotle (_Polit._, v. 8, 10).
[15] It was the custom of the Athenians to name the years from the
president of the college of nine archons at Athens, who were elected
annually. The Attic writers adopted this method of determining dates.
See Smith’s _Dictionary of Antiquities_.
[16] Alexander the Great was the son of Philip II. and Olympias, and
was born at Pella B.C. 356. In his youth he was placed under the
tuition of Aristotle, who acquired very great influence over his
mind and character, and retained it until his pupil was spoiled by
his unparalleled successes. See Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 54).
Such was his ability, that at the age of 16 he was entrusted with
the government of Macedonia by his father, when he marched against
Byzantium. At the age of 18 by his skill and courage he greatly
assisted Philip in gaining the battle of Chaeronea. When Philip was
murdered, Alexander ascended the throne, and after putting down
rebellion at home, he advanced into Greece to secure the power which
his father had acquired. See _Diod._, xvi. 85; _Arrian_, vii. 9.
[17] See _Justin_, xi. 2.
[18] “Arrian speaks as if this request had been addressed only to the
Greeks _within_ Peloponnesus; moreover he mentions no assembly at
Corinth, which is noticed, though with some confusion, by Diodorus,
Justin, and Plutarch. Cities out of Peloponnesus, as well as within
it, must have been included; unless we suppose that the resolution
of the Amphictyonic assembly, which had been previously passed, was
held to comprehend all the extra-Peloponnesian cities, which seems not
probable.”—_Grote._
[19] Justin (ix. 5) says: “Soli Lacedaemonii et legem et regem
contempserunt.” The king here referred to was Philip.
[20] See _Justin_, xi. 3; Aeschines, _Contra Ctesiphontem_, p. 564.
[21] The Triballians were a tribe inhabiting the part of Servia
bordering on Bulgaria. The Illyrians inhabited the eastern coast of the
Adriatic Sea, the districts now called North Albania, Bosnia, Dalmatia
and Croatia.
[22] We learn from _Thucydides_, ii. 96, that these people were called
Dii.
[23] The Nessus, or Nestus, is now called Mesto by the Greeks, and
Karasu by the Turks.
[24] Now known as the Balkan. The defiles mentioned by Arrian are
probably what was afterwards called Porta Trajani. Cf. Vergil
(_Georg._, ii. 488); Horace (_Carm._, i. 12, 6).
[25] πεποίηντο:—Arrian often forms the pluperfect tense without the
augment. διασκεδάσουσι:—The Attic future of this verb is διασκεδῶ. Cf.
Aristoph. (_Birds_, 1053).
[26] The Agrianes were a tribe of Eastern Paeonia who lived near the
Triballians. They served in the Macedonian army chiefly as cavalry and
light infantry.
[27] Perhaps Neapolis and Eion, which were the harbours of Philippi and
Amphipolis.
[28] This officer was commander of the royal body-guard. His father was
Parmenio, the most experienced of Alexander’s generals.
[29] Thucydides says (Bk. ii. 96): “On the side of the Triballians,
who were also independent, the border tribes were the Trerians and the
Tilatæans, who live to the north of mount Scombrus, and stretch towards
the west as far as the river Oscius. This river flows from the same
mountains as the Nestus and the Hebrus, an uninhabited and extensive
range, joining on to Rhodope.” The Oscius is now called Isker. It is
uncertain which river is the Lyginus; but perhaps it was another name
for the Oscius.
[30] Also named _Danube_. Cf. Hesiod (_Theog._, 339); Ovid (_Met._, ii.
249); Pindar (_Olym._ iii. 24).
[31] It is uncertain in what part of the Danube this island was. It
cannot be the Peuce of Strabo (vii, 3). Cf. _Apollonius Rhodius_ (iv.
309); _Martialis_ (vii. 84); _Valerius Flaccus_ (viii. 217).
[32] These two generals are mentioned (iii. 11 infra) as being present
at the battle of Arbela. Sopolis is also mentioned (iv. 13 and 18
infra).
[33] Bottiaea was a district of Macedonia on the right bank of the
Axius.
[34] The classical writers have three names to denote this
race:—Celts, Galatians, and Gauls. These names were originally given
to all the people of the North and West of Europe; and it was not till
Cæsar’s time that the Romans made any distinction between Celts and
Germans. The name of Celts was then confined to the people north of the
Pyrenees and west of the Rhine. Cf. _Ammianus_ (xv. 9); _Herodotus_
(iv. 49); _Livy_ (v. 33, 34); _Polybius_ (iii. 39).
[35] Arrian is here speaking, not of Alexander’s time, but of his own,
the second century of the Christian era. The Quadi were a race dwelling
in the south-east of Germany. They are generally mentioned with the
Marcomanni, and were formidable enemies of the Romans, especially in
the reign of Marcus Aurelius, when Arrian wrote. This nation disappears
from history about the end of the fourth century.
[36] The Marcomanni, like the Quadi, were a powerful branch of the
Suevic race, originally dwelling in the south-west of Germany; but
in the reign of Tiberius they dispossessed the Boii of the country
now called Bohemia. In conjunction with the Quadi, they were very
formidable to the Romans until Commodus purchased peace from them. The
name denotes “border men.” Cf. Cæsar (_Bel. Gal._, i. 51).
[37] The Iazygians were a tribe of Sarmatians, who migrated from the
coast of the Black Sea, between the Dnieper and the Sea of Azov, in the
reign of Claudius, and settled in Dacia, near the Quadi, with whom they
formed a close alliance. They were conquered by the Goths in the fifth
century. Cf. Ovid (_Tristia_, ii. 191).
[38] Called also Sarmatians. Herodotus (iv. 21) says that these people
lived east of the Don, and were allied to the Scythians. Subsequent
writers understood by Sarmatia the east part of Poland, the south of
Russia, and the country southward as far as the Danube.
[39] These people were called Dacians by the Romans. They were
Thracians, and are said by Herodotus and Thucydides to have lived south
of the Danube, near its mouths. They subsequently migrated north of
this river, and were driven further west by the Sarmatians. They were
very formidable to the Romans in the reigns of Augustus and Domitian.
Dacia was conquered by Trajan; but ultimately abandoned by Aurelian,
who made the Danube the boundary of the Roman Empire. About the Getae
holding the doctrine of immortality, see _Herodotus_ (iv. 94). Cf.
Horace (_Carm._, iii. 6, 13; _Sat._, ii. 6, 53).
[40] The Scythians are said by Herodotus to have inhabited the south of
Russia. His supposition that they came from Asia is doubtless correct.
He gives ample information about this race in the fourth book of his
History.
[41] Herodotus (iv. 47) says the Danube had five mouths; but Strabo
(vii. 3) says there were seven. At the present time it has only three
mouths. The Greeks called the Black Sea πόντος εὔξεινος,
_the sea kind to strangers_. Cf. Ovid (_Tristia_, iv. 4,
55):—“Frigida me cohibent Euxini litora Ponti, Dictus ab antiquis
Axenus ille fuit.”
[42] The _sarissa_, or more correctly _sarisa_, was a spear peculiar to
the Macedonians. It was from fourteen to sixteen feet long. See Grote’s
_Greece_, vol. xi. ch. 92, Appendix.
[43] Son of Parmenio and brother of Philotas.
[44] The parasang was a Persian measure, containing thirty stades,
nearly three and three-quarter English miles. It is still used by the
Persians, who call it _ferseng_. See _Herodotus_ (vi. 42) and Grote’s
_History of Greece_, vol. viii. p. 316.
[45] Son of Neoptolemus. After Alexander’s death Meleager resisted the
claim of Perdiccas to the regency, and was associated with him in the
office. He was, however, soon afterwards put to death by the order of
his rival.
[46] Son of Machatas, was an eminent general, slain in India. See vi.
27 infra.
[47] The Macedonian kings believed they were sprung from Hercules. See
_Curtius_, iv. 7.
[48] The Adriatic Sea.
[49] Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 23); _Strabo_, vii. p. 293;
Aristotle (_Nicom. Ethics_, iii. 7; _Eudem. Eth._, iii. 1):—οἷον οἱ
Κελτοὶ πρὸς τὰ κύματα ὅπλα ἀπαντῶσι λαβόντες; _Ammianus_, xv. 12.
[50] The Paeonians were a powerful Thracian people, who in early times
spread over a great part of Thrace and Macedonia. In historical times
they inhabited the country on the northern border of Macedonia. They
were long troublesome to Macedonia, but were subdued by Philip the
father of Alexander, who, however, allowed them to retain their own
chiefs. The Agrianians were the chief tribe of Paeonians, from whom
Philip and Alexander formed a valuable body of light-armed troops.
[51] Bardylis was a chieftain of Illyria who carried on frequent wars
with the Macedonians, but was at last defeated and slain by Philip,
B.C. 359. Clitus had been subdued by Philip in 349 B.C.
[52] This Glaucias subsequently afforded asylum to the celebrated
Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, when an infant of two years of age. He took
the child into his own family and brought him up with his own children.
He not only refused to surrender Pyrrhus to Cassander, but marched into
Epirus and placed the boy, when twelve years of age, upon the throne,
leaving him under the care of guardians, B.C. 307.
[53] The Taulantians were a people of Illyria in the neighbourhood of
Epidamnus, now called Durazzo.
[54] These were an Illyrian people in the Dalmatian mountains.
[55] Cyna was the daughter of Philip, by Audata, an Illyrian woman. See
_Athenæus_, p. 557 D. She was given in marriage to her cousin Amyntas,
who had a preferable claim to the Macedonian throne as the son of
Philip’s elder brother, Perdiccas. This Amyntas was put to death by
Alexander soon after his accession. Cyna was put to death by Alcetas,
at the order of Perdiccas, the regent after Alexander’s death. See
_Diodorus_, xix. 52.
[56] The capital of Macedonia. On its site stands the modern village of
Neokhori, or Yenikiuy. Philip and Alexander were born here.
[57] A tributary of the Axius, called Agrianus by Herodotus. It is now
called Tscherna.
[58] This city was situated south of lake Lychnitis, on the west side
of the chain of Scardus and Pindus. The locality is described in
_Livy_, xxxi. 39, 40.
[59] Now called Devol.
[60] The use of καίτοι with a participle instead of the Attic καίπερ is
frequent in Arrian and the later writers.
[61] The Hypaspists—shield-bearers, or guards—were a body of infantry
organized by Philip, originally few in number, and employed as personal
defenders of the king, but afterwards enlarged into several distinct
brigades. They were hoplites intended for close combat, but more
lightly armed and more fit for rapid evolutions than the phalanx. Like
the Greeks, they fought with the one-handed pike and shield. They
occupied an intermediate position between the heavy infantry of the
phalanx, and the peltasts and other light troops. See Grote’s _Greece_,
vol. xi. ch. 92.
[62] The heavy cavalry, wholly or chiefly composed of Macedonians by
birth, was known by the honourable name of ἑταίροι,
Companions, or Brothers in Arms. It was divided, as it seems, into 15
ἴλαι, which were named after the States or districts from
which they came. Their strength varied from 150 to 250 men. A separate
one, the 16th Ilē formed the so-called _agema_, or royal horse-guard,
at the head of which Alexander himself generally charged. See _Arrian_,
iii. 11, 13, 18.
[63] In addition to his other military improvements, Philip had
organized an effective siege-train with projectile and battering
engines superior to anything of the kind existing before. This
artillery was at once made use of by Alexander in this campaign against
the Illyrians.
[64] Perdiccas, son of Orontes, a Macedonian, was one of Alexander’s
most distinguished generals. The king is said on his death-bed to
have taken the royal signet from his finger and to have given it to
Perdiccas. After Alexander’s death he was appointed regent; but an
alliance was formed against him by Antipater, Craterus, and Ptolemy. He
marched into Egypt against Ptolemy. Being defeated in his attempts to
force the passage of the Nile, his own troops mutinied against him and
slew him (B.C. 321). See _Diodorus_, xviii. 36. For his personal valour
see Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 39).
[65] Coenus, son of Polemocrates, was a son-in-law of Parmenio, and one
of Alexander’s best generals. He violently accused his brother-in-law
Philotas of treason, and personally superintended the torturing of that
famous officer previous to his execution (_Curtius_, vi. 36, 42). He
was put forward by the army to dissuade Alexander from advancing beyond
the Hyphasis (_Arrian_, v. 27). Soon after this he died and was buried
with all possible magnificence near that river, B.C. 327 (_Arrian_, vi.
2).
[66] The Cadmea was the Acropolis of Thebes, an oval eminence of no
great height, named after Cadmus, the leader of a Phoenician colony,
who is said to have founded it. Since the battle of Chaeronea, this
citadel had been held by a Macedonian garrison.
[67] Amyntas was a Macedonian officer, and Timolaüs a leading Theban of
the Macedonian faction.
[68] Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 57).
[69] These were two provinces in the west of Macedonia.
[70] Two divisions of Epirus.
[71] A town on the Penēus in Hestiaeotis.
[72] A town in Boeotia, on the lake Copais, distant 50 stades
north-west of Thebes.
[73] It seems from Plutarch, that Alexander was really wounded in the
head by a stone, in a battle with the Illyrians.
[74] This Alexander was also called Lyncestes, from being a native of
Lyncestis, a district of Macedonia. He was an accomplice in Philip’s
murder, but was pardoned by his successor. He accompanied Alexander the
Great into Asia, but was put to death in B.C. 330, for having carried
on a treasonable correspondence with Darius. See _Arrian_, i. 25.
[75] The friend and charioteer of Hercules.
[76] He sent to demand the surrender of the anti-Macedonian leaders,
Phoenix and Prothytes, but offering any other Thebans who came out to
him the terms agreed upon in the preceding year. See Plutarch (_Life of
Alexander_, 11); and _Diodorus_, xvii. 9.
[77] The Boeotarchs were the chief magistrates of the Boeotian
confederacy, chosen annually by the different States. The number
varied from ten to twelve. At the time of the battle of Delium, in
the Peloponnesian war, they were eleven in number, two of them being
Thebans. See Grote, _History of Greece_, vol. ii. p. 296.
[78] Arrian says that the attack of the Macedonians upon Thebes
was made by Perdiccas, without orders from Alexander; and that the
capture was effected in a short time and with no labour on the part
of the captors (ch. ix.). But Diodorus says that Alexander ordered
and arranged the assault, that the Thebans made a brave and desperate
resistance for a long time, and that not only the Boeotian allies, but
the Macedonians themselves committed great slaughter of the besieged
(_Diod._ xvii. 11-14). It is probable that Ptolemy, who was Arrian’s
authority, wished to exonerate Alexander from the guilt of destroying
Thebes.
[79] Amyntas was one of Alexander’s leading officers. He and his
brothers were accused of being accomplices in the plot of Philotas, but
were acquitted. He was however soon afterwards killed in a skirmish
(_Arrian_, iii. 27).
[80] The mythical founder of the walls of Thebes. See _Pausanias_ (ix.
17).
[81] The Thebans had incurred the enmity of the other Boeotians by
treating them as subjects instead of allies. They had destroyed the
restored Plataea, and had been the chief enemies of the Phocians in the
Sacred War, which ended in the subjugation of that people by Philip.
See Smith’s _History of Greece_, pp. 467, 473, 506.
[82] More than 500 Macedonians were killed, while 6,000 Thebans were
slain, and 30,000 sold into slavery. See Aelian (_Varia Historia_,
xiii. 7); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 14); _Pausanias_ (viii. 30); Plutarch
(_Life of Alexander_, 11). The sale of the captives realized 440
talents, or about £107,000; and Justin (xi. 4) says that large sums
were offered from feelings of hostility towards Thebes on the part of
the bidders.
[83] B.C. 415-413. See Grote’s _Greece_, vol. vii.
[84] B.C. 405. See _Thucydides_ (ii. 13); Xenophon (_Hellenics_, ii. 2).
[85] By Conon’s victory at Cnidus, B.C. 394.
[86] At Leuctra they lost 400 Spartans and 1,000 other Lacedaemonians.
See Xen. (_Hellen._, vi. 4).
[87] The Achaeans, Eleans, Athenians, and some of the Arcadians, were
allies of Sparta at this crisis, B.C. 369. See Xen. (_Hellen._, vii.
5); _Diodorus_ (xv. 85).
[88] B.C. 426. See _Thuc._, iii. 52, etc.
[89] B.C. 416 and 421. See _Thuc._, v. 32, 84, etc.
[90] These persons must have forgotten that Alexander’s predecessor and
namesake had served in the army of Xerxes along with the Thebans. See
_Herodotus_ vii. 173.
[91] Plutarch (_Lysander_, 15) says that the Theban Erianthus moved
that Athens should be destroyed.
[92] See Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 57).
[93] Plutarch (_Alexander_, 13) tells us that Alexander was afterwards
sorry for his cruelty to the Thebans. He believed that he had incurred
the wrath of Dionysus, the tutelary deity of Thebes, who incited him to
kill his friend Clitus, and induced his soldiers to refuse to follow
him into the interior of India.
[94] Orchomenus was destroyed by the Thebans B.C. 364. See _Diod._, xv.
79; Demosthenes (_Contra Leptinem_, p. 489). It was restored by Philip,
according to _Pausanias_, iv. 27.
[95] The Great Mysteries of Demeter were celebrated at Eleusis, from
the 15th to the 23rd of the month Boedromion, our September.
[96] All these nine men were orators except Chares, Charidemus, and
Ephialtes, who were military men. Plutarch (_Life of Demosthenes_, 23)
does not mention Chares, Diotimus, and Hyperides, but puts the names of
Callisthenes and Damon in the list.
[97] See Aeschines (_Adversus Ctesiphontem_, pp. 469, 547, 551, 603,
633); Plutarch (_Demosthenes_, 22; _Phocion_, 16); _Diodorus_, xvii. 5.
[98] At the head of this embassy was Phocion.
[99] He was put to death by Darius shortly before the battle of Issus,
for advising him not to rely on his Asiatic troops in the contest
with Alexander, but to subsidize an army of Grecian mercenaries. See
_Curtius_, iii. 5; _Diodorus_, xvii. 30.
[100] Archelaüs was king of Macedonia from B.C. 413-399. He improved
the internal arrangements of his kingdom, and patronised art and
literature. He induced the tragic poets, Euripides and Agathon, as
well as the epic poet Choerilus, to visit him; and treated Euripides
especially with favour. He also invited Socrates, who declined the
invitation.
[101] Aegae, or Edessa, was the earlier capital of Macedonia, and the
burial place of its kings. Philip was murdered here, B.C. 336.
[102] A narrow strip of land in Macedonia, between the mouths of the
Haliacmon and Penēus, the reputed home of Orpheus and the Muses.
[103] Cf. _Apollonius Rhodius_, iv. 1284; _Livy_, xxii. i.
[104] This man was the most noted soothsayer of his time. Telmissus
was a city of Caria, celebrated for the skill of its inhabitants in
divination. Cf. Arrian (_Anab._ i. 25, ii. 18, iii. 2, iii. 7, iii. 15,
iv. 4, iv. 15); _Herodotus_, i. 78; and Cicero (_De Divinatione_, i.
41).
[105] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 17) says that there were 30,000 infantry and
4,500 cavalry. He gives the numbers in the different brigades as well
as the names of the commanders. Plutarch (_Life of Alexander_, 15)
says that the lowest numbers recorded were 30,000 infantry and 5,000
cavalry; and the highest, 34,000 infantry and 4,000 cavalry.
[106] This lake is near the mouth of the Strymon. It is called Prasias
by _Herodotus_ (v. 16). Its present name is Tak-hyno.
[107] This mountain is now called Pirnari. Xerxes took the same route
when marching into Greece. See _Herodotus_, v. 16, vii. 112; Aeschўlus
(_Persae_, 494); Euripides (_Rhesus_, 922, 972).
[108] Now called Maritza. See _Theocritus_, vii. 110.
[109] Cf. Homer (_Iliad_, ii. 701); Ovid (_Epistolae Heroidum_, xiii.
93); _Herodotus_ (ix. 116).
[110] The Athenians supplied twenty ships of war. See _Diodorus_, xvii.
22.
[111] A landing-place in the north-west of Troas, near Cape Sigaeum.
[112] Cf. _Diodorus_, xvii. 17; _Justin_, xi. 5.
[113] The celebrated general, mentioned already in chap. 10.
[114] Son of Amyntas, a Macedonian of Pella. He was the most intimate
friend of Alexander, with whom he had been brought up. Cf. Aelian
(_Varia Historia_, xii. 7).
[115] Plutarch (_Life of Alex._, 15), says that Alexander also went
through the ceremony, still customary in his own day, of anointing
himself with oil and running up to the tomb naked. Cf. Aelian (_Varia
Historia_, x. 4) Cicero (_Pro Archia_, ch. 10).
[116] By Pindar and Bacchylides.
[117] See Xenophon’s _Anabasis_, Book ii.
[118] A town in the Macedonia district of Mygdonia, south of Lake
Bolbe. It is now called Polina.
[119] We find from _Diodorus_ (xvii. 7), that the Persian king had
subsidized this great general and 5,000 Greek mercenaries to protect
his seaboard from the Macedonians. Before the arrival of Alexander, he
had succeeded in checking the advance of Parmenio and Callas. If Memnon
had lived and his advice been adopted by Darius, the fate of Persia
might have been very different. Cf. Plutarch (_Life of Alex._, 18).
[120] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 18) says that Memnon, while advising the
Persian generals to lay waste the country, and to prevent the
Macedonians from advancing through scarcity of provisions, also urged
them to carry a large force into Greece and Macedonia, and thus
transfer the war into Europe.
[121] The Granicus rises in Mount Ida, and falls into the Propontis
near Cyzicus. Ovid (_Metam._, xi. 763) calls it _Granicus bicornis_.
[122] This was a brigade of about 1,000 men. See _Livy_, xxxvii. 42.
[123] ὑποφθάσομεν. This future is used by the later writers for the
Attic ὑποφθήσομαι. It is found however in Xenophon.
[124] Craterus was one of Alexander’s best generals. On the death
of the king he received the government of Macedonia and Greece in
conjunction with Antipater, whose daughter he married. He fell in
battle against Eumenes (B.C. 321).
[125] Calas was appointed viceroy of Phrygia. He consequently took no
further part in Alexander’s campaigns after this.
[126] Alexander had three generals named Philip, two of whom are
mentioned here as sons of Amyntas and Menelaüs. The third was son of
Machatas, and was left in India as viceroy.
[127] Son of Tyrimmas, was commander of the Odrysian cavalry. See iii.
12 infra.
[128] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 19) says that the Persian cavalry numbered
10,000, and their infantry 100,000. Both these numbers are inaccurate.
We know from _Arrian_ (chaps. 12 and 13) that the Persian infantry was
inferior in number to that of Alexander.
[129] This is an Homeric name for Mars the war-god. In _Homer_ Ares is
the Trojan and Enyalius the Grecian war-god. Hence they are mentioned
as different in Aristophanes (_Pax_, 457). See Paley’s note on _Homer_
(vii. 166). As to the practice of shouting the war-cry to Mars before
battle, see Xenophon (_Anab._, i. 8, 18; v. 2, 14). The Scholiast on
_Thucydides_ (i. 50) says that the Greeks used to sing two paeans, one
to Mars before battle, another to Apollo after it.
[130] ὡς ἀνυστόν = ὡς δυνατόν. Cf. _Arrian_, iv. 12, 6; Xenophon
(_Anab._, i. 8, 11; _Res. Laced._, i. 3).
[131] ξυνειστήκει μάχη. This is a common expression with Arrian, copied
from _Herodotus_ (i. 74, _et passim_).
[132] Plutarch (_Alex._, 16); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 20).
[133] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 21) says that more than 10,000 of the Persian
infantry were killed, and 2,000 cavalry; and that more than 20,000 were
made prisoners.
[134] Her name was Statira.
[135] An important city in Macedonia on the Thermaic gulf, named after
a temple of Zeus.
[136] Lysippus of Sicyon was one of the most famous of Greek
statuaries. None of his works remain, inasmuch as they were all
executed in bronze. Alexander published an edict that no one should
paint his portrait but Apelles, and that no one should make a statue of
him but Lysippus. When Metellus conquered Macedonia, he removed this
group of bronze statues to Rome, to decorate his own portico. See Pliny
(_Nat. Hist._, xxxiv. 19); _Velleius Paterculus_ (i. 11).
[137] As most of the infantry on the Persian side were Grecian
mercenaries, who, according to _Plutarch_, fought with desperate
valour, and, according to _Arrian_ himself, all the infantry were
killed except 2,000, the number of Alexander’s slain must have been
larger than Arrian here states.
[138] At Corinth, B.C. 336.
[139] For the fact that the Acropolis of Athens was often called simply
_polis_, see _Thucydides_, ii. 15; Xenophon (_Anab._ vii. 1, 27);
_Antiphon_ (146, 2); Aristophanes (_Equites_, 1093; _Lysistrata_, 758).
[140] A city at the foot of Mount Ida.
[141] A city of Bithynia, on the Propontis.
[142] About eight miles.
[143] This river flows through Phrygia and Lydia, and falls into the
gulf of Smyrna. Its present name is Kodus-Çhai. See Vergil (_Georg._,
ii. 137); _Silius_, i. 159; Claudian (_Raptus Proserpinae_, ii. 67).
[144] Nearly two-and-a-half miles.
[145] For a description of this fortress, see _Herodotus_, i. 84.
[146] Memnon had succeeded his brother Mentor as governor for the
Persian king of the territory near the Hellespont. See _Diodorus_,
xvii. 7.
[147] This man took refuge with Darius, and distinguished himself at
the battle of Issus. See Plutarch (_Alex._, 20); _Curtius_, iii. 28.
He met with his death soon after in Egypt. See _Arrian_, ii. 6 and 13;
_Diod._, xvii. 48.
[148] The temple of Artemis at Ephesus had been burnt down by
Herostratus in the night on which Alexander was born (Oct. 13-14, B.C.
356), and at this time was being restored by the joint efforts of the
Ionian cities. See _Strabo_, xiv. 1. Heropythus and Syrphax are not
mentioned by any other writers.
[149] This was the Carian Magnesia, situated on the Lethaeus, a
tributary of the Maeander. Tralles was on the Eudon, another tributary
of the Maeander. See _Juvenal_, iii. 70.
[150] Lysimachus was of mean origin, his father having been a serf
in Sicily. He was one of Alexander’s confidential body-guards, and
on the death of the great king obtained Thrace as his portion of the
dismembered empire. In conjunction with Seleucus he won the battle of
Ipsus, by which he obtained a great part of Asia Minor. He ultimately
acquired all the European dominions of Alexander in addition to Asia
Minor; but in his eightieth year he was defeated and slain by Seleucus
at the battle of Corus, B.C. 281. Sintenis was the first to substitute
_Lysimachus_ for _Antimachus_, the reading of the MSS. Cf. vi. 28 infra.
[151] Eleven in number. See _Herodotus_, i. 149-151.
[152] Thirteen in number, of which Miletus and Ephesus were the chief
in importance.
[153] For the celebrated interview of Alexander with Apelles at
Ephesus, see Aelian (_Varia Historia_, ii. 3).
[154] Cf. _Herodotus_, vi. 7. Here the Persians destroyed the Ionic
fleet, B.C. 497.
[155] Famous for the victory won near it by Leotychides and Xanthippus
over the Persians, B.C. 479.
[156] Cf. Vergil (_Aeneid_, vi. 3). _Obvertunt pelago proras._ See
Conington’s note.
[157] _Strabo_ (xiv. 1) says that Miletus had four harbours.
[158] ἐφομαρτούντων. This word is rare in
prose. See Homer (_Iliad_, viii. 191); _Apollonius Rhodius_, i. 201.
[159] Miletus lay nearly ten miles south of the mouth of the Maeander.
[160] A similar stratagem was used by Lysander at Aegospotami, B.C.
405. See Xenophon (_Hellenics_, ii. 1).
[161] Iassus was a city in Caria on the Iassian Gulf, founded by the
Argives and further colonized by the Milesians.
[162] Caria formed the south-west angle of Asia Minor. The Greeks
asserted that the Carians were emigrants from Crete. We learn from
Thucydides and Herodotus that they entered the service of foreign
rulers. They formed the body-guard of queen Athaliah, who had usurped
the throne and stood in need of foreign mercenaries. The word
translated in our Bible in 2 Kings xi. 4, 19 as _captains_, ought to be
rendered _Carians_. See Fuerst’s _Hebrew Lexicon_, _sub voce_ כָּרִֽי
[163] Now called Budrum. It was the birthplace of the historians
Herodotus and Dionysius.
[164] Little more than half a mile.
[165] Now called Melasso, a city of Caria, about ten miles from the
Gulf of Iassus.
[166] A colony of Troezen, on the western extremity of the same
peninsula on which stood Halicarnassus.
[167] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 25) says that this incident occurred in the
night, which is scarcely probable. Compare the conduct of the two
centurions Pulfio and Varenus in the country of the Nervii. Cæsar
(_Gallic War_, v. 44).
[168] Compare the sieges of Avaricum, Gergovia, and Alesia by Cæsar
(_Gallic War_, lib. vii.); and that of Saguntum by Hannibal. See
_Livy_, xxi. 7-15.
[169] This use of ἀμφί with the Dative, is poetical. The Attic writers
use περί with the Accusative. Cf. ii. 3, 8; iii. 30, 1.
[170] There were at least four generals in Alexander’s army of this
name. The one here mentioned was probably not the famous son of Lagus.
[171] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 25-27) gives a very different account of the
last struggle of the besieged in Halicarnassus. When the leaders saw
that they must eventually succumb, they made a last desperate effort to
destroy Alexander’s military engines. Ephialtes, the eminent Athenian
exile, headed the sally, which was effected by troops simultaneously
issuing from all the gates at daybreak. The advanced guard of the
Macedonians, consisting of young troops, were put to rout; but the
veterans of Philip restored the battle under a man named Atharrias.
Ephialtes was slain, and his men driven back into the city.
[172] Hecatomnus, king of Caria, left three sons, Mausolus, Hidrieus,
and Pixodarus; and two daughters, Artemisia and Ada. Artemisia married
Mausolus, and Ada married Hidrieus. All these children succeeded their
father in the sovereignty, Pixodarus being the last surviving son.
[173] Amyntas, king of Macedonia, grandfather of Alexander the Great,
adopted the celebrated Athenian general Iphicrates, in gratitude to him
as the preserver of Macedonia. See Aeschines (_De Falsa Legatione_, pp.
249, 250).
[174] See _Arrian_, ii. 20 infra.
[175] The Marmarians alone defended their city with desperate valour.
They finally set fire to it, and escaped through the Macedonian camp to
the mountains. See _Diodorus_ (xvii. 28). As to Xanthus the river, see
Homer (_Iliad_, ii. 877; vi. 172); Horace (_Carm._, iv. 6, 26).
[176] Lycia was originally called Milyas; but the name was afterwards
applied to the high table in the north of Lycia, extending into
Pisidia. See _Herodotus_, i. 173.
[177] Phaselis was a seaport of Lycia on the Gulf of Pamphylia. It is
now called Tekrova.
[178] He also crowned with garlands the statue of Theodectes the
rhetorician, which the people of Phaselis, his native city, had erected
to his memory. This man was a friend and pupil of Aristotle, the tutor
of Alexander. See Plutarch (_Life of Alex._, 17); Aristotle (_Nicom.
Ethics_, vii. 7).
[179] Philip was murdered by Pausanias. Three only of his reputed
accomplices are known by name, and they were Alexander, Heromenes, and
Arrhabaeus, sons of Aëropus. The two latter were put to death; but the
first named was not only spared, but advanced to high military command
for being the first to salute Alexander as king. Compare _Curtius_
(vii. 1); _Justin_ (xi. 2). Alexander was accused by some of forgiving
his father’s murderers. Probably the reference was to his kind
treatment of Olympias and this Alexander. See _Curtius_, vi. 43.
[180] That of the Hellespontine Phrygia. See chap. xvii. supra.
[181] See chap. xvii. supra.
[182] Nearly £250,000.
[183] See chap. xi. supra.
[184] Compare Plutarch (_Alex._, 17). Just as the historians of
Alexander affirmed that the sea near Pamphylia providentially made
way for him, so the people of Thapsacus, when they saw the army of
Cyrus cross the Euphrates on foot, said that the river made way for
him to come and take the sceptre (Xen., _Anab._, i. 4). So also the
inhabitants prostrated themselves before Lucullus when the same
river subsided and allowed his army to cross (Plutarch, _Lucullus_,
chap. xxiv.). There was the same omen in the reign of Tiberius,
when Vitellius, with a Roman army, crossed the Euphrates to restore
Tiridates to the throne of Parthia (Tacitus, _Annals_, vi. 37). Cf.
_Strabo_, xiv. 3.
[185] Aspendus was on the Eurymedon.
[186] About £12,000.
[187] Sidē was on the coast of Pamphylia, a little west of the river
Melas.
[188] Syllium was about five miles from the coast, between Aspendus and
Side.
[189] This river is celebrated for the double victory of Cimon the
Athenian over the Persians, in B.C. 466. See Smith’s _Greece_, p. 252;
_Grote_, vol. v. p. 163.
[190] This lake is mentioned by _Herodotus_ (vii. 30), as being near
the city of Anava. It is now called Burdur.
[191] Here Cyrus the Younger reviewed his Grecian forces and found them
to be 11,000 hoplites and 2,000 peltasts. Here that prince had a palace
and park, in which rose the river Maeander, close to the source of the
Marsyas. See Xenophon (_Anab._, i. 2); compare _Curtius_ (iii. 1).
[192] _Curtius_ (iii. 1) says they made a truce with Alexander for
sixty days.
[193] Antigonus, called the One-eyed, was father of Demetrius
Poliorcetes. On the division of Alexander’s empire he received Phrygia,
Lycia, and Pamphylia. He eventually acquired the whole of Asia Minor;
but was defeated and slain at the battle of Ipsus by the allied forces
of Cassander, Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus (B.C. 301). When he was
slain he was in his eighty-first year.
[194] Balacrus was left by Alexander to command in Egypt. See _Arrian_
(iii. 5).
[195] The capital of the old Phrygian kings. It was rebuilt in the time
of Augustus, and called Juliopolis.
[196] This Ptolemy was killed at the battle of Issus (_Arrian_, ii.
110).
[197] We learn from _Curtius_ (iv. 34) that Alexander released these
prisoners at the request of ambassadors from Athens, who met him in
Syria after his return from Egypt.
[198] The other cities of Lesbos were Methymna, Antissa, Eresus, and
Pyrrha.
[199] Now called Cape Sigri, the west point of the island.
[200] The southern point of Euboea, now called Cape Mandili. Cf. Homer
(_Odyss._, iii. 177).
[201] The south-eastern point of Laconia, now called Cape Malia di St.
Angelo. It was dreaded by ancient mariners; see Homer (_Odyssey_, ix.
80); Ovid (_Amores_, ii. 16, 24); Vergil (_Aeneid_, v. 193). There was
a saying:—Μαλέας δὲ κάμψας ἐπιλάθου τῶν οἴκαδε (_Strabo_, viii. p. 250).
[202] In accordance with the convention of Corinth. Compare next
chapter. For the pillars compare _Herodotus_ (ii. 102, 106);
_Thucydides_ (v. 18, 47, 56); Aristophanes (_Acharnians_, 727;
_Lysistrata_, 513).
[203] This treaty was concluded by the Spartans with the king of
Persia, B.C. 387. It was designed to break up the Athenian supremacy.
It stipulated that all the Grecian colonies in Asia were to be given
to the Persian king; the Athenians were to retain only Imbros, Lesbos,
and Scyros; and all the other Grecian cities were to be autonomous. See
Xenophon (_Hellenics_, iv. 8; v. 1).
[204] Cf. ii. 13 infra.
[205] “Cyclades ideo sic appellatae, quod omnes ambiunt Delon partu
deorum insignem.”—_Ammianus_, xxii. 8, 2. Cf. Horace (_Carm._, i. 14,
19; iii. 28, 14).
[206] Cf. Vergil (_Aeneid_, ii. 21).
[207] The regent of Macedonia and Greece during Alexander’s absence.
[208] One of the Cyclades, a little to the north-east of Melos. It
was noted for the low morality of its inhabitants. See Aristophanes
(_Fragment_, 558; on the authority of Suidas).
[209] Euripus properly means any narrow sea, where the ebb and flow
of the tide is violent. The name was especially applied to the strait
between Boeotia and Euboea, where the ancients asserted the sea ebbed
and flowed seven times in the day (_Strabo_, ix. 1). Modern observers
have noticed these extraordinary tides. The present name of the
island, Negropont, is the Italian name formed from Egripo, the modern
corruption of Euripus. Cf. Cicero, _pro Muraena_, xvii.:—Quod fretum,
quem Euripum tot motus, tantas, tam varias habere putatis agitationes
fluctuum, quantas perturbationes et quantos aestus habet ratio
comitiorum. Aristotle, _Ethica Nicomachea_, ix. 6:—τῶν τοιούτων γὰρ
μένει τὰ βουλήματα, καὶ οὐ μεταῤῥεῖ ὥσπερ Εὔριπος.
[210] One of the Cyclades, about half-way between Attica and Siphnus.
[211] ἐπιπτῆναι, a poetical form for ἐπιπτέσθαι.
[212] Cf. _Justin_, xi. 7.
[213] Cf. _Curtius_, iii. 2 (Zumpt’s edition); Plutarch (_Alexander_,
18).
[214] Now called Angora. In the time of Alexander the country was named
Great Phrygia, the term Galatia being afterwards applied to it, from
the fact that it was conquered by the Gauls in the 3rd century B.C.
[215] Now called Kizil-Irmak, _i.e._ the Red River. It is the largest
river in Asia Minor, and separated the empires of Persia and Lydia,
until the conquest of the latter by Cyrus.
[216] The chief pass over the Taurus between Cappadocia and Cilicia.
It is more than 3,600 feet above the sea-level. Its modern name is
Golek-Boghaz. Cf. _Curtius_, iii. 9-11. It is called Tauri Pylae by
Cicero (_Epistolae ad Atticum_, v. 20, 2).
[217] See Xenophon (_Anabasis_, i. 2, 20, 21).
[218] _Curtius_ (iii. 11) says, that Alexander wondered at his own
good fortune, when he observed how easily Arsames might have blocked
up the pass. Cyrus the Younger was equally fortunate in finding this
impregnable pass abandoned by Syennesis, king of Cilicia. See Xenophon
(_Anabasis_, i. 2, 21).
[219] Now called Tersoos-Chai. See _Curtius_, iii. 12; _Justin_, xi. 8;
and Lucian (_De Domo_, i.). At Tarsus the emperor Julian was buried.
See _Ammianus_, xxv. 10, 5.
[220] Probably none of the physicians would venture to prescribe, for
fear of being held responsible for his death, which seemed likely to
ensue. Nine years after, when Hephaestion died of fever at Ecbatana,
Alexander caused the physician who had attended him to be crucified.
See _Arrian_, vii. 14; Plutarch (_Alexander_, 72).
[221] Cf. _Curtius_, iii. 14-16; _Diodorus_, xvii. 31; _Justin_, xi.
8; Plutarch (_Alex._, 19). The barbarous conduct of Alexander towards
Philotas four years after, when contrasted with his noble confidence
in Philip, shows the bad effect of his unparalleled success, upon his
moral character.
[222] This pass was called the _Syrian Gates_, lying between the shore
of the Gulf of Issus and Mount Amanus. Cyrus the Younger was six days
marching from Tarsus through this pass. See Xenophon (_Anab._, i. 4).
The Greeks often gave the name of Assyria to the country usually called
by them Syria. The Hebrew name for it is Aram (highland). Cf. Cicero
(_ad Diversos_, xv. 4, 4); _Diod._, xiv. 21.
[223] A city of Cilicia on the coast, a little west of the mouth of the
Cydnus.
[224] Said to have been the last of the Assyrian kings.
[225] Cf. _Strabo_ (xiv. 5) for a description of this statue.
[226] This was, doubtless, the arrow-headed writing which has
been deciphered by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Cf. _Herodotus_, iv. 87;
_Thucydides_, iv. 50.
[227] Now called Mezetlu. It was a Rhodian colony on the coast of
Cilicia, between the rivers Cydnus and Lamus. It was afterwards
re-named Pompeiopolis. The birthplace of Philemon, Aratus, and
Chrysippus.
[228] About £49,000.
[229] Asander was a nephew of Parmenio. He afterwards brought a
reinforcement to Alexander from Greece (_Arrian_, iv. 7). After the
king’s death he obtained the rule of Caria, but joining the party of
Ptolemy and Cassander, he was defeated by Antigonus, b.c. 313.
[230] These were Carian cities.
[231] Cos, the birthplace of Apelles and Hippocrates, is one of the
group of islands called Sporades, off the coast of Caria. Triopium is
the promontory terminating the peninsula of Cnidus, the south-west
headland of Asia Minor. Cf. _Tibullus_, ii. 3, 57; _Propertius_, i. 2,
1; ii. 1, 5; _Herodotus_, i. 174.
[232] Called by the Romans, Aesculapius. He was the god of the medical
art, and no doubt Alexander sacrificed to him, and celebrated the
games, in gratitude for his recovery from the fever he had had at
Tarsus.
[233] This plain is mentioned in _Homer_, vi. 201; _Herodotus_, vi.
95. The large river Pyramus, now called Jihan, falls into the sea near
Mallus.
[234] Mallus was said to have been founded by Amphilochus after the
fall of Troy. This hero was the son of Amphiaraüs, the great prophet of
Argos, whom Zeus is said to have made immortal. Magarsus, of Megarsa,
was the port of Mallus. The difference of meaning between θύειν
and ἐναγίζειν is seen from _Herodotus_, ii. 44; Plutarch (_Moralia_,
ii. p. 857 D).
[235] Usually called the Syrian Gates. See chap. v. note^1 supra.
[236] A city on the Gulf of Issus, being a settlement of the
Phoenicians. _Herodotus_ (iv. 38) calls the gulf the Myriandric Gulf.
Cf. Xenophon (_Anab._, 4).
[237] Cf. _Arrian_, vii. 29; _Curtius_, viii. 17.
[238] Aeschines tells us in his speech against Ctesiphon (p. 552), that
the anti-Macedonian statesmen at Athens at this time received letters
from their friends, stating that Alexander was caught and pinned up
in Cilicia. He says Demosthenes went about showing these letters and
boasting of the news. Josephus (_Antiquities of the Jews_, xi. 7, 3)
says that “not only Sanballat at Samaria but all those that were in
Asia also were persuaded that the Macedonians would not so much as come
to a battle with the Persians, on account of their multitude.”
[239] There are two passes by which the eastern countries are entered
from Cilicia; one on the south, near the sea, leads into Syria. The
other pass lies more to the north, and leads to the country near the
Euphrates. The latter was called the Amanic, and the former the Syrian
gate. Alexander had just passed through the Syrian gate in order to
march against Darius, at the very time that Darius was descending
into Cilicia by the Amanic gate, and occupying Issus with his
advanced guard. Alexander, who had reached Myriandrus in Syria, made
a countermarch to meet Darius. Plutarch (_Alex._, 20) says that they
missed each other in the night, which is quite a mistake.
[240] Cf. Sallust (_Catilina_, 59); Cæsar (_Bell. Gall._, ii. 25).
[241] See Xenophon (_Anab._, iii. 3).
[242] At Cunaxa. _Xenophon_ (ii. 2, 6) does not mention the name of the
place where the battle was fought, but says that he was informed it was
only 360 stadia (about 40 miles) from Babylon. We get the name Cunaxa
from Plutarch (_Life of Artaxerxes_, c. 8), who says it was 500 stadia
(about 58 miles) from Babylon.
[243] Callisthenes the historian, who accompanied Alexander into Asia,
states that the breadth of the plain between the mountain and the sea
was not more than fourteen stadia, or a little more than one English
mile and a half. See _Polybius_, xii. 17.
[244] These seem to have been foreign mercenaries. See _Polybius_, v.
79, 82; _Strabo_, xv. 3. Hesychius says that they were not a nation,
but foreigners serving for pay.
[245] Callisthenes—as quoted in _Polybius_, xii. 18—reckoned the
Grecian mercenaries of Darius at 30,000, and the cavalry at 30,000.
Arrian enumerates 90,000 heavy-armed, not including the cavalry. Yet
Polybius tries to prove that there was not room even for the 60,000
troops mentioned by Callisthenes.
[246] “The depth of this single phalanx is not given, nor do we know
the exact width of the ground which it occupied. Assuming a depth of
sixteen, and one pace in breadth to each soldier, 4,000 men would stand
in the breadth of a stadium of 250 paces; and therefore 80,000 men in
a breadth of twenty stadia. Assuming a depth of twenty-six, 6,500 men
would stand in the breadth of the stadium, and therefore 90,000 in a
total breadth of 14 stadia, which is that given by Kallisthenes. Mr.
Kinneir states that the breadth between Mount Amanus and the sea varies
between one and a half mile and three miles.”—_Grote._
[247] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 31), and Plutarch (_Alex._, 18), give the
same number; but _Justin_ (xi. 9) says the Persians numbered 400,000
infantry and 100,000 cavalry. It took five days for them to cross the
Euphrates, over bridges of boats (_Curtius_, iii. 17). The money alone
of the king required 600 mules and 300 camels to convey it (_Curtius_,
iii. 8).
[248] Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 11; and Xenophon (_Anab._, i. 8, 21, 22).
[249] See Donaldson’s _New Cratylus_, sect. 178.
[250] Cf. Xenophon (_Cyropaedia_, vii. 1, 6).
[251] In describing the battle of Arbela, Arrian mentions eight
distinct squadrons of Macedonian heavy cavalry, which was known by
the name of the Companions. Among the squadrons several, if not all,
were named after particular towns or districts of Macedonia, as here,
Anthemus, and Leuge. We also find mention of the squadrons of Bottiaea,
Amphipolis, and Apollonia. See also _Arrian_, i. 2; i. 12; iii. 11.
[252] τῇ γνώμῃ δεδουλωμένος. An expression imitated from _Thucydides_,
iv. 34; compare _Arrian_, iii. 11; v. 19; vi. 16, where the same words
are used of Porus and the Indians.
[253] κυμῆναν τῆς φάλαγγος. An expression imitated from Xenophon
(_Anab._, i. 8,18). It is praised by Demetrius (_De Elocutione_, 84).
Krüger reads ἐκκυμῆναν. Cf. Plutarch (_Pompey_, 69).
[254] _Curtius_ (iii. 29) says that on Alexander’s side 504 were
wounded, and 182 killed. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 36) says, that 450
Macedonians were killed. _Justin_ (xi. 9) states that 280 were slain.
[255] Polybius, who lived nearly three centuries before Arrian,
censures Callisthenes for asserting that the Persian cavalry
crossed the river Pinarus and attacked the Thessalians. No doubt
Arrian received this information from the lost works of Ptolemy and
Aristobulus (_Poly._, xii. 18).
[256] ἀμβάτης is the poetical form of ἀναβάτης,
the word used by Xenophon, Plato, and other Attic writers.
The latter is found only once in Arrian (III. xiii. 5).
[257] ἢ τῶν πεζῶν is Martin’s emendation for ἢ ὡς πεζῶν.
[258] _Curtius_ (iii. 27) and _Diodorus_ (xvii. 34) give a graphic
description of a direct charge made by Alexander upon Darius, and a
sanguinary conflict between Alexander’s body-guard and the Persian
nobles, in which the Great King’s horses were wounded and became
unmanageable, whereupon Darius got out, mounted a horse, and fled.
We learn from Plutarch (_Alex._, 20) that Chares affirmed Alexander
came into hand-to-hand conflict with Darius, and that he received
a wound in the thigh from that king’s sword. Plutarch says that
Alexander wrote to Antipater that he had been wounded in the thigh
with a dagger, but did not say by whom. He also wrote that nothing
serious had resulted from the wound. The account of Arrian is far the
most trustworthy. Callisthenes stated that Alexander made a direct
attack upon Darius (_Polybius_, xii. 22). We know from Xenophon that
the Persian kings were in the habit of occupying the centre, and that
Cyrus directed Clearchus to make the attack against the person of his
brother Artaxerxes at the battle of Cunaxa. Polybius seems to have
been ignorant of this custom of the Persian kings when he wrote his
criticism on the statement of Callisthenes.
[259] ἀφείλετο. On this word see Donaldson (_New
Cratylus_, sect. 315). Cf. Aeschўlus (_Persae_, 428); _Thucydides_ (iv.
134); Xenophon (_Hellenics_, i. 2, 16).
[260] The victories of the Greeks and Macedonians over the Persians
were materially aided by the pusillanimity of Xerxes and Darius.
Compare the conduct of Xerxes at Salamis (_Herodotus_, viii. 97;
Aeschўlus, _Persae_, 465-470, with Mr. Paley’s note) and that of Darius
at Arbela (_Arrian_, iii. 14).
[261] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 36) and _Curtius_ (iii. 29) agree with Arrian
as to the number of slain in the army of Darius. Plutarch (_Alex._, 20)
gives the number as 110,000.
[262] _Justin_ (xi. 9) agrees with Arrian, that the wife of Darius was
also his sister. Grote speaks of the mother, wife, and sister of Darius
being captured, which is an error. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 38) and _Curtius_
(iii. 29) say that the son was about six years of age.
[263] Cf. Xenophon (_Cyropaedia_, ii. 1, 3; vii. 5, 85).
[264] Damascus,—the Hebrew name of which is Dammesek,—a very ancient
city in Syria, at the foot of the Antilibanus, at an elevation of 220
feet above the sea, in a spacious and fertile plain about 30 miles in
diameter, which is watered by three rivers, two of which are called in
the Bible Abana and Pharpar. It has still a population of 150,000. The
emperor Julian, in one of his letters, calls it “the Eye of all the
East.”
[265] About £730,000.
[266] B.C. 333; end of October or beginning of November.
[267] Alexander erected three altars on the bank of the Pinarus, to
Zeus, Heracles, and Athena (_Curtius_, iii. 33). Cicero, who was
proconsul of Cilicia, speaks of “the altars of Alexander at the foot
of Amanus,” and says that he encamped there four days (_Epistolae ad
Diversos_, xv. 4).
[268] About £12,000.
[269] This distinguished general saved Alexander’s life in India,
in the assault on the city of the Mallians. After the king’s death,
he received the rule of the lesser or Hellespontine Phrygia. He was
defeated and slain by the Athenians under Antiphilus, against whom he
was fighting in alliance with Antipater, B.C. 323. See _Diodorus_,
xviii. 14, 15; Plutarch (_Phocion_, 25).
[270] Compare _Diodorus_, xvii. 37, 38; _Curtius_, iii. 29-32.
[271] Named Sisygambis.
[272] In a letter written by Alexander to Parmenio, an extract from
which is preserved by Plutarch (_Alex._, 22), he says that he never saw
nor entertained the desire of seeing the wife of Darius, who was said
to be the most beautiful woman in Asia; and that he would not allow
himself to listen to those who spoke about her beauty. Cf. _Ammianus_
(xxiv. 4, 27), speaking of Julian: “Ex virginibus autem, quae speciosae
sunt captae, ut in Perside, ubi feminarum pulchritudo excellit,
nec contrectare aliquam voluit, nec videre: Alexandrum imitatus et
Africanum, qui haec declinabant, ne frangeretur cupiditate, qui se
invictos a laboribus ubique praestiterunt.”
[273] Thapsacus is understood to be identical with the city called
Tiphsach (passage) in 1 Kings iv. 24; which is there said to have been
the eastern boundary of Solomon’s empire. It is generally supposed that
the modern Deir occupies the site of the ancient Thapsacus; but it has
been discovered that the only ford in this part of the river is at
Suriyeh, 165 miles above Deir. This was probably the site of Thapsacus.
From the time of Seleucus Nicator the city was called Amphipolis
(_Pliny_, v. 21). See _Stephanus_ of Byzantium, _sub voce_ Amphipolis.
Cf. Xenophon (_Anabasis_, i. 4, 11).
[274] The Euphrates is the largest river of western Asia, and rises in
the mountains of Armenia. It unites with the Tigris, and after a course
of 1,780 miles flows into the Persian Gulf. It is navigable by boats
for 1,200 miles. The annual inundation, caused by the melting of the
snow in the mountains of Armenia, takes place in the month of May. The
Euphrates, Tigris, and Eulaeus had formerly three separate outlets into
the Persian Gulf; but the three now unite in a single stream, which is
called Shat-el-Arab. The Hebrew name for the river which the Greeks
called Euphrates, was Pĕrath (rapid stream). It is called in the Bible,
the _Great River_, and _the River_ (Gen. xv. 18; Exod. xxiii. 31; _et
passim_). In Jeremiah xiii. 4-7, the word _Pĕrath_ stands for Ephrath,
another name for Bethlehem; in our Bible it is mis-translated. See
Fürst’s _Hebrew Lexicon_.
[275] The term _Cĕnaan_ was applied to the lowland plain from Aradus
to Gaza. The northern portion, from Aradus to Carmel, is known to
us under its Grecian name of Phoenicia, which is probably derived
from the Greek _phoinix_ (a palm-tree), which grew abundantly in the
country, and was the emblem of some of its towns. Others derive it from
another Greek word _phoinix_ (red dye), which formed one of its most
important manufactures. The Phoenicians applied the term Cenaan to
their land in contrast to the highlands to the west, which they called
_Aram_ (highland), the Hebrew name for Syria. The country of Phoenicia
was 120 miles long and with an average breadth of 12 miles, never
exceeding 20 miles. The chief cities of Phoenicia were Tyre, Sidon,
Aradus, Byblus, Berytus, Tripolis, and Accho or Ptolemais. Its central
position between the eastern and western countries, early developed
its commercial power, and its intercourse with foreign nations at an
early period produced an advanced state of civilization and refinement.
The Phoenicians were a Semitic nation like the Israelites; and their
language bears a remarkable affinity with the Hebrew, as is seen by
fragments of the Carthaginian language preserved in Plautus. In an
inscription discovered at Marseilles in 1845, out of 94 words 74
were found in the Hebrew Bible. The Phoenicians were asserted by the
Greeks to have communicated to them the knowledge of letters; and this
statement is corroborated by the similarity of the Hebrew and ancient
Greek letters. Their colonies spread from Cyprus to Crete and the
Cyclades, thence to Euboea, Greece, and Thrace. The coasts of Asia
Minor and Bithynia were dotted with their settlements, and they carried
their commerce into the Black Sea. They also had colonies in Sicily,
Sardinia, Ivica, and Spain, where they founded Cadiz. The northern
coast of Africa was lined with their colonies, the most flourishing of
which was Carthage, which rose to be one of the great powers of the
world. Strabo says that they had 300 colonies on the western coast of
Africa. They visited the coasts of England for tin; and thus, to quote
the words of Humboldt, “the Tyrian flag waved at the same time in
Britain and the Indian Ocean.” _Herodotus_ (iv. 42, 43) says that under
the patronage of Necho, king of Egypt, they circumnavigated Africa; but
he states that he does not believe it was a fact. The reason which he
assigns for his disbelief is, that the navigators alleged that the sun
was on their right hand, which is the strongest argument in favour of
the truth of their statement. In Isaiah xxiii. 11, Phoenicia is called
Cĕnaan, where the English Bible has erroneously, _the merchant city_.
In the Bible the word _Cĕnaanim_ is frequently used for _merchants_,
because the Phoenicians were the principal commercial people of
antiquity (Job xli. 6; Prov. xxxi. 24; Isaiah xxiii. 8; Hos. xii.
7; Zeph. i. 2; Zech. xiv. 21). Tripolis consisted of three distinct
cities, 600 feet apart, each having its own walls, but all united in
a common constitution with one place of assembly. These cities were
colonies respectively of Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus. Tripolis was a
flourishing port on a headland which is a spur of Lebanon. It is now
called Tripoli, and is still a large town. See Dr. Smith’s _Dictionary
of Classical Geography_.
[276] The oldest towns in Cyprus,—Citium, Amathus, and Paphus,—were
Phoenician colonies. These were afterwards eclipsed by the Greek
colonies, Salamis, Soli, and New Paphus. In Hebrew the island is
called _Ceth_, and the inhabitants _Cittim_. Gesenius says, that upon
a Sidonian coin _Ceth_ in Cyprus, which the Greeks called Citium, is
described as a Sidonian colony. _Diodorus_ (xvi. 42) says there were
nine kings in Cyprus. It is probable that the kings of the Hittites
mentioned in 1 Kings x. 29, were from Cyprus. Also the Hittite women
whom Solomon married were probably Cyprians (1 Kings xi. 1). The kings
of the Hittites of whom the Syrians were afraid were also Cypriotes (2
Kings vii. 6); and the _land of the Hittites_ mentioned in Judges i.
26, probably means Cyprus. Josephus, Eusebius, and Jerome understand
these passages to refer to Cyprus. In Isaiah xxiii. 1, the _land
of Cittim_ refers to Cyprus, which belonged to Tyre, the revolt of
which the prophet announced. This revolt is confirmed by Menander
(_Josephus_, ix. 14, 9).
[277] Agis III. was ultimately defeated and slain by Antipater, B.C.
330. See _Curtius_, vi. 1 and 2; Grote’s _Greece_, vol. xii. pp.
102-106.
[278] About £7,300.
[279] Now Cape Matapan. Cf. _Propertius_, iii. 2, 11; _Tibullus_, iii.
3, 13; Homer (_Hymn to Apollo_, 411).
[280] The Cretans were very early civilized and powerful, for we read
in Homer of their 100 cities. Before the Trojan war lived the famous
king Minos, who is said to have given laws to Crete, and to have been
the first potentate who possessed a navy, with which he suppressed
piracy in the Aegean Sea. The Cretans gradually degenerated, so that
we find in the New Testament St. Paul quoting from their own poet,
Epimenides: “Always liars and beasts are the Cretans, and inwardly
sluggish” (Titus i. 12). The lying propensity of the Cretans is proved
from the fact that the verb _to Cretize_, was used in Greek with the
meaning “to speak falsely.” In Hebrew, Crete is called _Caphtor_
(cypress). It is mentioned in Jer. xlvii. 4. It was the native land
of a tribe of Philistines called Caphtorim (Gen. x. 14; Deut. ii. 23;
1 Chron. i. 12). The fact that the Philistines came partly from Crete
is also affirmed in Amos ix. 7. Another branch of the Philistines came
from Casloach in Egypt. The Caphtorim emigrated originally from Egypt
to Crete, from which island they were probably driven by the Greeks.
Tacitus asserts that the inhabitants of Palestine came from Crete
(_Historiae_, v. 2); and the early name of Gaza was Minoa, after the
famous king of Crete. Another Hebrew name for Crete is Cĕrēth, whence
the inhabitants were called _Cĕrēthim_. They are mentioned in Ezek.
xxv. 16, and Zeph. ii. 5; where the Septuagint and the Syriac have
_Cretans_. We find the Philistines, who were partly emigrants from
Crete, called Cerethim in 1 Sam. xxx. 14. From among these Cerethim
and Philistines David chose his body-guard, which was composed of men
skilled in shooting and slinging (2 Sam. viii. 18, xv. 18, xx. 7, 23; 1
Kings i. 38, 44; 1 Chron. xviii. 17).
[281] From _Diodorus_ (xvii. 48) it appears that Agis went personally
to Crete, and compelled most of the cities to join the Persian side. We
also learn that the deputies of the Greeks assembled at the Isthmian
games at Corinth sent an embassy to Alexander to congratulate him on
his victory at Issus, and to present him with a golden wreath. (See
also _Curtius_, iv. 22.)
[282] Coele-Syria, or Hollow Syria, is, in its more limited sense,
the country between the ranges of Libanus and Anti-Libănus, in which
Damascus and Baalbek are situated; in its wider meaning, it comprises
the whole of Northern Syria, in opposition to the countries of
Phoenicia and Palestine.
[283] Aradus is an island lying two or three miles from the mainland of
Phoenicia. According to Strabo, a State was founded in it by refugees
from Sidon. For a long time the island was independent, under its own
kings; and even after it fell under the sway of the Macedonian kings
of Syria, and subsequently under that of the Romans, it retained a
great deal of its commercial prosperity. Aradus appears in Hebrew
under the form _Arvad_. It is evident from Ezek. xxvii. 8, 11, that
its inhabitants were skilful sailors and brave warriors. They sent out
colonies to Aradus south of Carmel, the island of Aradus near Crete,
and the islands in the Persian gulf. The present name of this island is
Ruad. The Aradians inhabited the mainland opposite the island, as well
as the island itself.
[284] Artaxerxes Ochus reigned B.C. 359-338.
[285] Perinthus was a Samian colony on the Propontis. For the siege by
Philip, see _Diodorus_, xvi. 74-76.
[286] Impartial historians deny that Philip’s murderers were bribed;
they committed the murder from private resentment.
[287] Ochus was poisoned about B.C. 338, by the eunuch Bagoas, who
placed upon the throne Arses, one of the king’s sons, killing all the
rest. Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, vi. 8). Two years afterwards,
Bagoas put Arses and all his children to death; thus leaving no direct
heir of the regal family alive. He then placed upon the throne one of
his adherents, named Darius Codomannus, a descendant of one of the
brothers of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Bagoas soon afterwards tried to poison
this Darius; but the latter, discovering his treachery, forced him to
drink the deadly draught himself (_Diod._, xvii. 5; _Justin_, x. 3).
From _Arrian_, iii. 19, we learn that Bistanes, a son of Ochus, was
alive after the battle of Arbela.
[288] Aeschines, in his speech against Ctesiphon (p. 634), asserts
that Darius sent 300 talents to Athens, that the Athenians refused
them, and that Demosthenes took them, reserving 70 talents for his own
private use. Deinarchus repeats this statement in his speech against
Demosthenes. (pp. 9-14). If Demosthenes had really acted thus, it is
strange Alexander knew nothing about it.
[289] This statement of Arrian is confirmed by _Curtius_ (iii. 34), who
says that Parmenio captured the treasure, not in the city, but from
fugitives who were conveying it away.
[290] In giving the names of the captured Grecian envoys, _Curtius_
(iii. 35) seems to have confounded this with a future occasion,
mentioned in _Arrian_ (iii. 24).
[291] The great Iphicrates had been adopted by Alexander’s grandfather,
as is stated in a note on Book I. chap. 23.
[292] Byblus is said by _Strabo_ (xvi. 2) to have been situated on a
height not far from the sea. It was reported to be the oldest city in
the world. It possessed a considerable extent of territory, including
Berytus, and was an independent State for a long period, the last king
being deposed by Pompey. On a Byblus coin of Alexander’s time appears
the name _Einel_, which is the king Enylus mentioned by _Arrian_ (ii.
20). Byblus was the chief seat of the worship of Adonis, or Thammuz,
who was supposed to have been born there. In the Bible it appears under
its Hebrew name _Gebal_ (mountain-district). The inhabitants of Gebal
are said in Ezek. xxvii. 9 to have been skilled in building ships. In
Josh. xiii. 5 the northern boundary of the Holy Land is said to reach
as far as the land of the Giblite, or inhabitant of Gebal. In 1 Kings
v. 18 the word translated in our Bible _stone-squarers_ ought to be
rendered _Giblites_. The Arabs still call the place Jebail. Cf. Milton
(_Paradise Lost_, viii. 18).
[293] Sidon, or in Hebrew _Tsidon_ (fortress), is called in Gen. x. 15,
19 the firstborn son of Canaan, _i.e._ it was the first city founded
by the Canaanites or Phoenicians. It lay about twenty miles south of
Tyre, on a small promontory two miles south of the river Bostremus. We
read in _Homer_ that it was famous for its embroidered robes and metal
utensils, and from other ancient writers we find that it manufactured
glass and linen and also prepared dyes. Before the time of David it
fell under the rule of Tyre; but when Shalmaneser, king of Assyria,
invaded Phoenicia, it revolted from Tyre and submitted to the invader.
It was governed by its own kings under the Babylonian and Persian
empires; and under the latter power it reached its highest prosperity,
surpassing Tyre in wealth and importance. In the expedition of Xerxes
against Greece, the Sidonians furnished the best ships in the whole
fleet, and their king obtained the highest place under Xerxes in the
council. But they revolted against Ochus, king of Persia, and being
betrayed to him by their own king Tennes, they burnt their city and
ships. It is said that 40,000 persons perished in the fire and by the
sword, B.C. 351. (_Diodorus_, xvi. 43-45). No doubt this barbarous
treatment of Ochus induced the Sidonians to take the side of Alexander.
The city was already built and again flourishing when that king
appeared on the scene. Near the site of the ancient city is the present
town of Saida, with a population of about 5,000. Cf. Homer (_Iliad_,
vi. 289; xxiii. 741); _Lucan_, iii. 217.
[294] At Sidon, Alexander deposed the reigning king Strato, a friend
of the Persians; and a poor man, named Abdalonymus, distantly related
to the regal family, was put into his place (_Curtius_, iv. 3, 4).
_Diodorus_ (xvii. 47) tells the same story, but applies it to Tyre,
probably by mistake.
[295] The Hebrew name for Tyre is _Tsor_ (rock). In Isa. xxiii. 4 it
is called the fortress of the sea; and in ver. 8, “Tsor, the crowning
one,” because Tyre gave rulers to the Phoenician cities and colonies.
Valuable information about the power, trade, and customs of Tyre
is derived from Ezek. xxvi-xxviii.; and we learn the fact that she
employed mercenaries like her colony Carthage (Ezek. xxvii. 10, 11). In
the classical writers the name is corrupted into _Tyrus_, and sometimes
into _Sarra_. Tyre was unsuccessfully besieged for five years by
Shalmaneser. It was also besieged for thirteen years by Nebuchadnezzar,
and in the end an alliance was formed, by which the Tyrians retained
their own king as a vassal of the king of Babylon. This arrangement was
continued under the kings of Persia.
[296] _Curtius_ (iv. 7) tells us that the envoys also brought to
Alexander a golden wreath, together with abundant supplies for his army.
[297] This king must have brought home his ships for the defence of
Tyre, for he was in the city when it was captured. See chap. 24.
[298] The Phoenician god _Melkarth_ (lord of the city), whom the
Syrians called _Baal_ (lord), was supposed to be identical with the
Grecian Heracles, or Hercules, who was the mythical ancestor of the
Macedonian kings. _Curtius_ (iv. 7) tells us that Alexander affirmed
he had been ordered by an oracle to sacrifice in Tyre to Heracles.
Gesenius informs us that a Maltese inscription identifies the Tyrian
Melkarth with Heracles.
[299] Who was the son of Labdacus.
[300] See _Herodotus_, ii. 43, 44.
[301] The district comprising all the south-west of Spain outside the
pillars of Heracles, or Straits of Gibraltar, was called Tartessis,
of which the chief city was Tartessus. Here the Phoenicians planted
colonies, one of which still remains under the name of Cadiz. The
Romans called the district Baetica, from the principal river, the
Baetis or Guadalquivir. The Hebrew name for this region is _Tarshish_,
of which Tartessus is the Greek form. Tarshish was the station for the
Phoenician trade with the West, which extended as far as Cornwall.
The Tyrians fetched from this locality silver, iron, lead, tin, and
gold (Isa. xxiii. 1, 6, 10, lxvi. 19; Jer. x. 9; Ezek. xxvii. 12,
xxxviii. 13). Martial, Seneca, and Avienus, the first two of whom were
Spaniards, understood Tartessus to stand for the south-west of Spain
and Portugal. The word Tarshish probably means _sea-coast_, from the
Sanscrit _tarischa_, the sea. Ovid (_Met._, xiv. 416); _Martial_, viii.
28; _Silius_, xiii. 673.
[302] Of Miletus. Herodotus knew his writings well, but they have not
come down to us. See _Herod._ (ii. 143; v. 36 and 125).
[303] The Iberians were originally called Tibarenes, or Tibari. They
dwelt on the east of the Black Sea, and west of Colchis, whence they
emigrated to Spain. This nation is called _Tubal_ in the Hebrew Bible;
in Isa. lxvi. 19 the Iberians of western Europe are referred to.
[304] An island near Cadiz, now called Leon. Cf. Hesiod (_Theogonia_,
287-294); _Herodotus_, iv. 8.
[305] Now called Arta.
[306] Arrian omits to mention that the Tyrians pointed out to him that
his wish to sacrifice to Hercules might be gratified without entering
their city, since at Palaetyrus, on the mainland, separated from Tyre
only by a narrow strait, was a temple of that deity more ancient than
that in Tyre. See _Curtius_, iv. 7; _Justin_, xi. 10. We learn from
_Arrian_, i. 18, that when Alexander offered sacrifice to the Ephesian
Diana he marched to the temple with his whole army in battle array.
No doubt it was this kind of thing the Tyrians objected to. Alexander
actually did the same at Tyre after its capture. (See chapter 24.)
[307] For this use of ἐνύπνιον, cf. Homer (_Iliad_, ii. 56);
Aristophanes (_Wasps_, 1218).
[308] Cf. _Arrian_, i. 11 and 25 supra.
[309] The island was about half a mile from the mainland, and about a
mile in length.
[310] We learn from _Diodorus_ (xvii. 40) that the breadth of this mole
was about 200 feet.
[311] _Curtius_ (iv. 10) says that the timber was procured from
Lebanon, and the stones from Old Tyre on the mainland.
[312] Cf. _Polyaenus_ (iv. 3).
[313] Cf. Cæsar (_Bell. Gall._, vii. 24)—reliquasque res, quibus ignis
excitari potest, fundebant. Krüger has unnecessarily altered ἐπὶ ταύτῃ
into ἐπ’ αὐτήν (_i.e._ πρῷραν).
[314] _Curtius_ (iv. 12) says that the stern was loaded with stones and
sand.
[315] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 42) and _Curtius_ (iv. 12) say that a great
tempest helped to demolish the palisade.
[316] We learn from Josephus (_Antiquities of the Jews_, ix. 14), on
the authority of Menander, that when Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, four
centuries before Alexander’s time, besieged Tyre, the other Phoenicians
supplied him with ships in like manner.
[317] This was a state vessel, or guardship, similar to the _Paralus_
and _Salaminia_ at Athens. See _Alciphron_, Bk. I. Epistle 11, with
Bergler’s note.
[318] See _Arrian_, ii. 2 supra.
[319] _Curtius_ (iv. 11) says that about thirty of the Macedonians
collecting timber in Lebanon were killed by a party of wild Arabs,
and that a few were also captured by them. _Lebanon_ is a Hebrew word
meaning _white_, like _Alpes_. It was so called on account of its white
cliffs, just as Britain is called by Aristotle, _Albion_, the Celtic
for white.
[320] Plutarch (_Life of Alexander_, 24) gives us, on the authority of
Chares, some details of daring valour on the part of Alexander in this
expedition.
[321] Cleander was put to death by Alexander for oppression in
exercising his duties as governor of Media. See _Arrian_, vi. 27 infra.
[322] In regard to this manœuvre, see _Herodotus_, vi. 12;
_Thucydides_, i. 49, with Arnold’s note.
[323] συμπεπηγμέναι:—“In the best authors πέπηγα is used as the perf.
pass. of πήγνυμι” (_Liddell & Scott_). Cf. v. 12, 4; 24, 4, infra.
[324] Cf. Plautus (_Mercator_, iv. 2, 5), _hortator remigum_.
[325] Amathus was a town on the south coast of Cyprus. It is now called
Limasol. Cf. _Herodotus_, v. 104-115; Tacitus (_Ann._, iii. 62); Vergil
(_Aeneid_, x. 51).
[326] Curium was also a town on the south coast of Cyprus.
[327] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 45) says, that after Admetus was killed,
Alexander recalled his men from the assault that night, but renewed it
next day.
[328] Agenor, the father of Cadmus, was the reputed founder of Tyre and
Sidon. See _Curtius_, iv. 19.
[329] The Tyrians had been encouraged in their resistance by the
promise of aid from their colony Carthage. But the Carthaginians
excused themselves on the ground of their own difficulties in
contending with the Greeks. The Tyrians however despatched their women,
children, and old men to Carthage for safety. See _Diodorus_, xvii. 40,
41; _Curtius_, iv. 8 and 15. We learn from _Diod._, xx. 14, that the
Carthaginians were in the habit of sending to the Tyrian Hercules the
tenth of their revenues.
[330] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 46) and _Curtius_ (iv. 19) state that 2,000
Tyrians who had escaped the massacre were hanged on the seashore by
Alexander’s order.
[331] The end of July and beginning of August B.C. 332. _Diodorus_
(xvii. 46) tells us that the siege lasted seven months. See also
_Curtius_ (iv. 20) and Plutarch (_Life of Alexander_, 24). We find from
_Strabo_ (xvi. 2) that Tyre again became a flourishing city.
[332] About £2,440,000.
[333] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 54) puts the arrival of this embassy after
Alexander’s conquest of Egypt. _Curtius_ (iv. 21) says that the name of
the daughter whom Darius offered to Alexander was Statira.
[334] The term Palestine is derived from _Pĕlesheth_, the name given
in Hebrew to the coast district in the south-west of Palestine, the
inhabitants of which were called _Pĕlishtim_, or Philistines. As this
tract of country lay directly between Phoenicia and Egypt, it became
known to the Greeks sooner than the rest of the Holy Land, and they
called it Syria Palaestinē. The name was gradually extended until
it became the usual one for all the Holy Land among Greek and Latin
writers. An interesting account of Alexander’s visit to Jerusalem and
his dealings with the Jews is found in Josephus (_Antiquities_, xi. 8).
[335] Nearly two miles and a half. _Strabo_ (xvi. 2) says that the city
was only seven stades from the sea.
[336] Gaza is the Greek form of the Hebrew name _Azzah_ (fortress). Its
position on the border of Egypt and Palestine has given it importance
from the earliest times. It was one of the five cities of the
Philistines; and retained its own king till a late period, as we learn
from Zechariah ix. 5. It was the scene of a battle between Richard I.
and the Saracens. It is now called Guzzeh, with a population of 15,000.
[337] Compare _Arrian_, i. 11 and 25; ii. 18. Plutarch (_Alex._, 25)
says that the bird was entangled and caught among the nets and cords.
See also _Curtius_, iv. 26.
[338] A stadium equalled 606-3/4 feet.
[339] Cf. _Thucydides_, ii. 76 (description of the siege of Plataeae).
[340] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 48) says that the siege of Gaza lasted two
months. _Polybius_ (xvi. 40) speaks of the resolution and valour of
the Gazaeans. We learn from _Curtius_ (iv. 28) and from _Dionysius_ of
Halicarnassus (_De Compositione Verborum_, pp. 123-125) that Alexander
treated the brave Batis with horrible cruelty. He ordered his feet to
be bored and brazen rings to be put through them, after which the naked
body was tied to the back of a chariot which was driven by Alexander
himself round the city, in imitation of the treatment of Hector by
Achilles at Troy. Cf. _Arrian_, vii. 14. Dionysius quotes from Hegesias
of Magnesia, who wrote a history of Alexander, not now extant. Curtius
says that nearly 10,000 of the Persians and Arabs were slain at Gaza.
_Strabo_ (xvi. 2) says that in his time (_i.e._ in the reign of
Augustus) the city still remained desolate, as it was left by Alexander.
[341] Pelusium is identical with the Hebrew _Sin_ (a marsh) the most
easterly city of Egypt, which is called in Ezekiel xxx. 15, the
_strength of Egypt_, because it was the key to that country from its
frontier position. Cf. _Herodotus_, iii. 5. _Strabo_ (xvii. 1) says
it was situated near marshes. It stood east of the Pelusiac branch of
the Nile, about 2-1/2 miles from the sea. This mouth of the river was
choked up with sand as early as the first century of the Christian era
(_Lucan_, viii. 465). Sennacherib advanced as far as this city, and
here Cambyses defeated the Egyptians, B.C. 525. Iphicrates the Athenian
advanced to Pelusium with the satrap Pharnabazus, B.C. 373. Cf. Vergil
(_Georgic_, i. 228); _Martial_, xiii. 9; _Silius_, iii. 375.
[342] _Curtius_ (iv. 22) says that this fleet was under the command of
Hephaestion.
[343] His predecessor, Sabaces, was slain at Issus. See _Arrian_, ii.
11 supra.
[344] _Curtius_ (iv. 29) says that Mazaces surrendered to Alexander
treasure to the amount of 800 talents, nearly £200,000.
[345] Memphis, the capital of Egypt, is called in the Hebrew Bible,
_Noph_. In Hosea ix. 6 it is called _Moph_. The Egyptian name was
_Mĕnoph_, of which both Moph and Noph are contractions. The name
signifies _place of Ftah_, the Egyptian name for Vulcan. Memphis
stood on the west bank of the Nile, and is said by _Herodotus_ (ii.
99) to have been founded by Menes. It had a circumference of fifteen
miles. Its numerous temples were famous and are mentioned in the poems
of Martial, Ovid, and Tibullus. It never recovered the devastation
committed by Cambyses, who was exasperated by its resistance. The rise
of Alexandria as the capital under the Ptolemies, hastened the decline
of Memphis. At Gizeh, near Memphis, are the three great pyramids, being
of the height respectively of 460, 446, and 203 feet. Not far off are
six smaller ones. Near the second pyramid is the Sphinx, cut out of the
solid rock, which was probably an object of worship. Cf. _Apollodorus_,
ii. 4.
[346] Heliopolis is known in Hebrew as _On_, which is an Egyptian
word meaning _Sun_. It is mentioned in Gen. xli. 45, 50; xlvi. 20.
In Ezek. xxx. 17, it is called _Aven_, which is the same word in
Hebrew as On, with a variation of the vowels. In Jer. xliii. 13 it
is called _Beith-Shemesh_, which in Hebrew means _House of the Sun_,
a translation of the Egyptian name. The Greeks called it Heliopolis,
_City of the Sun_. The great temple of the Sun and its priesthood
are described by Herodotus and Strabo. There are still remaining
a beautiful obelisk of red granite nearly 70 feet high, and the
brick wall of the temple 3,750 feet long by 2,370 feet broad. Cf.
_Apollodorus_, ii. 4.
[347] The word Nile never occurs in the Hebrew Bible; but that river is
called _Yeor_ (river). In Amos viii. 8 it is called _Yeor Mitsraim_,
the river of Egypt; but it is usually called simply _Yeor_, the river.
In Isa. xxiii. 3 the corn of Egypt is called the _harvest of Yeor_, or
the Nile. In like manner Avon, Ganges, Rhine, mean _river_. The Greek
name _Neilos_, or Nile, means a _bed with a stream_, and was originally
applied to the land of Egypt, as the valley of the Nile. It rises in
the lake Victoria Nyanza, and has a course of 3,300 miles. In Isa.
xxiii. 3 and Jer. ii. 18 the Nile is called _Shichor_ (turbid). In
Homer (_Odys._, iv. 477, etc.) the river is called Egypt as well as the
country. Cf. _Ammianus_, xxii. 15.
[348] The Bull of Memphis, sacred to _Ftah_, the god of fire. See
_Herodotus_, iii. 27, 28; _Strabo_, xvii. 1; _Ammianus_, xxii. 14; Ovid
(_Met._, ix. 690).
[349] Now Aboukir, about 13 miles north-east of Alexandria, near the
westernmost mouth of the Nile. Cf. Aeschўlus (_Supp._, 311; _Prom._,
846); _Strabo_, xvii. 1, 17; Tacitus (_Ann._, ii. 60).
[350] Usually called Lake Mareotis, now Mariût. Cf. Vergil (_Georgic_,
ii. 91).
[351] We learn, from _Curtius_ (iv. 33), that Alexander at first
resolved to build the city on the island of Pharos, but finding it too
small, built it on the mainland.
[352] A goddess representing the moon, and wife of Osiris the sun-god.
[353] Cf. _Strabo_ (xvii. 1); Plutarch (_Alex._, 26); _Diodorus_ (xvii.
52); _Curtius_ (iv. 33); _Ammianus_ (xxii. 16).
[354] We find from _Valerius Maximus_ (i. 4) and _Ammianus_, l.c.,
that his name was Dinocrates.
[355] Krüger substitutes ἐπενόει for ἐποίει, comparing iv. 1, 3, and 4,
1 infra.
[356] See _Arrian_, ii. 2 supra.
[357] Methymna was, next to Mitylene, the most important city in Lesbos.
[358] Chares was an Athenian who had been one of the generals at the
fatal battle of Chaeronea. _Curtius_ (iv. 24) says that he consented to
evacuate Mitylene with his force of 2,000 men on condition of a free
departure.
[359] On an island in the Nile, of the same name, opposite Syene. It
served as the southern frontier garrison station.
[360] The temple of Jupiter Ammon was in the oasis of Siwah, to the
West of Egypt. Its ruins were discovered by Browne in 1792. This oasis
is about 6 miles long and 3 broad. The people called Libyans occupied
the whole of North Africa excluding Egypt. In Hebrew they are called
_Lubim_ (sunburnt). See 2 Chron. xii. 3; xvi. 8; Dan. xi. 43; Nah. iii.
9. Cf. _Herodotus_, ii. 32; iv. 168-199.
[361] King of the island Seriphus. Cf. _Herodotus_, ii. 91.
[362] The gigantic son of Poseidon and Ge.
[363] King of Egypt, who was said to have sacrificed all foreigners
that visited the land.
[364] Perseus was the grandfather of Alemena, the mother of Hercules.
[365] About 183 miles. This city lay at the extreme west of Egypt, in
Marmarica.
[366] “For some distance onward the engineers had erected a line of
telegraph poles to guide us, but after they ceased the desert was
absolutely trackless. Our guides were the stars—had the night been
overcast the enterprise would have been impossible—and we were steered
by a naval officer, Lieutenant Rawson, who had doubtless studied on
previous nights the relation of these celestial beacons to the course
of our march. The centre of the line was the point of direction;
therefore he rode between the centre battalions (75th and 79th) of the
Highland Brigade. Frequently in the course of the night, after duly
ascertaining what dark figure I was addressing, I represented to him
that his particular star was clouded over; but he always replied that
he had another in view, a second string to his bow, which he showed
me, and that he was convinced he had not deviated in the least from
the proper direction. And he was right, his guidance was marvellously
correct; for his reward, poor fellow, he was shot down in the assault,
mortally wounded. Here we were adrift, but for the stars, in a region
where no token existed on the surface by which to mark the course—any
more than on the ocean without a compass—and the distance to be
traversed was many miles.”—Sir Edward Hamley: “The Second Division at
Tel-el-Kebir,” _Nineteenth Century_, December, 1882.
[367] _Strabo_ (xvii. 1) quotes from Callisthenes, whose work on
Alexander is lost. He agrees with Aristobulus about the two ravens.
Callisthenes is also quoted by Plutarch (_Alex._, 27) in regard to this
prodigy. _Curtius_ (iv. 30) says that there were _several ravens_; and
_Diodorus_ (xvii. 49) speaks of _ravens_.
[368] Nearly five miles. Cf. _Lucan_, ix. 511-543.
[369] This _Fountain of the Sun_, as it is called, is 30 paces long
and 20 broad; 6 fathoms deep, with bubbles constantly rising from the
surface. Cf. _Herodotus_, iv. 181; _Lucretius_, vi. 849-878; _Ptolemy_,
iv. 5, 37.
[370] This is what we call sal ammoniac, known to chemists as
hydrochlorate of ammonia. The _dactylos_ was the smallest Greek measure
of length, about 7/10 of an inch.
[371] We learn from _Strabo_ (xvii. 1), on the authority of
Callisthenes, that the declaration of the oracle of Ammon was confirmed
by those of Apollo at Branchidae near Miletus, and of Athena at
Erythrae in Ionia. Plutarch (_Alex._, 28) and _Arrian_ (vii. 29) assert
that Alexander set afloat the declaration that he was the son of Zeus
to overawe the foreigners over whom he was extending his rule.
[372] Ewald and others think that Heroöpolis was identical with the
Raamses of the Bible. Raamses, or Rameses, is a Coptic word meaning
“the son of the sun.”
[373] A city founded by the Milesians on the Canopic branch of the
Nile. It remained a purely Greek city, being the only place where
Greeks were allowed to settle and trade in Egypt. Cf. _Herodotus_, ii.
97, 135, 178, 179.
[374] Cf. Tacitus (_Historiae_, i. 11).
[375] We learn, from _Curtius_ (iv. 34), that Alexander went to Samaria
to chastise the inhabitants, who had burnt his deputy, Andromachus, to
death.
[376] From early times the Athenians kept two sacred vessels for state
purposes, the one called the _Paralus_ and the other _Salaminia_. In
the earliest times the former was used for coasting purposes, and the
latter for the journey to Salamis. Hence their respective names. See
Dr. Smith’s _Dict. of Antiquities_. Aeschines, in his oration against
Ctesiphon (p. 550), asserts that he was informed by the seamen of the
_Paralus_ that Demosthenes on this occasion sent a letter to Alexander
soliciting pardon and favour.
[377] Cf. Aelian, _Varia Historia_, i. 25; _Curtius_, iv. 34.
[378] Beroea was a city of Macedonia, on the Astraeus, a tributary of
the Haliacmon, about 20 miles from the sea.
[379] Other historians call this queen Cleopatra. She was the daughter
of a Macedonian named Attalus. Plutarch (_Alex._, 9 and 10) says that
she was cruelly put to death by Olympias during Alexander’s absence.
_Justin_ (ix. 7; xi. 2) states that Olympias first slew her daughter on
her mother’s bosom and then had Cleopatra hanged; while Alexander put
to death Caranus, the infant son of Philip and Cleopatra. _Pausanias_
(viii. 7) says that Olympias caused Cleopatra and her infant son to be
roasted on a brazen vessel. Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xiii. 35).
[380] This king was brother of Alexander’s mother Olympias, and husband
of Cleopatra the daughter of Philip and Olympias. He crossed over into
Italy to aid the Tarentines against the Lucanians and Bruttians, but
was eventually defeated and slain near Pandosia, B.C. 326.
[381] June-July, B.C. 331.
[382] We learn, from _Curtius_ (iv. 37), that Alexander took eleven
days to march from Phoenicia to the Euphrates.
[383] _Curtius_ (iv. 37) says that Tigris is the Persian word for
_arrow_; and that the river was so named on account of the swiftness
of its current. The Hebrew name is Chiddekel, which means _arrow_.
See Gen. ii. 14; and Dan. x. 4, where it is called _the great river_.
The name Tigris is derived from the Zend _Tighra_, which comes from
the Sanscrit _Tig_, to sharpen. It is now called Dijleh. It joins
the Euphrates 90 miles from the sea, and the united stream is called
Shat-el-Arab. Its entire length is 1,146 miles. In ancient times the
two rivers had distinct mouths. So the Rhon formerly had several
mouths. See _Livy_, xxi. 26. _Strabo_ (iv. 1, 8) says that Timaeus gave
it five mouths; Polybius gives it two; others give seven.
[384] This eclipse occurred September 20th, B.C. 331.
[385] The part of Assyria lying between the Upper Tigris and the Lycus
was called Aturia.
[386] Called Carduchi by Xenophon. These mountains separate Assyria and
Mesopotamia from Media and Armenia.
[387] Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 38).
[388] Arachosia comprised what is now the south-east part of
Afghanistan and the north-east part of Beloochistan.
[389] Aria comprised the west and north-west part of Afghanistan and
the east part of Khorasan.
[390] Parthia is the modern Khorasan. Hyrcania was the country south
and south-east of the Caspian Sea. The Tapurians dwelt in the north
of Media, on the borders of Parthia between the Caspian passes. Cf.
_Ammianus_, xxiii. 6.
[391] The Cadusians lived south-west of the Caspian, the Albanians on
the west of the same sea, in the south-east part of Georgia, and the
Sacesinians in the north-east of Armenia, on the river Kur.
[392] The Red Sea was the name originally given to the whole expanse of
sea to the west of India as far as Africa. The name was subsequently
given to the Arabian Gulf exclusively. In Hebrew it is called
_Yam-Suph_ (Sea of Sedge, or a seaweed resembling wool). The Egyptians
called it the Sea of Weeds.
[393] The Uxians occupied the north-west of Persis, and Susiana was the
country to the north and west of Persis.
[394] The Sitacenians lived in the south of Assyria. ἐτετάχατο
is the Ionic form for τεταγμένοι ἦσαν.
[395] The Greeks called this country Mesopotamia because it lies
between the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. In the Bible it is called
Paddan-Aram (the plain of _Aram_, which is the Hebrew name of Syria).
In Gen. xlviii. 7 it is called merely _Paddan_, the plain. In Hos.
xii. 12, it is called the _field of Aram_, or, as our Bible has
it, the _country of Syria_. Elsewhere in the Bible it is called
_Aram-naharaim_, Aram of the two rivers, which the Greeks translated
Mesopotamia. It is called “_the Island_,” by Arabian geographers.
[396] _Curtius_ (iv. 35 and 45) states that Darius had 200,000
infantry, 45,000 cavalry, and 200 scythed chariots; _Diodorus_ (xvii.
53) says, 800,000 infantry, 200,000 cavalry, and 200 scythed chariots;
_Justin_ (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000 horse; and Plutarch
(_Alex._, 31) speaks of a million of men. For the chariots cf. Xenophon
(_Anab._, i. 8, 10); _Livy_, xxxvii. 41.
[397] This is the first instance on record of the employment of
elephants in battle.
[398] This river is now called Ghasir, a tributary of the Great Zab.
The village Gaugamela was in the district of Assyria called Aturia,
about 69 miles from the city of Arbela, now called Erbil.
[399] About 7 miles.
[400] Xenophon (_Anab._, iii. 4, 35) explains why this was so.
[401] σφεῖς here stands for αὐτοί.
[402] See note 252 to ii. 10 supra.
[403] These people were a Scythian tribe leading a nomadic life east
of the Caspian. They are called Daoi by _Herodotus_, i. 125; Dahae
by _Ammianus_, xxii. 8, 21; _Livy_, xxxv. 48; xxxvii. 38; Vergil
(_Aeneid_, viii. 728); _Pliny_, vi. 19; _Strabo_, xi. 7. They are
mentioned in Ezra iv. 9 as subjects of Persia. The district is now
called Daikh. See Fürst’s _Hebrew Lexicon_, sub voce דֶּֽה.
[404] A title of honour. Curtius says that they numbered 15,000.
[405] Cf. _Herodotus_, vii. 41.
[406] This people lived to the south of the Caspian.
[407] “Several names of various contingents stated to have been present
in the field are not placed in the official return—thus the Sogdiani,
the Arians, and the Indian mountaineers are mentioned by _Arrian_ as
having joined Darius (iii. 8); the Kossaeans by _Diodorus_ (xvii. 59);
the Sogdiani, Massagatae, Belitae, Kossaeans, Gortyae, Phrygians, and
Kataonians, by _Curtius_ (iv. 12).”—_Grote_.
[408] This distinguished general succeeded Antipater as regent of
Macedonia, but was overcome by Cassander, the son of the former, and
became subordinate to him.
[409] There were thus six taxeis, or brigades of foot Companions, as
they were called, in the phalanx of infantry at the battle of Arbela.
Arrian’s description of the battle at the Granicus (i. 14) seems to
be erroneous in some of the words of the text; yet it may be gathered
from it that there were also six taxeis in Alexander’s phalanx on that
occasion also.
[410] See Arrian’s _Tactics_, 29.
[411] Cf. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 57).
[412] See Donaldson’s _New Cratylus_, sect. 178.
[413] Cf. _Curtius_, iv. 35. “Equitibus equisque tegumenta erant ex
ferreis laminis serie inter se connexis.”
[414] Compare the uselessness of the Persian scythed chariots at the
battle of Cunaxa. See Xenophon (_Anabasis_, i. 8). So also at the
battle of Magnesia between Scipio and Antiochus. See _Livy_, xxxvii. 41.
[415] πεφρικυῖα, imitated from Homer (_Iliad_, iv.
282). Cf. Vergil (_Aeneid_, x. 178, _horrentibus hastis_); _Livy_,
xliv. 41 (_horrendis hastis_).
[416] _Curtius_ (iv. 58, 59) and _Diodorus_ (xvii. 60) describe quite
an Homeric battle, Darius hurling a spear at Alexander, and Alexander
hurling his at Darius and killing his charioteer. They say that the
Persians mistook the fall of the Charioteer for that of the king, and
fled, carrying Darius with them.
[417] _Curtius_ (iv. 59) and _Diodorus_ (xvii. 60) say that so thick a
cloud of dust was raised by the mighty mass of fugitives, that nothing
could be clearly distinguished, and that thus the Macedonians lost the
track of Darius. The noise of the shouting and the cracking of whips
served as guides to the pursuers.
[418] Sisygambis, the mother of Darius, whom these Persians were
especially anxious to liberate from the custody of the Macedonians,
refused to go with them. See _Diodorus_ and _Curtius_.
[419] Arrian does not say much about this vigorous charge of Mazaeus,
the commander of the Persian right wing. See _Curtius_ (iv. 60);
_Diodorus_ (xvii. 60).
[420] We learn from _Diodorus_ and _Curtius_ that Parmenio had driven
Mazaeus back before Alexander’s arrival.
[421] The Lycus, now called the Great Zab, is a tributary of the
Tigris. Xenophon calls it Zabatus (_Anab._, ii. 5). The Greek _Lycus_
is a translation of the Syrian _Zaba_ (wolf).
[422] About sixty-nine miles. Cf. _Strabo_ (xvi. 1, 3).
[423] ἐλινύσας. This is an Ionic word used by _Herodotus_ (viii. 71,
etc.), and rarely in Attic poets and later prose writers.
[424] See _Arrian_, ii. 11 supra.
[425] _Curtius_ (iv. 63) says that 40,000 of the Persians were slain,
and that less than 300 Macedonians were killed. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 61)
states that more than 90,000 Persians and 500 Macedonians were slain.
[426] September 331 B.C. Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._, 31).
[427] For this prediction, see iii. 7 supra.
[428] As to the kinsmen and apple-bearers, see iii. 11 supra.
[429] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 63) and _Curtius_ (v. 6) state that from the
treasure captured in Babylon, Alexander distributed to each Macedonian
horseman about £24, to each of the Grecian horsemen £20, to each of the
Macedonian infantry £8, and to the allied infantry two months’ pay.
[430] Belus, or Bel, the supreme deity of the Babylonians, was
identical with the Syrian Baal. The signification of the name is
_mighty_. Cf. _Herodotus_ (i. 181); _Diodorus_ (ii. 9); _Strabo_ (xvi.
1).
[431] See i. 17 supra.
[432] The Chaldees appear in Hebrew under the name of _Casdim_, who
seem to have originally dwelt in Carduchia, the northern part of
Assyria. The Assyrians transported these rude mountaineers to the
plains of Babylonia (Isa. xxiii. 13). The name of Casdim, or Chaldees,
was applied to the inhabitants of Mesopotamia (Gen. xi. 28); the
inhabitants of the Arabian desert in the vicinity of Edom (Job i. 17);
those who dwelt near the river Chaboras (Ezek. i. 3; xi. 24); and the
priestly caste who had settled at a very early period in Babylon, as
we are informed by Diodorus and Eusebius. Herodotus says that these
priests were dedicated to Belus. It is proved by inscriptions that the
ancient language was retained as a learned and religious literature.
This is probably what is meant in Daniel i. 4 by “the book and tongue
of the Casdim.” Cf. _Diodorus_ (ii. 29-31); _Ptolemy_ (v. 20, 3); and
Cicero (_De Divinatione_, i. 1). See Fürst’s _Hebrew Lexicon_, sub voce
כֶּֽשֶׂד.
[433] In the Bible this city is called Shushan. Near it was the
fortress of Shushan, called in our Bible _the Palace_ (Neh. i. 2; Esth.
ii. 8). Susa was situated on the Choaspes, a river remarkable for the
excellence of its water, a fact referred to by _Tibullus_ (iv. 1, 140)
and by Milton (_Paradise Reg._, iii. 288). The name Shushan is derived
from the Persian word for lily, which grew abundantly in the vicinity.
The ruins of the palace mentioned in Esther i. have recently been
explored, and were found to consist of an immense hall, the roof of
which was supported by a central group of thirty-six pillars arranged
in the form of a square. This was flanked by three porticoes, each
containing two rows of six pillars. Cf. _Strabo_ (xv. 7, 28).
[434] The name of the viceroy was Abulites (_Curtius_, v. 8).
[435] If these were Attic talents, the amount would be equivalent to
£11,600,000; but if they were Babylonian or Aeginetan talents, they
were equal to £19,000,000. Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._, 36, 37); _Justin_
(xi. 14); and _Curtius_ (v. 8). _Diodorus_ (xvii. 66) tells us that
40,000 talents were of uncoined gold and silver, and 9,000 talents of
gold bearing the effigy of Darius.
[436] Cf. _Arrian_ (vii. 19); _Pausanias_ (i. 8, 5); Pliny (_Nat.
Hist._, xxxiv. 9); _Valerius Maximus_ (ii. 10, 1). For Harmodius and
Aristogeiton see _Thucydides_, vi. 56-58.
[437] Polis meant in early times a particular part of Athens, viz. the
citadel, usually called the Acropolis. Cf. Aristophanes (_Lysistrata_,
245 et passim).
[438] Demeter and Persephone.
[439] About £730,000.
[440] Antipater had been left by Alexander regent of Macedonia. Agis
III., king of Sparta, refused to acknowledge Alexander’s hegemony,
and after a hard struggle was defeated and slain by Antipater at
Megalopolis, B.C. 330. See _Diodorus_, xvii. 63; _Curtius_, vi. 1 and 2.
[441] According to _Curtius_ (v. 6) these forces amounted to nearly
15,000 men. Amyntas also brought with him fifty sons of the chief men
in Macedonia, who wished to serve as royal pages. Cf. _Diodorus_, xvii.
64.
[442] A river flowing through Susiana, formed by the junction of the
Eulaeus and Coprates.
[443] Cf. _Strabo_, xv. 3.
[444] πλεονεκτούμενοι, with dative, defrauded of. Cf. _Demosthenes_,
1035, 26.
[445] γέρα. An Homeric expression.
[446] Named Sisygambis (_Curtius_, v. 11).
[447] This was the Araxes. See _Strabo_, xv. 3.
[448] Notice the use of the adverb πρίν with the
genitive, instead of the preposition πρό. Cf. Pindar
(_Pythia_, iv. 76) πρὶν ὥρας.
[449] _Curtius_ (v. 16) says that Ariobarzanes after a bloody contest
got away through the Macedonian lines, with about 40 horsemen and 5,000
foot, and made for Persepolis. Being shut out of that fortress, he was
overtaken and slain with all his companions. Cf. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 68).
[450] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 69) and _Justin_ (xi. 14) state that on
approaching Persepolis, Alexander met 800 Grecian captives, mutilated
by loss of arms, legs, eyes, ears, or other members. _Curtius_ (v.
17-19) says there were 4,000 of them. Alexander offered to send these
men home, with means of future support; but they preferred to remain in
Persis. The king gave them money, clothing, cattle, and land.
[451] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 71) and _Curtius_ (v. 20) both state that
the amount of treasure captured at Persepolis was 120,000 talents,
or £27,600,000. In his own letter Alexander stated that there was
sufficient treasure and valuable property to load 10,000 mule carts
and 5,000 camels (Plutarch, _Alex._, 37). Curtius tells us that 6,000
talents were captured at Pasargadae.
[452] Pasargadae was the old capital of Persia, founded by Cyrus; but
its place was afterwards taken by Persepolis.
[453] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 70, 71) and _Curtius_ (v. 20, 22) say that
Alexander delivered Persepolis to his soldiers to pillage, and that
he ordered a general massacre of the inhabitants. These authors agree
with Plutarch (_Alex._, 38) in asserting that in a drunken revel he
was instigated by the courtesan Thais to set fire to the palace, and
accompanied her to commence the act of destruction. See _Dryden’s_
famous ode. But Arrian’s account establishes the fact that the fire was
the result of a deliberate plan. As regards the massacre, _Plutarch_
(37) expressly states that Alexander wrote home that he ordered it from
motives of policy.
[454] This was the principal pass through the Elburz mountains from
Media into Hyrcania and Parthia.
[455] This was the capital of Media, called in Chaldee _Achmetha_
(Ezra vi. 2). The present city of Hamadan is on the same site. It is
situated at the foot of Mount Orontes, and was used by the Persian and
Parthian kings as their summer residence. It was surrounded by seven
walls, each overtopping the one before it, from the outer to the inner,
crowned with battlements of different colours. Its citadel was used as
a royal treasury. Below it stood a splendid palace, with silver tiles,
and adorned with wainscotings, capitals, and entablatures of gold and
silver. These treasures, to the value of 4,000 talents, were coined
into money by Antiochus the Great of Syria. See _Herodotus_, i. 98;
_Polybius_, x. 27.
[456] This tribe lived in the mountains between Media and Persia.
[457] £1,700,000.
[458] _Curtius_ (v. 23) says that 6,000 Grecian mercenaries under Plato
the Athenian met Alexander in Media, having marched up from Cilicia.
[459] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 80) says that the amount of treasure deposited
at Ecbatana was 180,000 talents or £41,400,000.
[460] A large city in the extreme north of Media, mentioned in the Book
of Tobit. It was famous in the Middle Ages under the name of Rai. The
ruins of Rai lie south-east of Teheran.
[461] ἔστε generally means _until_. In its present use cf. ii. 11
supra, ἔστε μὲν φάος ἦν.
[462] The Drangians lived in a part of Ariana west of Arachosia.
[463] _Justin_ (xi. 15) and _Curtius_ (v. 34) state that Darius was
bound in chains of gold. The former says that the name of the place was
Thara in Parthia, where the king was arrested. Probably these chains
were those worn by the king or his nobles, according to the Persian
custom. This is the only sentence in Arrian where περὶ
suffers anastrophe, coming after the noun.
[464] Plutarch (_Alex._, 42) says that Alexander rode 3,300 stades, or
about 400 miles, in eleven days. In the next chapter he says that only
sixty of his men were able to keep up with him in the pursuit.
[465] _Curtius_ (v. 24-38) gives very ample details of what occurred
during the last days of Darius. Cf. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 73); _Justin_
(xi. 15).
[466] The Persian kings were buried at Persepolis. See _Diodorus_,
xvii. 71. Plutarch (_Alex._, 43) says that Alexander sent the corpse of
Darius to his mother.
[467] In the year B.C. 330, the first of Hecatombaion fell on the first
of July.
[468] Darius came to the throne B.C. 336.
[469] In 2 Kings xi. 4, 19 the word translated _captains_ in our
Bible is _Carim_, the Carians. These men formed the body-guard of the
usurper Athaliah, who stood in need of foreign mercenaries. David had a
body-guard of Philistines and Cretans. The Carians served as mercenaries
throughout the ancient world, as we learn from _Thucydides_, i.
8; _Herodotus_, i. 171; ii. 152; v. 111; _Strabo_, xiv. 2. The
Lydians appear in the Bible under the name of _Lud_ (Isa. lxvi. 19).
_Herodotus_ (i. 94) gives an account of the colonization of Umbria by
the Lydians, from which sprung the state of the Etruscans. Hence Vergil
(_Aeneid_, ii. 782) speaks of the “_Lydius Tybris_.” See also _Aeneid_,
viii. 479; Horace (_Satires_, i. 6, 1); Tacitus (_Annals_, iv. 55);
Dionysius (_Archaeologia Romana_, i. 28).
[470] He married Barsine, eldest daughter of Darius (_Arrian_, vii. 4
infra). She was also called Arsinoe and Stateira.
[471] According to _Curtius_ (vi. 6-10) the soldiers were very desirous
of returning home; but Alexander made an harangue and induced them to
advance into Hyrcania.
[472] The modern Balkh.
[473] The Caspian.
[474] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 75) calls this river Stiboetis; _Curtius_ (vi.
10) calls it Ziobetis.
[475] _Krüger_ has ἐνταῦθα instead of τούτῳ.
[476] _Curtius_ (vi. 14) says Artabazus had nine sons, one of whom,
Pharnabazus, was the admiral of the Persian fleet. See _Arrian_ (ii. 1;
ii. 2; iii. 2 supra).
[477] Cf. _Curtius_, vi. 16.
[478] Sinope was a prosperous colony of Miletus on the Euxine. It is
still called Sinoub. It was the birthplace of Diogenes.
[479] Chalcedon was a colony of Megara, situated on the Propontis at
the entrance of the Bosporus, nearly opposite Byzantium.
[480] Areia occupied what is now the east part of Khorasan, and the
west and north-west of Afghanistan. Susia is the modern Tus.
[481] Compare the words of Tissaphernes to Clearchus (Xenophon,
_Anabasis_, ii. 5): “Though the king is the only man who can wear the
tiara erect upon his head, I shall be able to wear mine erect upon my
heart in full confidence, when you are in my service.” Cf. _Curtius_
(iii. 8); Aristophanes (_Birds_, 487). The cap of the ordinary
Persians was low, loose, and clinging about the head in folds; whereas
that of the king was high and erect above the head. From Xenophon
(_Cyropaedia_, viii. 3, 13) we learn that the Persian king’s vest was
of a purple colour, half mixed with white, and that no one else was
allowed to wear this mixture of white. He had loose trousers of a
scarlet colour, and a robe entirely purple. Cf. also _Strabo_ (xv. 3),
where the tiara is said to be in the shape of a tower; and Seneca (_De
Beneficiis_, vi. 31); _Ammianus_, xviii. 8, 5.
[482] See Xenophon (_Anab._, i. 2, 27; _Cyropaedia_, viii. 3);
_Curtius_ (iii. 8).
[483] These people are also called Drangians. They lived west of
Arachosia in Drangiana.
[484] According to Plutarch (_Alex._, 48, 49) Alexander suborned
Antigonē, the mistress of Philotas, to reveal his secret conversation.
[485] Cf. _Curtius_, vi. 32.
[486] The word ἐπιμηνυτής is found nowhere else in
any Greek author.
[487] Full details of the conspiracy and trial of Philotas are given by
_Curtius_ (vi. 25-44).
[488] Arrian says nothing about Philotas being put to the torture; but
this fact is asserted with ample details by Plutarch (_Alex._, 49);
_Diodorus_ (xvii. 80); _Curtius_ (vi. 42, 43); and _Justin_ (xii. 5).
[489] Full particulars of the murder of Parmenio are given by _Curtius_
(vii. 7-9).
[490] For the trial of Amyntas, cf. _Curtius_, vii. 2-6.
[491] Alexander also formed a separate cohort of the men who were
pronounced sympathisers with Parmenio, and this cohort afterwards
greatly distinguished itself. See _Diodorus_, xvii. 80; _Curtius_, vii.
10; _Justin_, xii. 5.
[492] The Ariaspians inhabited the south part of Drangiana on the
borders of Gadrosia. The river Etymander, now known as the Hilmend,
flowed through their territories. Cf. _Curtius_, vii. 11; _Diodorus_,
xvii. 81.
[493] Gadrosia was the furthest province of the Persian empire on the
south-east. It comprised the south-east part of Beloochistan.
[494] This was not the range usually so called, but what was known
as the Indian Caucasus, the proper name being Paropanisus. It is now
called Hindu-Koosh.
[495] This city was probably on the site of Beghram, twenty-five miles
north-east of Cabul. See Grote’s _Greece_, vol. xii. ch. 94.
[496] There are two kinds of silphium or laserpitium, the Cyrenaic, and
the Persian. The latter is usually called asafœtida. See _Herodotus_
(iv. 169); Pliny (_Historia Naturalis_, xix. 15; xxiii. 48); Aelian
(_Varia Historia_, xii. 37); Aristophanes (_Plutus_, 925); Plautus
(_Rud._, iii. 2, 16); _Catullus_ (vii. laserpitiferis Cyrenis).
[497] Cyrene was a colony founded by Battus from Thera, an island
colonized by the Spartans. The territory of Cyrenaica is now a part of
Tripoli. Cf. Pindar (_Pyth._, iv. 457); _Herodotus_ (iv. 159-205).
[498] This Tanais was usually called Jaxartes, now Sir, flowing into
the sea of Aral.
[499] The Oxus, now called Jihoun or Amou, flows into the sea of Aral,
but formerly flowed into the Caspian.
[500] Some think this town stood where Naksheh now is, and others think
it was at Kesch.
[501] Cf. Xenophon, _Anab._, i. 5, 10.
[502] _Curtius_ (vii. 24) follows the account of Aristobulus, and so
does _Diodorus_ (xvii. 83) in the main. Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_,
xii. 37).
[503] The modern Samarcand.
[504] Arrian and Strabo are wrong in stating that the Jaxartes rises in
the Caucasus, or Hindu-Koosh. It springs from the Comedae Montes, now
called Moussour. It does not flow into the Hyrcanian, or Caspian Sea,
but into the Sea of Aral. It is about 900 miles long.
[505] The river Tanais, of which Herodotus speaks (iv. 45, 57), is the
Don; and the Lake Maeotis, is the Sea of Azov. Cf. _Strabo_ (vii. cc. 3
and 4).
[506] _Euxeinos_ (kind to strangers); called before the Greeks settled
upon it _Axenos_ (inhospitable). See Ovid (_Tristia_, iv. 4). Cf.
_Ammianus_ (xxii. 8, 33): “A contrario per cavillationem Pontus Euxinus
adpellatur, et euethen Graeci dicimus stultum, et noctem euphronen et
furias Eumenidas.”
[507] So _Curtius_ (vi. 6) makes the Don the boundary of Europe
and Asia. “Tanais Europam et Asiam medius interfuit.” Ammianus
says: “Tanais inter Caucasias oriens rupes, per sinuosos labitur
circumflexus, Asiamque disterminans ab Europa, in stagnis Maeoticis
delitescit.” The Rha, or Volga, is first mentioned by Ptolemy in the
second century of the Christian era.
[508] Gadeira is now called Cadiz. The Greeks called the continent of
Africa by the name of Libya. So _Polybius_ (iii. 37) says that the Don
is the boundary of Europe, and that Libya is separated from Asia and
Europe respectively by the Nile and the Straits of Gibraltar, or, as
he calls the latter, “the mouth at the pillars of Hercules.” Arrian
here, like many ancient authors, considers Libya a part of Asia. Cf.
_Juvenal_, x. i.
[509] _Curtius_ (vii. 23) gives an account of the massacre by Alexander
of the descendants of the Branchidae, who had surrendered to Xerxes
the treasures of the temple of Apollo near Miletus, and who, to escape
the vengeance of the Greeks, had accompanied Xerxes into the interior.
They had been settled in Sogdiana, and their descendants had preserved
themselves distinct from the barbarians for 150 years, till the arrival
of Alexander. We learn from the table of contents of the 17th book of
_Diodorus_, that that historian also gave an account of this atrocity
of Alexander in the part of his history, now lost, which came after the
83rd chapter. Cf. _Herodotus_ (i. 92, 157; v. 36); _Strabo_ (xi. 11;
xiv. 1).
[510] See Homer’s _Iliad_, xiii. 6. Cf. _Curtius_, vii. 26; _Ammianus_,
xxiii. 6.
[511] Cf. _Thucydides_, ii. 97.
[512] _Curtius_ (vii. 26) says, he sent one of his friends named Berdes
on this mission.
[513] This was called Alexandria Ultima, on the Jaxartes, probably the
modern Khojend.
[514] Cf. _Curtius_ (vii. 26). Zariaspa was another name for Bactra.
See _Pliny_ (vi. 18) and _Strabo_ (xi. 11).
[515] This city was also called Cyreschata, because it was the furthest
city founded by Cyrus, and the extreme city of the Persian empire.
[516] δυσί was not used in Attic Greek, or but seldom. It
became common after the time of Alexander.
[517] Instead of ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ, Sintenis reads ἡμέραν μίαν.
[518] This city was called by the Greeks, Alexandria on the Tanais. See
_Curtius_, vii. 28.
[519] Cf. _Livy_, xxi. 27:—Hispani sine ulla mole in utres vestimentis
conjectis ipsi caetris superpositis incubantes flumen tranavere.
[520] See _Herodotus_, iv. 122-142.
[521] This was Maracanda, according to iii. 30 supra. There is an error
in the text; Abicht proposes to read ἐπὶ τὰ ὅρια,
instead of ἐς τὰ βασίλεια.
[522] This river is now called Sogd, or Kohik. The Greek name signifies
“very precious,” a translation of the native name. Cf. _Strabo_, p. 518.
[523] _Curtius_ (vii. 32) says that Spitamenes laid an ambush for the
Macedonians, and slew 300 cavalry and 2,000 infantry.
[524] About 170 miles.
[525] _Curtius_ (vii. 40) says that Alexander founded six cities in
Bactria and Sogdiana. _Justin_ (xii. 5) says there were twelve.
[526] This is a mistake; for it ends in a lake Dengiz near Karakoul.
[527] The Areius is now called Heri-rud. The Etymander is the modern
Hilmend. Nothing is known of the Epardus.
[528] The Peneius is now called Salambria. It forces its way through
the vale of Tempe, between mounts Olympus and Ossa, into the sea. Cf.
Ovid (_Met._, i. 568-576).
[529] On the analogy of πρὶν the later prose-writers use
ἔστε with the infinitive. Cf. _Arrian_, ii. 1, 3; v. 16,
1.
[530] See Bk. iii. ch. 29 supra.
[531] See Bk. iii. ch. 19 supra.
[532] See Bk. iii. ch. 16 supra.
[533] _Curtius_ (vii. 40) says that the reinforcement was 19,000 men.
[534] Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._, 43); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 83).
[535] _I.e._ non-Hellenic.
[536] Cf. _Diodorus_, xvii. 77; _Justin_, xii. 3. We learn from
Plutarch (_Alex._, 45), that he did not assume the tiara of the Persian
kings. Cf. _Arrian_, vii. 9; vii. 29 infra. The Medic robe was a long
silken garment reaching to the feet, and falling round the body in many
deep folds.
[537] Caranus, a descendant of Temenus, king of Argos, is said to have
settled in Macedonia, and to have become the founder of the dynasty
of Macedonian kings. Temenus was a descendant of Heracles. Cf. ii.
5; iv. 10. One of the chief causes of disgust which the Greeks felt
at the conduct of Pausanias, the conqueror at Plataea, was, that he
adopted the Persian attire. “This pedigree from Temenus and Hercules
may be suspicious; yet it was allowed, after a strict inquiry by the
judges of the Olympic games (_Herodotus_, v. 22), at a time when
the Macedonian kings were obscure and unpopular in Greece. When the
Achaean league declared against Philip, it was thought decent that the
deputies of Argos should retire (_T. Liv._, xxxii. 22).”—_Gibbon._ Cf.
_Herodotus_, viii. 137; _Thucydides_, ii. 99, 100; v. 80.
[538] Cf. _Curtius_, viii. 6.
[539] The sons of Jove, Castor and Pollux. ἐπιφρασθέντα is a word
borrowed from Homer and Herodotus.
[540] Cf. _Curtius_, viii. 17: “Non deerat talia concupiscenti
perniciosa adulatio perpetuum malum regum, quorum opes saepius
assentatio quam hostis evertit.”
[541] _Curtius_ (viii. 3 and 4) says that it was Alexander himself that
spoke depreciatingly of Philip, and that Clitus even dared to defend
the murdered Parmenio.
[542] Instead of the usual reading from καὶ ταύτῃ to καὶ ταύτην,
Sintenis reads οἱ δὲ σάρισαν παρὰ τῶν φυλάκων τινὸς καὶ ταύτῃ παίσαντα
τὸν Κλεῖτον ἀποκτεῖναι.
[543] Cf. _Curtius_ (viii. 3 and 6), who calls the sister of Clitus,
Hellanice.
[544] From Plutarch (_Alex._, 13) we learn that Alexander imagined he
had incurred the avenging wrath of Bacchus by destroying Thebes, the
birthplace of that deity, on which account it was supposed to be under
his tutelary care.
[545] _Curtius_ (viii. 6) says, that in order to console the king, the
Macedonian army passed a vote that Clitus had been justly slain, and
that his corpse should not be buried. But the king ordered its burial.
[546] A philosopher of Abdera, and pupil of Democritus. After
Alexander’s death, Anaxarchus was thrown by shipwreck into the hands of
Nicocreon, king of Cyprus, to whom he had given offence, and who had
him pounded to death in a mortar.
[547] Cf. Sophocles (_Oedipus Col._, 1382; _Antigone_, 451); Hesiod
(_Opera et Dies_, 254-257); Pindar (_Olympia_, viii. 28); Demosthenes
(_Advers. Aristogiton_, p. 772); _Herodotus_, iii. 31.
[548] Plutarch (_Alex._, 52) tells us that Callisthenes the philosopher
was also summoned with Anaxarchus to administer consolation, but he
adopted such a different tone that Alexander was displeased with him.
[549] _Curtius_ (viii. 17) says that Agis was the composer of very poor
poems.
[550] _Justin_ (xii. 6) says that Callisthenes was a fellow-student
with Alexander under Aristotle. He composed three historical works: I.
_Hellenica_, from B.C. 387 to 337; II. _The History of the Sacred War_,
from B.C. 357 to 346; III. _The History of Alexander._ Cf. _Diodorus_,
xiv. 117. According to _Polybius_ (xii. 23), he was accused by Timaeus
of having flattered Alexander in his History.
[551] Hipparchus was slain B.C. 514, and Hippias was expelled from
Athens B.C. 510. See _Thucydides_, vi. 53-59.
[552] Eurystheus was king over Argos and Mycenae alone.
[553] When Conon the famous Athenian visited Babylon, he would not
see Artaxerxes, from repugnance to the ceremony of prostration, which
was required from all who approached the Great King. We are also
informed by Plutarch (_Artaxerxes_, 22), that Pelopidas declined
to perform this ceremony, so degrading in the eyes of the Greeks.
His colleague, Ismenias, however, dropped his ring in front of the
king, and then stooped to pick it up, thus going through the act of
prostration. Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, i. 21). Xenophon said to his
soldiers:—οὐδένα γὰρ ἄνθρωπον δεσπότην ἀλλὰ τοὺς θεοὺς προσκυνεῖτε.
(_Anab._, iii. 13).
[554] _Curtius_ (viii. 18) says that the speech proposing to honour
Alexander as a god was made by Cleon, a Sicilian Greek.
[555] ἀχθομένους. The usual reading is μαχομένους.
[556] Cf. Xenophon (_Cyrop._, 4, 27):—λέγεται τοὺς συγγενεῖς φιλοῦντας
ἀποπέμπεσθαι αὐτὸν νόμῳ Περσικῷ.
[557] πρόσκεινται. Cf. _Herodotus_, i. 118:—τοῖσι θεῶν τιμὴ αὕτη
προσκέεται.
[558] Alexander’s mother Olympias was daughter of Neoptolemus, king of
Epirus, who traced his descent from Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, the
grandson of Aeacus.
[559] οἱ λόγοι γίγνονται. There is another reading, ὀλίγοι γίγνωνται.
[560] Cf. _Herodotus_, i. 214, with Dean Blakesley’s note.
[561] _Curtius_ (viii. 20) says, that it was Polysperchon who made
sport of the Persian, and incurred the king’s wrath.
[562] _Ammianus_ (xviii. 3) says: “Ignorans profecto vetus Aristotelis
sapiens dictum, qui Callisthenem sectatorem et propinquum suum ad regem
Alexandrum mittens, ei saepe mandabat, ut quam rarissime et jucunde
apud hominem loqueretur, vitae potestatem et necis in acie linguae
portantem.”
[563] Cf. _Curtius_ (viii. 21); Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xiv. 49).
After the battle of Pydna, where the Romans conquered the Macedonians,
the _pueri regii_ followed the defeated king Perseus to the sanctuary
at Samothrace, and never quitted him till he surrendered to the Romans.
See _Livy_, xlv. 6.
[564] For this use of διαπίπτειν, cf. Aristophanes
(_Knights_, 695); _Polybius_ (v. 26, 16); διαπεσούσης αὐτῷ τῆς
ἐπιβουλῆς.
[565] Alexander wrote to Craterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, that the
pages, though put to the torture, asserted that no one but themselves
was privy to the conspiracy. In another letter, written to Antipater
the regent of Macedonia, he says that the pages had been stoned
to death by the Macedonians, but that he himself would punish the
Sophist, and those who sent him out, and those who harboured in their
cities conspirators against him. Aristotle had sent Callisthenes out.
Alexander refers to him and the Athenians. See Plutarch (_Alex._, 55).
[566] Cf. _Arrian_ (vii. 29).
[567] _Curtius_ (viii. 29) says that Alexander afterwards repented
of his guilt in murdering the philosopher. His tragical death
excited great indignation among the ancient philosophers. See Seneca
(_Naturales Quaestiones_, vi. 23); Cicero (_Tusc. Disput._, iii. 10),
speaking of Theophrastus, the friend of Callisthenes.
[568] We find from chapter xxii. that these events occurred at Bactra.
[569] The Chorasmians were a people who inhabited the country near the
lower part of the river Oxus, between the Caspian and Aral Seas.
[570] This mythical race of warlike females is said to have come from
the Caucasus and to have settled near the modern Trebizond, their
original abode being in Colchis. Cf. _Arrian_ (vii. 13); _Strabo_
(xi. 5); _Diod._ (xvii. 77); _Curt._ (vi. 19); _Justin_ (xii. 3);
Homer (_Iliad_, iii. 189); Aeschўlus (_Eumenides_, 655); _Herod._ (iv.
110-116; ix. 27).
[571] See iii. 29 supra.
[572] Propontis means the sea _before the Pontus_. Compare Ovid
(_Tristia_, i. 10, 31):—“Quaque tenent _Ponti_ Byzantia littora
_fauces_.”
[573] We learn, from _Curtius_ (viii. 3), that it was at this place
that Clitus was murdered.
[574] These were a people dwelling to the north-east of the Caspian,
who were chiefly remarkable for having defeated and killed Cyrus the
Great. See _Herodotus_, i. 201-216.
[575] There were two other generals named Peithon; one the son of
Agenor, and the other the son of Crateas. See _Arrian_, vi. 15, 28, etc.
[576] _Curtius_ (viii. 1) says that the name of the defeated general
was Attinas.
[577] Artabazus was in his 95th year when he joined Alexander with
the Grecian troops of Darius in B.C. 330. See _Curtius_, vi. 14. His
viceroyalty was destined for Clitus; but on the death of that general
it was conferred on Amyntas. See _Curtius_, viii. 3.
[578] _Curtius_ (viii. 11 and 12) says that the wife of Spitamenes
murdered him and carried his head to Alexander.
[579] The Hebrew name for Media is Madai, which means _middle-land_.
The Greeks called the country Media, according to _Polybius_ (v. 44),
because it lies near the middle of Asia.
[580] Of the year 327 B.C.
[581] ὤρα, akin to Latin _cura_, a poetical and Ionic word, often found
in Herodotus.
[582] About £2,700.
[583] About £327. _Curtius_ (vii. 41) says that the first prize was 10
talents, the second 9 talents, and the same proportion for the eight
others, so that the tenth man who mounted received one talent. The
stater of Darius, usually called a daricus, was a gold coin of Persia.
See Smith’s _Dictionary of Antiquities_.
[584] Cf. _Curtius_ (vii. 43), vela, signum capti verticis.
[585] Roxana and her son Alexander Aegus were put to death by
Cassander, B.C. 311.
[586] Statira. She died shortly before the battle of Arbela.
[587] καρτερὸς αὑτοῦ. Cf. _Theocritus_, xv. 94, ἁμῶν καρτερός.
[588] After the capture of Damascus, Alexander married Barsine,
the widow of his rival Memnon, and daughter of Artabazus. She was
distinguished for her beauty and accomplishments, having received a
Grecian education. By her he had a son named Heracles. See Plutarch
(_Alex._, 21). She and her son were put to death by Polysperchon, B.C.
309.
[589] Cf. _Herodotus_, i. 131; _Curtius_, iv. 42. The Persians called
this god Ormuzd.
[590] _Curtius_ (viii. 16) says that Alexander saw Roxana at a banquet
given by Oxyartes in his honour.
[591] Krüger substituted περιεῖργε for περιέργει.
[592] βατά. Cf. Xenophon (_Anab._, iv. 6, 17).
[593] Arrian imitates Herodotus in the use of ὡς with the
infinitive instead of ὥστε.
[594] This term is a Persian word meaning mountaineers. The tribe
mentioned here lived between the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, on the
borders of Bactria and Sogdiana.
[595] _Curtius_ (viii. 17) says Alexander took with him 30,000 select
troops from all the conquered provinces, and that the army which he led
against the Indians numbered 120,000 men.
[596] This is the Indian Caucasus, or mount Parapamisus, now called
Hindu-Koosh.
[597] The Cophen is now called Cabul. Nicaea was probably on the
same site as the city of Cabul. Others say it is Beghram. The Greek
word _Satrapes_ denotes a Persian viceroy. It is a corruption of a
word meaning _court-guardian_, in the Behistûn Inscriptions written
Khshatrapâ. See Rawlinson’s _Herod._, i. 192.
[598] _Curtius_ (viii. 43) says that Taxiles was the title which the
king of this district received. His name was Omphis.
[599] A district between the rivers Indus and Attock. Its capital,
Peucela, is the modern Pekheli.
[600] The brigade of Clitus still bore the name of its commander after
his death. Cf. _Arrian_, vii. 14 infra.
[601] These were tribes living in the north-west of the Punjab.
[602] Probably the modern Kama, a tributary of the Cabul.
[603] Supposed to be another name for the Choes.
[604] καὶ τοὺς ψιλοὺς. The usual reading is τοὺς χιλίους, 1,000
_Agrianians_.
[605] A tributary of the Cophen, probably what is now called the
Lundye, running parallel with the Kama.
[606] Cf. _Livy_, xxi. 31:—“Amnis saxa glareosa volvens, nihil stabile
nec tutum ingredienti praebet.”
[607] This was the capital of the Assacenians. _Curtius_ (viii. 37)
calls it Mazagae, and describes its strong position.
[608] See Bk. ii. 23 supra.
[609] _Curtius_ (viii. 37, 38) says that the name of the queen was
Cleophis, and that after the surrender she gained Alexander’s favour.
He also informs us that the king died just before Alexander’s arrival.
[610] Probably Bajour, north-west of Peshawur. The position of Ora
cannot be fixed.
[611] This was the king of the Indian mountaineers. See _Arrian_, v. 8
infra.
[612] On the ground of ἐν τῇ πόλει ξυμφυγόντες not being classical
Greek, Krüger has substituted ἐν τῇ πόλει ξυμπεφευγότες, and Sintenis
εἰς τὴν πόλιν ξυμφυγόντες. No one however ought to expect Arrian to
be free from error, writing, as he did, in the middle of the second
century of the Christian era.
[613] This seems to be the Greek translation of the native name,
meaning the place to which no bird can rise on account of its height.
Cf. _Strabo_, xv. 1. This mountain was identified by Major Abbot, in
1854, as Mount Mahabunn, near the right bank of the Indus, about 60
miles above its confluence with the Cabul.
[614] Cf. _Arrian_, ii. 16 supra.
[615] _Curtius_ (viii. 39) says that the river Indus washed the base
of the rock, and that its shape resembled the _meta_ or goal in a
race-course, which was a stone shaped like a sugar-loaf. Arrian’s
description is more likely to be correct as he took it from Ptolemy,
one of Alexander’s generals.
[616] Near mount Mababunn are two places called Umb and Balimah, the
one in the valley of the river and the other on the mountain above it.
See Major Abbot’s _Gradus ad Aornon_.
[617] δαήμων, a poetical word. Cf. Homer (_Odyssey_, viii. 159).
[618] Probably Dyrta was at the point where the Indus issues from the
Hindu-Koosh.
[619] Gronovius first introduced καὶ before τοὺς ψιλούς.
[620] The name Indus is derived from the Sanscrit appellation _Sindhu_,
from a root _Syandh_, meaning _to flow_. The name Indians, or Sindians,
was originally applied only to the dwellers on the banks of this river.
_Hindustan_ is a Persian word meaning the country of the Hindus or
Sindus. Compare the modern Sinde, in the north-west of India, which
contains the lower course of the Indus. In Hebrew India was called
Hodu, which is a contraction of Hondu, another form of Hindu. See
Esther i. 1; viii. 9. Krüger changed ὡδοποιεῖτο
into ὡδοποίει.
[621] This city was probably on the site of Jelalabad.
[622] ἐπεί τε. This is the only place where Arrian
uses this Ionic form for the simple ἐπεί.
[623] The Indians worship a god Homa, the personification of the
intoxicating soma juice. This deity corresponds to the Greek Dionysus
or Bacchus.
[624] The slopes of this mountain were covered with vines. See Ovid
(_Fasti_, ii. 313; _Metamorphoses_, xi. 86); Vergil (_Georgics_, ii.
98); _Pliny_, xiv. 9.
[625] φανείη. Arrian does not comply with the Attic rule, that the
subjunctive should follow the principal tenses in the leading sentence.
Cf. v. 6, 6; 7, 5; vii. 7, 5; 15, 2.
[626] Cf. Pliny (_Nat. Hist._, vi. 23; viii. 60; xvi. 62). The ordinary
reading is ἄλση παντοῖα· καὶ δεῖν σύσκιον.
For this Krüger has proposed ἄλση παντοίᾳ ὕλῃ σύσκια.
[627] The other names of Dionysus were: Bacchus, Bromius, Evius,
Iacchus, Lenaeus, Lyaens. The Romans called him Liber.
[628] _Curtius_ (viii. 36) says that the Macedonians celebrated
Bacchanalia for the space of ten days on this mountain.
[629] The 1st aor. pass. ἐσχέθην is found only in
Arrian and Plutarch. Cf. vii. 22, 2 infra.
[630] The celebrated Geographer and Mathematician, who was born B.C.
276 and died about B.C. 196. His principal work was one on geography,
which was of great use to Strabo. None of his works are extant. He was
made president of the Alexandrian library, B.C. 236.
[631] Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, v. 11).
[632] The earliest mention of India which has descended to our times is
in Aeschўlus (_Supplices_, 284).
[633] Arrian frequently uses the Ionic and old Attic word, σμικρός.
[634] About £480,000.
[635] Alexander probably crossed the Indus near Attock. The exact site
of Taxila cannot be fixed.
[636] The Hydaspes is now called Jelum, one of the five great
tributaries of the Indus.
[637] Herodotus considered the Danube the largest river in the world
as known to him, and the Dnieper the largest of all rivers except the
Danube and the Nile. See _Herodotus_, iv. 48-53.
[638] “Amnis Danubius sexaginta navigabiles paene recipiens fluvios,
septem ostiis erumpit in mare. Quorum primum est Peuce insula supra
dicta, ut interpretata sunt vocabula Graeco sermone, secundum
Naracustoma, tertium Calonstoma, quartum Pseudostoma: nam Boreonstoma
ac deinde Sthenostoma longe minora sunt caeteris: septimum ingens et
palustri specie nigrum.”—_Ammianus_ (xxii. 8, 44). _Pliny_ (iv. 24)
says that the Danube has six mouths, the names of which he gives.
[639] The Indus does not rise in the Parapamisus, but in the Himalayas.
It has two principal mouths, but there are a number of smaller ones.
Ptolemy said there were seven. The Delta is between 70 and 80 miles
broad. “Delta, a triquetrae litterae forma hoc vocabulo signatius
adpellata.”—_Ammianus_, xxii. 15.
[640] The territory included by the Indus and its four affluents is now
called Punjab, a Persian word meaning _five rivers_.
[641] Ctesias was the Greek physician of Artaxerxes Mnemon. He wrote
a history of Persia and a book on India. His works are only preserved
in meagre abridgement by Photius. Aristotle says that he was false
and untrustworthy (_Hist. of Animals_, viii. 27; _De Generatione
Animalium_, ii. 2). Subsequent research has proved Ctesias to be wrong
and Herodotus generally right in the many statements in which they are
at variance.
[642] The fact is, that the Indus is nowhere more than 20 stades, or
2-1/2 miles broad.
[643] See _Strabo_, xv. 1; xvi. 4; _Herod._, iii. 102, with Dean
Blakesley’s note.
[644] οὐδαμῶν is the Ionic form for οὐδένων.
[645] The Greek name Αἴθιοψ means _sunburnt_.
The Hebrew name for Aethiopia is Cush (black). In ancient Egyptian
inscriptions it is called _Keesh_. It is the country now called
Abyssinia. Aethiopas vicini sideris vapore torreri, adustisque similes
gigni, barba et capillo vibrato, non est dubium. (_Pliny_, ii. 80).
[646] Cf. Xenophon (_Cyropaedia_, vii. 5, 67).
[647] Called the _Indica_, a valuable little work in the Ionic dialect,
still existing.
[648] Nearchus left an account of his voyage, which is not now extant.
Arrian made use of it in writing the _Indica_. See that work, chapters
xvii. to lxiii.
[649] Megasthenes was sent with the Plataean Dēimachus, by Seleucus
Nicator, the king of Syria and one of Alexander’s generals, as
ambassador to Sandracotus, king of the country near the Ganges. He
wrote a very valuable account of India in four books.
[650] _Taurus_ is from the old root tor meaning _high_, another form of
which is _dor_. Hence Dorians = highlanders.
[651] The ancient geographers thought that the Jaxartes bifurcated,
part of it forming the Tanais, or Don, and flowing into the lake
Maeotis, or Sea of Azov; and the other part falling into the Hyrcanian,
or Caspian Sea. The Jaxartes and Oxus flow into the Sea of Aral, but
the ancients thought that they fell into the Caspian, as there is
indeed evidence to prove that they once did. _Hyrcania_ is the Greek
form of the old Persian _Virkâna_, that is _Wolf’s Land_. It is now
called Gurgân.
[652] _Herodotus_ (i. 203) states decidedly that the Caspian is an
inland sea. _Strabo_ (xi. 1), following Eratosthenes, says that it is a
gulf of the Northern Ocean.
[653] The Euphrates, after its junction with the Tigres, flows through
the marshes of Lamlum, where its current moves less than a mile an hour.
[654] Cf. _Arrian_, vi. 27 infra.
[655] Probably the Chandragupta of the Sanscrit writers. He conquered
from the Macedonians the Punjab and the country as far as the
Hindu-Koosh. He reigned about 310 B.C.
[656] Mount Dindymus, now called Murad Dagh, was sacred to Cybele, the
mother of the gods, who was hence called Dindymene.
[657] Hecataeus of Miletus died about B.C. 476. He wrote a work upon
Geography, and another on History. His works were well known to
Herodotus but only fragments survive.
[658] See _Herodotus_, ii. 5.
[659] See _Herodotus_, ii. 10-34.
[660] See Homer’s _Odyssey_, iv. 477, 581. In Hebrew the name for
Egypt is _Mitsraim_ (dark-red). In form the word is dual, evidently in
reference to the division of the country by the Nile. The native name
was _Chem_, meaning _black_, probably on account of the blackness of
the alluvial soil.
[661] ἄλλοι is Abicht’s reading instead of πολλοί.
[662] Arrian, in his _Indica_, chap. 4, gives the names of these rivers.
[663] See _Herodotus_, vii. 33-36; iv. 83, 97, 133-141. _Bosporus_ =
Oxford. The name was applied to the Straits of Constantinople, and
also to those of Yenikale, the former being called the Thracian and
the latter the Cimmerian Bosporus. Cf. Aeschўlus (_Prom._, 734). Ad
Bosporos duos, vel bubus meabili transitu; unde nomen ambobus (_Pliny_,
vi. 1).
[664] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 86) says that Alexander crossed on a bridge of
boats. Cf. _Strabo_, p. 698; _Curtius_, viii. 34.
[665] There was another river called Rhenus, a tributary of the Po, now
called the Reno. It was called Rhenus Bononiensis, being near Bononia
or Bologna.
[666] αἱ πρύμναν κρουόμεναι. For this nautical term compare
_Thucydides_, i. 51; _Herodotus_, viii. 84; _Diodorus_, xi. 18;
Aristophanes, _Wasps_, 399. κατὰ ῥοῦν is Krüger’s reading for the usual
κατὰ πόρον.
[667] The explanation of this passage given in Liddell and Scott’s
_Lexicon_, sub voce κλῖμαξ, is evidently incorrect, as there is nothing
about a chariot in the original.
[668] Compare the description of Cæsar’s bridge over the Rhine (_Gallic
War_, iv. 17).
[669] The place where Alexander crossed the Indus was probably at its
junction with the Cophen or Cabul river, near Attock. Before he crossed
he gave his army a rest of thirty days, as we learn from _Diodorus_,
xvii. 86. From the same passage we learn that a certain king named
Aphrices with an army of 20,000 men and 15 elephants, was killed by his
own men and his army joined Alexander.
[670] The kingdom of Porus lay between the Hydaspes and Acesines, the
district now called Bari-doab with Lahore as capital. It was conquered
by Lords Hardinge and Gough in 1849.
[671] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 87) says that Porus had more than 50,000
infantry, about 3,000 cavalry, more than 1,000 chariots, and 130
elephants. _Curtius_ (viii. 44) says he had about 30,000 infantry, 300
chariots, and 85 elephants.
[672] ἐπιτρέψας is Krüger’s reading instead of ἐπιτάξας.
[673] About the month of May. See chap. 12 infra; also _Curtius_, viii.
45, 46. _Strabo_ (xv. 1) quotes from Aristobulus describing the rainy
season at the time of Alexander’s battle with Porus at the Hydaspes.
[674] Cf. _Arrian_, i. 14 supra.
[675] ἀλλὰ κενόν is Krüger’s reading, instead of ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνον.
[676] ἄλσει is Abicht’s reading for εἴδει.
[677] About 17 miles.
[678] This use of πρίν with infinitive after negative clauses, is
contrary to Attic usage.
[679] The perf. pass. πέπηγμαι is used by Arrian and Dionysius, but by
Homer and the Attic writers the form used is πέπηγα. _Doric_, πέπαγα.
[680] Seleucus Nicator, the most powerful of Alexander’s successors,
became king of Syria and founder of the dynasty of the Seleucidae,
which came to an end in B.C. 79.
[681] For this use of ὅσον, cf. Homer (_Iliad_, ix.
354); _Herodotus_, iv. 45; Plato (_Gorgias_, 485 A; _Euthydemus_, 273
A).
[682] Compare the passage of the Rhone by Hannibal. (See _Livy_, xxi.
26-28; _Polybius_, iii. 45, 46.)
[683] 100 Greek and 101 English feet.
[684] See Donaldson’s _New Cratylus_, sec. 178.
[685] πρὶν κατίδωσιν. In Attic, πρὶν ἄν is the regular form with the
subjunctive; but in Homer and the Tragic writers ἄν is often omitted.
[686] Cf. Arrian’s _Tactics_, chap. 29.
[687] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 89) says that more than 12,000 Indians were
killed in this battle, over 9,000 being captured, besides 80 elephants.
[688] According to Diodorus there fell of the Macedonians 280 cavalry
and more than 700 infantry. Plutarch (_Alex._ 60) says that the battle
lasted eight hours.
[689] _Curtius_ (viii. 50, 51) represents Porus sinking half dead, and
being protected to the last by his faithful elephant. _Diodorus_ (xvii.
88) agrees with him.
[690] Cf. _Curtius_, viii. 44; _Justin_, xii. 8.
[691] Cf. _Arrian_, ii. 10 supra. δεδουλωμένος τῇ γνώμῃ. The Scholiast
on _Thucydides_ iv. 34, explains this by τεταπεινωμένος φόβῳ.
[692] Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._, 60); _Curtius_, viii. 51.
[693] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 87) says that the battle was fought in the
archonship of Chremes at Athens.
[694] Nicaea is supposed to be Mong and Bucephala may be Jelalpur. See
_Strabo_, xv. 1.
[695] Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._, 61). Schmieder says that Alexander could
not have broken in the horse before he was sixteen years old. But
since at this time he was in his twenty-ninth year he would have had
him thirteen years. Consequently the horse must have been at least
seventeen years old when he acquired him. Can any one believe this? Yet
Plutarch also states that the horse was thirty years old at his death.
[696] _Curtius_ (vi. 17) says this occurred in the land of the
Mardians; whereas Plutarch (_Alex._, 44) says it happened in Hyrcania.
[697] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 89), says Alexander made a halt of 30 days
after this battle.
[698] Cf. _Arrian_, v. 8 supra, where an earlier embassy from Abisares
is mentioned.
[699] _Strabo_ (xv. 1) says that this Porus was a cousin of the Porus
captured by Alexander.
[700] This is the Chenab. See Arrian (_Indica_, iii.), who says that
where it joins the Indus it is 30 stades broad.
[701] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 95) says that Alexander received a
reinforcement from Greece at this river of more than 30,000 infantry
and nearly 6,000 cavalry; also suits of armour for 25,000 infantry, and
100 talents of medical drugs.
[702] Μέλλειν is usually connected with the future infinitive; but
Arrian frequently uses it with the present.
[703] Now called the Ravi.
[704] Sangala is supposed to be Lahore; but probably it lay some
distance from that city, on the bank of the Chenab.
[705] Compare Cæsar (_Bell. Gall._, i. 26): pro vallo carros objecerant
et e loco superiore in nostros venientes tela conjiciebant, et nonnulli
inter carros rotasque mataras ac tragulas subjiciebant nostrosque
vulnerabant.
[706] ἐγκυρεῖν is an epic and Ionic word rarely used in Attic; but
found frequently in _Herodotus_, _Homer_, _Hesiod_, and _Pindar_.
[707] The Greeks had only three watches; but Arrian is speaking as a
Roman.
[708] Eumenes, of Cardia in Thrace, was private secretary to Philip
and Alexander. After the death of the latter, he obtained the rule of
Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus. He displayed great ability both
as a general and statesman; but was put to death by Antigonus in B.C.
316, when he was 45 years of age. Being a Greek, he was disliked by the
Macedonian generals, from whom he experienced very unjust treatment.
It is evident from the biographies of him written by Plutarch and
Cornelius Nepos, that he was one of the most eminent men of his era.
[709] Now called the Beas, or Bibasa. Strabo calls it Hypanis, and
Pliny calls it Hypasis.
[710] In the Hebrew Bible Javan denotes the Ionian race of Greeks, and
then the Greeks in general (Gen. x. 2, 4; Isa. lxvi. 19; Ezek. xxvii.
13; Joel iii. 6; Zech. ix. 13). In Dan. viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, Javan
stands for the kingdom of Alexander the Great, comprising Macedonia
as well as Greece. The form of the name _Javan_ is closely connected
with the Greek _Ion_, which originally had a digamma, _Ivon_. Pott
says that it means _the young_, in opposition to the _Graikoi_, the
old. According to Aristotle (_Meteorologica_, i. 14) the Hellenes were
originally called Graikoi. Cf. Sanscrit, _jewan_; Zend, _jawan_; Latin,
_juvenis_; English, _young_.
[711] Coele-Syria, or the Hollow Syria, was the country between the
ranges of Libanus and Antilibanus. Syria between the rivers is usually
called by its Greek name of Mesopotamia. It is the Padan Aram of
the Bible. Cappadocia embraced the whole north-eastern part of the
peninsula of Asia Minor. Slaves were procured from this region. See
Horace (_Epistles_, i. 6, 39); _Persius_, vi. 77. The name _Pamphylia_
is from πᾶν and φυλή, because of the mixed origin of the inhabitants.
[712] Cf. Arrian (_Anabasis_, vii. 1; _Indica_, 43). _Herodotus_ (iv.
42) says that Pharaoh Neco sent a Phoenician expedition from the
Red Sea, which circumnavigated Africa and returned by the Straits
of Gibraltar, or the Pillars of Hercules. The Carthaginian Hanno is
said to have sailed from Cadiz to the extremity of Arabia. See Pliny
(_Historia Naturalis_, ii. 67; v. 1). _Herodotus_ (iv. 43) says that
the Carthaginians asserted they had sailed round Africa. There is a
Greek translation of Hanno’s _Periplus_ still extant. As to the Pillars
of Hercules, see Aelian (_Varia Historia_, v. 3). They are first
mentioned by Pindar (_Olym._ iii. 79; _Nem._ iii. 36).
[713] The interior of Africa, from the Straits of Gibraltar to Egypt,
and from the Mediterranean to the then unexplored South.
[714] Arrian, like many other ancient writers, includes Africa, or
Libya, as a part of Asia. The boundaries were the Eastern Sea and the
Atlas Mountains. Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 30; vii. 1 and 30. The name Asia
first occurs in Homer (_Iliad_, ii. 461), in reference to the marsh
about the Caÿster, and was thence gradually extended over the whole
continent.
[715] Heracles, from whom the Macedonian kings claimed to be descended.
[716] Hence Hercules is called Tirynthius. (Virgil, _Aeneid_, vii. 662;
viii. 228).
[717] See chap. 1 of this book.
[718] Cf. Xenophon (_Anab._, i. 7, 4).
[719] Cf. _Curtius_, ix. 12.
[720] _Arrian_ (iii. 19) says that the Thessalians were sent back from
Ecbatana.
[721] _Pontus Euxinus_ antea ab inhospitali feritate _Axenos_
appellatus (_Pliny_, vi. 1).
[722] The Latin name Carthago and the Greek Carchedon were corruptions
of the Phoenician Carth-Hadeshoth, the “new city.”
[723] _Pliny_ (vi. 21), says that Alexander erected the altars on the
farther bank of the Hyphasis, whereas Arrian, Diodorus, and Plutarch
say they were on this side of the river. _Curtius_ (ix. 13) does not
specify the side of the river.
[724] _Herodotus_ (iv. 44) says that the Indus is the only river
besides the Nile which produces crocodiles. He does not seem to have
known the Ganges.
[725] This was the _Nelumbium speciosum_, the Egyptian bean of
Pythagoras, the Lotus of the Hindus, held sacred by them. It is
cultivated and highly valued in China, where it is eaten. The seeds are
the shape and size of acorns.
[726] _I.e._ the Mediterranean.
[727] See _Arrian_, v. 6 supra. The native name of Egypt was _Chem_
(black). Compare Vergil (_Georgic._ iv. 291):—Viridem Aegyptum _nigrâ_
fecundat arenâ. Usque coloratis amnis devexus ab Indis.
[728] This use of ἀμφί with the dative is instead of the
Attic περί with the genitive or accusative.
[729] Plutarch (_Alex._ 66) informs us that Alexander’s army numbered
120,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry. Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 19).
[730] Arrian, in the _Indica_ (chap. 19), says that Alexander embarked
with 8,000 men.
[731] _Strabo_ (xv. 1) says that the realm of Sopeithes was called
Cathaia.
[732] As Alexander was at this time east of the Indus, the expression,
“beyond the Indus,” means west of it.
[733] Cf. _Arrian_, v. 2 supra.
[734] Only fragments of this narrative are preserved. _Strabo_ (xv. 1)
says that the statements of Onesicritus are not to be relied upon.
[735] _Curtius_ (ix. 13) and _Diodorus_ (xvii. 95) say that there were
1,000 vessels. Arrian (_Indica_, 19) says there were 800. Krüger reads
χιλίων in this passage instead of the common reading
δισχιλίων.
[736] From Arrian (_Indica_, 18) we learn that he sacrificed to his
country gods, and to Poseidon, Amphitrite, the Nereids, the Ocean, as
well as to the three rivers. Cf. i. 11, supra.
[737] Cf. iii. 3 supra.
[738] Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 7).
[739] Cf. _Curtius_ (ix. 15); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 97). The latter says
that Alexander offered sacrifice to the gods for having escaped the
greatest danger, and having contested with a river like Achilles.
[740] According to _Diodorus_ (xvii. 96) and _Curtius_ (ix. 14)
Alexander here made an expedition against the Sibi; defeated an army of
40,000 Indians, and captured the city of Agallassa.
[741] The chief city of the Mallians is the modern Mooltan.
[742] Μήπω. In later writers μή is often used where the Attic writers
would use οὔ.
[743] Strabo and Curtius call this river Hyarotis.
[744] The Brachmans, or Brahmins, were a religious caste of Indians.
The name was sometimes used for the people whose religion was
Brahminism. Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 11); _Strabo_, xv. 1; p. 713 ed.
_Casaubon_.
[745] Cf. _Arrian_ i. 11 supra.
[746] The Romans called these men _duplicarii_. See _Livy_, ii. 59;
vii. 37.
[747] τοῖς ἔπειτα πυθέσθαι. Cf. Homer (_Iliad_, xxii. 305; ii. 119).
[748] _Curtius_ (ix. 22) calls the physician Critobulus. Near the city
of Cos stood the Asclepiēum, or temple of Asclepius, to whom the island
was sacred, and from whom the chief family, the Asclepiadae, claimed
descent. Curtius says:—Igitur patefacto latius vulnere, et spiculo
evolso, ingens vis sanguinis manare coepit, linquique animo rex, et
caligine oculis offusa, veluti moribundus extendi.
[749] Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._ 63); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 98, 99); _Curtius_
(ix. 18-23); _Justin_ (xii. 9).
[750] As to Fame, or Rumour, see Homer (_Iliad_, ii. 93; _Odyss._
xxiv. 412); Hesiod (_Works and Days_, 758-762); Vergil (_Aeneid_, iv.
173-190); Ovid (_Met._ xii. 39-63); Statius (_Theb._ ii. 426).
[751] _Curtius_ (ix. 18) says it was the town of the Oxydracians.
[752] Nearly 70 miles.
[753] _Isthmus_ is from the same root as ἰέναι, _to go_, and thus means
a _passage_. Pindar (_Isthmia_, iv. 34) calls it the “bridge of the
sea.”
[754] We learn from _Curtius_ (ix. 21) that the authors who stated that
Ptolemy was present in this battle were Clitarchus and Timagenes. From
the history of the former, who was a contemporary of Alexander, Curtius
mainly drew the materials for his history of Alexander.
[755] Ptolemy received this appellation from the Rhodians whom he
relieved from the assaults of Demetrius. The grateful Rhodians paid him
divine honours as their preserver, and he was henceforward known as
Ptolemy Soter. B.C. 304. See _Pausanias_, i. 8, 6.
[756] The word ἀταλαίπωρος is used in a similar
way by _Thucydides_, i. 20, 4.
[757] _Curtius_ (ix. 24) says that Craterus was deputed by the officers
to make this representation to the king, and that he was backed up by
Ptolemy and the rest.
[758] This line is a fragment from one of the lost tragedies of
Aeschўlus: δράσαντι γάρ τι καὶ παθεῖν ὀφείλεται.
[759] _Curtius_ (ix. 23) says that he was cured of his wound in seven
days. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 99) says that it took many days.
[760] Arrian does not mention the Sutledj, which is the fifth of the
rivers of the Punjab. _Pliny_ (vi. 21) calls it Hesidrus; _Ptolemy_
(vii. 1) calls it Zaradrus.
[761] About 12 miles. Ita se findente Nilo ut triquetram terrae
figuram efficiat. Ideo multi Graecae literae vocabulo Delta appellavere
Aegyptum (_Pliny_, v. 9).
[762] This tribe dwelt between the Acesines and the Indus. _Diodorus_
(xvii. 102) calls them Sambastians; while _Curtius_ (ix. 30) calls them
Sabarcians. The Xathrians and Ossadians dwelt on the left bank of the
Indus.
[763] We find from _Curtius_ (ix. 31) and _Diodorus_ (xvii. 102) that
the name of this was Alexandria. It is probably the present Mittun.
[764] _Curtius_ (ix. 31) calls this satrap Terioltes, and says he was
put to death. His appointment as viceroy is mentioned by _Arrian_ (iv.
22 supra).
[765] This king is called Porticanus by _Curtius_ (ix. 31), _Diodorus_
(xvii. 102), and _Strabo_ (xv. 1).
[766] An expression imitated from _Thucydides_ (iv. 34). Cf. _Arrian_,
ii. 10; v. 19; where the same words are used of Darius and Porus.
[767] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 102) says that Sambus escaped beyond the Indus
with thirty elephants.
[768] See note, page 327 supra.
[769] The _Indica_, a valuable work still existing. See chapters x. and
xi. of that book.
[770] These people inhabited the Delta of the Indus, which is now
called Lower Scinde. Their capital, Patala, is the modern Tatta.
[771] Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, ii.).
[772] _Curtius_ (ix. 34) calls this king Moeris.
[773] Aristobulus, as quoted by _Strabo_ (xv. 1), said that the voyage
down the Indus occupied ten months, the fleet arriving at Patala about
the time of the rising of Sirius, or July, 325 B.C.
[774] The right arm of the Indus is now called the Buggaur, and the
left Sata.
[775] _I.e._ caused a heavy swell of waters. Cf. _Apollonius Rhodius_,
ii. 595; _Polybius_, i. 60, 6. This wind was the south-west monsoon.
[776] Cf. _Curtius_ (ix. 35, 36); Cæsar (_Bell. Gall._ iv. 29). τὰ
σκάφη ἐμετεωρίζοντο. Arrian does not
comply with the Attic rule, that the plural neuter should take a verb
in the singular. Compare ii. 20, 8; v. 17, 6 and 7; etc.
[777] Plutarch (_Alex._ 66) says that Alexander called the island
Scillustis; but others called it Psiltucis. He also says that the
voyage down the rivers to the sea took seven months.
[778] In regard to this expedition, see _Arrian_, vii. 20 infra.
[779] About 200 miles. Arrian here follows the statement of Nearchus.
Aristobulus said that the distance was 1,000 stades. See _Strabo_, xv.
1.
[780] See _Curtius_, ix. 38. This lake has disappeared.
[781] These periodical winds are the southerly monsoon of the Indian
Ocean. Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 21).
[782] This occurs at the beginning of November. The Romans called the
Pleiades _Vergiliae_. Cf. _Pliny_ (ii. 47, 125): Vergiliarum occasus
hiemem inchoat, quod tempus in III. Idus Novembres incidere consuevit.
Also _Livy_ (xxi. 35, 6): Nivis etiam casus, occidente jam sidere
Vergiliarum, ingentem terrorem adjecit.
[783] This river, which is now called the Purally, is about 120
miles west of the mouth of the Indus. It is called Arabis by Arrian
(_Indica_, 21); and Arbis by _Strabo_ (xv. 2).
[784] These were a people of Gadrosia, inhabiting a coast district
nearly 200 miles long in the present Beloochistan. Cf. Arrian
(_Indica_, 22 and 25); _Pliny_, vi. 23.
[785] The Arabitians dwelt between the Indus and the Arabius; the
Oritians were west of the latter river.
[786] Rhambacia was probably at or near Haur.
[787] According to _Diodorus_ (xvii. 104) the city was called
Alexandria.
[788] Ora was the name of the district inhabited by the Oritians.
[789] Cf. Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xii. 33-35).
[790] Cf. _Strabo_ (xv. 2); Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xii. 26).
[791] Probably the snow-flake.
[792] This is the well-known catechu, obtained chiefly from the Acacia
Catechu. The liquid gum is called kuth or cutch in India.
[793] These people were called Ichthyophagi, or Fish-eaters. They are
described by Arrian (_Indica_, 29); _Curtius_, ix. 40; _Diodorus_,
xvii. 105; Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ vi. 25, 26); Plutarch (_Alex._
66); _Strabo_, xv. 2. They occupied the sea-coast of Gadrosia, or
Beloochistan. Cf. Alciphron (_Epistolae_, i. 1, 2).
[794] A man of Callatis, a town on the Black Sea in Thrace, originally
colonized by the Milesians.
[795] Cf. _Herodotus_, i. 193.
[796] Pura was near the borders of Carmania, probably at Bampur. The
name means _town_.
[797] Cf. _Strabo_, xv. 2; _Diodorus_, ii. 19, 20. According to
Megasthenes, Semiramis died before she could carry out her intended
invasion of India. See Arrian (_Indica_, 5). Neither Herodotus nor
Ctesias mentions an invasion of India by Cyrus; and according to Arrian
(_Indica_, 9), the Indians expressly denied that Cyrus attacked them.
[798] Strabo says that some of these marches extended 200, 400, and
even 600 stades; most of the marching being done in the night. Krüger
substitutes ξυμμέτρους for ξύμμετρος οὖσα.
[799] Cf. _Thucydides_, ii. 49, 3.
[800] Cf. Xenophon (_Anab._ vii. 5, 13); Homer (_Odyss._ vii. 283).
[801] _Curtius_ (vii. 20) mentions a similar act of magnanimity as
having occurred on the march in pursuit of Bessus through the desert
to the river Oxus. Plutarch (_Alex._ 42) says it was when Alexander
was pursuing Darius; Frontinus (_Strategematica_, i. 7, 7) says it was
in the desert of Africa; _Polyaenus_ (iv. 3, 25) relates the anecdote
without specifying where the event occurred. μετεξέτεροι
is an Ionic form very frequently used by Herodotus.
[802] Compare note on page 146.
[803] This man had been placed over the Oritians. See page 351 supra.
[804] _Curtius_ (ix. 41) says that Craterus sent a messenger to the
king, to say that he was holding in chains two Persian nobles, Ozines
and Zeriaspes, who had been trying to effect a revolt.
[805] The Areians were famed for their skill as professional mourners.
See Aeschўlus (_Choëphorae_, 423). For the origin of the name see
Donaldson (_New Cratylus_, sect. 81.)
[806] ἐξηλέγχθη is substituted by Sintenis for the common reading
ἐξηγγέλθη.
[807] According to _Curtius_ (x. 1), Cleander and his colleagues
were not slain, but put into prison; whereas 600 of the soldiers who
had been the agents of their cruelty were put to death. Curtius says
Cleander was spared for having killed Parmenio with his own hand. Cf.
iii. 26 supra.
[808] The _thriambus_ was a hymn to Bacchus, sung in festal processions
in his honour. It was also used as a name of that deity, as we learn
from _Diodorus_, iv. 5. It was afterwards used as synonymous with the
Roman _triumphus_, by Polybius, Dionysius, and Plutarch.
[809] The Bacchanalian procession through Carmania is described by
_Curtius_ (ix. 42); Plutarch (_Alex._ 67); and _Diodorus_ (xvii. 106).
[810] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 106) says that the port into which Nearchus put
was called Salmus.
[811] ἐκπεριπλεύσοντα. The Attic future of πλέω is πλεύσομαι. πλέυσω is
only found in Polybius and the later writers.
[812] See Arrian (_Indica_, 18-43).
[813] The name for Persia and the Persians in the Hebrew Bible, is
Paras. Cyrus is called Koresh (the sun) in Hebrew; in the cuneiform
inscriptions the name is Khurush. Cambyses is called Ahasuerus in
Ezra iv. 6; and Smerdis the Magian is the Artaxerxes who was induced
by the Samaritans to forbid the further building of the temple (Ezra
iv. 7-24). The Ahasuerus of the Book of Esther is probably Xerxes.
Artaxerxes the Long-handed was the patron of Ezra and Nehemiah (Ezra
vii. 11-28; Neh. ii. 1-9, etc). “Darius the Persian,” mentioned in
Neh. xii. 22, was probably Darius Codomannus, who was conquered by
Alexander. The province of Susiana, previously called Elymais, appears
in the Hebrew under the name of Eilam or Elam. Persis is still called
Fars.
[814] B.C. 325.
[815] Aria. See chap. 27 supra.
[816] _Curtius_ (x. 4) says Orxines was descended from Cyrus.
[817] See iii. 25 supra.
[818] Cf. _Strabo_, xv. 3, where a description of this tomb is given,
derived from Onesicritus, the pilot of Alexander. See Dean Blakesley’s
note on _Herodotus_ i. 214.
[819] Just a few lines above, Arrian says that the couch was by the
side of the coffin.
[820] Cf. _Ammianus_, xxiii. 6, 32, 33. The Magi were the priests
of the religion of Zoroaster, which was professed by the Medes and
Persians. Their Bible was the Avesta, originally consisting of
twenty-one books, only one of which, the twentieth (Vendidad), is still
extant.
[821] See iii. 18 supra.
[822] According to _Curtius_ (x. 4, 5) Orxines was not only innocent,
but was very devoted and attached to Alexander. The favourite eunuch,
Bagoas, poisoned the king’s mind against him, and suborned other
accusers against him. He was condemned unheard.
[823] Purpura et nitor corporis, ornatusque Persicus multo auro
multisque gemmis.—Cicero (_de Senectute_, 17).
[824] Pasargadae was the ancient capital of Cyrus, but Persepolis
was that of the later kings of Persia. The tomb of Cyrus has been
discovered at Murghab; consequently Parsagadae was on the banks of the
river Cyrus, N.E. of Persepolis. The latter city was at the junction of
the Araxes and Medus. Its extensive ruins are called Chel-Minar, “the
forty columns.”
[825] The Tigris rises in Armenia, and joins the Euphrates ninety miles
from the sea, the united stream being then called Shat-el-Arab. In
ancient times the two rivers had distinct outlets. In the Hebrew the
Tigris is called Chiddekel, _i.e._ _arrow_. The Greek name Tigres is
derived from the Zend _Tighra_, which comes from the Sanscrit _Tig_,
to sharpen. Its present name is Dijleh. The respective lengths of the
Euphrates and Tigris are 1,780 and 1,146 miles.
[826] Among these were _Curtius_ (x. 3); _Diodorus_ (xviii. 4); and
Plutarch (_Alex._, 68).
[827] Gadeira or Gades was a Phoenician colony. The name is from the
Hebrew גָּדֵר, _a fence_. Cf. _Pliny_ (iv. 36); appellant Poeni
_Gadir_ ita Punica lingua _septum_ significante. Also Avienus (_Ora
Maritima_, 268): Punicorum lingua conseptum locum _Gaddir_ vocabat.
According to _Pliny_ (v. 1), Suetonius Paulinus was the first Roman
general who crossed the Atlas Mountains.
[828] See note 714, page 309.
[829] Now called Capo di Leuca, the south-eastern point of Italy.
[830] Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 11).
[831] Cf. Alciphron (_Epistolae_, i. 30, 1), with Bergler and Wagner’s
notes.
[832] This must have occurred B.C. 336. See Plutarch (_Alex._ 14);
Cicero (_Tusculanae Disputationes_, v. 32). Alexander said: “If I were
not Alexander, I should like to be Diogenes.” Cf. _Arrian_, i. 1;
Plutarch (_de Fortit. Alex._, p. 331).
[833] Cf. _Strabo_, xv. 1.
[834] Strabo calls this sage Mandanis.
[835] Strabo says, Alexander’s messengers summoned Mandanis to the son
of Zeus.
[836] Plutarch (_Alex._, 65) says this philosopher’s name was Sphines;
but the Greeks called him Calanus, because when he met them, instead
of using the word χαῖρε greeting them, he said καλέ. The same author
says that he was persuaded to come to Alexander by Taxiles. See also
_Strabo_ (xv. 1).
[837] _Strabo_ (xv. 1) says that the voluntary death of Calanus
occurred at Pasargadae; Aelian (_Varia Historia_, v. 6) says it was at
Babylon; but _Diodorus_ (xvii. 107) says it happened at Susa, which
statement is confirmed by the fact of Nearchus being seemingly present.
[838] Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 10).
[839] Cf. _Arrian_, vii. 13 infra; and _Herodotus_, vii. 40.
[840] Cf. Cicero (_Tusc. Disput._ v. 27).
[841] Media. See vi. 29 supra.
[842] Oxathres was killed by Alexander himself with a sarissa, or long
Macedonian pike. See Plutarch (_Alex._ 68), who calls him Oxyartes.
[843] For this use of φθείρομαι, cf. Aristophanes (_Plutus_, 610);
_Alciphron_, i. 13, 3; with Bergler’s note.
[844] Cf. _Curtius_, x. 5.
[845] She was also called Statira. See _Diodorus_, xvii. 107; Plutarch
(_Alex._, 70). She is called Arsinoe by Photius.
[846] “By these two marriages, Alexander thus engrafted himself upon
the two lines of antecedent Persian kings. Ochus was of the Achaemenid
family, but Darius Codomannus, father of Statira, was not of that
family; he began a new lineage. About the overweening regal state of
Alexander, outdoing even the previous Persian kings, see _Pylarchus
apud Athenaeum_, xii. p. 539.”—_Grote._
[847] See p. 242.
[848] Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, viii. 7). A copious account of this
celebrated marriage feast is given in _Athenæus_, xii. p. 538.
[849] Cf. _Curtius_, x. 8.
[850] About £4,600,000. _Justin_, xii. 11, agrees with Arrian; but
_Diodorus_ (xvii. 109); Plutarch (_Alex._, 70); _Curtius_ (x. 8) say
10,000 talents.
[851] Cf. _Curtius_ (ix. 41); _Arrian_ (vi. 22) supra.
[852] The Epigoni, or Afterborn, were the sons of the seven chiefs who
fell in the first war against Thebes. See Herodotus, Pindar, Sophocles,
etc.
[853] For this _mesanculon_ see Gellius (_Noctes Atticae_, x. 25);
_Polybius_, xxiii., 1, 9; Euripides (_Phoenissae_, 1141; _Andromache_,
1133); _Alciphron_, iii. 36.
[854] It was at this time that Harpalus, viceroy of Babylon, having
squandered a great deal of the treasure committed to his charge, became
frightened at the return of Alexander, and fled to Greece with 50,000
talents and 6,000 mercenary troops. See _Diodorus_, xvii. 108.
[855] The Eulaeus is now called Kara Su. After joining the Coprates it
was called Pasitigris. It formerly discharged itself into the Persian
Gulf, but now into the Shat-el-Arab, as the united stream of the
Euphrates and Tigris is now called. In Dan. viii. 2, 16, it is called
Ulai. Cf. _Pliny_, vi. 26, 31; xxxi. 21.
[856] The Greeks and Romans sometimes speak of Mesopotamia as a part of
Syria, and at other times they call it a part of Assyria. The Hebrew
and native name of this country was Aram Naharaim, or “Syria of the two
rivers.”
[857] The Tigris now falls into the Euphrates.
[858] Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 7, supra; _Curtius_, iv. 37.
[859] Cf. _Strabo_, xvi. 1; _Herodotus_, i. 193; _Ammianus_, xxiv. 3,
14.
[860] Probably this city stood at the junction of the Tigris with the
Physcus, or Odorneh. See Xenophon (_Anab._ ii. 4, 25); _Herodotus_, i.
189; _Strabo_, (xvi. 1) says that Alexander made the Tigris navigable
up to Opis.
[861] Cf. _Justin_ (xii. 11); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 109); _Curtius_ (x.
10, 11). These authors put the punishment of the ringleaders after the
speech instead of before.
[862] Thracians mean _mountaineers_; Hellenes, _warriors_; Dorians,
_highlanders_; Ionians, _coast-men_; and Aeolians, _mixed men_. See
Donaldson (_New Cratylus_, sect. 92).
[863] The gold and silver mines at Mount Pangaeon near Philippi brought
Philip a yearly revenue of more than 1,000 talents (_Diodorus_, xvi.
8). _Herodotus_ (v. 17) says that the silver mines at Mount Dysorum
brought a talent every day to Alexander, father of Amyntas.
[864] This is a Demosthenic expression. See _De Falsa Legatione_, 92;
and _I. Philippic_, 45.
[865] B.C. 346.
[866] He here refers to his own part in the victory of Chaeronea, B.C.
336. See _Diodorus_, xvi. 86; Plutarch (_Alex._ 9).
[867] This fact is attested by Demosthenes (_De Haloneso_, 12).
[868] The Thebans under Pelopidas settled the affairs of Macedonia, and
took young Philip to Thebes as a hostage, B.C. 368.
[869] About £122,000. Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._ 15); _Curtius_, x. 10.
[870] Ἴων is the Hebrew Javan without the vowel points. In
the Persian name for the Greeks Ἰάονες, one of these
vowels appear. See Aeschўlus (_Persae_, 178, 562).
[871] Larger Phrygia formed the western part of the great central
table-land of Asia Minor. Smaller Phrygia was also called Hellespontine
Phrygia, because it lay near the Hellespont. See _Strabo_, xii. 8.
[872] A blue band worked with white, which went round the tiara of the
Persian kings.
[873] Cf. _Ammianus_, xxv. 4, 15: “(Julianus) id aliquoties praedicans,
Alexandrum Magnum, ubi haberet thesauros interrogatum, apud amicos
benevole respondisse.”
[874] Cf. _Arrian_, i. 16 supra.
[875] It is supposed that the Saxones, _i.e._ Sacasuna, _sons of the
Sacae_, originated from this nation.
[876] At the Persian court, kinsman was a title bestowed by the king
as a mark of honour. Curtius says they were 15,000 in number. Cf.
_Diodorus_, xvi. 50; Xenophon (_Cyropaedia_, i. 4, 27; ii. 2, 31).
[877] As to this Persian custom, see Xenophon (_Agesilaus_, v. 4;
_Cyropaedia_ i. 4, 27).
[878] Cf. _Justin_, xii. 7; Plutarch (_Eumenes_, 16); _Curtius_, viii.
17; _Livy_ xxxvii. 40; _Polybius_, v. 79, 4.
[879] ἔμενον λιπαροῦντες. The more usual construction would be
ἐλιπάρουν μένοντες. Cf. _Herodotus_, ix. 45 (λιπαρέετε μένοντες); iii.
51 (ἐλιπάρεε ἱστορέων)
[880] The paean was sung, not only before and after battle, but
also after a banquet, as we see from this passage and from Xenophon
(_Symposium_, ii. 1).
[881] About £240.
[882] Literally “with his own head,” an Homeric expression. We learn
from Plutarch (_Eumenes_, 6), that Craterus was a great favourite with
the Macedonians because he opposed Alexander’s Asiatic innovations. See
also Plutarch (_Alexander_, 47); _Diodorus_, xvii. 114:—Κράτερον μὲν
γὰρ εἶναι φιλοβασιλέα, Ἡφαιστίωνα δὲ φιλαλέξανδρον.
[883] The use of κελεύειν with the dative, is in imitation of Homer.
Cf. i. 26, 3 supra.
[884] We learn from Diodorus (xviii. 4) that when Alexander died,
Craterus had got no farther than Cilicia on his return journey. He had
with him a paper of written instructions, among which were projects
for building an immense fleet in Phoenicia and the adjacent countries
for conveying an expedition against the Carthaginians and the other
western nations as far as the pillars of Hercules; for the erection of
magnificent temples, and for the transportation of people from Europe
into Asia and from Asia into Europe. Alexander’s generals put these
projects aside, as too vast for any one but Alexander himself.
[885] Cf. _Curtius_, x. 31.
[886] The Greeks reckoned according to the lunar months, and therefore
they talked of ten months instead of nine as the period of gestation.
Cf. _Herodotus_, vi. 63; Aristophanes (_Thesmoph._ 742); Menander
(_Plocion_, fragment 3); Plautus (_Cistell._ i. 3, 15); Terence
(_Adelphi_, iii. 4, 29).
[887] For this expression, cf. _Dion Cassius_, xlii. 57; Homer
(_Iliad_, 23, 538); _Pausanias_, vii. 10, 2; _Herodotus_, viii. 104.
[888] Here there is a gap in the manuscripts of Arrian, which probably
contained an account of the flight of Harpalus, the viceroy of Babylon,
with the treasures committed to his care, and also a description of the
dispute between Hephaestion and Eumenes. See _Photius_ (codex 92).
[889] Cf. Plutarch (_Eumenes_, 2).
[890] The march was from Opis to Media, as we see from the next chapter.
[891] Cf. _Herodotus_ (iii. 106; vii. 40); _Strabo_, xi. 7 and 14;
_Diodor._ xvii. 110; _Ammianus_, xxiii. 6. Sir Henry Rawlinson says:
“With Herodotus, who was most imperfectly acquainted with the geography
of Media, originated the error of transferring to that province the
Nisea (Nesá) of Khorassan, and all later writers either copied or
confounded his statement. Strabo alone has escaped from the general
confusion. In his description we recognise the great grazing plains
of Khawah, Alishtar, Huru, Silakhur, Burburud, Japalak, and Feridun,
which thus stretch in a continuous line from one point to another
along the southern frontiers of Media.” Alexander probably visited the
westernmost of these pastures which stretch from Behistûn to Ispahan
along the mountain range. The form διαρπαγῆναι is
used only by the later writers for διαρπασθῆναι.
[892] Cf. _Strabo_, xi. 5; _Diodorus_, xvii. 77; _Curtius_, vi.
19; _Justin_, xii. 3; _Arrian_, iv. 15; Homer (_Iliad_, iii. 189);
Aeschўlus (_Eumenides_, 655); Hippocrates (_De Aere, Aquis, et Locis_,
p. 553).
[893] The queen is called Thalestris by Diodorus and Curtius.
[894] This is a mistake, for Xenophon does mention the Amazons in
the _Anabasis_ (iv. 4, 16). For Trapezus and the Phasians see his
_Anabasis_ (iv. 8, 22; v. 6, 36.)
[895] See _Diodorus_, iv. 16. This was one of the twelve labours of
Hercules.
[896] See Plutarch (_Theseus_, 26).
[897] “The Battle of the Amazons” was a celebrated painting in the Stoa
Poecile at Athens, executed by Micon, son of Phanichus, a contemporary
of Polygnotus about B.C. 460. Cf. Aristophanes (_Lysistrata_, 678):
“Look at the Amazons whom Micon painted on horseback fighting with the
men.” See also _Pausanias_ (i. 15; viii. 11).
[898] Cf. _Herodotus_, iv. 110-117; ix. 27.
[899] See Isocrates (_Panegyricus_, 19); Lysias (_Oratio Funebris_,
near the beginning).
[900] _Strabo_ (xi. 5) declined to believe in the existence of the
Amazons altogether. However, even Julius Cæsar spoke of them as having
once ruled over a large part of Asia. See Suetonius (_Life of Julius
Cæsar_, 22). Eustathius, on _Dionysius Periegetes_, p. 110, derives
the name _Amazones_ from ἀ, _not_, and μᾶζα, _barley-bread_:—διὸ καὶ
Ἀμαζόνες ἐκαλοῦντο οἷα μὴ μάζαις ἀλλὰ κρέασι θηρίων ἐπιστρεφόμεναι.
This is not the usual derivation of the word.
[901] Cf. Plutarch (_Alex._ 72); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 110).
[902] Plutarch makes this statement.
[903] See Homer (_Iliad_, xxiii. 141, 152); _Arrian_ (i. 12).
[904] See _Herodotus_ (vii. 35). Xerxes means _the venerable king_. Cf.
_Herod._, vi. 98. See Donaldson’s _New Cratylus_, sections 161, 479.
[905] Epidaurus in Argolis was celebrated as the chief seat of the
worship of Aesculapius.
[906] This is an Homeric expression, meaning _myself_.
[907] Equal to £2,300,000. Plutarch (_Alex._ 72) agrees with Arrian.
_Diodorus_ (xvii. 115) and _Justin_ (xii. 12) say 12,000 talents.
[908] Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, vii. 8); _Diodorus_ (xvii. 114,
115); Plutarch (_Alex._ 72, 75; _Eumenes_, 2; _Pelopidas_, 34).
[909] See p. 392, note 888.
[910] Cossaea was a district on the north-east of Susiana, which the
Persian kings never subdued, but purchased the quiet of the inhabitants
by paying them tribute. It is supposed to be the Cush of the Old
Testament. _Diodorus_ (xvii. 111) says that Alexander completed his
conquest of the Cossaeans in forty days. Plutarch (_Alex._ 72) says
he called the massacre of the Cossaeans his offering to the manes of
Hephaestion.
[911] Cf. _Livy_, vii. 37, 38; _Pliny_, xxii. 4; _Justin_, xii. 13.
[912] The Romans called these people Etruscans.
[913] _Justin_ (xxi. 6) says that the Carthaginians sent Hamilcar to
learn Alexander’s real designs against them, under the pretence of
being an exile offering his services.
[914] Cf. _Diodorus_, xvii. 113.
[915] Aristus was a man of Salamis in Cyprus. Neither his work nor that
of Asclepiades is extant. Aristus is mentioned by _Athenæus_ (x. 10)
and _Strabo_ (lib. xv.).
[916] _Livy_ (ix. 18) says he does not think the contemporary Romans
even knew Alexander by report.
[917] These are what Hirtius (_Bell. Alex._ 11) calls “naves apertas et
constratas.”
[918] See p. 155, note 392.
[919] See p. 199, note 499. _Strabo_ (xi. 7) says that Aristobulus
declared the Oxus to be the largest river which he had seen except
those in India.
[920] See p. 198, note 498. The Oxus and Jaxartes really flow into the
Sea of Aral, or the Palus Oxiana, which was first noticed by _Ammianus
Marcellinus_ (xxiii. 6, 59) in the 4th century A.D. Ptolemy, however,
mentions it as a small lake, and not as the recipient of these rivers.
Cf. _Pliny_, vi. 18.
[921] The Araxes, or Aras, joins the Cyrus, or Kour, and falls into
the Caspian Sea. It is now called Kizil-Ozan, or Red River. Its Hebrew
name is Chabor (2 Kings xvii. 6). Pontem indignatus Araxes (Vergil,
_Aeneid_, viii. 728). See Aeschўlus (_Prometheus_, 736), Dr. Paley’s
note.
[922] As to the Chaldaeans, see Cicero (_De Div._, i. 1) and _Diod._
(ii. 29-31).
[923] This is a verse from one of the lost tragedies of Euripides.
It is also quoted by Cicero (_De Divin._, ii. 5): Est quidam Graecus
vulgaris in hanc sententiam versus; bene qui conjiciet, vatem hunc
perhibebo optimum.
[924] See _Herodotus_ (i. 32); Plutarch (_Solon_, 27).
[925] See p. 171, note 430. _Herodotus_ (i. 181) gives a description
of this temple, which he says existed in his time. _Strabo_ (xvi.
1) agrees with Arrian that it was said to have been destroyed by
Xerxes. He also says that Alexander employed 10,000 men in clearing
away the rubbish of the ruins. Professor Sayce and others adduce this
passage of Arrian to prove that Herodotus is not to be trusted even
when he says he had seen the places and things which he describes.
The words of Herodotus are ἐς ἐμὲ τοῦτο ἔτι ἐόν, meaning, not that he
had himself seen the temple, but that it existed _till his time_. In
chap. 183 he expressly states that he did not see other things which he
is describing, but that he derived his information from the Chaldaeans.
He was about twenty years of age when Xerxes was assassinated. It must
not be forgotten that Strabo and Arrian lived five or six hundred
years after Xerxes. The veracity of Strabo is never doubted; yet in
his description of Babylon this author speaks of the walls and hanging
gardens as if they were still in existence, though not expressly saying
so.
[926] Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 16 supra.
[927] See _Arrian_, iii. 16 supra.
[928] Cf. Philostratus (_Life of Apollonius_, viii. 7, 5).
[929] Perdiccas was killed by his own troops at Memphis, B.C. 321. See
_Diodorus_, xviii. 36.
[930] The battle of Ipsus was fought B.C. 301. See Plutarch
(_Demetrius_, 29).
[931] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 113) says that embassies came from the
Carthaginians, Liby-Phoenicians, Greeks, Macedonians, Illyrians,
Thracians, and Gauls.
[932] Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 16 supra.
[933] The name Athens is said to have been derived from the worship
of Athena. See Euripides (_Ion_, 8): Πόλις τῆς χρυσολόγχου Παλλάδος
κεκλημένη. Attica is ἀττική or ἀκτικὴ γῆ, the “promontory land.”
[934] Clazomenae was an Ionian city on the Gulf of Smyrna, celebrated
as the birthplace of Anaxagoras. It is now called Kelisman.
[935] About £1,200,000.
[936] The Hebrew name for Arabia is Arab (wilderness). In Gen. xxv. 6
it is called the “East country,” and in Gen. xxix. 1 the “Land of the
Sons of the East.”
[937] Cf. _Arrian_, v. 26; vii. 1 and 15 supra.
[938] Cf. _Herodotus_, iii. 8.
[939] Cf. _Herodotus_, ii. 40, 86; iii. 110-112; _Strabo_, xvi. 4;
Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ xii.).
[940] About 17 miles.
[941] One of the Sporades, west of Samos, now called Nikaria. Cf.
Horace (_Carm._, iv. 2, 2) and Ovid (_Fasti_, iv. 28).
[942] Called Tyrus by _Strabo_ (xvi. 3). It is now called Bahrein, and
is celebrated for pearl fisheries.
[943] A fragment of the work of Androsthenes descriptive of his voyage
is preserved by _Athenæus_ (iii. p. 936).
[944] Probably Ramses. Its ruins are at Abu-Kesheb.
[945] Probably the projection now called Ras-al-Had.
[946] Cf. Arrian (_Indica_, 32).
[947] About 90 miles. This canal fell into the Persian Gulf at Teredon.
No trace of it now remains.
[948] The Hebrew name for Armenia is Ararat (2 Kings xix. 37; Isa.
xxxvii. 38; Jer. li. 27).
[949] The country called Assyria by the Greeks is called Asshur (level)
in Hebrew. In Gen. x. 11 the foundation of the Assyrian kingdom is
ascribed to Nimrod; for the verse ought to be translated: “He went
forth from that land into Asshur.” Hence in Micah v. 6, Assyria is
called the “land of Nimrod.”
[950] The Hebrew name for Babylon is Babel, _i.e._ Bab-Bel, _court of
Bel_: porta vel aula, civitas Beli (_Winer_). In Jer. xxv. 26; li.
41, it is called Sheshach, which Jewish commentators, followed by
Jerome, explain by the Canon Atbash, _i.e._ after the alphabet put
in an inverted order. According to this rule the word Babel, which
is the Hebrew name of Babylon, would be written Sheshach. Sir Henry
Rawlinson, however, says it was the name of a god after whom the city
was named; and the word has been found among the Assyrian inscriptions
representing a deity.
[951] The perfect passive δεδόμημαι is equivalent to the Epic and Ionic
form δέδμημαι.
[952] σχεθῆναι. See p. 268, note 629.
[953] τῶν τὶς ναυτῶν. This position of τίς is an imitation of the usage
in Ionic prose. Cf. _Herod._ i. 85; τῶν τὶς Περσέων. See _Liddell and
Scott_, sub voce τίς. Cf. _Arrian_, ii. 26, 4; vi. 9, 3; vii. 3, 4; 22,
5; 24, 2.
[954] Cf. _Arrian_ v. 13 supra.
[955] Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 6; iv. 18.
[956] The Macedonian stater was worth about £1 3_s._ 6_d._
[957] Cf. Arrian (_Tactics_, 12, 11).
[958] Cf. _Arrian_, p. 379, note 853.
[959] We read in the speech of Demosthenes against Dionysiodorus
(1285), that Cleomenes and his partisans enriched themselves by
monopolizing the exportation of corn from Egypt. Cf. _Arrian_, iii. 5
supra.
[960] This island is mentioned by Homer (_Odyssey_, iv. 355). Alexander
constructed a mole seven stades long from the coast to the island, thus
forming the two harbours of Alexandria. See _Strabo_, xvii. 1. The
island is chiefly famous for the lofty tower built upon it by Ptolemy
Philadelphus, for a lighthouse. Cf. Cæsar (_De Bello Civili_, iii.
112); _Ammianus_, xxii. 16.
[961] Consult Lucian (_Calumniae non temere credendum_, 17).
[962] After Alexander’s death Cleomenes was executed by Ptolemy, who
received Egypt as his share of the great king’s dominions.
[963] _I.e._ the Mediterranean.
[964] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 116) and Plutarch (_Alex._, 73) say that he was
a bound prisoner. The latter says his name was Dionysius, and that he
was a Messenian.
[965] Plutarch (_Alex._, 75) and _Justin_ (xii. 13) say that he gave a
banquet to Nearchus the admiral, and that, as he was leaving it, he was
invited to the revel by Medius the Thessalian. Cf. _Diodorus_, xvii.
117.
[966] We learn from _Athenæus_ (x. p. 434 B) that this Court Journal
was kept by the royal secretary, Eumenes, afterwards so famous, and by
the historian, Diodotus of Erythrae. As to the last days of Alexander,
cf. Plutarch (_Alex._, 76, 77).
[967] Cf. _Curtius_, ix. 23: Mos erat principibus amicorum et
custodibus corporis excubare ante praetorium, quotiens adversa regi
valetudo incidisset.
[968] Serāpis, or more correctly Sarapis, was an Egyptian deity, whose
worship was introduced into Greece in the time of the Ptolemies.
His worship was introduced into Rome, with that of Isis, in the
time of Sulla. _Strabo_ (xvii. 1) gives an account of his cultus in
the celebrated temple at Canobus. The Serapeum at Alexandria, which
contained the famous library, is described by _Ammianus_, xxii. 16.
[969] _I.e._ the most valiant.
[970] To decide who was to succeed to his power. Cf. _Curtius_, x. 14;
_Diodorus_, xvii. 117; _Justin_, xii. 15.
[971] Cf. _Curtius_, x. 31; _Diodorus_, xvii. 117, 118; _Justin_,
xii. 13. Plutarch (_Alex._, 77) asserts that nothing was said about
Alexander’s being poisoned, until six years after, when Olympias, the
enemy of Antipater, set the charge afloat.
[972] See _Arrian_, iv. 10 supra.
[973] Cassander was afterwards king of Macedonia and Greece. He put
Olympias, Roxana, and her son Alexander Aegus to death, and bribed
Polysperchon to put Barsine and her son Hercules to death. He died of
dropsy, B.C. 297.
[974] Cf. _Pausanias_, xviii. 4; _Curtius_, x. 31; Plutarch (_Alex._,
77). The ancients called the poison, “the water of Styx”; it was
obtained from Nonacris in the north of Arcadia, near which the river
Styx took its origin. _Justin_ (xii. 14) says: Cujus veneni tanta vis
fuit, ut non aere, non ferro, non testa contineretur, nec aliter ferri
nisi in ungula equi potuerit. Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, xxx. 53) says:
Ungulas tantum mularum repertas, neque aliam ullam materiam quae non
perroderetur a veneno Stygis aquae, cum id dandum Alexandro magno
Antipater mitteret, dignum memoria est, magna Aristotelis infamia
excogitatum.
[975] _Diodorus_ (xvii. 117) states that after drinking freely,
Alexander swallowed the contents of a large goblet, called the cup of
Heracles, and was immediately seized with violent pain. This statement,
however, is contradicted by Plutarch. It seems from the last injunction
of Calanus, the Indian philosopher, that it was considered the right
thing to drink to intoxication at the funeral of a friend. See Plutarch
(_Alex._, 69).
[976] June, 323 B.C.
[977] Ptolemy took the embalmed body of Alexander to Egypt, and placed
it in Memphis, but removed it a few years after to Alexandria. See
_Curtius_, x. 31. Cf. Aelian (_Varia Historia_, xii. 64; xiii. 29).
[978] Cf. _Diodorus_, xvii. 4; ἡ ὀξύτης τοῦ νεανίσκου.
[979] Cf. _Curtius_, x. 18: Gloriae laudisque, ut justo major cupido,
ita ut juveni et in tantis admittenda rebus.
[980] Plutarch (_Alex._, 28) attributes the same motive to Alexander
in representing himself to be the son of Zeus. _Livy_ (ix. 18) says:
Referre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem vestis et desideratas
humi jacentium adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum
victoribus; et foeda supplicia, et inter vinum et epula, caedes
amicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis. Consult the whole of the
interesting passage in _Livy_, ix. 17-19. See also Aelian (_Varia
Historia_, ii. 19; v. 12; ix. 37).
[981] Cf. _Herodotus_, vii. 41; _Arrian_, iii. 11 supra.
[982] Xenophon (_Cyropaedia_, vii. 5, 85) says that the Persian
Equals-in-Honour, or Peers, spent their time about the Court.
[983] Cf. _Arrian_, iv. 14 supra; _Justin_, ix. 8; _Athenæus_, x. p.
434 B; Aelian (_Varia Historia_, iii. 23; ix. 3; xii. 26).
[984] Europe and Asia. Arrian reckoned Libya, or Africa, as a part of
Asia. See iii. 30; v. 26; vii. 1.
[985] Dr. Leonhard Schmitz says:—“Arrian is in this work one of
the most excellent writers of his time, above which he is raised by
his simplicity and his unbiassed judgment. Great as his merits thus
are as an historian, they are yet surpassed by his excellence as an
historical critic. His Anabasis is based upon the most trustworthy
historians among the contemporaries of Alexander, such as Ptolemy,
Aristobulus, which two he chiefly followed, Diodotus of Erythrae,
Eumenes of Cardia, Nearchus of Crete, and Megasthenes; and his sound
judgment as to who deserved credit, justly led him to reject such
authors as Onesicritus, Callisthenes, and others. No one at all
acquainted with this work of Arrian’s can refuse his assent to the
opinion of Photius (p. 73; comp. Lucian, _Alex._, 2), that Arrian
was the best among the numerous historians of Alexander. One of the
great merits of the work, independent of those already mentioned, is
the clearness and distinctness with which he describes all military
movements and operations, the drawing up of the armies for battle, and
the conduct of battles and sieges. In all these respects the Anabasis
is a masterly production, and Arrian shows that he himself possessed a
thorough practical knowledge of military affairs. He seldom introduces
speeches, but wherever he does he shows a profound knowledge of man;
and the speech of Alexander to his rebellious soldiers, and the reply
of Coenus, as well as some other speeches, are masterly specimens of
oratory. Everything, moreover, which is not necessary to make his
narrative clear is carefully avoided.” See Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek
and Roman Biography_.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
(_The numbers refer to the pages._)
Abastanians, 340.
Abbot, 258.
Abdalonymus, 116.
Abdēra, 37.
Abian Scythians, 205.
Abicht, 213, 276, 283.
Abisares, 257, 264, 279, 298, 301, 315.
Aboukir, 142.
Abreas, 330-334.
Abūlites, 172, 173, 374.
Abȳdus, 37.
Abyssinia, 272.
Acĕsinēs, 271, 274, 298-300, 308, 315-325, 336, 339-341, 374, 387.
Achaeans, Port of, 37.
Achaemenids, 375.
Achilles, 38, 39, 139, 323, 396, 402.
Achilleus, 150.
Achmetha, 179.
Acropolis of Athens, 49, 173.
Acropolis of Sardis, 50.
Acūphis, 266-268.
Ada, 65, 66.
Addaeus, 63, 64.
Admētus, 131-133.
Adōnis, 116.
Adraistaeans, 301.
Aeacus, 226, 425.
Aeacidae, 138.
Aegae, 36.
Aegean Sea, 110, 408.
Aegina, 334.
Aegospotami, 31, 57.
Aegyptus, 276, 318.
Aeolis and Aeolians, 53, 71, 186, 383, 385.
Aeschines, 91, 113, 150.
Aeschўlus, 149, 269, 338.
Aesculapius, 88, 397.
Aetolians, 26, 34.
Afghanistan, 155, 191.
Africa, 108, 203, 309.
Agallassa, 324.
Agamemnon, 37.
Agatho, 44, 164.
Agēnor, 133.
Agēsilaüs, 110.
Agis III., 109, 110, 173.
Agis the Argive, 223.
Agrianians, 11, 18, 19, 21, 23, _et passim_.
Ahasuerus, 364.
Aithiops, 272.
Alani, 2, 4.
Albanians, 155, 161, 164.
Albion, 125.
Alcetas, 246, 255, 256, 283.
Alcias, 77.
Alcmēna, 117, 145.
Alēian Plain, 89.
Alexander I., 33, 383.
Alexander the Great, _passim_.
Alexander Aegus, 242, 421.
Alexander, son of Aëropus, 27, 51, 68.
Alexander the Epirote, 152.
Alexandrīa, 141, 142, 143, 197, 206, 210, 247, 266, 340, 351, 416, 420,
423.
Alinda, 66.
Alpes, 125.
Amānic Gates, 91.
Amastrinē, 375.
Amathūs, 129.
Amazons, 234, 393-395.
Ambracia, 119.
Ammianus, 80, 106, 203, 229, 270, 271, 385, 401.
Amminaspes, 185.
Ammōn, 144-148, 223, 320, 347, 382, 397, 415.
Amphiaraüs, 89.
Amphilochians, 119.
Amphilochus, 89.
Amphīon, 30.
Amphipolis, 10, 12, 13, 37, 98, 107.
Amphitrītē, 320.
Amphoterus, 70, 144, 150.
Amyntas of Macedon, 19, 66.
Amyntas, son of Antiochus, 51, 69, 90, 91, 107, 109.
Amyntas, son of Andromenes, 29, 43, 50, 59, 162, 173, 174, 177, 188,
190, 192, 195.
Amyntas, son of Arrhabaeus, 40, 43-45, 59, 74, 95.
Amyntas, son of Nicolaüs, 237, 238, 247.
Amyntas the Theban, 25.
Anaxagoras, 407.
Anaxarchus, 222-226.
Anaxippus, 191, 192.
Anchialus, 87, 88.
Ancyra, 84.
Androcles, 129.
Andromachus, 127, 150, 162, 192, 210, 213-215.
Andronīcus, 189, 191.
Androsthenes, 409.
Anicētus, 134.
Antaeus, 145.
Antalcidas, 79, 80.
Anteas, 363.
Anthemūs, 98.
Antibēlus, 182.
Anticles, 230.
Antigĕnes, 291, 344.
Antigŏnē, 193.
Antigŏnus, 76, 88, 305, 405.
Anti-Libănus, 125, 156, 308.
Antiochus, 97, 149, 263.
Antipater, 26, 36, 43, 81, 102, 105, 109, 148, 162, 173, 231, 391,
392, 421.
Antipater, son of Asclepiodōrus, 230.
Antiphilus, 105.
Antoninus Pius, 2.
Aornus, 199, 258-263, 310.
Apelles, 48, 53, 88.
Aphrices, 279.
Apis, 142.
Apollo, 148, 196, 204, 389, 390, 425.
Apollodōrus, 171, 404, 405.
Apollonia, 40, 98.
Apollonides, 144.
Apollonius, 149.
Apollonius Rhodius, 56, 346.
Apollophanes, 351, 360.
Arab, 407.
Arabia and Arabians, 135, 140, 149, 172, 308, 309, 369, 407-412.
Arabian Gulf, 410.
Arabitians, 350.
Arabius River, 349, 350.
Arachotia and Arachotians, 155, 161, 183, 197, 275, 283, 341, 344,
360, 378, 387.
Arădus, 108, 111.
Aral Sea, 198, 199, 202, 234, 274, 401.
Aram, 87, 107,156, 380.
Arārat, 411.
Arātus, 88.
Araxes, 177, 401.
Arbēla, 13, 98, 156-171, 334.
Arbūpales, 48.
Arcadia and Arcadians, 32, 34, 421.
Archelaüs, 36, 173, 199.
Archias, 409.
Arconnēsus, 65.
Areia and Areians, 155, 191-193, 197, 200, 216, 361, 378.
Areius River, 216.
Arēs, 45.
Arĕtes, 164, 166, 167.
Arĕtis, 46.
Argos and Argives, 51, 58, 89, 217, 224, 227.
Ariaces, 156.
Ariaspians, 196.
Arigaeum, 251.
Arimmas, 152.
Ariobarzanes, 155, 176, 177, 178, 189.
Arisbē, 40.
Aristander, 36, 70, 121, 137, 143, 154, 170, 211, 212, 235.
Aristo, 97, 162, 164, 165.
Aristobūlus, 3, 6, 83, 85, 101, 105, 145, 146, 148, 160, 193, 197,
198, 202, 209, 214, 220, 230, 231, 232, 277, 281, 297, 334, 344,
348, 351, 352, 363, 365, 366, 375, 394, 400, 404, 405, 406, 409,
414, 417, 421, 423, 425, 427.
Aristogeiton, 173, 224, 406.
Aristomēdes, 107.
Aristonīcus, 143, 144, 236, 237.
Aristonoüs, 363.
Aristophanes, 121, 152, 170, 231, 394.
Aristophon, 185.
Aristotle, 8, 18, 68, 81, 125, 223, 232, 271, 308, 421.
Aristus, 3, 399.
Armenia and Armenians, 107, 153, 155, 156, 161, 170, 171, 273, 401,
411.
Arrhabaeus, 68.
Arrhybas, 149.
Arrian, 1-5, 9, 10, 14, 20, 28, 40, 44, 49, 98, 101, 102, 119, 162,
168, 179, 202, 203, 244, 258, 265, 267, 268, 270, 273, 276, 277,
285, 304, 346, 355, 370, 392, 394, 399, 425, 426.
Arsaces, 315.
Arsames, 40, 85, 103, 189, 193, 200, 216.
Arses, 112, 113.
Arsimas, 112.
Arsinoē, 375.
Arsites, 40, 41, 48, 50.
Arta, 119.
Artabazus, 183, 189, 197, 199, 234-237, 242, 375.
Artacama, 375.
Artacoana, 192, 193.
Artaxerxes, 39, 112, 113, 192, 224, 227, 271, 364.
Artĕmis, 52, 53, 406, 409.
Artemisia, 66.
Artemisium, 334.
Artibŏlēs, 379.
Artōnis, 375.
Arvad, 111.
Asander, 51, 88, 217.
Ascania Lake, 76.
Asclēpiadae, 333.
Asclēpiades, 3, 399.
Asclēpiodōrus, 148, 152, 171, 217, 230.
Asclēpius, 88, 333, 396.
Asia, 37, 38, 49, 58, 66, 91, 93, 106, 112, 114, 155, 156, 158, 178,
192, 197, 200, 203, 205, 210, 234, 242, 243, 270-272, 274, 276, 309,
369, 406, 426.
Asia Minor, 53, 59, 76, 79, 108, 151, 273, 275, 276, 308.
Aspasians, 249-251.
Aspendus, 71-73.
Assacēnians, 249, 253, 254, 263, 298.
Assacēnus, 256, 263.
Assagĕtes, 259.
Asshur, 411.
Assyria and Assyrians, 87, 89, 91, 154, 156, 172, 380, 407, 411-413.
Astes, 248.
Atbash, 413.
Athaliah, 58.
Atharrias, 64.
Athēna, 38, 49, 89, 104, 148, 247, 406.
Athenæus, 409.
Athens and the Athenians, 1, 8, 9, 26, 31, 34, 35, 37, 49, 77, 79, 91,
105, 113, 115, 120, 150, 173, 178, 224, 227, 232, 384, 394, 406.
Atizyes, 69, 103.
Atlas Mountains, 309, 369.
Atropates, 155, 239, 365, 374, 375, 393, 395.
Attalus, 98, 163, 184, 195, 231, 235, 246, 250, 252, 256, 284, 344,
420.
Attica, 27, 406.
Attinas, 237.
Attock, 279.
Atūria, 154, 156.
Audaca, 250.
Aurelius, 2.
Austanes, 246, 247.
Autariatians, 19.
Autobares, 379.
Autophradates, 79, 80, 109-111, 117, 124, 143, 189, 190, 239.
Aven, 141.
Avienus, 118, 369.
Avon, 141.
Axenos, 15, 203, 313.
Azemilcus, 117, 133.
Azov Sea, 202, 274.
Azzah, 136.
Baal, 117, 171.
Babel, 413.
Babylon, 94, 153, 171, 172, 224, 239, 308, 372, 385, 396-420.
Babylonians, 155, 156, 161, 171, 402.
Bacchus, 221, 268, 362.
Bacchylides, 39.
Bactra, 187, 192, 196, 199, 202, 206, 233, 246, 247, 312, 385.
Bactria, 155, 183, 215, 236, 247, 263, 273, 284, 308, 319, 401.
Bactrians, 155, 161, 165, 170, 183, 192, 198, 199, 206, 234, 235, 237,
238, 378, 387.
Baetica, 118.
Bagae, 238.
Bagistanes, 182, 183.
Bagoas, 113, 367.
Bahrein, 409.
Balacrus, 76, 104, 149, 164, 165, 212, 252.
Balkan, 10.
Balkh, 187.
Bardylis, 18.
Barsaëntes, 155, 183, 185, 193.
Barsinē, 186, 242, 375, 421.
Baryaxes, 365.
Barzanes, 216.
Batis, 135-139.
Bazira, 256, 257, 259.
Beas River, 306.
Beghram, 197.
Beith-Shemesh, 141.
Beloochistan, 155, 196, 350, 354.
Bēlus, 171, 172, 401, 402, 413.
Berdes, 205.
Beroea, 151.
Bēssus, 155, 182-185, 191-202, 206, 216, 217, 263, 334.
Bianor, 107.
Bistanes, 113, 180.
Bithynia, 77, 108.
Bithynian Thracians, 77.
Boeōtarchs, 28.
Boeōtia, 26, 30.
Bospŏrus, 277.
Bottiaea, 13, 98.
Boupares, 155.
Brachmans, 327, 343.
Branchĭdae, 148, 204.
Briso, 163.
Britain, 370.
Bromius, 268.
Browne, 144.
Bruttians, 152, 399.
Būbaces, 103.
Būcĕphala, 296, 316.
Būcĕphalas, 288, 296, 297.
Būmōdus, 156, 334.
Būsiris, 145.
Byblus, 115.
Cabul, 247.
Cadiz, 108, 118, 203, 309.
Cadmēa, 25, 27, 30, 33.
Cadmus, 117.
Cadūsians, 155, 161, 180.
Cæsar, 123, 278, 303, 395.
Caïcus, 275, 276.
Calanus, 149, 372-374, 405, 422.
Calas, 41, 44, 50, 51, 69, 84.
Callatis, 354.
Callicratidas, 190.
Callines, 389.
Callipolis, 88.
Callisthĕnes, 95, 101, 102, 146, 148, 222-232, 247, 421, 427.
Cambȳses, 140, 141, 226, 364.
Canōbus, 142, 420.
Caphtor, 110.
Cappadocia and Cappadocians, 2, 48, 84, 156, 161, 305, 308.
Caranus, 151, 197, 210, 214, 215, 217.
Carchēdōn, 313, 370.
Cardacĕs, 95.
Cardia, 305.
Cardūchi, 154, 172.
Caria and Carians, 58, 65, 66, 76, 88, 155, 161, 164, 186, 308, 318,
414.
Carim, 186.
Carmania, 344, 360-364, 387.
Carthage, 108, 116, 133, 309, 313, 370, 391, 399, 406.
Casdim, 172.
Caspian Gates, 179, 182, 308, 387.
Caspian Sea, 155, 161, 187, 199, 202, 234, 236, 274, 387, 400, 401.
Cassander, 19, 76, 88, 162, 242, 421.
Castor, 219.
Catanes, 246, 247.
Cathaeans, 301.
Cathaia, 319.
Catullus, 198.
Caucasus, 197-199, 202, 234, 247, 266-275, 284, 308, 387.
Caunus, 88.
Caÿster, 275, 276, 309.
Celaenae, 76.
Celts, 14, 18.
Cĕnaan, 107, 108.
Ceramīcus, 173.
Cercinītis Lake, 37.
Cĕrēth, 110.
Ceth, 109.
Chabor, 401.
Chaboras, 172.
Chaeronēa, 8, 144, 384.
Chalcedonians, 191.
Chalcis, 81.
Chaldaeans, 172, 401-403, 412.
Chandragupta, 275.
Chares, 35, 38, 102, 125, 144.
Charicles, 231.
Charidēmus, 35.
Chemi, 318.
Chenab, 298.
Chiddekel, 153.
Chios, 78, 109, 143, 144.
Choaspes, 172.
Choes, 249.
Chorasmians, 234, 273, 387.
Choriēnēs, 244-246.
Chrysippus, 88.
Cicero, 81, 84, 104, 232, 368, 401.
Cilicia, 85, 87, 88, 91, 104, 153, 173, 186, 197, 273, 391.
Cilician Gates, 84.
Cillūta, 347.
Cimōn, 72.
Citium, 109.
Cittim, 109.
Clazomĕnae, 407.
Cleander, 67, 75, 125, 163, 194, 361.
Clearchus, 39, 102, 152, 191, 227.
Cleomĕnes, 149, 415, 416, 420.
Cleōn, 224.
Cleopatra, 151, 152.
Cleophis, 256.
Clītarchus, 335.
Clītus, son of Bardylis, 18-25.
Clītus, son of Dropidas, 47, 162, 181, 195, 218-221, 232, 233, 235,
237, 248.
Cnĭdus, 88.
Coele-Syria, 110, 156, 158, 161, 308, 385.
Coenus, 24, 43, 67, 77, 95, 131, 133, 162, 169, 177, 182, 190, 235,
236-239, 250, 256, 257, 259, 280, 284, 291, 299, 300, 311-314, 318,
427.
Coeranus, 151, 164.
Colchians, 234, 394.
Colōnae, 40.
Comēdae Mountains, 202.
Companions, 23, _et passim_.
Cŏnōn, 224.
Cōphaeus, 259.
Cōphēn, 114, 189, 379.
Cōphēn River, 247, 265.
Corē, 118.
Corinth, 9, 49, 79, 110, 334.
Corus, 53.
Cōs, 88, 109, 144, 333.
Cossaeans, 398, 414.
Crateas, 363.
Cratĕrus, 43, 44, 95, 126, 162, 175-177, 183, 188, 193, 206-209, 231,
237, 239, 246, 247, 250, 251, 253, 259, 283, 284, 289, 293, 297, 300,
319, 321, 322, 324, 337, 341-344, 361, 375, 391.
Crētē and Cretans, 58, 98, 108, 110.
Crētheus, 354.
Critodēmus, 333.
Croesus, 402.
Ctēsias, 3, 271.
Cūnaxa, 94, 102, 165.
Cūrium, 129.
Curtius, 77, 85, 96, 102, 114, 116, 139, 165, 203, 204, 219, 232, 241,
258, 333, 335, 358, 361, 419, 424.
Cush, 272, 398.
Cўbĕlē, 275.
Cyclădĕs, 80, 108.
Cydnus, 85.
Cȳmē, 71.
Cyna, 19.
Cyprus and Cyprians, 55, 108, 109, 120, 125-129, 132, 150, 318.
Cȳrēnē, 198, 385.
Cyreschăta, 207.
Cyropolis, 206, 208, 209.
Cȳrus the Elder, 84, 178, 196, 207, 208, 227, 236, 272, 355, 364, 367,
369.
Cȳrus the Younger, 39, 71, 76, 85, 87, 102.
Cyrus, camp of, 84.
Cythnus, 81.
Daans, 161, 198, 199, 284.
Dacians, 14.
Daedălus, 409.
Dăhae, 161.
Damascus, 103, 104, 114, 242.
Dammasek, 103.
Dandamis, 371, 372.
Daniel, 172, 307.
Danube, 12, 15, 270.
Darīus, 41, 48, 53, 59, 69, 79, 80, 90-114, 120, 134, 135, 140,
152-171, 179-187, 201, 211, 220, 227, 243, 277, 334, 364, 375.
Dascўlium, 50.
Datămes, 80, 81.
Dataphernes, 200-202.
David, 110, 186.
Dēĭmăchus, 273.
Deinarchus, 113.
Delta, 270, 340, 343.
Delphi, 228.
Dēmādes, 34.
Dēmarātus, 47.
Dēmētrius, 76, 99, 162, 196, 228, 256, 284, 291, 300, 328, 335.
Dēmŏphōn, 420.
Dēmosthĕnēs, 35, 91, 113, 150, 175, 384, 416.
Dii, 10.
Dindўmēnē, 275.
Dīnocrătes, 143.
Diodōrus, 28, 37, 41, 44, 48, 61, 64, 102, 116, 204, 379, 391, 422,
424.
Diŏdŏtus, 3, 418, 427.
Diogĕnes, 79, 90, 371.
Diōn Cassius, 1.
Dionȳsiodōrus, 115.
Dionȳsius of Halicarnassus, 59, 139, 285.
Dionȳsus, 117, 218, 221-225, 265-269, 310, 321, 338, 362, 387, 408.
Diophantus, 150.
Dioscūri, 218.
Diotimus, 35.
Dium, 48.
Dnieper, 270.
Doloaspis, 148.
Domitian, 2.
Don, 202, 203, 274.
Donaldson, 361, 383, 396.
Dorians, 273.
Doxareus, 279.
Drangiana and Drangians, 183, 193, 196, 239, 341, 387.
Drapsaca, 199.
Dropides, 190.
Dryden, 179.
Drypetis, 375.
Dyrta, 263.
Dysōrum, Mount, 383.
Eastern Sea, 309, 400.
Ecbătăna, 179-181, 217, 312, 395, 396.
Egypt and Egyptians, 109, 118, 120, 135, 140-149, 158, 193, 266, 271,
276, 308, 317, 318, 385, 410, 416, 423.
Elaeūs, 37.
Elam, 364.
Ēlēans, 34, 77.
Elephantinē, 144.
Eleusis, 173.
Eleuthĕrae, 27.
Elimiōtis, 26.
Elymais, 364.
Embolima, 259.
England, 108.
Enўălius, 45, 282.
Enylus, 116, 124.
Eordaea, 26, 363.
Eordaicus River, 20.
Epamīnōndas, 32.
Epardus River, 216.
Ephĕsus, 51-53.
Ephialtes, 35, 64.
Ephippus, 149.
Epictētus, 1, 2.
Epidaurians, 397.
Epigŏni, 378, 382.
Epimĕnes, 230, 231.
Epimĕnĭdēs, 110.
Ēpīrus, 19, 119.
Epocillus, 180, 216, 239.
Eratosthĕnes, 3, 269, 273, 274.
Erĭgōn River, 20.
Erigyius, 151, 163, 181, 188, 189, 197.
Erythīa, 119.
Erythrae, 148.
Ethiopians, 272, 317, 369, 399.
Etruscans, 186, 399.
Etymander, 196, 216.
Euaspla River, 250.
Eubœa, 78, 81, 108, 181, 334.
Eudanĕmi, 173.
Eudēmus, 360.
Euergĕtae, 196, 216.
Eugnōstus, 149.
Eulaeus River, 107, 379, 380, 381.
Eumĕnes, 3, 43, 305, 375, 392, 397, 418, 427.
Euphrātes, 71, 91, 107, 134, 151, 153, 156, 274, 275, 277, 347, 369,
380, 381, 403, 406, 408, 411, 412, 422.
Eurīpĭdes, 401, 406.
Eurīpus, 81.
Europe, 14, 38, 119, 202, 203, 205, 270, 276, 370, 394, 426.
Eurybōtas, 29.
Eurylochus, 231.
Eurydĭcē, 151.
Eurymĕdōn, 72.
Eurystheus, 118, 119, 224.
Eusĕbius, 109.
Eustathius, 4, 395.
Euthycles, 114, 115.
Euxine Sea, 4, 15, 77, 94, 203, 234, 269, 313, 370, 400.
Evacae, 378.
Evius, 268.
Ewald, 149.
Fars, 364.
Frontinus, 358.
Ftah, 141, 142.
Gadeira, 203, 369.
Gadrosia, 196, 350-363, 374, 387.
Galatia, 84.
Ganges, 141, 270, 271, 274, 276, 281, 309, 317.
Gaugamēla, 156, 334.
Gauls, 14, 84, 399, 406.
Gaza, 110, 135-140, 206, 207.
Gebal, 116.
Gelo, 39.
Georgia, 155.
Geraestus, 78.
Gerostrătus, 111, 124.
Gerўŏnēs, 118, 119.
Gesenius, 117.
Getae, 14-17.
Gibbon, 217.
Gibraltar, Straits of, 118, 203, 309.
Gizeh, 141.
Glaucias, 19-25, 162, 396.
Glaucippus, 55.
Glaucus, 171.
Glauganicians, 297.
Glausians, 297.
Gordium, 76, 77, 82.
Gordius, 82.
Gordўaeans, 154.
Gorgias, 235, 248, 284.
Gorgons, 145.
Gough, 280.
Graikos, 308.
Granīcus, 41-49, 150, 220, 334.
Great Sea, 119, 270, 273, 274, 275, 309, 315, 317, 318, 347-349, 377,
385, 387, 400, 410.
Grecian Sea, 134, 266.
Greece, 81, 88, 93, 108, 112, 120, 142, 148, 173, 189, 234, 391, 394,
396, 406, 414, 420.
Greeks, _passim_.
Gronovius, 263.
Grote, 9, 16, 96, 103, 162, 375.
Gūraeans, 249, 253.
Gūraeus River, 253.
Hādrian, 1, 2.
Haemus, 10, 11.
Halicarnassus, 59-65, 69, 88, 109, 110, 186.
Hălys, 84.
Hamilcar, 399.
Hamley, 146.
Hannibal, 286.
Hanno, 309.
Hardinge, 280.
Harmŏdius, 173, 224, 406.
Harpălus, 151, 152, 181, 379, 392.
Hebrus, 37.
Hecataeus, 118, 275, 276.
Hecatomnus, 65.
Hector, 139.
Hēgelochus, 42, 80, 143, 144, 162.
Hēgĕmon, 296.
Hēgēsias, 139, 423.
Hēgēsistrătus, 53.
Hēliopolis, 141.
Hellanīcus, 62.
Hellēnes, 308, 383.
Hellespont, 36, 38, 234, 277, 307, 384, 396.
Heordaeans, see _Eordaea_.
Hēphaestion, 38, 85, 105, 106, 140, 169, 195, 228, 235, 236, 248, 249,
259, 264, 269, 284, 300, 315, 319, 321, 322, 324, 336, 344, 345, 348,
350-352, 363, 364, 375, 377, 379, 381, 391, 392, 395-397, 398, 402,
404, 415, 416.
Hēra, 119.
Heracles, son of Alexander, 242, 421.
Heracles or Hercules, 17, 38, 89, 104, 117-119, 121, 133, 134, 145,
150, 217, 224-227, 258, 263, 269, 310, 320, 394.
Hēracōn, 361, 362.
Hēraclīdes, 13, 162, 191, 400.
Hercules, Pillars of, 118, 203, 309, 391.
Hermolaüs, 230, 232.
Hermōtus, 40.
Hermus, 50, 275, 276.
Hērŏdŏtus, 14, 15, 58, 59, 108, 118, 141, 170, 202, 218, 226, 240, 244,
270, 271, 274-277, 286, 317, 358, 389, 392-394, 402, 413.
Hēromĕnes, 68.
Hērōŏpŏlis, 149, 410.
Hēropythus, 52.
Hērostrătus, 52.
Hēsychius, 95.
Hidrieus, 65, 66.
Hiĕro, 39, 409, 410.
Himalayas, 271.
Hindu-Koosh, 197, 202, 263.
Hindustan, 263.
Hipparchus, 224.
Hippias, 109, 224.
Hippocrătes, 88.
Hippolўtē, 394.
Hirtius, 400.
Histanes, 379.
Hodu, 263.
Homa, 265.
Homer, 39, 45, 56, 116, 121, 141, 167, 175, 205, 218, 260, 276, 285,
286, 291, 309, 318, 331, 391, 416.
Humboldt, 108.
Hydarnes, 379.
Hydaspes, 270, 271, 274, 279-288, 293, 297, 308, 316-324, 339, 374,
387.
Hydraōtes, 271, 274, 300, 301, 308, 315, 324, 326, 328, 336, 339, 387.
Hyparna, 67.
Hypaspists, 21, _et passim_.
Hyperīdes, 35.
Hyphăsis, 24, 271, 274, 306, 308, 309, 315, 339, 374, 387.
Hyrcania and Hyrcanians, 155, 161, 181, 185, 187, 188, 191, 199, 274,
297, 308, 309, 361, 387, 400.
Hyrcanian Sea, 202, 274, 308, 309, 400.
Hystaspes, 379.
Iacchus, 118, 268.
Iapygian Cape, 370.
Iassians, 58.
Iazygians, 14.
Ibērians, 118, 119, 399.
Icarian Sea, 409.
Icărus Isle, 409.
Ichthyŏphăgi, 354, 363.
Idaean Mountains, 40, 50.
Ilium, 37, 38.
Illyria and Illyrians, 9, 19, 93, 310, 383, 406.
India, 44, 247, 258-349, 355, 360, 400, 406, 408.
Indica, the, 3, 273, 277, 343.
Indians, 155, 156, 161, 164, 167, 168, 193, 197, 199, 234, 248-349,
370-373, 385.
Indian Gulf, 309.
Indus, 156, 193, 248, 258-281, 308, 317-320, 339-345, 364, 369, 374,
387.
Iolaüs, 27.
Iollas, 421.
Iōn, 308, 385, 425.
Ionian Gulf, 18.
Ionia and Ionians, 40, 53, 54, 186, 307, 363, 385.
Iphicrătes, 66, 115, 140.
Ipsus, 53, 76, 405.
Isis, 142, 420.
Ismēnias, 224.
Isocrates, 395.
Issus, 90-104, 140, 157, 243, 334.
Ister, 12-17, 270, 276, 277.
Isthmus, 334, 371.
Italy, 152, 399.
Ivica, 108.
Javan, 307, 385.
Jaxartes, 198, 202, 247, 274, 401.
Jelalabad, 265.
Jelum, 270.
Jerome, 109, 413.
Jerusalem, 135.
Josephus, 1, 91, 109, 124.
Julian, 85, 103, 106, 385.
Juliopolis, 76.
Jupiter Ammon, 144.
Justice, 222.
Justin, 9, 31, 103, 421.
Kem, 276.
Khorasan, 155, 191.
Krüger, 99, 143, 188, 244, 257, 263, 268, 278, 281, 283, 319, 356.
Labdacus, 118.
Lacedaemonians, 9, 26, 32, 49, 113, 115, 120, 150, 173, 190, 227, 272.
Ladē, 54, 56, 57.
Lahore, 280, 301.
Läīus, 118.
Lampsacus, 40.
Langarus, 19, 20.
Lanicē, 221.
Laŏmĕdon, 151.
Lebānon, 108, 111, 122, 125, 156, 308.
Lēnaeus, 268.
Leon, 119.
Leŏnnātus, 105, 149, 228, 245, 249, 252, 253, 330-334, 345, 348, 351,
363, 377.
Leōtychĭdes, 54.
Lesbos, 78, 108, 143, 144.
Leuctra, 32.
Leugē, 98.
Liber, 268.
Libya, 144, 145, 149, 203, 308, 309, 313, 369, 399, 426.
Līby-Phoenicians, 406.
Liddell and Scott, 127, 278.
Livy, 167, 210, 253, 349, 400, 424.
Lubim, 144.
Lūcanians, 152, 399.
Lūcian, 4, 6, 416, 427.
Lucullus, 71.
Lud, 186.
Lyaeus, 268.
Lўcia and Lycians, 67, 68, 80, 125, 151, 308.
Lўcidas, 148.
Lўcomēdes, 79.
Lўcūrgus, 35.
Lўcus River, 154, 169.
Lȳdia and Lydians, 40, 50, 51, 152, 186, 308, 385, 414.
Lyginus, 12.
Lysander, 57.
Lysanias, 12.
Lysias, 395.
Lȳsimăchus, 53, 76, 285, 305, 363, 373, 405.
Lysippus, 48.
Macedonia, 8, 9, 13, 18, 48, 49, 66, 77, 98, 112, 125, 162, 173, 174,
239, 253, 308, 310, 344, 383, 391, 405.
Macedonians, _passim_.
Madai, 239.
Maeander, 57, 275, 276.
Maeotis, Lake, 202, 203, 274, 370.
Magarsus, 89.
Magi, 366, 367, 389.
Magnesia, 58, 165.
Mahabunn Mount, 258, 259.
Malea, 78.
Mallians, 301, 322, 324-335, 338, 339.
Mallus, 89, 125.
Mandanis, 371.
Mantinēa, 32.
Maracanda, 202, 210, 213, 215, 235, 236.
Marathus, 111, 115.
Marcomanni, 14.
Mardians, 161, 164, 297.
Mareōtis, Lake, 142.
Mariamnē, 111.
Marian, Lake, 142.
Maritza, 37.
Marmarians, 67.
Marmarica, 145.
Marōnēa, 37.
Mars, 45.
Martial, 118.
Massaga, 254-256, 259.
Massăgĕtae, 2, 4, 236-238.
Mausōlus, 65.
Mavaces, 155.
Mazaces, 140, 141, 185.
Mazaeus, 152, 156, 168, 171, 239, 379, 404.
Mazarus, 173.
Mēdia and Medes, 91, 125, 155, 161, 171, 179, 180, 192, 194, 239, 272,
273, 308, 365, 374, 387, 393.
Mediterranean, 275, 276, 318, 369, 417.
Mēdius, 418-422.
Megalŏpŏlis, 173.
Megareus, 144.
Megăris, 152.
Megasthĕnes, 3, 4, 273, 274, 355, 372, 427.
Mĕlamnĭdas, 216.
Mĕlas River, 37.
Melĕāger, 17, 44, 59, 67, 77, 95, 162, 176, 235, 238, 248, 284, 344.
Melkarth, 117.
Mēlos, 32.
Memnōn, 41, 46, 51, 59, 64, 78, 79, 242.
Memphis, 141, 142, 148, 150, 405, 423.
Menander, 109, 124, 152, 414, 417.
Menedēmus, 210, 215.
Menelaüs, 276.
Mĕnēs, 104, 141, 173, 181, 217.
Menĭdas, 148, 164, 165, 169, 194, 239, 414, 420.
Meniscus, 112.
Mĕnōn, 110, 197.
Menoetius, 38.
Mĕnoph, 141.
Mentor, 51, 375.
Merŏēs, 295.
Mēros Mountain, 266, 268.
Mesopotamia, 153, 156, 161, 172, 308, 380, 385.
Metellus, 48.
Methymna, 78, 143.
Miccalus, 407.
Micōn, 394.
Midas, 82.
Milētus and Milesians, 53-58, 149, 204, 275, 354, 385.
Milyas, 67.
Minōs, 110, 224, 425.
Mithraustes, 156.
Mithridates, 47, 48.
Mithrines, 50, 171.
Mithrobaeus, 379.
Mithrobūzanes, 48.
Mitylēnē, 78, 79, 80, 144.
Mitsraim, 276.
Moeris, 344.
Moerocles, 35.
Monimus, 190.
Mooltan, 325.
Moph, 41.
Muses, 36.
Musicanus, 341-343.
Mycălē, 54-57, 273.
Mycēnae, 118.
Mylasa, 59, 61.
Myndus, 59, 60, 88.
Myriandrus, 90, 92.
Mȳsia, 275.
Nabarzanes, 182, 185, 188.
Naucrătis, 149.
Nautaca, 199, 239.
Nearchus, 3, 4, 151, 217, 263, 273, 319, 324, 336, 337, 348, 349,
355, 363, 364, 372, 374, 375, 377, 406, 410, 418, 419, 427.
Nebuchadnezzar, 117.
Necho, 108, 309.
Negropont, 81.
Neilos, 141.
Neiloxĕnus, 197.
Neoptolemus, 38, 61, 138, 226.
Nĕpos, 305.
Nērēids, 38, 320.
Nervii, 61.
Nessus River, 10.
Nīcaea, 247, 296, 316.
Nīcānōr, 16, 43, 54, 56, 95, 162, 184, 192, 247, 259.
Nīcĭas, 51.
Nīcomēdia, 1, 2.
Nīcŏpŏlis, 2.
Nīcostrătus, 104.
Nile, 24, 140, 141, 144, 149, 150, 203, 270, 276, 317, 318.
Nimrod, 411.
Niphātes, 40, 48.
Nisaean Plain, 373, 393.
Nomad Libyans, or Numidians, 203, 369.
Nonacris, 421.
Noph, 141.
Nȳsa, 265-268, 310, 319.
Ocean, 320.
Ōchus, 112, 113, 116, 375.
Ocondobates, 155.
Odrysians, 164.
Oedipūs, 118.
Olympias, 8, 68, 151, 152, 223, 318, 391, 392, 421.
Ōmares, 48.
Ombrion, 149.
Omphis, 247.
On, 141.
Onchēstus, 26.
Onēsicritus, 319, 365, 377, 410, 427.
Onomas, 190.
Opis, 381.
Ōra, 256-259, 351, 355, 363, 377.
Orbelus Mountain, 10.
Orchomĕnus, 34.
Ordanes, 361.
Orestis, 363.
Ōrītians, 350-352, 377, 387.
Ormuzd, 243.
Orobatis, 259.
Orontes, 156.
Orontobates, 64, 66, 88.
Orpheus, 36.
Orxines, 365, 367.
Oscius, 12.
Ossadians, 340.
Otanes, 155.
Ovid, 15, 41, 234.
Oxathres, 155, 180, 374.
Oxiana Palus, 401.
Oxodates, 182, 239.
Ōxus, 199, 200, 202, 234, 235, 247, 274, 358, 387, 401.
Oxyartes, 199, 239-245, 340, 341, 375, 379.
Oxycanus, 342.
Oxydracians, 301, 322, 333, 338.
Ozines, 361.
Paddan-Aram, 156, 308.
Paetica, 37.
Paeonians, 18, 43, 45, 93, 97, 154, 163, 165.
Palaetyrus, 119, 122.
Palestine, 110, 135, 136, 385.
Pallacŏpas River, 411, 412.
Pamphȳlia, 67, 71, 197, 273, 308.
Pandŏsia, 152.
Panegorus, 40.
Pangaean Mountain, 37, 383.
Pantaleōn, 148.
Pantordanus, 98.
Paphlagonia and Paphlagonians, 84, 305, 308.
Paraetacae, 180, 244, 246.
Paraetŏnium, 145.
Parălus, 125, 150.
Parapamisadae, 247, 269, 283, 340, 358.
Parapamisus, 197, 270, 271, 273.
Paras, 364.
Paravaea, 26.
Parmĕnio, 12, 37, 41-43, 50, 53, 54, 67, 69, 70, 76, 84, 86, 87, 95,
96, 104, 106, 114, 135, 157-159, 163, 168, 169, 176, 178, 181,
194-196, 232, 361.
Paron, 171.
Parthia and Parthians, 155, 161, 168, 181, 182, 185, 191, 197, 216,
273, 361, 378, 387.
Pasargădae, 178, 364-369, 372, 406.
Pasicrătes, 129.
Pasitigris, 174, 379.
Patala and Patalians, 343-345, 348, 349.
Patăra, 67.
Patrŏclus, 38, 402.
Paul, St., 110.
Pausanias, 8, 51, 68, 217.
Pausippus, 190.
Peithagŏras, 404, 405.
Peithōn son of Sosicles, 236, 237.
Peithon, son of Agenor, 236, 324-328, 341, 343, 344, 348, 420.
Peithon, son of Crateas, 236, 363.
Pelagon, 52.
Pelesheth and Pelishtim, 135.
Pelina, 26.
Pēlium, 20.
Pella, 8, 20, 148, 363.
Pelopidas, 224, 384.
Peloponnēsus, 9, 51, 67, 81, 96, 125, 150, 310, 384.
Pēlūsium, 140, 141, 148.
Pēneius, 216.
Pĕrath, 107.
Percōte, 40.
Perdiccas, 17, 20, 24, 28, 29, 43, 59, 61, 95, 162, 176, 235, 244, 248,
259, 264, 284, 285, 302, 325, 326, 329, 330, 333, 340, 363, 375, 405.
Perga and Pergaĕans, 70-73.
Perinthus, 112.
Peripolus, 125.
Periplūs, the, 4.
Peroedas, 98.
Persĕpŏlis, 178, 179, 195, 367, 369.
Perseus, 145, 230.
Persian Gates, 176.
Persian Sea or Gulf, 309, 347, 364, 369, 379, 380, 381, 400, 406, 410.
Persians, 42-58, _et passim_.
Persis, 155, 173, 174, 177, 178, 185, 308, 363-368, 372, 378, 414.
Petinēs, 40, 48.
Petisis, 148.
Peucē, 12, 270.
Peucela, 248.
Peucelaōtis, 248, 259.
Peucestas, 149, 330-335, 363, 367, 368, 377, 378, 414, 415, 417, 420.
Pharasmanes, 234.
Pharismanes, 361.
Pharnabāzus, 79-81, 109, 140-144, 189.
Pharnăcēs, 48.
Pharnuches, 210, 213, 214.
Phăros, 142, 416.
Pharsalians, 163.
Phasēlis, 68, 70.
Phasians, 394.
Philēmon, 88.
Philip, 259.
Philip of Macedon, 6-9, 18, 20, 21, 24, 27, 34, 36, 68, 112, 113, 151,
219, 229, 305, 383, 384.
Philip, son of Amyntas, 43.
Philip, son of Machatas, 17, 44, 279, 298, 319, 321, 324, 339, 340,
360.
Philip, son of Menelaüs, 44, 163, 192.
Philip, the Physician, 85, 86.
Philippi, 10, 12.
Philistines, 110, 135, 136.
Philotas, son of Carsis, 230.
Philōtas, son of Parmenio, 12, 13, 21, 24, 43, 57, 62, 86, 89, 162,
177, 193-196, 200, 224, 232, 252.
Philoxĕnus, 151, 172, 414, 417.
Phisinus, 144.
Phocians, 30, 384.
Phōcĭōn, 35.
Phoenicia and Phoenicians, 55, 81, 90, 107, 108, 111, 116, 118, 120,
125-127, 132, 136, 140, 150, 151, 153, 158, 173, 308, 309, 318, 352,
359, 391, 406, 407, 414.
Phōtius, 1, 4, 271, 392, 427.
Phradasmenes, 379.
Phrasaortes, 178, 364.
Phrataphernes, 155, 188, 197, 216, 239, 298, 362, 379.
Phrygia, 40, 44, 48, 65, 67, 73, 76, 77, 82, 105, 186, 308, 385.
Pieris, 36.
Pimprama, 301.
Pinăra, 67.
Pinărus, 92, 95, 104.
Pindar, 34, 39, 177, 309, 334.
Pisidia and Pisidians, 67, 68, 73-75.
Pixōdarus, 66.
Plataeae and Plataeans, 30, 32, 138.
Plato, 181, 286.
Plautus, 108.
Pleiades, 349, 411.
Pliny, 271, 272, 277, 313, 340, 349, 369, 422.
Plutarch, 3, 6, 27, 33-35, 37, 39, 49, 92, 94, 106, 137, 268, 305, 358,
372, 396, 417, 418, 421, 424.
Pnytagŏras, 126, 129.
Polemo, 148, 149, 195.
Polyaenus, 358.
Polybĭus, 95, 101, 102, 203, 231, 239, 346, 364.
Polydămas, 194.
Polydectēs, 145.
Polydeucēs or Pollux, 219.
Polydōrus, 118.
Polyeuctus, 35.
Polysperchōn, 104, 162, 228, 235, 242, 246, 253, 283, 324, 391, 421.
Polytimētus, 213, 216.
Pompeiopolis, 88.
Pompey, 115.
Porticanus, 342.
Porus, 280-306, 315, 318.
Poseidōn, 38, 145, 320, 347, 425.
Practius River, 40.
Prasĭas, Lake, 37.
Priam, 38.
Priāpus, 40.
Proëxes, 197.
Prŏmētheus, 269.
Propontis, 234.
Proteas, 81, 125.
Protĕsĭlāus, 37.
Protomăchus, 97.
Ptolemy the Geographer, 203, 401.
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, 3, 6, 13, 24, 28, 76, 88, 102, 103, 105, 146,
148, 151, 175, 193, 194, 196, 200-202, 209, 220, 231, 232, 235, 245,
249-253, 260, 261, 277, 288, 297, 299, 304, 305, 314, 319, 324,
332-337, 363, 373, 375, 394, 399, 405, 416, 421, 423, 427.
Ptolemy, son of Philip, 45.
Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, 66, 77, 100, 104.
Ptolemy, 63-65, 88, 95, 177, 216.
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 416.
Punjab, 249, 271.
Pūra, 355.
Purally, 349.
Pydna, 230.
Pȳrămus, 89.
Pyrrhus of Epirus, 19.
Pythagŏras, 317.
Pythodēmus, 8.
Quadi, 14.
Raamses, 149, 410.
Rai, 182.
Ras-al-Had, 410.
Ravi, 300.
Rawlinson, 87, 393, 413.
Rawson, 146.
Red Sea, 155, 161, 309, 400.
Reno, 277.
Rha, 203.
Rhadamanthus, 425.
Rhăgae, 182.
Rhambacia, 351.
Rhĕa, 173.
Rheomithres, 40, 103.
Rhine, 141, 277.
Rhodes, 94, 125, 335.
Rhoesaces, 47.
Rhone, 153, 286.
Richard I., 136.
Rome and Romans, 1, 2, 149, 230, 277, 278, 370, 399, 400, 420.
Roxāna, 242, 243, 340, 375, 421, 422.
Rumour, 333.
Sabaces, 103, 140.
Sabictas, 84.
Sacesinians, 155, 161.
Săcians, 155, 161, 387.
Sagalassus, 74.
Salaminia, 125, 150.
Salămis, 102, 150, 334, 399.
Salmacis, 65.
Salmus, 363.
Samarcand, 202.
Samaria, 91, 150, 364.
Sambus, 342.
Sămos, 57, 273.
Samothrace, 230.
Sanballat, 91.
Sandracotus, 273, 275.
Sangaeus, 248.
Sangala, 301-306.
Sangarius River, 77.
Sardanapālus, 87.
Sardinia, 108.
Sardīs, 50, 51, 67, 171.
Sarmatians, 14.
Sarra, 117.
Satibarzanes, 155, 191-193, 197.
Satraces, 212.
Satrapes, 247.
Sauromatians, 14.
Saxones, 387.
Schmieder, 296.
Schmitz, 426.
Scinde, 263.
Sciōne, 32.
Scythia and Scythians, 15, 155, 161, 164, 165, 180, 192, 196, 202,
205-214, 227, 233, 234, 237, 238, 272, 273, 284, 308, 309, 370,
399, 401.
Seleucidae, 285.
Seleucus, 53, 76, 107, 273, 285, 291, 375, 405, 414, 420.
Selgians, 74.
Sĕmĕlē, 117.
Semiramis, 66, 355.
Seneca, 118, 232.
Sennacherib, 140.
Serāpis, 420.
Seriphus, 145.
Sestus, 37.
Shalmaneser, 116, 117, 124.
Shat-el-Arab, 153, 369, 379.
Sheshach, 413.
Shichor, 141.
Shushan, 172.
Sibi, 324.
Sibyrtius, 275, 360.
Sicily, 108, 370.
Sidē, 71.
Sidon, 108, 111, 116, 124-127.
Sigēum, 38.
Sigon, 111.
Sigrium, 78.
Simmias, 162, 167, 195.
Sin, 140.
Sindhu, 263.
Sindimana, 342, 343.
Sinōpe and Sinopeans, 190, 371.
Sintenis, 209, 220, 257, 361.
Siphnus, 81, 109.
Sisicottus, 263, 298.
Sisinēs, 69, 379.
Sisygambis, 105, 167, 175.
Sitacenians, 156, 161.
Sitalces, 75, 87, 98, 164, 194, 361.
Siwah, 144.
Smerdis, 364.
Smyrna, 275, 407.
Sochi, 89.
Sōcrătes, 40, 43, 45.
Sogdian Rock, 239-241.
Sogdiana and Sogdianians, 155, 199-206, 215, 235-240, 284, 378.
Sogdians, 341.
Soli, 88-90, 104, 125, 410.
Solomon, 107.
Sŏlōn, 402.
Sopeithes, 319.
Sopolis, 13, 162, 239.
Sōstrătus, 230.
Spain, 108, 118.
Sparta, 32, 39.
Sphines, 372.
Spitaces, 294.
Spitamenes, 199-202, 209, 213-215, 236-239, 375.
Spithridates, 40, 47,48, 51.
Spŏrădĕs, 88, 409.
Stamenes, 239.
Stasanor, 200, 216, 239, 361, 362, 364.
Statira, 48, 135, 242, 243.
Stiboetis, 188.
Străbo, 15, 55, 78, 108, 139, 141, 202, 269, 274, 319, 356, 371, 393,
395, 402, 420.
Străto, 111, 116.
Strȳmon, 37.
Stymphaea, 26.
Styx, 421.
Suetonius Paulinus, 369.
Sulla, 420.
Sunium, 334.
Sūsa, 171-174, 182, 362, 372, 374, 377, 385, 387, 406.
Susia, 191.
Susiana and Susianians, 155, 161, 173, 174, 308, 363, 364, 379, 398.
Sutledj, 339.
Syennĕsis, 85.
Syllium, 72.
Syria Palaestinē, 135.
Syria and Syrians, 87, 91, 140, 152, 156, 173, 285, 308, 380, 407.
Syrian Gates, 87, 89, 91, 94.
Syrmus, 12,17.
Syrphax, 52.
Tacitus, 110.
Taenărum, 110.
Tanais, 198, 202, 203, 205, 209-211, 274, 308, 387.
Tapuria and Tapurians, 165, 161, 187, 188, 239, 414.
Tarentines, 152.
Tarshish, 118.
Tarsus, 85, 87, 89, 90.
Tartēssus, 118.
Taulantians, 19-22, 25.
Tauriscus, 151.
Tauron, 287, 291.
Taurus, 85, 151, 197, 273-275.
Taxĭla, 270, 279, 280, 371.
Taxiles, 247, 248, 270, 279, 280, 294, 298, 360, 372.
Tel-el-Kebir, 146.
Tēlĕphus, 354.
Telmissus, 36, 67, 82.
Tēmĕnus, 217.
Tempē, 216.
Tĕnĕdus, 80, 81, 143.
Tennes, 116.
Teredon, 411.
Terioltes, 341.
Termēssus, 73-75.
Thalestris, 394.
Thammuz, 116.
Thapsăcus, 71, 107, 151, 152, 406.
Thara, 183.
Thebes and Thebans, 25-34, 115, 221, 265, 310, 378, 384.
Theodectes, 68.
Theŏcrĭtus, 242.
Theophrastus, 232.
Thēra, 88, 198.
Thermopўlae, 26.
Thēro, 39.
Thersippus, 112.
Thēseus, 394, 425.
Thessaliscus, 114, 115.
Thessaly and Thessalians, 26, 43, 67, 68, 69, 77, 87, 96, 97, 101, 163,
169, 176, 180, 200, 310, 383, 391.
Thoas, 353, 360.
Thrace and Thracians, 9-12, 15, 44, 53, 54, 69, 71, 75, 87, 93, 98,
108, 112, 148, 164, 298, 310, 340, 383, 391, 406.
Thriambus, 362.
Thūcўdĭdēs, 12, 45, 55, 99, 295, 335.
Thymōndas, 80,107.
Tibarēnes, 118.
Tigrēs, 107, 153, 154, 156, 274, 277, 347, 364, 369, 380, 381, 401.
Timaeus, 153, 223.
Timagenes, 335.
Timander, 63.
Timolaüs, 25.
Tiphsach, 107.
Tīryns, 310.
Tirynthius, 310.
Tissaphernes, 191.
Tlēpolĕmus, 185, 360.
Tmōlus, Mount, 265.
Tobit, 182.
Trallēs, 52, 65.
Trapĕzūs, 394.
Trebizond, 234.
Triballians, 9-17, 310, 383.
Triopium, 88.
Tripolĭs, 107, 108.
Troezēn, 59.
Troy, 332.
Tsidon, 116.
Tsor, 117.
Tubal, 119.
Tylus Island, 409.
Tyndareus, 219.
Tyre, 108, 109, 116-138, 150, 255.
Tyriaspes, 247, 298, 340.
Tyrrhenians, 399.
Ulai, 379.
Urănus, 408.
Uxians, 155, 161, 174, 175, 297, 387, 398.
Vergil, 54, 167, 186, 310, 318, 401.
Vitellius, 71.
Winer, 413.
Xanthippus, 54.
Xanthus, 67.
Xathrians, 340.
Xenophōn, 1, 39, 42, 84, 93, 94, 96, 99, 102, 159, 191, 224, 225, 227,
244, 394, 425.
Xerxēs, 37, 102, 171, 173, 204, 226, 227, 277, 364, 396, 403, 406.
Yam-Suph, 155.
Yenikale, Straits of, 277.
Yĕor, 141.
Zab, 156, 169.
Zadracarta, 188, 191.
Zarangaeans, 193, 344, 361, 378.
Zariaspa, 206, 216, 236.
Zeleia, 41, 50.
Zeriaspes, 361.
Zeus, 36, 38, 51, 82, 89, 104, 145, 148, 219, 222, 243, 266, 371, 425.
Ziobetis, 188.
Zoroaster, 367.
Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London.
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