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Title: Old English Libraries
 - The Making, Collection, and Use of Books During the Middle Ages
Author: Savage, Ernest Albert
Language: English
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                         THE ANTIQUARY’S BOOKS

                         OLD ENGLISH LIBRARIES


                              OLD ENGLISH

                        DURING THE MIDDLE AGES


                           ERNEST A. SAVAGE


                          METHUEN & CO. LTD.
                         36 ESSEX STREET W.C.

                       _First Published in 1911_


With the arrangement and equipment of libraries this essay has little to
do: the ground being already covered adequately by Dr. Clark in his
admirable monograph on _The Care of Books_. Herein is described the
making, use, and circulation of books considered as a means of literary
culture. It seemed possible to throw a useful sidelight on literary
history, and to introduce some human interest into the study of
bibliography, if the place held by books in the life of the Middle Ages
could be indicated. Such, at all events, was my aim, but I am far from
sure of my success in carrying it out; and I offer this book merely as a
discursive and popular treatment of a subject which seems to me of great

The book has suffered from one unhappy circumstance. It was planned in
collaboration with my friend Mr. James Hutt, M.A., but unfortunately,
owing to a breakdown of health, Mr. Hutt was only able to help me in the
composition of the chapter on the Libraries of Oxford, which is chiefly
his work. Had it been possible for Mr. Hutt to share all the labour with
me, this book would have been put before the public with more

More footnote references appear in this volume than in most of the
series of “Antiquary’s Books.” One consideration specially urged me to
take this course. The subject has been treated briefly, and it seemed
essential to cite as many authorities as possible, so that readers who
were in the mood might obtain further information by following them up.

In a book covering a long period and touching national and local history
at many points, I cannot hope to have escaped errors; and I shall be
grateful if readers will bring them to my notice.

I need hardly say I am especially indebted to the splendid work
accomplished by Dr. Montague Rhodes James, the Provost of King’s
College, in editing _The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover_, and
in compiling the great series of descriptive catalogues of manuscripts
in Cambridge and other colleges. I have long marvelled at Dr. James’
patient research; at his steady perseverance in an aim which, even when
attained--as it now has been--could only win him the admiration and
esteem of a few scholars and lovers of old books.

I have to thank Mr. Hutt for much general help, and for reading all the
proof slips. To Canon C. M. Church, M.A., of Wells, I am indebted for
his kindness in answering inquiries, for lending me the illustration of
the exterior of Wells Cathedral Library, and for permitting me to
reproduce a plan from his book entitled _Chapters in the Early History
of the Church of Wells_. The Historic Society of Lancashire and
Cheshire have kindly allowed me to reproduce a part of their plan of
Birkenhead Priory. Illustrations were also kindly lent by the Clarendon
Press, the Cambridge University Press, Mr. John Murray, Mr. Fisher
Unwin, the Editor of _The Connoisseur_, and Mr. G. Coffey, of the Royal
Irish Academy. A small portion of the first chapter has appeared in _The
Library_, and is reprinted by kind permission of the editors. Mr. C. W.
Sutton, M.A., City Librarian of Manchester, has been in every way kind
and patient in helping me. So too has Mr. Strickland Gibson, M.A., of
the Bodleian Library, especially in connexion with the chapter on Oxford
Libraries. Thanks are due also to the Deans of Hereford, Lincoln, and
Durham, to Mr. Tapley-Soper, City Librarian of Exeter, and to Mr. W. T.
Carter, Public Librarian of Warwick; also to my brother, V. M. Savage,
for his drawings. The general editor of this series, the Rev. J. Charles
Cox, LL.D., F.S.A., gave me much help by reading the manuscript and
proofs; and I am grateful to him for many courtesies and suggestions.



CHAP.                                                               PAGE

II. THE ENGLISH MONKS AND THEIR BOOKS                                 23



V. CATHEDRAL AND CHURCH LIBRARIES                                    109

VI. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: OXFORD                                       133

VII. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: CAMBRIDGE                                   155

VIII. ACADEMIC LIBRARIES: THEIR ECONOMY                              165


X. THE BOOK TRADE                                                    199

THE EXTENT OF CIRCULATION OF BOOKS                                   209


MEDIEVAL CATALOGUES                                                  258




WRITING IN THE BOOK OF KELLS                                          14
From THOMPSON’S _Greek and Latin Palæography_

WRITING IN BOOK OF ARMAGH                                             15
From THOMPSON’S _Greek and Latin Palæography_

From MS. Bodl. Laud. Gr. 35, f. 63

WRITING IN BENEDICTIONAL OF ST. ETHELWOLD                             43
From _Archæologia_, xxiv.

PLAN OF SCRIPTORIUM, BIRKENHEAD PRIORY                                74
Redrawn from _Trans. of the Lancashire and Cheshire Historic

WILTS                                                                 77
From COX AND HARVEY’S _English Church Furniture_

TABLET CASE AND WAXED TABLET                                          84
From COFFEY’S _Celtic Antiquities in the Museum of the R.I.A._

HOUSES                                                                93
Redrawn from GASQUET’S _English Monastic Life_

CATHEDRAL IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY                                  122
Redrawn from Canon CHURCH’S _Chapters in the History of
Wells Cathedral_

BEREBLOCK VIEW OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY                             140
From MS. Bodl. 13

AUTOGRAPH OF DUKE HUMFREY OF GLOUCESTER                              191
From MS. Harl. 1705. f. 96_a_

RECORD OF SALE OF BOOK CAPTURED AT POITIERS                          234
From MS. Reg. 19, D ii. opposite f. 1


ABBOT WHETHAMSTEDE                                         _Frontispiece_
From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 27_a_

PLATE                                                        FACING PAGE

COLLEGE, OXFORD                                                       12
By permission of the Governing Body

(_b_) COVER OF STOWE MISSAL                                           12
Museum of Royal Irish Academy, Dublin (A.D. 1023-1052)

II. ILLUMINATED PAGE OF BOOK OF KELLS                                 14
From WESTWOOD’S _Facsimiles_

CENTURY                                                               16
From _The Connoisseur_, by permission of the Editor

BOTTOM                                                                20
From COFFEY’S _Celtic Antiquities in Museum of Royal Irish
Academy_, by permission of the Council

ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST                                                  42
From _Archæologia_, xxiv.

From _Archæologia_, xxiv.

VII. (_a_) ABBOT ROGER DE NORTHONE WITH HIS BOOKS                     48
From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 18_b_

(_b_) ABBOT GARIN WITH HIS BOOKS                                      48
From MS. Cott. Claud., E iv. pt. i., f. 125_a_

From MS. Cott. Claud., E iv. pt. i. f. 124

HALL AND WHITTINGTON’S LIBRARY                                        54
From Trollope’s _History of Christ’s Hospital_

From MS. Bodl. Tanner, 165, f. 119

EDMUND’S ABBEY                                                        64
From MS. 2, f. 281_b_, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge,
by permission of the Master and Fellows

From MS. Reg. 2 A xii. f. 14, Brit. Mus.

From MURRAY’S _Cathedrals_

From MS. Harl. 2820, f. 120


From BATESON’S _Catalogue of Syon Monastery_

From BATESON’S _Mediæval England_

XVIII. ANCIENT BOOK-BOX IN EXETER CATHEDRAL                          110
Photo by HEATH & BRADNEE, Exeter

By permission of the Dean of Hereford

XX. OLD LIBRARY, LINCOLN CATHEDRAL                                   118
Photo by G. HADLEIGH, Lincoln. By permission of the
Dean of Lincoln

XXI. WELLS CATHEDRAL: LIBRARY OVER CLOISTER                          122
Photo by T. W. PHILLIPS, Wells

UNIVERSITY LIBRARY                                                   132

Photo by H. W. TAUNT, Oxford

XXIII. (_a_) ILLUMINATOR OF ST. ALBANS                               134

From MS. Cott. Nero, D iii. f. 105

OF THE BOOK-TRADE, _c._ 1180                                         134

From BARNARD’S _Companion to English History_

JOINING THE CONFRATERNITY OF ST. ALBANS                              138

From MS. Cott. Nero, D vii. f. 154_a_

(_b_) ANCIENT ROOF OF DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY                         138

Photo by JAS. HUTT, M.A.

XXV. DUKE HUMFREY’S LIBRARY, OXFORD                                  142

Photo by H. W. TAUNT


Photo by H. W. TAUNT

XXVII. MERTON COLLEGE LIBRARY, OXFORD                                152

Photo by H. W. TAUNT

CAMBRIDGE                                                            156

From LOGGAN’S _Cantab. Illus._

FROM MASTER’S GARDEN                                                 170

Photo by H. W. TAUNT

XXX. CARMELITE IN HIS STUDY                                          184

From MS. Reg. 14 E i. f. 3, Brit. Mus.

THE BEDFORD HOURS                                                    196

From Add. MS. 18850, f. 24, Brit. Mus.

_c._ 1150                                                            202

From BATESON’S _Mediæval England_

FROM TENISON PSALTER                                                 214

From MS. Add. 24686, f. 12, Brit. Mus.

CHURCH OF S. M. NOVELLA, FLORENCE                                    222

Photo by ALINARI

XXXV. ANCIENT VELLUM BOOK-MARKER                                     230

From MS. 49, Corpus Christi College, Camb., by permission
of the Master and Fellows




    “What tyme þat abbeies were first ordeyned
    and monkis were first gadered to gydre.”
      --Inscribed in MS. of _Life of Barlaam and Josaphat_,
                Peterhouse, Camb.

§ I

To people of modern times early monachism must seem an unbeautiful and
even offensive life. True piety was exceptional, fanaticism the rule.
Ideals which were surely false impelled men to lead a life of idleness
and savage austerity,--to sink very near the level of beasts, as did the
Nitrian hermits when they murdered Hypatia in Alexandria. But this view
does not give the whole truth. To shut out a wicked and sensual world,
with its manifold temptations, seemed the only possible way to live
purely. To get far beyond the influence of a barbaric society, utterly
antagonistic to peaceful religious observance, was clearly the surest
means of achieving personal holiness. Monachism was a system designed
for these ends. Throughout the Middle Ages it was the refuge--the only
refuge--for the man who desired to flee from sin. Such, at any rate, was
the truly religious man’s view. And if monkish retreats sheltered some
ignorant fanatics, they also attracted many representatives of the
culture and learning of the time. This was bound to be so. At all times
solitude has been pleasant to the student and thinker, or to the moody
lover of books.

By great good fortune, then, the studious occupations which did so much
to soften monkish austerities in the Middle Ages, were recognised early
as needful to the system. Even the ascetics by the Red Sea and in Nitria
did not deprive themselves of all literary solace, although the more
fanatical would abjure it, and many would be too poor to have it. The
Rule of Pachomius, founder of the settlements of Tabenna, required the
brethren’s books to be kept in a cupboard and regulated lending them.
These libraries are referred to in Benedict’s own Rule. We hear of St.
Pachomius destroying a copy of Origen, because the teaching in it was
obnoxious; of Abba Bischoi writing an ascetic work, a copy of which is
extant; of anchorites under St. Macarius of Alexandria transcribing
books; and of St. Jerome collecting a library _summo studio et labore_,
copying manuscripts and studying Hebrew at his hermitage even after a
formal renunciation of the classics, and then again, at the end of his
life, bringing together another library at Bethlehem monastery, and
instructing boys in grammar and in classic authors. Basil the Great,
when founding eremitical settlements on the river Iris in Pontus, spent
some time in making selections from Origen. St. Melania the younger
wrote books which were noted for their beauty and accuracy. And when
Athanasius introduced Eastern monachism into Italy, and St. Martin of
Tours and John Cassian carried it farther afield into Gaul, the same
work went on. In the cells and caves of Martin’s community at Marmoutier
the younger monks occupied their time in writing and sacred study, and
the older monks in prayer.[1] Sulpicius Severus (_c._ 353-425), the
ecclesiastical historian, preferred retirement, literary study, and the
friendship and teaching of St. Martin to worldly pursuits. At the famous
island community of Lérins, in South Gaul, were instructed some of the
most celebrated scholars of the West, among them St. Hilary. “Such were
their piety and learning that all the cities round about strove
emulously to have monks from Lérins for their bishops.”[2] Another
centre of studious occupation was the monastery of Germanus of Auxerre;
while near Vienne was a community where St. Avitus (_c._ 525) could earn
the high reputation for holiness and learning which won him a
metropolitan see. Many other facts and incidents prove the literary
pursuits of the Gallic ascetics; as, for example, the reputation the
nuns of Arles in the sixth century won for their writing; and the
curious story of Apollinaris Sidonius driving after a monk who was
carrying a manuscript to Britain, stopping him, and there and then
dictating to secretaries a copy of the precious book which had so nearly
escaped him.[3]

§ II

Monachism of this Eastern type came from Gaul to Ireland.[4] St. Patrick
received his sacred education at Marmoutier; under Germanus at Auxerre;
and possibly at Lérins. His companions on his mission to Ireland, and
the missionaries who followed him, nearly all came from the same
centres. Naturally, therefore, the same practices would be observed, not
only in regard to religious discipline and organisation, but in regard
to instruction and study. Even the mysterious Palladius, Patrick’s
forerunner, is said to have left books in Ireland.[5] But the earliest
important references to that use of books which distinguishes the
educated missionary from the mere fanatical recluse are in connexion
with Patrick. Pope Sixtus is said to have given him books in plenty to
take with him to Ireland. Later he is supposed to have visited Rome,
whence he brought books home to Armagh.[6] He gave copies of parts of
the Scriptures to Irish chieftains. To one Fiacc he gave a case
containing a bell, a crosier, tablets, and a meinister, which, according
to Dr. Lanigan, may have been a cumdach enclosing the Gospels and the
vessels for the sacred ministry, or, according to Dr. Whitley Stokes,
simply a credence-table.[7] He sometimes gave a missal (_lebar nuird_).
He had books at Tara. On one occasion his books were dropped into the
water and were “drowned.” Presumably the books he distributed came from
the Gallic schools, although his followers no doubt began transcribing
as opportunity offered and as material came to hand. Patrick himself
wrote alphabets, sometimes called the “elements”; most likely the
elements or the A B C of the Christian doctrine, corresponding with the

This was the dawn of letters for Ireland. By disseminating the
Scriptures and these primers, Patrick and his followers, and the train
of missionaries who came afterwards,[9] secured the knowledge and use of
the Roman alphabet. The way was clear for the free introduction of
schools and books and learning. “St. Patrick did not do for the Scots
what Wulfilas did for the Goths, and the Slavonic apostles for the
Slavs; he did not translate the sacred books of his religion into Irish
and found a national church literature.... What Patrick, on the other
hand, and his fellow-workers did was to diffuse a knowledge of Latin in
Ireland. To the circumstance that he adopted this line of policy, and
did not attempt to create a national ecclesiastical language, must be
ascribed the rise of the schools of learning which distinguished Ireland
in the sixth and seventh centuries.”[10]

Mainly owing to the labours of Dr. John Healy, we now know a good deal
about the somewhat slow growth of the Irish schools to fame; but for our
purpose it will do to learn something of them in their heyday, when at
last we hear certainly of that free use of books which must have been
common for some time. From the sixth to the eighth century Ireland
enjoyed an eminent place in the world of learning; and the lives and
works of her scholars imply book-culture of good character. St. Columba
was famed for his studious occupations. Educated first by Finnian of
Moville, then by another tutor of the same name at the famous school of
Clonard, he journeyed to other centres for further instruction after his
ordination. From youth he loved books and studies. He is represented as
reading out of doors at the moment when the murderer of a young girl is
struck dead. In later life he realized the importance of monastic
records. He had annals compiled, and bards preserved and arranged them
in the monastic chests. At Iona the brethren of his settlement passed
their time in reading and transcribing, as well as in manual labour.
Very careful were they to copy correctly. Baithen, a monk on Iona, got
one of his fellows to look over a Psalter which he had just finished
writing, but only a single error was discovered.[11] Columba himself
became proficient in copying and illuminating. He could not spend an
hour without study, or prayer, or writing, or some other holy
occupation.[12] He transcribed, we are told, over three hundred copies
of the Gospels or the Psalter--a magnification of a saint’s powers by a
devout biographer, but significant as it testifies to Columba’s love of
studious labours, and shows how highly these ascetics thought of work of
this kind. On two occasions, being a man as well as a saint, he broke
into violence when crossed in his love of books. One story tells how he
visited a holy and learned recluse named Longarad, whose much-prized
books he wished to see. Being denied, he became wroth and cursed
Longarad. “May the books be of no use to you,” he cried, “nor to any one
after you, since you withhold them.” So far the tale is not improbable,
but a little embroidery completes a legend. The books became
unintelligible, so the story continues, the moment Longarad died. At the
same instant the satchels in all the Irish schools and in Columba’s cell
slipped off their hooks on to the ground.

A quarrel about a book, we are told, changed his career. He borrowed a
Psalter from Finnian of Moville, and made a copy of it, working secretly
at night. Finnian heard of the piracy, and, as owner of the original,
claimed the copy. Columba refused to let him have it. Then Diarmid, King
of Meath, was asked to arbitrate. Arguing that as every calf belonged to
its cow, so every copy of a book belonged to the owner of the original,
he decided in Finnian’s favour. Columba thought the award unjust, and
said so. A little later, after another dispute with Diarmid on a
question of monastic immunity, he called together his tribesmen and
partisans, and offered battle. Diarmid was defeated. For some reason,
not quite clear, these quarrels led to Columba’s voluntary exile (_c._
563). He sailed from Ireland, and landed upon the silver strand of
Iona, and to the end of his days his work lay almost entirely amid the
heather-covered uplands and plains of this little island home.[13] Iona
became a renowned centre of missionary work, quite over-shadowing in
importance the earlier “Scottish” settlement of Whitherne or Candida
Casa. Pilgrims went thither from Ireland and England to receive
instruction, and returned to carry on pioneer work in their own
homeland. Thence went forth missionaries to carry the Christian message
throughout Scotland and northern England. Perhaps, too, here was planned
the expedition to far-off Iceland. “Before Iceland was peopled by the
Northmen there were in the country those men whom the Northmen called
Papar. They were Christian men, and the people believed that they came
from the West, because Irish books and bells and crosiers were found
after them, and still more things by which one might know that they were
west-men, _i.e._ Irish.”[14]

Not only to the far north, but to the Continent, did the Irish press
their energetic way. In Gaul their chief missionary was Columban (_c._
543-615), who had been educated at Bangor, then famous for the learning
of its brethren. His works display an extensive acquaintance with
Christian and Latin literature. Both the Greek and Hebrew languages may
have been known to him, though this seems improbable and
inconceivable.[15] In his Rule he provides for teaching in schools,
copying manuscripts, and for daily reading.[16]

The monasteries of Luxeuil, Bobio, and St. Gall, founded by him and his
companions on their mission in Gaul and Italy, became the homes of the
most famous conventual libraries in the world--a result surely traceable
to the example set by the Irish ascetics, and to the tradition they

Other Irish monks are better known for their literary attainments than
for missionary enterprise. St. Cummian, in a letter written about 634,
displays much knowledge of theological literature, and a good deal of
knowledge of a general kind.[18] Another monk named Augustine (_c._ 650)
quotes from Eusebius and Jerome in a work affording many other evidences
of learning.[19] Aileran (_c._ 660), abbot of Clonard, wrote a religious
work which proves his acquaintance with Jerome, Philo, Cassian, Origen,
and Augustine.[20]

An Englishman supplies valuable evidence of the state of Irish learning.
Aldhelm’s (_c._ 656-709) works prove him to have had access in England
to a good library; while in one learned letter he compares English
schools favourably with the Irish, and declares Theodore and Hadrian
would put Irish scholars in the shade. Yet he is on his mettle when
communicating with Irish friends or pupils; he clearly reserves for them
the flowers of his eloquence.[21] The Irish schools were indeed
successful rivals of the English schools, and Irish scholars could use
libraries as good, or nearly as good, as that at Aldhelm’s disposal. At
this time the attraction which Ireland and Iona had for English students
was extraordinary. English crowded the Irish schools, although the
Canterbury school was not full.[22] The city of Armagh was divided into
three sections, one being called Trian-Saxon, the Saxon’s third, from
the great number of Saxon students living there.[23]

In 664 many English, both high and low in rank, left their native land
for Ireland, where they sought instruction in sacred studies, or an
opportunity to lead a more ascetic life. Some devoted themselves
faithfully to a monkish career. Others applied themselves to study only,
and for that purpose journeyed from one master’s cell to another. The
Irish welcomed all comers. All received without charge daily food:
barley or oaten bread and water, or sometimes milk--_cibus sit vilis et
vespertinus_--a plain meal, once a day, in the afternoon. Books were
supplied, or what is more likely, waxed tablets folded in book form.
Teaching was as free as the open air in which it was carried on.[24]

Among the English at one time or another taking advantage of Irish
hospitality were Gildas (_c._ 540), first native historian of
England;[25] Ecgberht, presbyter, a Northumbrian of noble birth;
Ethelhun, brother of Ethelwin, bishop of Lindsay; Oswald, king of
Northumbria; Aldfrith, another Northumbrian king, who was educated
either in Ireland or Iona; Alcuin, who received instruction at
Clonmacnoise;[26] one named Wictberht, “notable ... for his learning and
knowledge, for he had lived many years as a stranger and pilgrim in
Ireland”; and St. Willibrord, who at the age of twenty journeyed to
Ireland for purposes of study, because he had heard that learning
flourished in that country.[27]


Most of the references we have made above belong to the sixth and
seventh centuries, usually regarded as the best age of Irish monachism.
But the Irish enjoyed their reputation unimpaired for a long time. Just
before and after the Northmen descended on their land in 795, we find
them making their mark abroad, not so much as missionaries but as
scholars and teachers.[28]

A few instances will suffice. “_The Acts of Charles_, written by a monk
of St. Gallen late in the ninth century, tells us of ‘two Scots from
Ireland,’ who ‘lighted with the British merchants on the coast of Gaul,’
and cried to the crowd, ‘If any man desireth wisdom, let him come unto
us and receive it, for we have it for sale.’ They were soon invited to
the court of Charles. One of them, Clement, partly filled the place of
Alcuin as head of the palace school.”[29] His reputation soon became
widespread, and the abbot of Fulda sent several of his most capable
monks to him to learn grammar.[30] His companion, Dungal, went on to
Italy. He enjoyed a full share of the learning of his time; was a
student of Cicero and Macrobius; knew Virgil well; and had some
Greek.[31] A few fine books were bequeathed by him to the Irish
monastery of Bobio, where copies were written and distributed through
Italy. According to the learned Muratori, in one of these manuscripts is
an inscription proving Dungal’s ownership.[32] One of the books so
bequeathed was the famous Antiphonary of Bangor, now in the Ambrosian
library at Milan.

Clement and Dungal were not the only Irishmen of note on the Continent.
One, Dicuil, was an exponent of geography. He founded his treatise (_c._
825) on Cæsar, Pliny, and Solinus; he quotes and names many other
writers, including fourteen Greek; and generally impresses us with his
earnest studentship. An Irish monk named Donatus wandered to Italy and
became bishop of Fiesole (_c._ 829); he, too, was a scholar acquainted
with Virgil, a teacher of grammar and prosody, and a lecturer on the
saints.[33] Sedulius, the commentator, an Irish monk of Liége, copied
Greek psalters, wrote Latin verses, knew Cicero’s letters, the works of
Valerius Maximus, Vegetius, Origen, and Jerome; was well acquainted with
mythology and history, and perhaps had some Hebrew.[34] Another
Irishman, John the Scot (Joannes Scotus Erigena), became the most
eminent scholar of his time: he alone, among all the learned men Charles
the Bald had about him, was able to translate from Greek (_c._ 858-860).
Well might Eric of Auxerre, writing to Charles, express his astonishment
at this train of philosophers from Ireland, that barbarous land on the
confines of the world.[35] All these wanderers, and many more, must have
been responsible for the dissemination of the books produced by Irish
hands; and, in fact, many manuscripts of Celtic origin and early in
date, are still on the Continent, or have been found there and brought
to Ireland.[36]

In some respects the evidence of book-culture in Ireland in these early
centuries is inconsistent. The jealous guard Longarad kept over his
books, the quarrel over Columba’s Psalter, and the great esteem in which
scribes were held,[37] suggest a scarcity of books. The practice of
enshrining them in cumdachs, or book-covers, points to a like
conclusion. On the other hand, Bede tells us the Irish could lend
foreign students books, so plentiful were they. His statement is
corroborated by the number of scribes whose deaths have been recorded by
the annalists; the _Four Masters_, for example, note sixty-one eminent
scribes before the year 900, forty of whom belong to the eighth
century.[38] In some of the monasteries a special room for books was
provided. The _Annals of Tigernach_ refer to the house of
manuscripts.[39] An apartment of this kind is particularly mentioned as
being saved from the flames when Armagh monastery was burned (1020).
Another fact suggesting an abundance of books was the appointment of a
librarian, which sometimes took place.[40] Although a special book-room
and officer are only to be met with much later than the best age of
Irish monachism, yet we may reasonably assume them to be the natural
culmination of an old and established practice of making and using

Such statements, however, are not necessarily contradictory. Manuscripts
over which the cleverest scribes and illuminators had spent much time
and pains would be jealously preserved in cases or shrines; still, when
we remember how many precious fruits of the past must have

[Illustration: _PLATE I_



perished, the number of beautiful Irish manuscripts extant goes to prove
that books even of this character could not have been extraordinarily
rare. “Workaday” copies of books would be made as well, in comparatively
large numbers, and would no doubt be used very freely. Besides books
properly so called, the religious used waxed tablets of wood, which were
sometimes called books. St. Ciaran, for example, wrote on staves, which
are called in one place his tablets, and in two other places the whole
collection of his staves is called a book.[41] Such tablets were indeed
books in which the fugitive pieces of the time were written.[42]
Considering all things, Bede was without doubt quite correct in saying
the Irish had enough books to lend to foreign students.

§ IV

Our account of the work accomplished by the Irish monks would be
incomplete without reference to their writing, illuminating, and
book-economy, the relics of which are so finely rare.

The old Irish runes gave place slowly to the Roman alphabet, which came
into use, as we have already observed, after St. Patrick’s mission. This
new writing was in two forms--round and pointed--but both were derived
from the Roman half-uncial style. The clear and beautifully-shaped
Irish round hand is closely akin to the half-uncial character of fifth
and sixth century Latin writings found on the Continent. The Book of
Kells, written probably at the end of the seventh century, is the finest
example of the ornamental Irish round hand. St. Chad’s Gospels, now at
Lichfield, written about the same time, is a manuscript of like
character, but not so good. A later manuscript, the Gospels of MacRegol,
which dates from the beginning of the ninth century, shows marked
deterioration in the writing.


The Irish pointed style, used for quicker writing, is but a modified,
pointed variety of the round hand, the letters being laterally
compressed. This hand appears in some pages of the Book of Kells, but
the best example is in the Book of Armagh.[43]

Although the Roman alphabet was introduced by Augustine at the
Canterbury school, it wholly failed to have any effect on the native
hand from that source. On the other hand, when, in the seventh century,

[Illustration: _PLATE II_


was converted by Irish missionaries, the new Christians copied the Irish
writing, so well, indeed, that the earliest specimens extant can hardly
be distinguished from the beautiful penmanship of the Irish. The Book of
Durham, generally called the Lindisfarne Gospels, of about 700, is an
exquisite Northumbrian example of the Irish round hand, in the
characteristic broad, heavy-stroke letters. Another good specimen of
this style is the eighth century manuscript of Bede’s Ecclesiastical
History, in Cambridge University Library.

[Illustration: BOOK OF ARMAGH, BEFORE A.D. 844]

Irish illumination is as characteristic as the writing. Pictures and
drawings of the human figure are not so common as in the work of other
schools, and when they do appear are not often good. Still, some of
them, as the scenes from the life of Christ in the Book of Kells, are
quite unlike the illuminations of any other school; while the portraits
of the Evangelists in the same book, in the Book of MacRegol, and in the
Lindisfarne Gospels, are singularly interesting. Floral work is also
rare. But in geometrical ornament, beautifully symmetrical--diagonal
patterns, zigzags, waves, lozenges, divergent spirals, intertwisted and
interwoven ribbon and cord work--and in grotesque zoological
forms,--lizards, snakes, hounds, birds, and dragons’ heads,--the Irish
school attained their highest artistic development. Their art is
striking, not for originality, not for its beauty, which is nevertheless
great, but for painstaking. Knowing but one style of making a book
beautiful, they lavished much time and loving care to achieve their end.
The detail is extraordinarily minute and complicated. “I have counted,”
writes Professor Westwood, “[with a magnifying glass] in a small space
scarcely three-quarters of an inch in length by less than half an inch
in width, in the Book of Armagh, no less than 158 interlacements of a
slender ribbon pattern formed of white lines edged with black ones.”
But, this intricacy notwithstanding, the designs as a whole are usually
bold and effective. In the best kind of Irish illumination gold and
silver are not used, but the colours are varied and brilliant, and are
employed with taste and discretion; while the occasional staining of a
leaf of vellum with a fine purple sometimes adds beauty and much
distinction to an excellent design.

Of intricate geometrical ornament and grotesque figures, the
illumination representing the symbols of the Four Evangelists (fo. 290)
of the Book of Kells is perhaps the best example. Of divergent spirals
and interlaced ribbon work the frontispiece of St. Jerome’s Epistle in
the Book of Durrow affords notable examples. Two of the peculiar
features of Irish decoration--the rows of red dots round a design and
the dragon’s head--appear in the earliest, or nearly the earliest, Irish
manuscript extant, namely, the Cathach Psalter, now in the Museum of the
Royal Irish Academy. Whether the essential and peculiar features of this
ornamentation are purely indigenous, as Professor Westwood contends, or
whether they are of Gallo-Roman origin, as Fleury argues, is a moot
point, calling for complicated discussion which would be out of place

The amount of illumination in the existing manuscripts varies, but the
pages chosen for illuminating are nearly always the same. In the Book of
Kells the illuminations consist of three portraits of the Evangelists,
three scenes from the life of Christ, three combined symbols of the four
Evangelists, eight pages of the Eusebian canons, and many

[Illustration: _PLATE III_



initials. The Book of Durham contains four portraits of the Evangelists,
six initial pages, one ornamental page before each Gospel, and before
St. Jerome’s Epistle, and eight pages of the Eusebian canons. The Book
of Durrow has sixteen illuminated pages: four of the symbols of the
Evangelists, six pages of initials, one ornamental page at the
frontispiece, one before the letter of St. Jerome, and one before each

The oldest Irish manuscript in existence is probably the Domnach
Airgrid, or manuscript of the Silver Shrine, also called St. Patrick’s
Gospels. Dr. Petrie believed the Domnach to be the identical reliquary
given by St. Patrick to St. Mac Cairthinn, when the latter was put in
charge of the see of Clogher, in the fifth century. “As a manuscript
copy of the Gospels apparently of that early age is found with it, there
is every reason to believe it to be that identical one for which the box
was originally made.”[44] But both case and manuscript are now held to
be somewhat later in date. Another very early manuscript is the sixth
century fragment of fifty-eight leaves of a Latin Psalter, styled the
Cathach or “Battler.” For centuries this fragment has been preserved in
a beautiful case as a relic of Columba; as, indeed, the actual cause of
the dispute between Columba and Finnian of Moville.

§ V

Two features of book-economy, although not peculiar to Ireland, are
rarely met with outside that country. The religious used satchels or
wallets to carry their books about with them. We are told Patrick once
met a party of clerics and gillies with books in their girdles; and he
gave them the hide he had sat and slept on for twenty years to make a
wallet.[45] Columba is said to have made satchels, and to have blessed
them. When these satchels were not carried they were hung upon pegs set
in the wall of the cell or the church or the tower where they were
preserved.[46] We have already noted the legend which tells how all the
satchels in Ireland slipped off their pegs when Longarad died. A modern
writer visiting the Abyssinian convent of Souriani has seen a room
which, when we remember the connection between Egyptian and Celtic
monachism, we cannot help thinking must closely resemble an ancient
Irish cell.[47] In the room the disposition of the manuscripts was very
original. “A wooden shelf was carried in the Egyptian style round the
walls, at the height of the top of the door.... Underneath the shelf
various long wooden pegs projected from the wall; they were each about a
foot and a half long, and on them hung the Abyssinian manuscripts, of
which this curious library was entirely composed. The books of Abyssinia
are ... enclosed in a case tied up with leathern thongs; to this case is
attached a strap for the convenience of carrying the volume over the
shoulders, and by these straps the books were hung to the wooden pegs,
three or four on a peg, or more if the books were small; their usual
size was that of a small, very thick quarto. The appearance of the room,
fitted up in this style, together with the presence of long staves, such
as the monks of all the Oriental churches lean upon at the time of
prayer, resembled less a library than a barrack or guardroom, where the
soldiers had hung their knapsacks and cartridge boxes against the wall.”
The few old Irish satchels remaining are black with age, and the
characteristic decoration of diagonal lines and interlaced markings is
nearly worn away. Two of them are preserved in England and Ireland:
those of the Book of Armagh, in Trinity College, Dublin, and of the
Irish Missal in Corpus Christi College, Oxford. The wallet at Oxford
looks much like a modern schoolboy’s satchel; leather straps are fixed
to it, by which it was slung round the neck. The Armagh wallet is made
of one piece of leather, folded to form a case a foot long, a little
more than a foot broad, and two and a half inches thick. The Book of
Armagh does not fit it properly. Interlaced work and zoömorphs decorate
the leather. Remains of rough straps are still attached to the sides.

The second special feature of Irish book-economy was the preservation of
manuscripts in cumdachs or rectangular boxes, made just large enough for
the books they were intended to enshrine. As in the case of the wallet,
the cumdach was not peculiar to Ireland, although the finest examples
which have come down to us were made in that country.[48] They are
referred to several times in early Irish annals. Bishop Assicus is said
to have made quadrangular book-covers in honour of Patrick.[49] In the
_Annals of the Four Masters_ is recorded, under the year 937, a
reference to the cumdach of the Book of Armagh, or the Canon of Patrick.
“Canoin Phadraig was covered by Donchadh, son of Flann, king of
Ireland.” In 1006 the _Annals_ note that the Book of Kells--“the Great
Gospel of Columb Cille was stolen at night from the western erdomh of
the Great Church of Ceannanus. This was the principal relic of the
western world, on account of its singular cover; and it was found after
twenty nights and two months, its gold having been stolen off it, and a
sod over it.”[50] These cumdachs are now lost; so also is the jewelled
case of the Gospels of St. Arnoul at Metz, and that belonging to the
Book of Durrow.

By good hap, several cumdachs of the greatest interest are still
preserved for our inspection. One of them, the Silver Shrine of the
so-called St. Patrick’s Gospels, is a very peculiar case. It consists of
three covers. The first, or inner, is of yew, and was perhaps made in
the sixth or seventh century. The second, of copper, silver-plated, is
of later make. The third, or outermost, is of silver, and was probably
made in the fourteenth century. The cumdach of the Stowe Missal (1023)
is a much more beautiful example. It is of oak, covered with plates of
silver. The lower or more ancient side bears a cross within a
rectangular frame. In the centre of the cross is a crystal set in an
oval mount. The decoration of the four panels consists of metal plates,
the ornament being a chequer-work of squares and triangles. The lid has
a similar cross and frame, but the cross is set with pearls and

[Illustration: _PLATE IV_



metal bosses, a crystal in the centre, and a large jewel at the end of
each arm. The panels consist of silver-gilt plates embellished with
figures of saints. The sides, which are decorated with enamelled bosses
and open-work designs, are imperfect. On the box are inscriptions in
Irish, such as the following: “Pray for Dunchad, descendant of Taccan,
of the family of Cluain, who made this”; “A blessing of God on every
soul according to its merit”; “Pray for Donchadh, son of Brian, for the
king of Ireland”; “And for Macc Raith, descendant of Donnchad, for the
king of Cashel.”[51] Other cumdachs are those in the Royal Irish Academy
for Molaise’s Gospels (_c._ 1001-25), for Columba’s Psalter (1084), and
those in Trinity College, Dublin, for Dimma’s book (1150) and for the
Book of St. Moling. There are also the cumdachs for Cairnech’s Calendar
and that of Caillen; both of late date. The library of St. Gall
possesses still another silver cumdach, which is probably Irish.

These are the earliest relics we have of what was undoubtedly an old and
established method of enshrining books, going back as far as Patrick’s
time, if it be correct that Bishop Assicus made them, or if the first
case of the Silver Shrine is as old as it is believed to be. The
beautiful lower cover of the Gospels of Lindau, now in Mr. Pierpont
Morgan’s treasure-house, proves that at least as early as the seventh
century the Irish lavished as much art on the outside of their
manuscripts as upon the inside.[52] It is natural to make a beautiful
covering for a book which is both beautiful and sacred. All the volumes
upon which the Irish artist exercised his talent were invested with
sacred attributes. Chroniclers would have us believe they were sometimes
miraculously produced. In the life of Cronan[53] is a story telling how
an expert scribe named Dimma copied the four Gospels. Dimma could only
devote a day to the task, whereupon Cronan bade him begin at once and
continue until sunset. But the sun did not set for forty days, and by
that time the copy was finished. The manuscript written for Cronan is
possibly the book of Dimma, which bears the inscription: “It is
finished. A prayer for Dimma, who wrote it for God, and a blessing.”[54]

It was believed such books could not be injured. St. Ciaran’s copy of
the Gospels fell into a lake, but was uninjured. St. Cronan’s copy fell
into Loch Cre, and remained under water forty days without injury. Even
fire could not harm St. Cainnech’s case of books.[55] Nor is it
surprising they should be looked upon as sacred. The scribes and
illuminators who took such loving care to make their work perfect, and
the craftsmen who wrought beautiful shrines for the books so made, were
animated with the feeling and spirit which impels men to erect beautiful
churches to testify to the glory of their Creator. As Dimma says, they
“wrote them for God.”



     “There are delightful libraries, more aromatic than stores of
     spicery; there are luxuriant parks of all manner of volumes; there
     are Academic meads shaken by the tramp of scholars; there are
     lounges of Athens; walks of the Peripatetics; peaks of Parnassus;
     and porches of the Stoics. There is seen the surveyor of all arts
     and sciences Aristotle, to whom belongs all that is most excellent
     in doctrine, so far as relates to this passing sublunary world;
     there Ptolemy measures epicycles and eccentric apogees and the
     nodes of the planets by figures and numbers....”

Richard De Bury, _Philobiblon_, Thomas’ ed. 200

§ I

The Benedictine order established monastic study on a regular plan.
Benedict’s forty-eighth rule is clear in its directions. “Idleness is
hurtful to the soul. At certain times, therefore, the brethren must work
with their hands, and at others give themselves up to holy reading.”
From Easter to the first of October the monks were required to work at
manual labour from prime until the fourth hour. From the fourth hour
until nearly the sixth hour they were to read. After their meal at the
sixth hour they were to lie on their beds, and those who cared to do so
might read, but not aloud. After nones work must be resumed until
evening. From October the first until the beginning of Lent they were to
read until the ninth hour. At the ninth hour they were to take their
meal and then read spiritual works or the Psalms. Throughout Lent they
were required to read until the third hour, then work until the tenth.
Every monk was to have a book from the library, and to read it through
during Lent. On Sundays reading was their duty throughout the day,
except in the case of those having special tasks. During reading hours
two senior brethren were expected to go the rounds to see that the monks
were actually reading, and not lounging nor gossiping. But the brethren
were not allowed to have a book or tablets or a pen of their own.

Benedict’s inclusion of these directions was of capital importance in
the advance of monkish learning. Being milder and more flexible,
communal instead of eremitical, and so altogether more humane and
attractive, his Rule gradually took the place of existing orders. And as
the change came about, ill-regulated theological study gave way to
superior methods of learning, solely due to the better organisation and
greater liberality of the Benedictine order.

Benedictinism came to England with Augustine (597). The Rule, however,
does not seem to have been strictly or consistently observed for a long
time. But the studious labours of the monks remained just as important a
part of their lives as they would have been had the monasteries closely
followed Benedict’s directions. Especially would this be the case in the
seventh century, and afterwards, during the time continental monachism
was in rivalry with the Celtic missionaries.

§ II

From the first we hear of books in connexion with Canterbury. Gregory
the Great gave to Augustine, either just before his English mission, or
sent to him soon afterward, nine volumes, which were put in St.
Augustine’s monastery--the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul, beyond the
walls. Being for church purposes, the books were very beautiful and
valuable. There was the Gregorian Bible in two volumes, with some of its
leaves coloured rose and purple, which gave a wonderful reflection when
held to the light; the Psalter of Augustine; a copy of the Gospels
called the Text of St. Mildred, upon which a countryman in Thanet swore
falsely and, it is said, lost his sight; as well as another copy of the
Gospels; a Psalter, with plain silver images of Christ and the four
Evangelists on the cover; two martyrologies, one adorned with a silver
figure of Christ, the other enriched with silver-gilt and precious
stones; and an Exposition of the Gospels and Epistles, also enriched
with gems.[56] Some of these books were kept above the altar. Bede also
records the gift by Gregory to Augustine of “many manuscripts,” and his
authority is unimpeachable, as he derived his knowledge of Canterbury
affairs from written records and information supplied by Albinus, first
English abbot of Augustine’s house.[57] This monastery “was thus the
mother-school, the mother-university of England, ... at a time when
Cambridge was a desolate fen, and Oxford a tangled forest in a wide
waste of waters. They remind us that English power and English religion
have, as from the very first, so ever since, gone along with knowledge,
with learning, and especially with that learning and that knowledge
which those old manuscripts give--the knowledge and learning of the
Gospel.”[58] Few books would be treasured more carefully and treated
with greater reverence by English churchmen and book lovers than these
“first books of the English church,” if any of them could be found. They
are referred to as existing when William Thorne wrote his chronicle
(_c._ 1397),[59] and Leland tells us he saw and admired them; but after
his time nearly all trace of them is lost.[60]

No further hint of books occurs until Theodore became Archbishop more
than seventy years later. Theodore, who had been educated both at Tarsus
and Athens, where he became a good Greek and Latin scholar, well versed
in secular and divine literature, began a school at Canterbury for the
study of Greek, and provided it with some Greek books. None of these
books has been traced with certainty. Some may have existed in
Archbishop Parker’s time. “The Rev. Father Matthew,” says Lambarde, in
his _Perambulation of Kent_, ... “showed me, not long since, the Psalter
of David, and sundry homilies in Greek, Homer also, and some other Greek
authors, beautifully written on thick paper with the name of this
Theodore prefixed in the front, to whose library he reasonably thought
(being led thereto by show of great antiquity) that they sometime
belonged.” The manuscript of Homer, now in Corpus Christi Library,
Cambridge, did not belong to Theodore, but to Prior Selling, of whom we
shall hear later. But possibly the famous Graeco-Latin copy of the Acts,
now in the Bodleian Library, belonged either to Theodore or to his
companion, Hadrian.[61]


Theodore, with Hadrian’s help, not only started the Canterbury School,
but encouraged similar foundations in other English monasteries. In
southern England, however, Canterbury remained the centre of learning,
and many ecclesiastics were attracted to it in consequence. Bede amply
proves its efficiency as a school. And forasmuch as both Theodore and
Hadrian were “fully instructed both in sacred and in secular letters,
they gathered a crowd of disciples, and rivers of wholesome knowledge
daily flowed from them to water the hearts of their hearers; and,
together with the books of Holy Scripture, they also taught them the
metrical art, astronomy, and ecclesiastical arithmetic. A testimony
whereof is, that there are still living at this day some of their
scholars, who are as well versed in the Greek and Latin tongues as in
their own, in which they were born.”[62] Elsewhere he mentions some of
these scholars by name. Albinus, already referred to as the first
English abbot of St. Augustine’s, “was so well instructed in literary
studies, that he had no small knowledge of the Greek tongue, and knew
the Latin as well as the English, which was his native language.”[63] “A
most learned man” was another disciple, Tobias, bishop of Rochester,
who, besides having a great knowledge of letters, both ecclesiastical
and general, learned the Greek and Latin tongues “to such perfection,
that they were as well known and familiar to him as his native

Canterbury’s most notable scholar was Aldhelm, the first bishop of
Sherborne. In him were united the learning of the Canterbury and the
Irish monks, for he studied first under Maildulf, the Irish monk and
scholar who founded and gave his name to Malmesbury, and then under
Hadrian. When he went to be consecrated an incident befell him which at
once shows his zeal for learning, and casts a welcome ray of light on
the importation of books. While at Canterbury he heard of the arrival of
ships at Dover, and thither he journeyed to see whether they had brought
anything in his way. He found on board plenty of books, among them one
containing the complete Testaments. He offered to buy it, but his price
was too low; although, afterwards, when it was believed his prayers had
delivered the owner from a storm, he secured it on his own terms.[65]

Aldhelm at length became abbot of Malmesbury (_c._ 675), and under him
it grew to much greater eminence, and attracted a large number of
students. Here, in the solitude of the forest tract, he passed his time
in singing merry ballads to win the ear of the people for his more
serious words, playing the harp, in teaching, and in reading the
considerable library he had at hand. Bede describes him as a man “of
marvellous learning both in liberal and ecclesiastical studies.” Judging
by his writings he was in these respects in the forefront of his
contemporaries, although his learning was heavy and pretentious. From
them also it is perfectly evident he could make use not only of the
Bible, but of lives of the saints, of Isidore, of the _Recognitions of
Clement_, of the _Acts of Sylvester_, of writings by Sulpicius Severus,
Athanasius, Gregory, Eusebius, and Jerome, as well as of Terence,
Virgil, Horace, Juvenal, Persius, and Prosper, and some other


Meanwhile Northumbria had become one of the leading centres of learning
in Europe, almost entirely through the labours and influence of Irish
missionaries. St. Aidan, an ascetic of Iona who journeyed to Northumbria
at King Oswald’s request, founded Lindisfarne, which became the monastic
and episcopal capital of that kingdom. Aidan required all his pupils,
whether religious or laymen, to read the Scriptures, or to learn the
Psalms. The education of boys was a part of his system. Wherever a
monastery was founded it became a school wherein taught the monks who
had followed him from Scotland. Cedd, the founder and abbot of
Lastingham, was Aidan’s pupil, so was his brother, the great bishop
Ceadda (Chad), who succeeded him in his abbacy. At Lindisfarne was
wrought by Eadfrith (_d._ 721) the beautiful manuscript of the Gospels
now preserved in the British Museum, and a little later the fine cover
for it. Lastingham, founded on the desolate moorland of North Yorkshire,
“among steep and distant mountains, which looked more like
lurking-places for robbers and dens of wild beasts, than dwellings of
men,” upheld the traditions of the Columban houses for piety,
asceticism, and studious occupations. Thither repaired one Owini, not to
live idle, but to labour, and as he was less capable of studying, he
applied himself earnestly to manual work, the while better-instructed
monks were indoors reading.

In many directions do we observe traces of Aidan’s good work. Hild, the
foundress of Whitby Abbey, was for a short time his pupil. Her monastery
was famous for having educated five bishops, among them John of
Beverley, and for giving birth, in Caedmon, to the father of English
poetry. “Religious poetry, sung to the harp as it passed from hand to
hand, must have flourished in the monastery of the abbess Hild, and the
kernel of Bede’s story concerning the birth of our earliest poet must be
that the brethren and sisters on that bleak northern shore spoke ‘to
each other in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs.’”[67] Of Melrose, an
offshoot of Aidan’s foundation, the sainted Cuthbert was an inmate. At
Lindisfarne, where “he speedily learned the Psalms and some other
books,” the great Wilfrid was a novice. Of his studies, indeed, we know
little: he seems to have sought prelatical power rather than learning.
But he and his followers were responsible for the conversion of the
Northumbrian church from Columban to Roman usages, and the introduction
of Benedictinism into the monasteries; and consequently for bringing the
studies of the monks into line with the rules of Benedict’s order.

Such progress would have been impossible had not the rulers of
Northumbria from Oswald to Aldfrith been friendly to Christianity.
Aldfrith had been educated at Iona, and was a man of studious
disposition. His predecessor had advanced Northumbria’s reputation
enormously by giving Benedict Biscop (629-90) sites for his monasteries
of Wearmouth and Jarrow.[68] We know enough of this Benedict to wish we
knew very much more. He suggests to us enthusiasm for his cause, and
energy and foresight in labouring for it. Naturally, Aldhelm’s writings
have gained him far more attention in literary histories than the
Northumbrian has received. But the influence of Benedict, a man of much
learning, wide-travelled, was at least as great and as far-reaching.
Lérins, the great centre of monachism in Gaul, and Canterbury under
Theodore, had been his schools. On six occasions he flitted back and
forth to Rome, and to go to Rome, in those days, was a liberal
education, both in worldly and spiritual affairs. Not a little of his
influence was the direct outcome of his book-collecting. From all his
journeys to Rome he is said to have returned laden with books. He
certainly came back from his fourth journey with a great number of books
of all kinds.[69] He also obtained books at Vienne. His sixth and last
journey to Rome was wholly devoted to collecting books, classical as
well as theological. When he died he left instructions for the
preservation of the most noble and rich library he had gathered
together.[70] “If we consider how difficult, fatiguing, ... even
dangerous a journey between the British Islands and Italy must have been
in those days of anarchy and barbarism, we can appreciate the intensity
of Benedict’s passion for beautiful and costly volumes.”[71] The library
he formed was worthy of the labour, we cannot doubt: possibly was the
best then in Britain. It served as the model for the still more famous
collection at York. The scholarship of Bede, who used it in writing his
works, proclaims its value for literary purposes.[72] Bede tells us he
always applied himself to Scriptural study, and in the intervals of
observing monastic discipline and singing daily in the church, he took
pleasure in learning, or teaching, or writing.[73] The picture of Bede
in his solitary monastery, leading a placid life among Benedict’s
books, poring over the beautifully-wrought pages with the scholar’s
tense calm to find the material in the Fathers and the historians, and
to seek the apt quotation from the classics, must always flash to the
mind at the mere mention of his name.[74] Every fact in connexion with
his work testifies to the excellent equipment of his monastery for
writing ecclesiastical history, and to the cordial way in which the
religious co-operated for the advancement of learning and research.

§ IV

Canterbury, Malmesbury, Lindisfarne, Wearmouth and Jarrow, and York were
like mountain-peaks tipped with gold by the first rays of the rising
sun, while all below remains dark. Yet while not indicative of
widespread means of instruction, the existence of these centres, and the
character of the work done in them, suggests that at other places the
same sort of work, on a smaller and less influential scale, soon began.
At Lichfield, on the moorland at Ripon, in “the dwelling-place in the
meadows” at Peterborough, in the desolate fenland at Crowland and at
Ely, on the banks of the Thames at Abingdon, and of the Avon at Evesham,
in the nunneries of Barking and Wimborne, at Chertsey, Glastonbury,
Gloucester, in the far north at Melrose, and even perhaps at Coldingham,
Christianity was speeding its message, and learning--such as it was,
primitive and pretentious--caught pale reflections from more famous
places. Now and again definite facts are met with hinting at a spreading
enlightenment. Acca, abbot and bishop of Hexham, for example “gave all
diligence, as he does to this day,” wrote Bede, “to procure relics of
the blessed Apostles and martyrs of Christ.... Besides which, he
industriously gathered the histories of their martyrdom, together with
other ecclesiastical writings, and erected there a large and noble
library.” Of this library, unfortunately, there is not a wrack left
behind. A tiny school was carried on at a monastery near Exeter, where
Boniface was first instructed. At the monastery of Nursling he was
taught grammar, history, poetry, rhetoric, and the Scriptures; there
also manuscripts were copied. Books were produced under Abbess Eadburh
of Minster, a learned woman who corresponded with Boniface and taught
the metric art. Boniface’s letters throw interesting light on our
subject. Eadburh sent him books, money, and other gifts. He also wrote
home asking his old friend Bishop Daniel of Winchester for a fine
manuscript of the six major prophets, which had been written in a large
and clear hand by Winbert: no such book, he explains, can be had abroad,
and his eyes are no longer strong enough to read with ease the small
character of ordinary manuscripts. In another letter written to Ecgberht
of York is recorded an exchange of books, and a request for a copy of
the commentaries of Bede.

A decree of the Council held at Cloveshoe in 747, pointing out the want
of instruction among the religious, and ordering all bishops, abbots,
and abbesses to promote and encourage learning, whether it means that
monkish education was on the wane or that it was not making such quick
progress as was desired, at any rate does not mean that England was in a
bad way in this respect, or that she lagged behind the Continent. On the
contrary, England and Ireland were renowned homes of learning in Western
Europe. Perhaps a few centres on the mainland could show libraries as
good as those here; but certainly no country had such scholars.
England’s pre-eminence was recognized by Charles the Great when he
invited Alcuin to his court (781).

Alcuin was brought up at York from childhood. In company with Albert,
who taught the arts and grammar at this northern school, Alcuin visited
Gaul and Rome to scrape together a few more books. On returning later he
was entrusted with the care of the library: a task for which he was well
fitted, if enthusiasm, breaking into rime, be a qualification:--

    “Small is the space which contains the gifts of heavenly Wisdom
     Which you, reader, rejoice piously here to receive;
     Better than richest gifts of the Kings, this treasure of Wisdom,
     Light, for the seeker of this, shines on the road to the Day.”[75]

York could not retain Alcuin long. Fortunately, just when dissensions
among the English kings, and the Danish raids began to harass England,
and to threaten the coming decline of her learning, he was invited to
take charge of a school established by Charles the Great. Charles had
undertaken the task of reviving literary study, well-nigh extinguished
through the neglect of his ancestors; and he bade all his subjects to
cultivate the arts. As far as he could he accomplished the task,
principally owing to the aid of the English scholar and of willing
helpers from Ireland.

Alcuin was soon at the head of St. Martin’s of Tours where he was
responsible for the great activity of the scribes in his day. He
persuaded Charles to send a number of copyists to York. “I, your
Flavius,” he writes, “according to your exhortation and wise desire,
have been busy under the roof of St. Martin, in dispensing to some the
honey of the Holy Scriptures. Others I strive to inebriate with the old
wine of ancient studies; these I nourish with the fruit of grammatical
knowledge; in the eyes of these again I seek to make bright the courses
of the stars.... But I have need of the most excellent books of
scholastic learning, which I had procured in my own country, either by
the devoted care of my master, or by my own labours. I therefore beseech
your majesty ... to permit me to send certain of our household to bring
over into France the flowers of Britain, that the garden of Paradise may
not be confined to York, but may send some of its scions to Tours.” What
the “flowers of Britain” were at this time Alcuin has told us in Latin
verse. At York, “where he sowed the seeds of knowledge in the morning of
his life,” thou shall find, he rimes:--

                “The volumes that contain
    All the ancient fathers who remain;
    There all the Latin writers make their home
    With those that glorious Greece transferred to Rome,--
    The Hebrews draw from their celestial stream,
    And Africa is bright with learning’s beam.”

Then, after including in his metrical catalogue the names of forty
writers, he proceeds:--

    “There shalt thou find, O reader, many more
     Famed for their style, the masters of old lore,
     Whose many volumes singly to rehearse
     Were far too tedious for our present verse.”[76]

A goodly store indeed in such an age.

§ V

Sunlight and shadow follow one another rapidly across England’s early
history. The migration of York’s renowned scholar took place six years
before the Viking irruptions began, and about twelve years before a
heavy blow was struck at Northumbrian learning by the ravaging and
destruction of the monasteries of Lindisfarne, and Wearmouth and Jarrow.
After this there was but little peace for England. Kent was often
attacked. In 838 the marauders fell upon East Anglia. Between 837 and
845 they made various fierce attacks upon Wessex. In 851 the pillage of
Canterbury and London was a severe blow to the English. About fifteen
years later, at the hands of the Danes, Melrose, Tynemouth, Whitby, and
Lastingham shared Wearmouth’s fate. Of York and its library we hear no
more. Peterborough and its large collection of sacred books perished at
the hands of the same raiders as those who burnt Crowland (870). So bad
grew affairs that Alfred the Great, writing to Bishop Werfrith, bewailed
the small number of people south of the Humber who understood the
English of their service, or could translate from Latin into English.
Even beyond the Humber there were not many; not one could he remember
south of the Thames when he began to reign. And he bethought himself of
the wise men, both church and lay folk, formerly living in England, and
how zealous they were in teaching and learning, and how men came from
abroad in search of wisdom and instruction. Apparently some decline from
this standard had been noticeable before ruin completely overtook the
monasteries. He remembered how, before the land had been ravaged and
burnt, “its churches stood filled with treasures and books, and with a
multitude of His servants, but they had very little knowledge of the
books, and could not understand them, for they were not written in their
own language.... When I remembered all this, I much marvelled that the
good and wise men who were formerly all over England, and had perfectly
learnt all these books, did not wish to translate them into their own
tongues.” By way of remedying this omission, he translated _Cura
Pastoralis_ into English. “I will send a copy to every bishopric in my
kingdom; and on each there is a clasp worth 50 mancus. And I command in
God’s name that no man take the clasp from the book or the book from the
minster; it is uncertain how long there may be such learned bishops as
now are, thanks be to God, nearly everywhere.”[77]

This letter, written in 890, marks the revival of interest in letters
under Alfred. In adding to his own knowledge, and in promoting education
among his people, he was assiduous and determined. During the leisure of
one period of eight months, Asser seems to have read to him all the
congenial books at hand, Alfred’s custom being to read aloud or to
listen to others reading. Asser was a Welsh bishop, brought to Wessex to
help the king in his work. For the same purpose Archbishop Plegmund[78]
and Bishop Werfrith were brought from Mercia. Other scholars came from
abroad. One named Grimbald, a monk from St. Bertin, came to take charge
of the abbey of Hyde, Winchester, which Alfred had planned. John, of
Old-Saxony, a learned monk of the flourishing Westphalian Abbey of
Corvey--where a library existed in this century,[79]--was made by Alfred
abbot of Athelney monastery and school. Perhaps John, called the Scot or
Erigena, also came, but we do not know certainly. Alfred also introduced
teachers, both English and foreign, into his monasteries, his aim being
to provide the means of educating every freeborn and well-to-do youth.
During the whole of the latter part of his reign the copying of
manuscripts went on, though with only moderate activity.

That Alfred, amid the cares of a troublesome kingship, could find time
to devote to this work, and realised the importance of vernacular
literature, is one of the chief signs of his greatness. What he did had
a lasting influence upon our literature. He tapped the wellspring of
English prose. Mainly owing to his initiative, from his day till the
Conquest all the literature of importance was in the vernacular, and the
impulse so given to the language as a literary vehicle was strong enough
to preserve it from extinction during the Norman domination, when it was
superseded as the court and official language. But, so far as the making
and circulation of books is concerned, the “revival” under Alfred did
not prosper. The necessary machinery was almost entirely wanting. The
monastic schools, the great--the only--means of disseminating the
learning of the time, were few in number and not very influential. For
Athelney, a small monastery, Alfred had difficulty in finding monks at
all: he had to get them from abroad; while the rule in this house does
not seem to have been wholly satisfactory. At the time of his death
(_c._ 901) monachism was in a bad way. Fifty years later its plight
would seem to have been worse. Only two houses, Abingdon and
Glastonbury, could be really called monastic. “In the middle of the
tenth century the Rule of St. Benedict, the standard of monasticism in
Western Christendom, was, according to virtually contemporary authority,
completely unknown in England. This will not appear strange if we
consider that it was never very generally or strictly carried out here,
that the Danish invasions had broken the continuity of monastic life,
and that not many years earlier the very existence of the Rule had been
forgotten in not a few continental monasteries.”[80] Although England
always responded to the slightest effort to affect her culture, as the
long deer grass waves an answer to every breath of the wind, yet the
surprising eminence of some of the churchmen in the latter half of the
century and the excellence of their work cannot be accounted for if the
influence of Alfred’s reign had utterly died out. But it had not. Only
the machinery was defective. The driving power remained, latent but
ready for action. One indication of a surviving interest in these
matters at this time is the gift of some nine books to St. Augustine’s
Abbey by King Athelstan--an interesting little collection including
Isidore _de Natura Rerum_, Persius, Donatus, Alcuin, Sedulius, and
possibly a work by Bede. The machinery, however, was soon to be
improved. Dunstan, Oswald, Edgar, and Ethelwold set matters right by
reforming and extending the monastic system, and by making it the means
of encouraging education and learning.

The leaders were Dunstan and Ethelwold. In youth the former was renowned
for his eagerness in studying, and for the wealth and knowledge he
acquired. He was a “lover of ballads and music,” “a hard student, an
indefatigable worker, busy at books”; spending his leisure in reading
sacred authors, and in correcting manuscripts, sometimes at daybreak. He
was also very skilful at working in metal and at drawing and
illuminating. Maybe the picture of him kneeling before the Saviour which
is preserved in the Bodleian Library is by his own hand; this, however,
is not certain.[81] But some relics of his literary work were preserved
at Glastonbury until the Reformation--passages transcribed from Frank
and Roman law books, a pamphlet on grammar, a mass of Biblical
quotations, a collection of canons drawn from Dunstan’s Irish teachers,
a book on the Apocalypse, and other works.[82] He entirely reformed
Glastonbury and made it a flourishing school, where the Scriptures,
ecclesiastical writings, and grammar were taught.

Ethelwold was a Glastonbury scholar and assistant to Dunstan.
Glastonbury, and Abingdon, where he became Abbot, and Winchester, to
which see he was consecrated, were the centres whence, during the sixty
years succeeding Edgar’s accession, some forty monasteries were founded
or restored. Winchester became pre-eminent. Ethelwold himself was a
teacher of grammar. It was his delight to teach boys and young men, and
to help them in their translations; hence it came to pass that many of
his pupils became abbots and bishops.[83] A curious story is told in
illustration of his studious disposition. One night, when reading after
prolonged watching, sleep overcame him, and as he slept the candle fell
on the page and remained burning there until a brother came along and
snatched it up, when the book by a miracle was found to be
uninjured.[84] A vignette of pure and true medievalism: the long and
solitary watching, the saintly pursuit of divine wisdom, the wide-open
book, with the bold and beautiful text, and the quaint decoration,
wrought by loving hands, and the inevitable miracle,--the suggestion of
a Divine Providence watching over and protecting all that is sacred.

Some beautiful examples of work of this period have been preserved.
“Winchester” work is a familiar and expressive term in illumination, and
nobody will ask why this is so if they have seen a manuscript executed
there towards the end of the tenth century. The Benedictional and Missal
of Archbishop Robert, which is certainly English, and most likely an
example of New Minster work, is illuminated with miniatures, foliated
and architectural borders, and capitals and letters of gold, in virile
workmanship. A still finer example--the finest example of Old Minster
craft--is the Benedictional of Ethelwold, now in the Duke of
Devonshire’s library. The versified dedication, inscribed in letters of
gold, tells us, in substance--“The Great Æthelwold ... illustrious,
venerable and mild ... commanded a certain monk subject to him to write
the present book: he ordered also to be made in it many arches elegantly
decorated and filled up with various ornamented pictures expressed in
divers beautiful colours, and gold.”[85] Godeman, abbot of Thorney, was
the scribe, but the illuminator is unknown. Each full page has nineteen
lines of writing, with letters nearly a quarter of an inch long.
Alternate lines in gold, red, and black occur once or twice in the same
page. There are thirty miniatures and thirteen fully illuminated pages,
some of these having framed borders, foliated, others columns and
arches. The figures are remarkably well drawn, the drapery being
especially good. The whole is in a fine state of preservation,
especially the gold ornaments; the gold used was leaf upon size,
afterwards well burnished. Of the rival craftsmanship at New Minster we
have a splendid example in the Golden Book of Edgar, so called

[Illustration: _PLATE V_



on account of its raised gold text.[86] Work of this grand character is
the best testimony to the noble spirit of monachism in the days of

One of Ethelwold’s pupils was Ælfric, who became Archbishop of
Canterbury in 995. He was responsible for the canon requiring every
priest, before ordination, to have the Psalter, the Epistles, the
Gospels, a Missal, the Book of Hymns, the Manual, the Calendar, the
Passional, the Penitential, and the Lectionary. On his death he
bequeathed all his books to St. Albans.[87]

Another pupil of the same name is still more famous. This scholar’s
grammar, with its translated passages, his glossary--the oldest
Latin-English dictionary--and his conversation-manual of questions and
answers, with interlinear translations, suggest that he must have done
much to make the study of Latin easier and more congenial; while his
homilies display his art in making knowledge popular, and prove him to
be the greatest master of English prose before the Conquest.

Several other interesting and suggestive facts belonging to this period
have been preserved for us. Abbot Ælfward, for example, gave to his
abbey of Evesham many sacred books and books on grammar (_c._ 1035):
here, at any rate, progress was real.[88] At a manor of the abbey of
Bury St. Edmunds were thirty volumes, exclusive of church books
(1044-65).[89] Bishop Leofric also obtained over sixty books for Exeter
Cathedral about sixteen years before the Conquest, a collection to which
we must refer later.

[Illustration: _PLATE VI_




§ I

The Conquest wrought both good and evil to literature--evil because the
Normans thought books written in the vernacular unworthy of
preservation;[90] good because the change brought to the country settled
government, and to the church an opportunity for reformation. Lanfranc
was the moving spirit of reform, both in church administration and in
the learning of its members. While still in Normandy he had built up a
reputation for the monastic school at Bec, and probably had a share in
collecting the excellent library that we know the monastery possessed in
the twelfth century.[91] When he was appointed to the see of Canterbury
he continued to work for the same ends, although his primacy can have
left him little leisure. A fresh beginning had to be made in Canterbury.
In 1067 a fire destroyed the city, including the cathedral and almost
the whole of the monastic buildings; and in this disaster many “sacred
and profane books” were burned. It was Lanfranc’s task to repair this
loss. He brought books with him,[92] and introduced some changes and
more method in the making and use of them. In the customary of the
Benedictine order which he drew up to correspond with the best monastic
practice, he included minute instructions about lending and reading
books. He was also responsible in the main for the substitution of the
continental Roman handwriting for the beautiful Hiberno-Saxon hand. In
another respect his influence was more beneficial. Both at Bec and in
England he aimed to turn out accurate texts of patristic books, and the
better to achieve this end he himself corrected manuscripts. In the
abbey of St. Martin de Sécz at one time there was a copy of the first
ten _Conferences_ of Cassian with his corrections; and in the library of
Mans is a St. Ambrose which was overlooked by him.[93] Happily he was in
a position to lend texts to monks for transcribing, and his help in this
direction was sought by Abbot Paul of St. Albans. Recent research by Dr.
Montagu James suggests that Lanfranc’s work for the Canterbury library
was a good deal more practical and influential than has been usually
believed. Among the survivors of the Canterbury collections at Trinity
College, Cambridge, and elsewhere, “are some scores of volumes
undoubtedly from Christ Church, all of one epoch,” the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, and all written in hands modelled on an Italian
style. “Another distinguishing mark,” writes Dr. James, “in these
volumes is the employment of a peculiar purple in the decorative
initials and headings.... The nearest approaches I find to it in England
are in certain manuscripts which were once at St. Augustine’s Abbey, and
in others which belonged to Rochester. It can be shown that books did
occasionally pass from Christ Church to St. Augustine’s, and it can also
be shown that certain of the Rochester books were written at Christ
Church.” All these books, therefore, Dr. James believes, were given by
Lanfranc or produced under his direction.[94]

Lanfranc also encouraged original composition, for Osbern, monk of
Canterbury, compiled his lives of St. Dunstan, St. Alphege, and St. Odo
under his eye.

In this work of bookmaking and collecting Lanfranc was supported or his
example was followed by other monks from Normandy: by Abbot Walter of
Evesham, who made many books;[95] by Ernulf of Rochester, who compiled
the _Textus Roffensis_; and by many others. At this time grew up the
practice of using English houses to supply books for Norman abbeys; this
partly explains the number of manuscripts of English workmanship now
abroad. A manuscript preserved in Paris contains a note by a canon of
Ste-Barbe-en-Auge referring to Beckford in Gloucestershire, an English
cell of his house, whence books were sent to Normandy.[96]

From Lanfranc to the close of the thirteenth century, was the
summer-time of the English religious houses. The Cluniac or reformed
Benedictines settled here about 1077. In 1105 the Austin Canons first
planted a house in this country. The White Monks, another reformed
Benedictine order, entered England in 1128, and in the course of four
and twenty years founded fifty houses. Soon after, in 1139, the English
Gilbertines were established, then came the White Canons, and in 1180
the Carthusian monks. The land was peppered with houses. In less than a
century and a half, from the Conquest to about 1200, it is estimated
that no fewer than 430 houses were founded, making, with 130 founded
before the Conquest, 560 in all.[97] Many were wealthy: some were
powerful, because they owned much property, and popular because, like
Malmesbury, they were “distinguished for their ‘delightful hospitality’
to guests who, arriving every hour, consume more than the inmates
themselves.”[98] The Cluniacs could almost be called a fashionable

During this prosperous age some of the great houses did their best work
in writing and study. Thus to pick out one or two facts from a string of
them. In 1104 Abbot Peter of Gloucester gave many books to the abbey
library. In 1180 the refounded abbey of Whitby owned a fair library of
theological, historical, and classical books.[99] About the same time
Abbot Benedict ordered the transcription of sixty volumes, containing
one hundred titles, for his library at Peterborough.[100] By 1244, in
spite of losses in the fire of 1184, Glastonbury had a library of some
four hundred volumes, historical books consorting with romances, Bibles
and patristical works almost crowding out some forlorn classics.[101]
Nearly half a century later

[Illustration: _PLATE VII_



Abbot John of Taunton added to Glastonbury forty volumes, a notable gift
in those days of costly books, while Adam of Domerham tells us he also
made a fine, handsome, and spacious library.[102] In 1277 a general
chapter of the Benedictines ordered the monks, according to their
capabilities, to study, write, correct, illuminate, and bind books,
rather than to labour in the field.[103]

To such facts as these should be added the record of the Canterbury,
Dover, and Bury libraries, the histories of which have been so admirably
written by Dr. M. R. James.[104] Of the library of St. Albans Abbey we
have not such a fine series of catalogues. Yet no abbey could have a
nobler record. From Paul (1077) to Whethamstede (_d._ 1465) nearly all
its abbots were book-lovers.[105] Paul built a writing-room, and put in
the aumbries twenty-eight fine books (_volumina notabilia_), and eight
Psalters, a Collectarium, books of the Epistles and Gospels for the
year, two copies of the Gospels adorned with gold and silver and
precious stones, without speaking of ordinals, customaries, missals,
troparies, collectaria, and other books. Here, as everywhere, the
library began with church books: later, easier circumstances made the
stream of knowledge broader, if shallower. The next abbot also added
some books. Geoffrey, the sixteenth abbot, was the author of a miracle
play, an industrious scribe, and the donor of some books finely
illuminated and bound. His successor, at one time the conventual
archivist, loved books equally well, and got together a fair collection.
Great Abbot Robert had many books written--“too many to be
mentioned.”[106] Simon, the next abbot (1167), a learned and good-living
man who encouraged others to learn, was especially fond of books, and
had many fine manuscripts written for the painted aumbry in the church.
He repaired and improved the scriptorium. He also made a provision
whereby each succeeding abbot should have at work one special scribe,
called the historiographer, an innovation to which we owe the matchless
series of chronicles of Roger of Wendover, Matthew Paris, William
Rishanger, and John of Trokelowe. In a Cottonian manuscript is a
portrait of Abbot Simon at his book-trunk, a picture interesting because
it illustrates his predominant taste for books, as well as one
method--then the usual method--of storing them.

John, worthy follower of Simon, was a man of learning, who added many
noble and useful books to St. Albans’ store. William of Trompington
(1214) distinguished himself by giving to the abbey books he had taken
from his prior. Abbot Roger was a better man, and gave many books and
pieces; but John III and IV and Hugh are barren rocks in our fertile
valley, for apparently they did nothing for the library. Richard of
Wallingford did worse than nothing. He bribed Richard de Bury with four
volumes, and sold to him thirty-two books for fifty pounds of silver,
retaining one-half of this sum for himself, and devoting the other
moiety to Epicurus--“a deed,” cries the chronicler, “infamous to all who
agreed to it, so to make the only nourishment of the soul serve the
belly, and upon any account to apply spiritual dainties to the demands
of the flesh.”[107] Abbot Michael de Mentmore, who had been educated at
Oxford, and became schoolmaster at St. Albans, encouraged the
educational work of the abbey by making

[Illustration: _PLATE VIII_


studies for the scholars. As he also ordered the morning mass to be
celebrated directly after prime, or six o’clock, instead of at tierce,
or about nine, to allow the students more time, it is safe to assume he
was more zealous than popular. He also gave books which cost him more
than £100. His successor, Thomas, enlarged his own study, and bought
many books for it; and, with the assistance of Thomas of Walsingham,
then precentor and master of the scriptorium, he built a writing-room at
his own expense.

But Whethamstede was St. Albans’ greatest book-loving abbot. An ardent
book-lover, especially fond of finely-illuminated volumes, he indulged
his passion for manuscripts, and for conventual buildings, vestments,
and property, until he got the abbey into debt, and was led to resign.
After the death of his successor, Whethamstede was re-elected. In his
time no fewer than eighty-seven volumes were transcribed.[108] In
1452-53 he built a new library at a cost of more than £150. Another
library was erected for the College of the Black Monks at Oxford, for
£60.[109] It was described as a “new erection of a library joyning on
the south-side of the chapel, containing on each side five or more
divisions, as it may be partly seen to this day by the windows thereof,
to which he gave good quantity of his own study, and especially those of
his own composition, which were not a few, and to deter plagiaries and
others from abusing of them, prefixt these verses in the front of every
one of the same books, as he did also to those that he gave to the
publick library of the University:

    “Fratribus Oxoniae datur in munus liber iste
     Per patrem pecorum prothomartyris Angligenarum;
     Quem, si quis rapiat raptim, titulumve retractet,
     Vel Judae laqueum, vel furcas sentiat; Amen

“In other books which he gave to the said library these:

    “Discior ut docti fieret nova regia plebi
     Culta magisque Deae datur hic liber ara Minervae,
     His qui Diis dictis libant holocausta ministris
     Et circa bibulam sitiunt prae nectare limpham
     Estque librique loci, idem dator, actor et unus.”[110]

This, in brief, is the story of St. Albans’ tribute to learning. In most
monasteries the same kind of work went on, in a more circumscribed
fashion, and without the same distinction of finish, which could
probably only be attained at the big places where expert scribes and
illuminators could be well trained.[111]

§ II

Fortunately, just when the great houses had attained the summit of their
prosperity, and were beginning the slow decline to dissolution, learning
and book-culture were freshly encouraged by the coming of the Friars.

The Black Friars settled at Canterbury and in London, near the Old
Temple in Holborn, in 1221. The Grey Friars were at London, Oxford, and
Cambridge in 1224, and by 1256 they were in forty-nine different
localities.[112] It is strange how the latter order, founded by a man
who forbade a novice to own a Psalter, came to be as earnest in buying
books as the Benedictines were in copying them. St. Francis’ ideal,
however, was impossible. The peripatetic nature of their calling, and
their duty of tending the sick, compelled many friars to learn foreign
languages, and to acquire some medical knowledge. Books were,
therefore, useful to them, if not essential; as indeed St. Francis
ultimately recognized. However, they could not own books themselves, but
only in common with other members of the convent. If a friar was
promoted to a bishopric, he had to renounce the use of the books he had
had as a friar; and Clement IV forbade the consecration of a bishop
until he had returned the books to his friary. When a book was given to
a friar--and this often happened--he was in duty bound to hand it to his
Superior. But if the friar was a man of parts the gift was devoted to
acquiring books for his studies, or to giving him other necessary
assistance; the duty, it was held, which the Superior owed him.[113] But
these principles do not seem to have been strictly observed. In little
more than thirty years after St. Francis’ death it was found necessary
to draw up rules forbidding the brethren to own books except by leave
from the chief officer of the order, or to keep any books which were not
regarded as the property of the whole order, or to write books, or have
them written for sale.[114]

By the end of the thirteenth century the Mendicants of Oxford were
fairly well provided with books. Michael Scot came to Oxford, at the
time of the greatest literary activity of the brethren, and introduced
to them the physical and metaphysical works of Aristotle (1230).[115]
Adam de Marisco seems to have been responsible for the first
considerable additions to the collection. From his brother, Bishop
Richard, he had already received a library; possibly this, with his own
books, came into possession of the convent. Then out of love for him,
Grosseteste left his writings or his library--it is not clear which--to
the Grey Friars.[116] This gift may have formed part--it is not
certain--of the two valuable hoards existing in the fifteenth century in
the same friary, one the convent library, open only to graduates, the
other the Schools library, for seculars living among the brethren for
the sake of the teaching they could get. In these collections were many
Hebrew books, which had been bought upon the banishment of the Jews from
England (1290).[117] Such books were not often found in the abbeys,
although some got to Ramsey, where Grosseteste’s influence may be

The White Friars also had a library at Oxford, wherein they garnered the
works of every famous writer of their order. They are praised for taking
more care of their books than the brethren of other colours.[118] In
later times, at any rate, some cause for the complaint against the Grey
Friars existed. They appear to have sold many manuscripts to Dr. Thomas
Gascoigne (_c._ 1433). He ultimately gave them to the libraries of
Lincoln, Durham, Balliol, and Oriel Colleges. As the friars’ mode of
life grew easier and the love of learning less keen, they got rid of
many more books. In Leland’s time the library had melted away. After
much difficulty he was allowed to see the book-room, but he found in it
nothing but dust and dirt, cobwebs and moths, and some books not worth a
threepenny piece.[119]

Roger de Thoris, afterwards Dean of Exeter, presented a library to the
Grey Friars of his city in 1266.[120] What became of it we do not know.
About the same time, in 1253 to be exact, the will of Richard de Wyche,
Bishop of Chichester, is notable for its bequests to the friars; thus he
left books to various friaries of the Grey Brethren--at

[Illustration: _PLATE IX_


Chichester his glossed Psalter, at Lewes the Gospels of St. Luke and St.
John, at Winchelsea the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark, at
Canterbury Isaiah glossed, at London the Epistles of St. Paul glossed,
and at Winchester the twelve Prophets glossed; as well as some volumes
to the Black Friars--at Arundel the _Book of Sentences_, at Canterbury
Hosea glossed, at London the Books of Job, the Acts, the Apocalypse,
with the canonical epistles, and at Winchester the _Summa_ of William of
Auxerre.[121] Such friendliness for the Mendicants was far from common
among the secular clergy. Besides the southern places mentioned in this
bequest, friaries in the east, at Norwich and Ipswich, and in the west,
at Hereford and Bristol, had goodly libraries.

The friary collections in London seem to have been important, especially
that given to the Grey Friars in 1225,[122] just when they had settled
near Newgate. The Austin Friars may have owned a library before 1364,
when two of their number left the London house, taking with them books
and other goods.[123] Early in the fifteenth century a library was built
and a large addition was made to the books of this house by Prior Lowe,
a friar afterwards occupying the sees of St. Asaph and of
Rochester.[124] At this time the friars of London were specially
fortunate. The White Friars enjoyed a good library, to which Thomas
Walden, a learned brother of the order, presented many foreign
manuscripts of some age and rarity.[125] The Grey Friars’ library was
founded or refounded by Dick Whittington (1421).[126] The room “was in
length one hundred twentie nine foote, and in breadth thirtie one: all
seeled with Wainscot, having twentie eight desks, and eight double
setles of Wainscot. Which in the next yeare following was altogither
finished in building, and within three yeares after, furnished with
Bookes, to the charges of” over £556, “whereof Richard Whittington bare
foure hundred pound, the rest was borne by Doctor Thomas Winchelsey, a
Frier there.”[127] On this occasion one hundred marks were paid for
transcribing the works of Nicholas de Lyra, a Grey Friar highly esteemed
for his knowledge of Hebrew, and “the greatest exponent of the literal
sense of Scripture whom the medieval world can show.”[128]

Of few of the friary libraries have we definite knowledge of their size
and character. But in the case of the Austin Friars of York, a catalogue
of their library is extant. The collection was a notable one. The
inventory was made in 1372, and the items in it, forming the bulk of the
whole, with some later additions, amounted to 646. One member of the
society named John Erghome was a remarkable man. He was a doctor of
Oxford, where he had studied logic, natural philosophy, and theology.
More than 220 books were his contribution to this splendid library, and
he it was who added the Psalter and Canticles in Greek and a Hebrew
book,--rarities indeed at that date. Classical literature is fairly well
represented in the collection as a whole, but theology, and especially
logic and philosophy, make up the bulk.[129]

In Scotland, too, the Grey Friars were busy library-making. We find the
convent at Stirling buying five dozen parchments (1502). Fifty pounds
were paid for books sent to them this year by the Cistercians of
Culross, and to the Austin Canons of Cambuskenneth in the following
year about half as much was paid; and similar records appear in the

Other interesting testimony to the bookcraft and collecting habits of
the friars is not wanting. Adam de Marisco writes to the Friar Warden of
Cambridge asking for vellum for scribes.[131] Or he expresses the hope
that Richard of Cornwall may be prevailed upon to stay in England, but
if he goes he will be supplied with books and everything necessary for
his departure.[132] From this letter, it was evidently usual for friars
to seek and obtain permission to carry away books with them when going
abroad, or going from one custody to another.[133] Then again Adam
writes asking Grosseteste to send Aristotle’s _Ethics_ to the Grey
Friars’ convent in London.[134] In getting books the friars were
sometimes unscrupulous. A royal writ was issued commanding the Warden of
the Grey Friars at Oxford and another friar, Walter de Chatton, to
return two books worth forty shillings which they were keeping from the
rightful owner (1330).[135] More striking testimony to the
book-collecting habits of the friars is the complaint to the Pope of
their buying so many books that the monks and clergy had difficulty in
obtaining them. In every convent, it was urged, was a grand and noble
library, and every friar of eminence in the University had a fine
collection of books.[136] Archbishop Fitzralph, who made this statement,
detested the friars, and was besides prone to exaggerate; but he was not
wholly wrong in this instance, as De Bury tells a similar tale.
“Whenever it happened,” he says, “that we turned aside to the cities and
places where the mendicants ... had their convents, we did not disdain
to visit their libraries ...; there we found heaped up amid the utmost
poverty the utmost riches of wisdom. These men are as ants.... They have
added more in this brief [eleventh] hour to the stock of the sacred
books than all the other vine-dressers.”[137] Instead of declaiming
against the hawks, De Bury trained them to prey for him, and was well
rewarded for his pains. Nor is it beyond the bounds of probability that
he enriched his own collection at the expense of the Grey Friars’
library at Oxford.[138]

The friars were not merely collectors. The scholarship of Bacon and
other brethren does not concern us. But their correction of the texts of
Scripture, and their bibliographical work, are germane to our subject.
In mid-thirteenth century some Black Friars of Paris laboured to correct
the text of the Latin Bible; and to enable copyists to restore the true
text when transcribing, they drew up manuals, called _Correctoria_. One
such manual, now known as the _Correctorium Vaticanum_, was prepared by
William de la Mare, a Grey brother of Oxford, in the course of forty
years’ labour; and it is “a work which before all others laid down sound
principles of true scientific criticism upon which to base a correction
of the Vulgate text.”[139]

Another special work of the Grey brethren, the _Registrum Librorum
Angliae_[140] was less important, although it more clearly illustrates
their high regard for books. Some time in the fourteenth century, by
seeking information from about one hundred and sixty monasteries, some
friars drew

[Illustration: _PLATE X_


BODL. MS. TANNER 165, F. 119]

up a list of libraries under the heads of the seven custodies or
wardenships of their order in England, and catalogued the writings of
some eighty-five authors represented in these collections. In this way
was formed a combined bibliography and co-operative catalogue. Of this
catalogue we are able to reproduce a page on which are indexed five
authors, with numerical references to the libraries containing each
work. Early in the fifteenth century a monk of Bury St. Edmunds, John
Boston by name--possibly the librarian of that house--expanded the
register by increasing to nearly seven hundred the number of authors,
and by adding a score of names to the list of libraries. He also
provided a short biographical sketch of each author “drawn from the best
sources at his disposal; so that the book in its completed form might
claim to be called a dictionary of literature.”[141]


We would fain fill in the outline we have given, for the friars and
their book-loving ways are interesting. But enough has been written to
show the origin and growth of libraries among the religious both of the
abbeys and the friaries. Of the later days of monachism it is not so
pleasant to write. The story has been well told many times, but no two
writers, even in a broad and general way, let alone in detail, have read
the facts alike. On the one hand it is urged that monachism became
degenerate, both in reverence for spiritual affairs and in love of
learning. Many monks, we are told, came to find more enjoyment in easy
living than in ascetic and religious observances. Apart from the savage
onslaughts in _Piers Plowman_, and the yarns of Layton and Legh, now
quite discredited, we have the most credible evidence in Chaucer’s
gentle satire:--

    “A monk ther was, a fair for the maistrye,
     An out-rydere, that lovede venerye; [hunting]
     A manly man, to been an abbot able,
     Ful many a deyntee hors hadde he in stable:

       *       *       *       *       *

     He was a lord ful fat and in good point [well-equipped]
     His eyen stepe, and rollinge in his heed.” [eyes bright]

The friars, too, were sometimes “merye and wantoun,” and

    “knew the tavernes wel in every toun,
     And everich hostiler or gay tappestere.”

And an indictment of some force might be based on the fact that the
general chapter of the Benedictine order at Coventry in 1516 found it
necessary to make regulations against immoderate and illicit eating and
drinking, and against hunting and hawking.[142]

No doubt also many a monk would argue with himself:--

    “What sholde he studie, and make him-selven wood [mad]
     Upon a book in cloistre alwey to poure
     Or swinken with his handes, and laboure [toil]
     As Austin bit?” [As St. Augustine bids]

De Bury declaimed against the monks’ neglect of books. “Now slothful
Thersites,” he cries, “handles the arms of Achilles and the choice
trappings of war-horses are spread upon lazy asses, winking owls lord it
in the eagle’s nest, and the cowardly kite sits upon the perch of the

    “Liber Bacchus is ever loved,
     And is into their bellies shoved,
        By day and by night.
     Liber Codex is neglected,
     And with scornful hand rejected
        Far out of their sight.”

“And as if the simple monastic folk of modern times were deceived by a
confusion of names, while Liber Pater is preferred to Liber Patrum, the
study of the monks nowadays is in the emptying of cups and not the
emending of books; to which they do not hesitate to add the wanton music
of Timotheus, jealous of chastity, and thus the song of the merrymaker
and not the chant of the mourner is become the office of the monks.
Flocks and fleeces, crops and granaries, leeks and potherbs, drink and
goblets, are nowadays the reading and study of the monks, except a few
elect ones, in whom lingers not the image but some slight vestige of the
fathers that preceded them.”[143] Specific instances of neglect and
worse are recorded. We have already mentioned the giving and selling of
books by the monks of St. Albans to Richard de Bury. From the account
books of Bolton Abbey it would appear that three books only were bought
during forty years of the fourteenth century.[144] At St. Werburgh’s,
Chester, discipline was very lax. Two monks robbed the abbot of a book
valued at £20, and of property valued at £100 or more, and stole from
two of their brethren books and money (1409). About four years later one
of the thieves was elected abbot, and his respect for learning may be
gauged from the fact that in 1422 he was charged with not having
maintained a scholar at Oxford or Cambridge for twelve years, although
it was his duty to do so by the rules of his order.[145]

At Bury books were going astray in the first half of the fifteenth
century. Abbot William Curteys (1429-45) issued an ordinance in which he
declares books given out by the precentor to the brethren for purposes
of study had been lent, pledged, and even stolen by them. Some of them
he had recovered, and he hoped to secure more, but the process of
recovery had been expensive and troublesome, both to himself and the
people he found in possession of the books. He therefore sternly forbade
the brethren to alienate books, and decrees certain punishments if his
order was disobeyed. Brethren studying at the University seem to have
been not immune from such faults.[146] The prior of Michelham sold
books, papers, horses, and timber for his own personal profit (1478). A
visitation of Wigmore showed that books were not “studied in the
cloister because the seats were uncomfortable.”[147] Bishop Goldwell’s
visitation of his diocese of Norwich in 1492 showed that at Norwich
Priory no scholars were sent to study at Oxford, and at Wymondham Abbey
the monks “refused to apply themselves to their books.” At Battle Abbey,
in 1530, the one time fine library was in a sad state of neglect; no
doubt books had been parted with. And as the last years of the
monasteries coincided with a renewed interest among seculars in learning
and with a revival of book-collecting, the monks of all houses must have
been sorely tempted to sell books which laymen coveted, as the monks of
Mount Athos have been bartering away their libraries ever since the
seventeenth century.

But among so many houses some were bound to be ill-conducted. And it is
important to remember that irregularities would be recorded oftener than
more favourable facts. What had been usual would go unnoted; what was
strange, and a departure from the highest standard of monachism, would
be observed with regret by friends and dwelt on with spite by enemies.
Although human memory is apt to register evil acts with more assiduity
and fidelity than good, yet a contrary view of the last state of
monachism may be argued with as much reason and with the support of
equally reliable evidence. The great majority of the houses were not
under lax control. The general organisation was not defective; nor was
every monk a “lorel, a loller, and a ‘spille-tyme.’” Setting aside the
question of general conduct, with which we have little to do, plenty of
evidence may be collected to show that the work of the earlier periods
was not only continued in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but
that some of the monks enjoyed special distinction among their
contemporaries. Writing was encouraged by directions of chapters in
1343, 1388, and 1444.[148] The early part of the fifteenth century was
an age of library building, in the monasteries, as at the Universities.
Special rooms for books were put up at Gloucester, Christ Church
(Canterbury), Durham, Bury St. Edmunds, and other houses. Large and
growing monastic libraries were in existence--at St. Albans and
Peterborough, two at Canterbury of nearly two thousand volumes each, two
thousand volumes at Bury, a thousand and more at Durham, six hundred at
Ramsey, three hundred and fifty at Meaux. When John Leland crossed the
threshold of the library at Glastonbury he stood stock still for a
moment, awestruck and bewildered at the sight of books of the greatest
antiquity. In 1482, the abbess of Syon monastery, Isleworth, entered
into a regular contract for writing and binding books.[149] Some forty
years later this abbey had at least fourteen hundred and twenty-one
printed and manuscript volumes in its library.[150] More facts of
similar character will be noted in the next chapter. Here we will
content ourselves with noting a few of the most conspicuous instances of
monkish scholarship in these later days. At Glastonbury, Abbot John
Selwood was familiar with John Free’s work; indeed, presents a monk with
one of that scholar’s translations from the Greek.[151] His successor,
Bere, was a pilgrim to Italy, and was in correspondence with Erasmus,
who desired him to examine his translation of the New Testament from the
Greek. A monk of Westminster, who became abbot of his house in 1465, was
a diligent student, noted for his knowledge of Greek.[152] At Christ
Church, Canterbury, Prior Selling was particularly zealous on behalf of
the library, and was one of the first to import Greek books into England
in any considerable quantity.[153] Two manuscripts now in the library of
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and one in New College, were transcribed
by a Greek living at Reading Abbey (1497-1500).[154] These few
references to the study of Greek are especially significant, as the
revival of Greek studies had only just begun.

§ IV

The whole truth about the later days of the monasteries will never be
known. Many of the original sources of our knowledge are tainted with
partisanship and religious rancour and flagrant dishonesty. What does
seem to be true is that in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
monastic influence grew slowly weaker, although the system may not have
been degenerate in itself. The cause is to be found in the very
prosperity of monachism, which brought to the religious houses wealth
and all its responsibilities. Wealth always imposes fetters, as every
rich man, from Seneca downwards, has declared with unctuous lamentation.

[Illustration: _PLATE XI_



what first strikes the student who compares early English monachism with
the later is, that whereas the monks of the first period were most
concerned with their monastic duties, their religious observances, and
their scribing and illuminating, the monks of the later period, and
especially during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were immersed
in business, in the management of their wealth, the control of large
estates. The possession of wealth led in one direction to excessive
display, and to purchasing land and building beyond their means; a
course which monks might easily persuade themselves was progressive and
exemplary of true religious fervour, but which attracted to them envious
eyes. Heavy subsidies to the Crown and the Pope oppressed them. Then
again, many houses indulged in unwise and excessive almsgiving, which
the monks might well believe to be right, but which brought them only
the interested friendship of the needy. And in the management of their
estates much litigation obstinately pursued caused internal dissension,
was costly, and gained them only bitter enemies. Had the monasteries
been allowed to exist, probably these evils would have cured themselves.
But, owing to these evils,--to the decline of monastic influence of
which they were the cause,--the Dissolution, once decided upon, could be
carried out with terrible swiftness and completeness; no influence nor
power which the religious could wield was able to delay or avert the
blow struck by the king. Within a few years over one thousand houses
were closed and their lands and property confiscated.

In the hastiness of the overthrow some conventual books were destroyed,
or stolen, or sold off at low prices. In a few places damage was done
even before the actual dissolution. At Christ Church, Canterbury, for
example, the drunken servants of a royal commission carelessly brought
about a fire, almost entirely destroying the library of Prior
Selling,[155] which he probably designed to add to the collection of his
monastery. But when the houses were suppressed, we are told, “whole
libraries were destroyed, or made waste paper of, or consumed for the
vilest uses. The splendid and magnificent Abbey of Malmesbury, which
possessed some of the finest manuscripts in the kingdom, was ransacked,
and its treasures either sold or burnt to serve the commonest purposes
of life. An antiquary who travelled through that town, many years after
the Dissolution, relates that he saw broken windows patched up with
remnants of the most valuable manuscripts on vellum, and that the bakers
had not even then consumed the stores they had accumulated, in heating
their ovens.”[156] John Bale tells us the loss of the libraries had not
mattered so much, “beynge so many in nombre, and in so desolate places
for the more parte, yf the chiefe monumentes and most notable workes of
our excellent wryters had been reserved. If there had been in every
shyre of Englande but one solempne lybrary to the preservacyon of those
noble workes, and preferrement of good lernynges in oure posteryte, it
had bene yet sumwhat. But to destroye all without consyderacyon, is and
wyll be unto Englande for ever, a most horryble infamy amonge the grave
senyours of other nacyons. A great nombre of them whych purchased these
superstycyouse mansyons reserved of those lybrary bokes, some to serve
theyr jakes, some to scoure theyr candlestycks, and some to rubbe theyr
bootes. Some they sold to the grossers and sopesellers, and some they
sent over see to the bokebynders, not in small nombre, but at tymes
whole shyppes full, to the wonderynge of the foren nacyons. Yea, the
unyversytees of this realme are not all clere in this detestable
fact.... I know a merchant man which shall at thys tyme be namelesse,
that boughte the contentes of two noble lybraryes for xl shyllynges
pryce, a shame it is to be spoken. Thys stuffe hath he occupyed in the
stede of graye paper by the space of more than these x years, and yet he
hath store ynough for many yeares to come.”[157] To some extent Bale’s
account of the contemptuous treatment of books is confirmed by records
of sales: as, for example, the following:--

  Item, sold to Robert Doryngton, old boke, and a cofer in the library   ijs.
  Item, old bokes in the vestry, sold to the same Robert               viiid.
  Item, sold to Robert Whytgreve, a missale                            viijd.
  Fyrst, sold to Mr. Whytgreve, a masse boke                            xijd.
  Item, old bokes in the quyer                                           vjd.
  Item, a fryers masse boke, solde to Marke Wyrley                     iiijd.[158]

Bale’s statement is sadly borne out by the fate of the library of the
Austin Friars of York. At one time this friary owned between six and
seven hundred books. Now but five are known to remain.[159] “It is
hardly open to doubt,” writes Dr. James, “that nine-tenths of the books
have ceased to exist. To be sure, it is no news to us that thousands,
perhaps hundreds of thousands, of manuscripts were destroyed in the
first half of the sixteenth century; but the truth comes heavily home
when we are confronted with the actual figures of the loss sustained in
one small corner of the field. We may fairly reckon that what happened
in the case of the Austin Friars at York happened to many another house
situated like it, in a populous centre, and thus enjoying good
opportunities for acquiring books.”[160]

But the loss may be--and has been--exaggerated. In some instances a good
part of a library was preserved. The Prior of Lanthony, a house in the
outskirts of Gloucester, saved the books of his little community. From
him they passed into the hands of one Theyer; later, possibly through
Archbishop Bancroft, they found an ultimate resting-place in Lambeth
Palace. During this interval many of them were perhaps lost or sold, but
to-day some one hundred and thirty are known certainly to have come from
Lanthony, or may be credited to that place on reasonably safe

Then again Henry’s myrmidons--to use the classic word--would be unlikely
to carry their vandalism too far. To do so, in view of the great value
of books, would bring them no profit. Knowing their character, may we
not reasonably assume that they sold as many books as they could to make
illicit gains?[162] Sometimes they fell in love with their finds, as was
natural. “Please it you to understand,” writes Thomas Bedyll, one of
Henry VIII’s commissioners, “that in the reding of the muniments and
charters of the house of Ramesey, I found a charter of King Edgar,
writen in a very antiq Romane hand, hard to be red at the first sight,
and light inowghe after that a man found out vj or vij words and after
compar letter to letter. I am suer ye wold delight to see the same for
the straingnes and antiquite thereof.... I have seen also there a
chartor of King Edward writen affor the Conquest.”[163]

[Illustration: _PLATE XII_



John Leland was one of those who saved books. Already he had been
commissioned to examine the libraries of cathedrals, abbeys, priories,
colleges, and other places wherein the records of antiquity were kept,
when, observing with dismay the threatened loss of monastic treasures,
he asked Cromwell to extend the commission to collecting books for the
king’s library. The Germans, he says, perceiving our “desidiousness” and
negligence, were daily sending young scholars hither, who spoiled the
books, and cut them out of libraries, and returned home and put them
abroad as monuments of their own country.[164]

His request was granted in part, and he tells us he sent to London for
the royal library the choicest volumes in St. Augustine’s Abbey; but
very few of these books now remain.[165] He had, he said, “conservid
many good autors, the which otherwise had beene like to have perischid
to no smaul incommodite of good letters, of the whiche parte remayne yn
the moste magnificent libraries of yowr royal Palacis. Parte also
remayne yn my custodye. Wherby I truste right shortely so to describe
your most noble reaulme, and to publische the Majeste and the excellent
actes of yowr progenitors.”[166]

Robert Talbot, rector of Haversham, Berkshire (_d._ 1558), collected
monastic manuscripts: the choicest of them he left to New College. A
portreeve of Ipswich, named William Smart, came into possession of some
hundred volumes from Bury Abbey library. In 1599 he gave them to
Pembroke College, where they are now.[167] John Twyne, (_d._ 1581),
schoolmaster and mayor of Canterbury, certainly once owned the
fifteenth-century catalogue of the St. Augustine’s Abbey library, and
seems to have possessed many manuscripts. Both catalogue and manuscripts
were transferred to Dr. John Dee, the famous alchemist. The catalogue,
with some other books belonging to the doctor, got to the library of
Trinity College, Dublin. But the manuscripts passed into the hands of
Brian Twyne, John’s grandson, who bequeathed them to Corpus Christi
College, Oxford; they are still there.[168] John Stow, whose gatherings
form part of the Harleian collection, saved some books which once
reposed in claustral aumbries, mainly owing to the protection and help
of Archbishop Parker.

Archbishop Parker himself was assiduous in garnering books. “I have
within my house, in wages,” he writes to Lord Burleigh, in 1573,
“drawers and cutters, painters, limners, writers and bookbinders.”
Again, “I toy out my time, partly with copying of books.” He made a
strenuous endeavour to recover as many of the monks’ books as possible,
using money and influence to this end; and accumulated an unusually
large library, quite priceless in character.[169] Most of his choice
books were presented to Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, and
twenty-five of them to Cambridge University Library (1574). Dr. Montagu
James, the leading authority on the provenance of Western manuscripts,
has discovered or made suggestions as to the origin of nearly two
hundred out of about three hundred and eighty.[170] Forty-seven are
traced to Christ Church, Canterbury; twenty-six to St. Augustine’s
Abbey. Later Dr. James extended his work to identifying the manuscripts
which were once in the Canterbury abbeys and in the priory of St. Martin
at Dover. From the fragmentary Christ Church catalogue of 1170, Dr.
James has identified two, and possibly six, manuscripts; from Henry
Eastry’s catalogue (14 cent.) of Christ Church books, he has identified
either certainly or with much probability about one hundred and eighty;
from the catalogue of St. Augustine’s Abbey library (_c._ 1497) over one
hundred and seventy-five; as well as twenty from the Dover catalogue
(1389). In addition, Dr. James has identified about one hundred and
fifty manuscripts still extant which are certainly or probably
attributable to Christ Church monastic library, but which are not in the
catalogues handed down to us; and over sixty which are likewise
attributable to St. Augustine’s monastery.[171] There are therefore
about five hundred and seventy Canterbury manuscripts now remaining to

By making a similarly thorough investigation Dr. James has traced about
three hundred and twenty-two manuscripts from Bury St. Edmunds.[172] Of
the Westminster Abbey manuscripts it is difficult to say how many are
extant, as the common medieval press marks are absent from the books of
this house. But the presence of eleven manuscripts in the British
Museum; two in Lambeth Palace; one at Sion College; three at the
Bodleian, and five more in Oxford colleges; two at the Cambridge
University Library, and two more in the colleges there; one at the
Chetham Library, Manchester; and two at Trinity College, Dublin, well
illustrate how the monastic books have been scattered since the
Dissolution.[173] To these special examinations Dr. James has gradually
added vastly to our knowledge of the provenance of manuscripts by his
masterly series of catalogues of the ancient treasures of the Cambridge
colleges, and he has proved to us that a considerable number of monastic
books still survive.[174] Much more work of the same kind remains to be
done; other labourers are needed; but the men of parts who are able and
content to labour at a task without remuneration and with small thanks
are few and far between; while fewer still are the publishers who can be
persuaded to produce the results of these researches.



    “For if hevene be on this erthe . and ese to any soule,
     It is in cloistere or in scole . be many skilles I fynde;
     For in cloistre cometh no man . to chide ne to fighte,
     But alle is buxomnesse there and bokes . to rede and to lerne.”
                                _Piers Plowman_, B. x. 300

§ I

Before leaving the subject of monastic libraries, it is desirable to say
something about their economy.

They were built up partly by importing books, partly by bequests from
wealthy ecclesiastics, but largely--and in some cases wholly--by the
labours of scribes. The scene of the scribe’s craft was the scriptorium
or writing-room, which was usually a screened-off portion of the
cloister, or a room beside the church and below the library, as at St.
Gall, or a chamber over the chapter-house, as at St. Albans under Abbot
Paul, at Cockersand Abbey and Birkenhead Priory. As a rule the monk was
not allowed to write outside the scriptorium, although in some houses he
could read elsewhere--as at Durham, where a desk to support books was
fitted in the window of each dormitory cubicle. But brothers whose work
was highly valued were allowed a small writing-room or scriptoriolum.
Nicholas, Bernard’s secretary, had a room on the right of the cloister
with its


door opening
into the novices’ room--a cell, he says, “not to be despised; for it is
... pleasant to look upon, and comfortable for retirement. It is filled
with most choice and divine books ... is assigned to me for reading, and
writing, and composing, and meditating, and praying, and adoring the
Lord of Majesty.”[175] Perhaps Nicholas’s room was like that shown in
one manuscript, where we see a monk seated on a stool before a
reading-stand of odd shape. The table, which is the top of a hexagonal
receptacle for parchment and writing materials, or books, can be moved
up and down on the screw. Above the screw is a bookrest; at the foot a
pedestal, with the ink-bottle upon it. Apparently the room also contains
cupboards for storing books. Nicholas, however, was favoured, for in the
same passage he refers to the older monks reading the “books of divine
eloquence in the cloister.” In Cistercian monasteries certain monks were
so favoured, although they were not allowed to use their studies during
the time the monks were supposed to be in the cloister.[176] At Oxford,
after mid-fourteenth century, every student friar had set apart for him
a place fitted with a combined desk and bookcase, or studium, of the
kind commonly depicted in medieval illuminations. Grants of timber for
making these studia are recorded: to the Black Friars of Oxford, for
example, of seven oaks to repair their studies.[177]

The arrangements in the cloister are carefully described in the Durham
Rites. At Durham “in the north syde of the cloister, from the corner
over against the church dour to the corner over againste the Dortor
dour, was all fynely glased, from the hight to the sole within a litle
of the grownd into the cloister garth. And in every wyndowe iij pewes or
carrells, where every one of the old Monks had his carrell, severall by
himselfe, that, when they had dyned, they dyd resorte to that place of
Cloister and there studyed upon there books, every one in his carrell,
all the after nonne, unto evensong time. This was there exercise every
daie. All there pewes or carrells was all fynely wainscotted and verie
close, all but the forepart, which had carved wourke that gave light in
at ther carrell doures of wainscott. And in every carrell was a deske to
lye there books on. And the carrells was no greater then from one
stanchell of the wyndowe to another.”[178] There were carrells at
Evesham in the fourteenth century.[179] In 1485 Prior Selling
constructed in the south walk at Christ Church, Canterbury, “the new
framed contrivances called carrells” for the comfort of the monks at
study.[180] Such recesses are to be found at Worcester and Gloucester;
remains of some exist at the south end of the west walk of the cloisters
at Chester, and others were in the destroyed south walk.[181] At
Gloucester Cathedral, which was formerly the Benedictine Abbey of St.
Peter, are twenty beautiful carrells in the south cloister. They project
below the ten main windows, two in each, and are arched, with
battlemented tops or cornices. Except for the small double window which
lights them, they look like recesses for statuary.

The Carthusian Rule records that few monks of the order could not
write.[182] But this was by no means invariably the case. In early
monastic times writing was usually the occupation of the weaker
brethren: for example,

[Illustration: _PLATE XIII_



Ferreolus, in his rules (_c_. 550), deems reading and copying fit
occupations for monks too weak for severer work.[183] Later, in some
monasteries, less labour in the field and more writing was done. At
Tours, Alcuin took the monks away from field labour, telling them study
and writing were far nobler pursuits.[184] But it was not commonly the
case to find in monasteries “ech man a scriveyn able.”

When books were not otherwise obtainable, or not obtainable quickly
enough, it was the practice to hire scribes from outside the house.
Abbot Gerbert, in a letter to the abbot of Tours, mentions that he had
been paying scribes in Rome and various parts of Italy, in Belgium, and
Germany, to make copies of books for his library “at great
expense.”[185] At Abingdon hired scribes were sometimes employed, and
the rule was for the abbot to find the food, and the armarius, or
librarian, to pay for the labour.[186] This was commonly done when
libraries were first formed. When Abbot Paul began to collect a library
at St. Albans none of his brethren could write well enough to suit him,
and he was obliged to fill his writing-room with hired scribes. He
supplied them with daily rations out of the brethren’s and cellarer’s
alms-food; such provision was always handy, and the scribes were not
retarded by leaving their work.[187] Sometimes scribes were employed
merely to save the monks trouble. At Corbie, in the fourteenth century,
the religious neglected to work in the writing-room themselves, but
allowed benefactors to engage professional scribes in Paris to swell the
number of books. The Gilbertine order forbade hired scribes altogether,
perhaps wisely.

The scribe’s method of work was simple. First he took a metal stylus or
a pencil and drew perpendicular lines in the side margins of his
parchment, and horizontal lines at equal distances from top to bottom of
the page. Then the task of copying was straightforward. If the book was
to be embellished he left spaces for the illuminator to fill in. When
the illuminator took the book over, he carefully sketched in his designs
for the capitals and miniatures, and then worked over them in colour,
applying one colour to a number of sketches at a time. Anybody who is
curious as to medieval methods of illuminating should read a little
fifteenth-century treatise which describes “the crafte of lymnynge of
bokys.” “Who so kane wyesly considere the nature of his colours, and
kyndely make his commixtions with naturalle proporcions, and mentalle
indagacions connectynge fro dyvers recepcions by resone of theyre
naturys, he schalle make curius colourys.” Thereafter follow recipes to
“temper vermelone to wryte therewith”; “to temper asure, roset, ceruse,
rede lede,” and other pigments; “to make asure to schyne bryȝt,” “to
make letterys of gold,” “blewe lethyre,” and “whyte lethyre”; with other
curious information.[188]

In monasteries where the rule was strict the scribe wrought at his task
for six hours daily.[189] All work was done by daylight, artificial
light not being allowed. Lewis, a monk of Wessobrunn in Bavaria, in a
copy of Jerome’s Commentary on Daniel, speaks of writing when he was
stiff with cold, and of finishing by the light of night what he could
not copy by day.[190] Such diligence was not usual.

In summer-time work in the cloister may well have been pleasant; in
winter quite the contrary, even when the cloister and carrells were
screened, as at Durham and Christ Church, Canterbury. Imagine the poor
scribe rubbing his hands to restore the sluggish circulation, and being
at last compelled to forgo his labour because they were too numbed to
write. Cuthbert, the eighth-century abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow,
writes to a correspondent telling him he had not been able to send all
Bede’s works which were required, because the cold weather of the
preceding winter had paralysed the scribes’ hands.[191] Again, Ordericus
Vitalis winds up the fourth book of his ecclesiastical history by
saying--_nunc hyemali frigore rigens_--he must break his narrative here,
and take up other occupations for the winter.[192] Jacob, abbot of
Brabant (1276), built scriptoria, or possibly carrells, round the
calefactory, or warming-room, where the common fire was kept burning,
and the lot of the scribe was made somewhat easier to bear.

A scribe could only write what the abbot or precentor set him. When his
portion had been given out he could not change it for another.[193] If
he were set to copy Virgil or Ovid or some lives of the saints the task
would conceivably be pleasant. But such was seldom the scribe’s fortune.
The continual transcription of Psalters and Missals and other service
books must have been infinitely wearisome, at any rate, to the less
devout members of the community. In some large and enterprising houses a
scribe copied only a fragment of a book. Several brethren worked upon
the same book at once, each beginning upon a skin at the point where
another scribe was to leave off.[194] Or the book to be transcribed was
dictated to the scribes, as at Tours under Alcuin. Both methods had the
advantage of “publishing” a book quickly, but the work was as
mechanical as is that of the compositor to-day. Under Abbot Trithemius
of Sponheim, subdivision of labour was carried to its extreme limit. One
monk cut the parchment, another polished it, the third ruled the lines
to guide the scribe. After the scribe had finished his copying, another
monk corrected, still another punctuated. In decorating, one artist
rubricated, another painted the miniatures. Then the bookbinder collated
the leaves and bound them in wooden covers. Even in the case of waxed
tablets, one monk prepared the boards, another spread the wax. The whole
process was designed to expedite production.

When a manuscript was fully written the scribe wrote his colophon or
“explicit,” a short form of the phrase “explicitus est liber.” Sometimes
the scribe plays upon words, thus: “Explicit iste liber; sit scriptor
crimine liber”; or he exultantly praises: “Deo gratias. Ego, in Dei
nomine, Warembertus scripsi. Deo gratias”; or he is modest: “Nomen
scriptoris non pono, quia ipsum laudare nolo”;[195] or he feels
querulous: “Be careful with your fingers; don’t put them on my writing.
You do not know what it is to write. It is excessive drudgery: it crooks
your back, dims your sight, twists your stomach and sides. Pray then, my
brother, you who read this book, pray for poor Raoul, God’s servant, who
has copied it entirely with his own hand in the cloister of St. Aignan.”
Another inscription, in a manuscript at Worcester Cathedral, suggests
that books were not read: why, argues this monk, write them?--nobody is
profited; books are for the edification of readers, not of scribes. Note
also the following:--

    Finito libro sit laus et gloria Christo
    Vinum scriptori debetur de meliori
    Hic liber est scriptus qui scripsit sit benedictus. Amen.[196]

And this:--

       Here endþ þe firste boke of all maner sores þe
    whyche fallen moste commune and withe þe grace of gode I
    will writte þe ij Boke þe whyche ys cleped the Antitodarie
       Explicit quod scripcit Thomas Rosse.[197]

To a poor Raoul of mechanical ability the rule of silence must have been
very irksome; the student would be grateful for it. Alcuin forbade
gossip to prevent mistakes in copying. Among the Cluniacs the rule was
strictly enforced in the church, refectory, cloister, and dormitory. A
chapter of the Cistercian order (1134) enjoined silence in all rooms
where the brethren were in the habit of writing.[198] The better to
maintain silence nobody was permitted to enter the scriptorium save the
abbot, the prior and sub-prior, and the precentor. When necessary it was
permissible to speak in a low voice in the ear. But among the Cluniacs
whispering was avoided as far as possible. Watch the monks communicating
with the librarian. One wants a Missal, and he pretends, as the children
say, to turn over leaves, thereby making the general sign for a book;
then he makes the sign of the Cross to indicate that he wants a Missal
book. Another wants the Gospels, and he makes the sign of the Cross on
the forehead. This brother wants a pagan book, and, after making the
general sign, he scratches his ear with his finger as an itching dog
would with his feet; infidel writers were not unfairly compared with
such creatures.[199] If such sign-language were really maintained, it
must have been extensively supplemented as the library grew in size, for
although striking the thumb and little

[Illustration: _PLATE XIV_


finger together would describe an Antiphonary, or making the sign of the
Cross and kissing the finger would indicate a Gradual, yet some
additions to the signs for a pagan book and a tract were necessary to
signify what particular tract or book was wanted. But probably if this
rule was observed at all--and we do not think it likely--the signs were
used only for church books, and most often in church. In nearly every
monastery the rule of silence was made. In the Brigittine house of Syon
“silence after some convenience is to be kepte in the lybrary, whyls any
suster is there alone in recordyng of her redynge.”[200] But it was at
all times difficult to enforce, as the monks, in experience and habits,
were but children.

For notes, exercises, brief letters, bills, first drafts, daily services
of the church, the names of officiating brethren,--for all temporary
purposes waxed tablets were used. They were in common use from classic
times: some Greek and many Latin tablets are still preserved;[201] they
were much used in ancient Ireland, as we have seen; and they continued
to be of service until the late Middle Ages. Anselm habitually wrote his
first drafts upon them. At St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, the monks
were supplied with tablets, for a novice’s outfit included, after
profession, a stylus, tablets, and a knife.[202] The writing was
scratched on the wax with a stylus, a sharp instrument of bone or metal.
The other end of it was usually flattened for pressing out an incorrect
letter; among the Romans the term “vetere stylum” became common in the
sense of correcting a work.


For all permanent purposes “bōc-fel,” or book-skin, was used; either
vellum or “parchëmyn smothe, whyte and scribable.” Vellum and parchment
were interchangeable terms in medieval times; but parchment was commonly
used. In early monastic days it was prepared by the monks themselves,
being rubbed smooth with pumice-stone; later it was bought from
manufacturers ready-made. It was not so expensive as vellum: the average
price being two shillings per dozen skins as compared with eight
shillings per dozen skins of vellum. For a Bible presented to Bury St.
Edmunds Abbey, finest Irish (or Scottish) vellum was procured (_c._
1121-48). This special material was used for the paintings, which seem
to have been pasted down on the leaves of inferior vellum. This
manuscript is now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.[203]

The pens used for writing were either made of reeds (_calami_) or of
quills (_pennae_). The quill was introduced after the reed, and largely,
though not entirely, superseded it. Other implements of the expert
scribe were a pencil, compasses, scissors, an awl, a knife for erasures,
a ruler, and a weight to keep down the vellum.

Numerous passages might be dug out of old records warning scribes
against errors in transcribing. Ælfric, in the preface to his homilies,
adjures the copyist, by our Lord Jesus Christ and by His glorious
coming, to transcribe correctly. Chaucer, in a well-known verse,
expresses his wish that Adam the scrivener shall copy _Boëthius_ and
_Troilus_ “trewe” and not write it “newe.”[204] In copying, however,
especially when it is mechanically done, it is almost as difficult to
write “trewe” as it is to write “newe”: the imp of the perverse makes
his home at the elbow of the scribe, ever ready to profit by drowsiness
or trifling inattention. But, as a rule, monkish scribes were
exceedingly careful, and their work was invariably corrected by another
hand. More than this: they endeavoured to get accurate texts to copy.
Lanfranc’s care in this respect, and the Grey Friars’ work in compiling
_correctoria_, have already been noted. Reculfus expected his clergy to
have books corrected and pointed by those in the “holy mother church”;
Adam de Marisco sent a manuscript to be corrected in Paris, begging to
have it back as soon as done;[205] and Servatus Lupus, the great abbot
of Ferrières, frequently borrowed from his friends books which he might
collate with his own copies, and rectify errors and insert

Before work could be started in the writing-room, books for copying had
to be obtained. Usually a few books were bought or borrowed; then
several copies were made of each, the superfluous volumes being sold or
exchanged for fresh manuscripts to transcribe. Benedict Biscop, as we
have seen, obtained his books from Rome and Vienne. Cuthwin, bishop of
the East Angles (_c._ 750) was of those who went to Rome, and brought
back with him a life of St. Paul, “full of pictures.” Herbert “Losinga,”
abbot of Ramsey and afterwards bishop of Norwich, was a zealous
book-collector;--asks for a Josephus on loan from a brother abbot, a
request not granted because the binding needed repair; and sends abroad
for a copy of Suetonius. Robert Grosseteste got a rare book, Basil’s
_Hexaemeron_, from Bury St. Edmunds in exchange for a MS. of
_Postillae_.[207] At Ely, in the fourteenth century, when the scribes
there were very active, the precentor was always on the look-out for
“copy.” On one occasion he was paid 6s. 7d. for going to Balsham to
inquire for books (1329).[208] Abbot Henry of Hyde Abbey exchanged a
volume containing Terence, Boëthius, Suetonius, and Claudian for four
Missals, the _Legend of St. Christopher_, and Gregory’s _Pastoral
Care_.[209] On one occasion Adam de Marisco tries to get from a brother
of Nottingham the _Moralia_ of St. Gregory, and Rabanus Maurus. He sends
from Oxford to an abbot at Vercelli an exposition of the Angelic
Salutation, and begs for the abbot’s writings in exchange.[210] Adam had
studied at Vercelli,[211]--a new Italian centre with a close English
connexion. About 1217 Cardinal Guala Bicchieri, afterwards bishop of
Vercelli, was granted the church of Chesterton, near Cambridge, and
when he died ten years later he left all his estate, including the
church, and a number of books which had been collected at Chesterton or
in England, to Vercelli Abbey. Among the gifts were two service books in
English, and the famous Codex Vercellensis, which is only less valuable
than the Exeter Book as a first source of Anglo-Saxon poetry. The
Vercelli Book is in Italy to this day.[212]

In some abbeys the purchase of books, and the copying of them for sale,
became just as much a business as the manufacture of Chartreuse. In 1446
Exeter College, Oxford, paid ten shillings and a penny for twelve quires
and two skins of parchment bought at Abingdon to send to the monastery
of Plympton in Devonshire, where a book was being written for the
College.[213] A part--and by no means a negligible part--of the income
of Carthusian houses came from copying books. Two continental abbots,
Abbot Gerbert of Bobio and Servatus Lupus of Ferrières, were book-makers
and sellers on a commercial scale. Lupus, in particular, betrays the
commercial spirit by refusing to give more than he was obliged in return
for what he received. He will not send a book to a monk at Sens because
his messenger must go afoot and the way was perilous: let us hope he
thought more of the messenger than of the manuscript. On another
occasion he refuses to lend a book because it is too large to be hidden
in the vest or wallet, and, besides, its beauty might tempt robbers to
steal it. These were good excuses to cover his general unwillingness to
lend. For the loan of one manuscript he was so bothered that he thought
of putting it away in a secure place, lest he should lose it

As a rule the expenses of the writing-room formed a part of the general
expenses of the house, but sometimes particular portions of the monastic
income and endowments were available to meet them. To St. Albans certain
tithes were assigned by a Norman leader for making books (_c._
1080).[215] The precentor of Abingdon obtained tithes worth thirty
shillings for buying parchment.[216] St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury,
got three marks from the rentals of Milton Church for making books
(1144).[217] The monks of Ely (1160), of Westminster (_c._ 1159), of the
cathedral convent of St. Swithin’s, Winchester (1171), of Bury St.
Edmunds, and of Whitby, received tithes and rents for a like
purpose.[218] The prior of Evesham received the tithes of Bengworth to
pay for parchment and for the maintenance of scribes; while the
precentor was to receive five shillings annually from the manor of
Hampton, and ten shillings and eightpence from the tithes of Stoke and
Alcester for buying ink, colours for illuminating, and what was
necessary for binding books and the necessaries for the organ.[219]

In some houses a rate was levied for the support of the scriptorium, but
we have not met with any instance of this practice in English
monasteries. At the great Benedictine Abbey of Fleury a rate was levied
in 1103 on the officers and dependent priories for the support of the
library; forty-three years later it was extended, and it remained in
force until 1562.[220] Besides this impost every student in the abbey
was bound to give two books to the library. At Corbie, in Picardy, a
rate was levied to pay the salary of the librarian, and to cover part of
the cost of bookbinding. Here also each novice, on the day of his
profession, had to present a book to the library; at Corvey, in Northern
Germany, the same rule was observed at the end of the eleventh century.
As all the monasteries of an order were conducted much on the same
lines, it is difficult to believe that similar rates were not levied by
some of the larger houses in England.

The libraries were also augmented by gifts and bequests, as well as by
purchase and by transcription in the scriptorium. In most abbeys it was
customary for the brethren to give or bequeath their books to their
house. A long list of such benefactors to Ramsey Abbey is extant, and
one of the brothers, Walter de Lilleford, prior of St. Ives, gave what
was in those days a considerable library in itself.[221] Much longer
still are the lists of presents given to Christ Church and St.
Augustine’s, Canterbury. Dr. James has indexed nearly two hundred donors
to Christ Church alone. In most cases the gifts are of one or a few
books, but occasionally collections of respectable size were received,
as when T. Sturey, senior, enriched the library with nearly sixty books,
when Thomas à Becket left over seventy, and when Prior Henry Eastry left
eighty volumes at his death. As many or more donors to St. Augustine’s
are indexed. Here also some of the donations were fairly large: for
example, Henry Belham and Henry Cokeryng gave nineteen books each, a
prior twenty-seven, a certain John of London eighty-two, J. Mankael
thirty-nine, Abbot Nicholaus sixteen, Michael de Northgate twenty-four,
Abbot Poucyn sixteen, J. Preston twenty-three, a certain Abbot Thomas
over a hundred, and T. Wyvelesberghe thirty-one. Some sixty persons are
also indexed as donors to St. Martin’s Priory, Dover.[222]

William de Carilef, bishop of Durham, endowed his church with books and
bequeathed some more at his death (1095). John, bishop of Bath,
bequeathed to the abbey church his whole library and his decorated
copies of the Gospels (1160). Another bishop of Durham, Hugh Pudsey,
bequeathed many books to his church (1195). Thomas de Marleberge (_d._
1236), when he became prior of Evesham, gave a large collection of books
in law, medicine, philosophy, poetry, theology, and grammar.[223] Simon
Langham bequeathed seven chests of books to Westminster Abbey
(1376).[224] William Slade (_d._ 1384) left to the Abbey of Buckfast, of
which he was abbot, thirteen books of his own writing.[225] Cardinal
Adam Easton (_d._ 1397) sent from Rome “six barrells of books” to his
convent of Norwich, where he had been a monk.[226] One of these books, a
fourteenth-century manuscript in an Italian hand, is now preserved in
the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge: the inscription
attesting this reads--“Liber ecclesie norwycen per magistrum Adam de
Eston monachum dicti loci.” Nor did the poor priest forget to add his
mite to the general hoard: “I beqweth to the monastery of Seynt Edmund
forseid,” willed a priest named Place, “my book of the dowtes of Holy
Scryptur, to ly and remayn in the cloister of the seid monastery as long
as yt wyll ther indure.”[227] Such gifts were always highly valued, and
in Lent the librarian was expected to remind the brethren of those who
had given books, and to request that a mass should be said for

§ II

Some miniatures in early manuscripts give us a good idea of the way
books were stored in the Middle Ages. They are shown lying flat on
sloping shelves which extend part-way round the room. Curtains are
occasionally shown hanging in front of the shelves to protect the books
from dust. Or a sloping shelf was fitted to serve as a readingdesk, and
a second flat shelf ran beneath it to take books lying on their sides
one above the other. In several miniatures lecterns of very curious
design are often depicted; some of them stood on a cupboard or cupboards
wherein books were stowed away.

In the monasteries books were stored in various places,--in chests,
cupboards, or recesses in the wall. When the collection was small, a
chest served; a receptacle of this kind is illustrated at p. 50.
Cassiodorus had the books of his monastery stored in presses, or
armaria. The manuscripts of Abbot Simon of St. Albans were preserved in
“the painted aumbry in the church.” An aumbry was a recess in the wall
well lined inside with wood so that the damp of the masonry should not
spoil the books. It was divided vertically and horizontally by shelves
in such a way that it was possible to arrange the books separately one
from another, and so to avoid injury from close packing, and delay in
consulting them.[229] The same term was applied to a detached closet or
cupboard. At Durham the monks distributed their books--keeping some in
the spendimentum or cancellary, some near the refectory, and the bulk
in the cloister. Two classes of books were in the cancellary: one stored
in a large closet with folding doors, called an armariolum, and used by
all the monks; the other kept in an inner room, and apparently reserved
for special uses. The books assigned to the reader in the refectory were
stored by the doorway leading to the infirmary, and not in the refectory
itself, as we should expect: maybe this arrangement was exceptional, and
was adopted for special reasons of convenience. Probably two places were
reserved for books in the cloister. One case or chest contained the
books of the novices, whose place of study was in that part of the
cloister facing the treasury. The main store was on the north side of
the cloister. “And over against the carrells against the church wall did
stande sertaine great almeries of waynscott all full of bookes, wherein
dyd lye as well the old auncyent written Doctors of the church as other
prophane authors, with dyverse other holie mens wourks, so that every
one dyd studye what Doctor pleased them best, havinge the librarie at
all tymes to goe studie in besydes there carrells.”[230] Dr. J. W.
Clark, the leading authority on early library fittings, has tried to
show, from evidences of a similar arrangement at Westminster, that this
part of the cloister formed a long room, with glazed windows and
carrells on the one hand, bookcases on the other, and screens at each
end shutting off the library and writing-place from the rest of the

Along the south wall of the cloister at Chester is a series of recesses
which are believed to have been used for bookcases. Two recesses for
aumbries are still to be seen in the cloister at Worcester: it is
recorded that one book, the _Speculum Spiritualium_, was to be
delivered “to ye cloyster awmery.” At Beaulieu the arched recesses in
the south wall of the church may have been put to a similar use. These
recesses are shown on the plan here reproduced; so also is the common
aumbry in the wall of the south transept.


In large continental houses a bookroom was sometimes needed very early.
One of the monasteries of Cassiodorus included a special room for the
library, with at least nine presses in it.[232] At St. Gall, a special
bookroom was planned, if not actually built, as early as the ninth
century. According to the old drawing still preserved at St. Gall, this
room was to be on the north side of the presbytery, symmetrically with
the sacristy on the south side. It was in two stories. The ground floor
was to be arranged as a writing-room,--_infra sedes scribentium_,--the
furniture being a large table in the centre, and seven writing-desks
against the walls. The upper story was the library.[233] In England we
hear of bookrooms oftenest in the fifteenth century, They were a usual
feature in later Cistercian houses. The plan just given shows the
position of this room between the church and the chapter-house, and not
far from the common claustral aumbry. At Whalley Abbey, also a
Cistercian house, there was evidently a separate library room, because
an inventory of the house’s goods taken in 1537 refers to the “litle
Revestry next unto the lebrary.”[234] Kirkstall and Furness also had
bookrooms. On each side of the massive arch of the Chapter House at
Furness Abbey is a similar arch leading to a small square room, most
likely used for books. The illustrations facing this show the position
of these rooms on either side of the Chapter House doorway. An extant
catalogue of another Cistercian house, that of Meaux in Yorkshire,
clearly indicates the whereabouts of the conventual books. Some church
books were before the great altar, others were in the choir, a few in
the infirmary chapel, and in the common press and other presses of the
church. The bulk of them was in the common aumbry, not apparently in the
open cloister, but in a room off the cloister. Over the door, on a shelf
or in a cupboard, were four Psalters; thirty-six books were on

[Illustration: _PLATE XV_



the top shelf on the other side of the room; the remainder, to the
number of about 270, were on other shelves marked by letters of the

At the Premonstratensian Abbey of Titchfield the books were stored in a
small room, in four cases, each having eight shelves. We do not
positively know that a separate room existed at the Benedictine house of
Christ Church, Canterbury, before the fifteenth century, “yet,” as Dr.
James says, “the form of Prior Eastry’s catalogue, with its division
into Demonstrations and Distinctions, irresistibly suggests that the
collection must in his time [1284-1331] have occupied a special room, of
which the two Demonstrations represent the two sides. The Distinctions
would be narrow vertical divisions of these, and each of them would have
its numerous subdivisions into Gradus. As the best English equivalent of
_Demonstratio_ I would suggest the word ‘Display,’ which fairly gives
the idea of a wall-surface covered with books; and I figure the building
to myself as an enlarged example of those Cistercian bookrooms with
which Dr. J. W. Clark’s researches have familiarized us. It would thus
be no place for study, such as the later libraries were, but merely a
storeroom whence books were fetched to be read at leisure in the
cloister.”[236] Between 1414 and 1443 a library was built over the
Prior’s Chapel by Archbishop Chichele: it was about sixty-two feet long
on the north side, fifty-four on the south side, and twenty-two feet
broad. This was the room which Prior Selling fitted up with wainscot,
and put books in for the benefit of the studious.[237] At St.
Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, there was a bookroom in 1340, for the
manuscript of the _Ayenbite of Inwyt_ contains a note that it belongs to
the “bochouse.”[238] The form of the catalogue of _c._ 1497 also
suggests that a bookroom was then in use.

At Gloucester a special room was built, probably in the fourteenth
century. Durham apparently did without a room until early in the
fifteenth century. “There ys a lybrarie in the south angle of the
lantren, whiche is nowe above the clocke, standinge betwixt the
Chapter-House and the Te Deum wyndowe, being well replenished with ould
written Docters and other histories and ecclesiasticall writers.”[239]
To this room the books were transferred gradually from the cloister and
chancellary: the words “in libraria,” or “Ponitur in libraria,” being
written in the margin of the catalogue opposite to the book upon its

The Benedictine houses of Winchester, Worcester, Bury St. Edmunds,[240]
and St. Albans also had special bookrooms.

For the safe keeping of the conventual books the precentor was
responsible.[241] As he had charge of the armarium or press for storing
books, he was also sometimes styled “armarius.” He was required to keep
clean all the boys’ and novices’ presses and other receptacles for
books; when necessary he was to have these fittings repaired. To provide
coverings for the books; to see that they were marked with their proper
titles; to arrange them on the shelves in suitable order, so that they
might be quickly found, were all duties within his province.[242] He had
to keep them in repair: in some houses he was expected to examine all
of them carefully several times a year, and to check, if possible, the
ravages of bookworms and damp. If necessary, he could call in skilled
labour to keep his library and books in order; but usually several
brethren were trained in the necessary arts, as at Sponheim. The
Abingdon regulations, which are in the usual form, forbade him to sell,
give away, or pledge books. All the materials for the use of the scribes
and the manuscripts for copying were to be provided by him.[243] He made
the ink, and could dole it out not only to the brethren but to lay folk
if they asked for it civilly.[244] He also controlled the work in the
scriptorium: setting the scribes their tasks, preventing them from
idling or talking; walking round the cloister when the bell sounded to
collect the books which had been forgotten by careless monks.

As a rule the monks so highly prized their books--saving them first, for
example, in time of danger, as when the Lombards attacked Monte Cassino
and the Huns St. Gall--that rules for the care of them would seem almost
superfluous. Still, such rules were made. When reading, the monks of
some houses were required to wrap handkerchiefs round the books, or to
hold them with the sleeve of their robe. Coverings, perhaps washable,
were put upon books much in use.[245] The Carthusian brethren were
exhorted in their statutes to take all possible care to keep the books
they were reading clean and free from dust.[246] Elsewhere we have
referred to an “explicit” urging readers to have a care for the scribe’s
writing: in another manuscript once belonging to Corbie, the kind reader
is bidden to keep his fingers off the pages lest he should mar the
writing on them--a man who knows nothing of the scribe’s business cannot
realize how heavy it is, for though only three fingers hold the pen, the
whole body toils.[247]


One of the precentor’s chief duties was to regulate lending books. At
Abingdon he could only lend to outsiders upon a pledge of equal or
greater value than the book required, and even so could only lend to
churches near by and to persons of good standing. It was deemed
preferable to confiscate the pledge than to proceed against a defaulting
borrower. In some houses more than a pledge was demanded if the book
were lent for transcription, the borrower being required to send a copy
when he returned the manuscript. “Make haste to copy these quickly,”
wrote St. Bernard’s secretary, “and send them to me; and, according to
my bargain, cause a copy to be made for me. And both these which I have
sent you, and the copies, as I have said, return them to me, and take
care that I do not lose a single tittle.”[248] The extra copy was
demanded, not so much for purposes of gain as to put a check upon
borrowing, a practice which many abbots did not encourage, on account of
the danger of loss. Books, like gloves, are soon lost. We can well
understand how uncommonly easy it was to forget to return a coveted
manuscript. To help borrowers to overcome the insidious temptation, the
scribe sometimes wrote upon the manuscript the name of the monastery it
belonged to, and threatened a defaulter with anathema. In some of the
St. Albans’ books is the following note in Latin: “This book is St.
Alban’s book: he who takes it from him or destroys the title be
anathema.”[249] The prior and convent of Rochester threatened to
pronounce sentence of damnation on anyone who stole or hid the Latin
translation of Aristotle’s _Physics_, or even obliterated the
title.[250] Apparently no fate was too bad for the thief who took the
Vulgate Bible: let him die the death; let him be frizzled in a pan; the
falling sickness and fever should rage in him; he should be broken on
the wheel and hanged; Amen.[251] Two curious notes are to be found in a
manuscript of the works of Augustine and Ambrose in the Bodleian
Library. “This book belongs to St. Mary of Robert’s Bridge: whoever
steals it, or sells it, or takes it away from this house in any way, or
injures it, let him be anathema-maranatha.” Underneath, another hand has
written: “I, John, bishop of Exeter, do not know where the said house
is: I did not steal this book, but got it lawfully.”[252] In a beautiful
manuscript of Chaucer’s _Troilus_, not perhaps a conventual book, occurs
the following:--

    “he that thys Boke rentt or stelle
     God send hym sekenysse swart (?) of helle.”[253]

All the same, losses were common. About 1290 William of Pershore, once a
Benedictine monk, and at the time a Grey Friar, returned to his old
order at Westminster, and took with him some books. A big dispute arose
over this apostate, and one of the items of the subsequent settlement
was that the Westminster monks should return the books.[254]

A similar thing took place in Scotland (1331). A friar of Roxburgh
forsook his grey habit for the Cistercian white by entering Kelso Abbey.
He made his new associates envious with an account of the goods of the
friaries at Roxburgh and Berwick. They persuaded him and two other
apostate friars to rob these convents of the “Bibles, chalices, and
other sacred books,” and, with the aid of night, the enterprise met with
more success than they deserved.[255]

The prior and convent of Ely traced some of their books to Paris. They
wrote to Edward III (1332): “Because a robber has taken out of our
church four books of great value, viz.--The Decretum, Decretals, the
Bible and Concordance, of which the first three are now at Paris,
arrested and detained under sequestration by the officer of the Bishop
of Paris, whom our proctor has often prayed in form of law to deliver
them, but he behaves so strangely that we shall find in him neither
right, grace, nor favour:--We ask you to write to the Bishop of Paris to
intermeddle favourably and tell his official to do right, so that we may
get our things back.”[256] In 1396-7 William, prior of Newstead, and a
brother canon, proceeded against John Ravensfield for the return of a
book by Richard of Hampole, entitled _Pricke of Conscience_, “and now
the parties aforesaid are agreed by the licence of the court, and the
said John is in ‘misericordia’; he paid the amercement in the
hall.”[257] Another record tells us of two monks of Christ Church,
Canterbury, being sent into Cambridgeshire to recover a book.

The risk of loss owing to the practice of lending books was great--how
great may be judged from the fact that of the equal portions of the
Peterhouse College library of 1418, 199 volumes of the chained portion
remain, but only ten of all those assigned to the Fellows are left.[258]
In spite of the risk, lending was extensively carried on. In one year
(1343), for example, the unimportant priory of Hinton lent no fewer than
twenty books to another monastery.[259] Then again, it was thought to be
only common charity to lend books to poor students, and in 1212 a
council at Paris actually forbade monks to refuse to lend books to the
poor, and requested them to divide their libraries into two
divisions--one for the use of the brothers, the other for lending.[260]
Whether this ever became a practice in England is more than doubtful.
But seculars of position or influence appear to have been able to borrow
monastic books. For example, in 1320, the prior and convent of Ely
acknowledge receiving ten books from the executors of a rector of
Balsham, who had borrowed them.[261] Some years later, at an audit of
books of Christ Church, Canterbury, seventeen manuscripts--thirteen of
them on law--were noted as in the hands of seculars, among whom was
Edward II.[262]

Lending books to brethren in the monastery was conducted according to
strict rules, of which those of Lanfranc, based on the Cluniac
observances, afford a good example. Before the brethren went into
chapter on the Monday after the first Sunday in Lent, the librarian laid
out on a carpet in the chapter-house all the books which were not on
loan. After the assembly of the brethren, the librarian read his
register of the books lent to the monks. Each brother, on hearing his
name, returned the book which had been entrusted to him. If he had not
made good use of the book, he was expected to prostrate himself, confess
his neglect, and beg forgiveness. When all books were returned, others
were issued, and a new record made. In some monasteries the abbot would
question the monks on the books they had read, to test their knowledge
of them, and whenever the answers were unsatisfactory would lend the
same books again instead of fresh ones. As a rule only one book was
issued at a time, so that the monk had plenty of time to digest its
contents. In Carthusian houses two books were lent at a time. Sick
brethren were freely permitted to borrow books for their solace, but
such books were returned to the library nightly, at lighting-up time.

Among the Cluniacs it was the custom to take stock of the books given
out to the monks once a year; while the Franciscans kept a register of
their books, and every year it was read and corrected before the convent
in assembly.[263]

An excellent example of a stocktaking record made at Christ Church,
Canterbury, has been preserved. The inspection took place in 1337. First
are recorded the books missing from the two “demonstrations,” as
recorded “in magnis tabulis,” _e.g._,

     Primo: deficit liber Transfiguratus in Crucifixum, ad quem est in
     nota Frater W. de Coventre.

Nineteen books were missing from the two “demonstrations,” or displays.
Nineteen service books were missing “in parvis tabulis.” No less than
thirty-eight books, twenty-eight of them for service, either of the
large or the small tables, were wanting: for these deceased brethren had
been responsible.[264]

The “large tables” are believed to be boards whereon the borrowers of
books had their names and borrowings noted. “I find,” writes Dr. James,
“in a St. Augustine’s manuscript a note written on the fly-leaf by a
monk, of the books ‘pro quibus scribor in tabula’--‘for which I am down
on the board.’”[265] Large tables were in use at Pembroke College,
Cambridge; probably they were of a similar kind. “And let the said
keeper,”--so the statute runs--“have ready large pieces of board
(_tabulas magnas_), covered with wax and parchment, that the titles of
the books may be written on the parchment, and the names of the Fellows
who hold them on the wax beside it.”[266] Monastic catalogues were
sometimes written on such boards. At Cluni, Mabillon and Martène found
the catalogue inscribed on parchment-covered boards three feet and a
half long and a foot and a half wide--great tablets which closed
together like a book.

Besides the example of an audit at Canterbury we have one belonging to
Durham, a little later in date (1416). The list of books assigned to the
Spendement was evidently read over, and a tick or point was put against
every volume found in its place. On a second check certain books were
accounted for, and notes of their whereabouts were added to the
inventory. Some were found in the cloister, others were in the library;
the prior of Finchale had a number; many had been sent to Oxford. In one
case a book is noted as given to Bishop Kempe of London.[267]

The catalogue was usually a simple inventory. Sometimes the entries were
classified, as in the case of a catalogue of the York library of the
Friars Eremites of the Augustinian order. The fifteenth-century
catalogue of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, is classified under sixteen
headings, but it is probably incomplete.[268] As a rule the entries were
only just sufficient to identify the books: all the treatises in a
volume were not often recorded, but only the title of the first. This is
an entry from a Durham catalogue:--

    F. Legenda Sanctorum, sive Passionarum pro mensibus
       Februaria et Marcii. II. fo., non surrexerunt.

The letter F was employed as a distinctive mark. The note “II. fo., non
surrexerunt” signifies that the second folio began with these words, and
was used as the most convenient method of distinguishing two copies of
the same book, for it would rarely happen that one scribe would begin
the second sheet with the same word as another. In some houses the
practice was extended to printed books in the sixteenth century; and
consequently no fewer that nearly four hundred editions have been named
in the catalogue of Syon monastery.[269] In some other catalogues the
information given was fuller. The catalogue of Syon notes first the
press-mark in a bold hand; then on the left side the donor’s name, and
on the opposite side the words of the second folio; and beneath the
description of the book.

     GRAUNTE      P 1^{m}      indutu_m_ est

  Biblia perpulcra et completa cum interpretacionibus.
  ¶ Tabula sentencialis super eandem per totum. ¶ Item
  alia tabula expositoria vocabulorum difficilium eiusdem

     WOODE         P 2     osce 2º

  Concordancie cum textu expresso.

The catalogue of St. Augustine’s, already referred to, recorded the
general title of the volume, or of the first treatise in it; the name of
the donor; the other contents of the volume; the first words of the
second leaf, and the press-mark. Where necessary, cross-references were
supplied. The press-marks used for monastic books are generally of two
kinds: press-marks properly so called, or class-marks. At St.
Augustine’s, Canterbury, the distinctions or tiers were numbered, as D
3; and the gradus or shelves of each distinction were numbered, as

[Illustration: _PLATE XVI_


G 4. A similar method seems to have been adopted for St. Albans; in one
book from that abbey is this mark: “de armariolo 4/A et quarto gradu
liber quartus.”[270] But such a mark assigned a book to one particular
place and fixed its relation to other books. Consequently, if any large
accession were made to the library, the classification of the books in
broad subject-divisions could only be maintained by the alteration of
many press-marks, both on the books and in the catalogue. At Titchfield
each class was marked with a letter of the alphabet, and the shelves
bearing it were numbered: thus a book might be assigned to G 2, or class
G, shelf 2.[271] This method of marking was more flexible. But at Syon
Monastery the books were arranged quite independently of the presses and
shelves; each volume receiving a different number, as well as a

The most elaborate example of monkish cataloguing comes from Dover
Priory, a cell belonging to Canterbury. One John Whytefield compiled it
in 1389. The note preceding the catalogue tells of unbounded enthusiasm
for the library and a meticulous regard for order. No better proof of
the care taken of books by most monks could be found. The catalogue is
in three parts. First there is a brief inventory of the books as they
are arranged on the shelves. This is a shelf-list designed for the use
of the precentor; just the sort of record modern librarians regard as
indispensable in the administration of their libraries. Secondly, our
industrious monk has provided a catalogue,--a repetition of the
shelf-list, but with all the contents of each volume set out. His chief
aim in making this compilation is to show up fully the resources of his
collection, and to lead studious brethren to read zealously and
frequently. Lastly, an analytical index to the catalogue is supplied:
it is in alphabetical order, and is intended to point out to the user
the whereabouts in a volume of any individual treatise. A similar index,
by the way, is appended to the catalogue of Syon monastery.[272] The
library seems to have been spread over nine tiers (distinctions) of
book-casing, each marked with a letter of the alphabet. A tier had seven
shelves (_gradus_) marked by Roman numeral figures, the numbers
beginning from the bottom of the tier. Each book bore a small Arabic
figure which fixed its order on the shelf. The full press-mark of a book
was therefore A. V. 4. Such marks were written inside the books and on
their bindings. On the second, third, or fourth leaf of a book, or
thereabouts, the title was written on the bottom margin, with the
press-mark and the first words of that leaf. All these marks were copied
in the inventory or shelf-list: first the tier letter, then the shelf
number, afterwards the book number; followed by the title, the number of
the leaf whence the identifying words were taken, then the identifying
words, with the number of leaves in the volume, and finally the number
of tracts it contains. Here are some entries:--

                  A. v.

  |   Ordo    |  Nomina   |    Loca    | Dicciones  |Summa     |  Numerus   |
  |locacionis.|voluminum. |probacionum.|probatorie. |ffoliorum.|contentorum.|
  |     1     |Psalterium |     6      |apprehendite|   105    |     1      |
  |           |  vetus    |            |  disci     |          |            |
  |           |  glosatum |            |            |          |            |
  |     2     |Prima pars |     4      |cument que  |   195    |     2      |
  |           |  psalterii|            |  il lait   |          |            |
  |           |  glosata  |            |            |          |            |
  |           |  gallice  |            |            |          |            |
  |     3     |Glose super|            |nullas      |   104    |     2      |
  |           |  spalterio|     6      |  habebunt  |          |            |
  |           |           |            |  veri      |          |            |

In the second part, or catalogue following the shelf-list, are set out
the tier letter, shelf number, book number, short title; then the number
of the folio on which each tract in a volume begins, and finally the
first words of the tract itself.[273]

Most books were bound by the monks themselves. The commonest materials
used for ordinary manuscripts were wooden boards, covered with deerskin
and calfskin, either coloured red or used in its natural tint, and
parchment usually stained or painted red or purple. Charles the Great
authorised the Abbot of St. Bertin to enjoy hunting rights so that the
monks could get skins for binding. In mid-ninth century, Geoffroi
Martel, Count of Anjou, commanded that the tithe of the roeskins
captured in the island of Oléron should be used to bind the books in an
abbey of his foundation. Few monastic bindings have been preserved,
because many great collectors have had their manuscripts rebound.
Several examples of Winchester work remain. Mr. Yates Thompson has a
mid-twelfth century manuscript bound in the monastic style, the leather
being stamped with cold irons of many curious rectangular shapes. The
manuscript of the Winton Domesday has a binding with stamps exactly like
those on Mr. Thompson’s book. “At Durham in the last half of the twelfth
century there was an equally important school of binding, with some one
hundred and fourteen different stamps. The binding for Hugh Pudsey’s
Bible has nearly five hundred impressions.”[274] In Pembroke College
library an excellent specimen of twelfth century stamped binding remains
on MS. 147. Such stamps were small, and frequently of geometrical or
floral design, always rudimentary; but animals of the quaintest
form--grotesque birds and dragons--were also introduced. A hammer or
mallet was employed to obtain an impression from the stamp. Sometimes
the oak boards were not covered with skin but were painted.

If a book was specially prized the binding was often rich. The covers of
the Gospels of Lindau, a superb example of Carolingian art, bear nearly
five hundred gems encrusted in gold.[275] Abbot Paul of St. Albans gave
to his church two books adorned with gold and silver and gems. Abbot
Godfrey of Malmesbury, partly to meet a heavy tax imposed by William
Rufus, stripped twelve Gospels of their decorations. “Books are clothed
with precious stones,” cried St. Jerome, “whilst Christ’s poor die in
nakedness at the door.”[276] In spite of the many references to jewelled
monastic bindings in medieval records, very few are extant.

[Illustration: _PLATE XVII_




§ I

To the books of the monastery some human interest clings: we can at once
conjure up a picture of the cloister and the scribe at his work; the
handling of an old manuscript, the turning over of finely-written and
quaintly-illuminated yellow pages, throws the mind flashing back
centuries to the silent writer in his carrell. But the church library is
not rich in associations. It was a small “working” collection: one part
for the use of the clergy, the other part--consisting of a few chained
books--for the use of the people. These chained books, which now suggest
a scarcely conceivable restriction upon the circulation of
literature--even theological literature--were, in fact, the sign of a
glimmer of liberal thought in the church. During the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, not only were monastic books issued to lay people
more freely, but many more books were chained in places of worship than
in the sixteenth century, when the proclamation for the “setting-up” of
Bibles in churches was granted unwillingly.

Some collections which later were distinctively church libraries were at
first claustral. For convenience’ sake we shall treat all of them as
church libraries. The amount of information on medieval church libraries
is surprisingly extensive, albeit a great deal more must remain hidden
still, for all our cathedral libraries have not been subjects of such
loving scholarship as Canon Church has bestowed upon the ancient
treasure-house at Wells. Still the material is extensive, and our
difficulty in making a selection for such a compendious book as the
present is complicated, because we often do not find it possible to say
whether the books referred to in the available records are merely
service books, or books of an ordinary character. To evade this
difficulty we must ignore all material relating to unnamed books, which
we cannot reasonably suppose to have been the nucleus of a more general
collection, or an addition to it.

Exeter Cathedral Library was a monastic hoard. It originated with Bishop
Leofric, who got together over sixty books about sixteen years before
the Conquest. His books were a curious collection: among copies of the
classics and ecclesiastical works were books of night songs, summer and
winter reading books, a precious book of blessings, and a “Mycel Englisc
boc”--a large English book, on all sorts of things, wrought in verse.
The last is the famous Exeter book, still preserved in the library. A
small folio of 130 leaves of vellum, it is remarkable to the student of
manuscripts for its bold, clear, and graceful calligraphy, and priceless
to the student of literature as the only source of much of our small
store of Anglo-Saxon poetry. Some other Leofrican books remain. In the
library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, is an eleventh century
copy of Bede’s history in Anglo-Saxon, which was given to Exeter by
Leofric, although it is not mentioned in the list of his gifts in the
Bodleian manuscript. The inscription in it reads: _Hunc librum dat
leofricus episcopus ecclesie sancti petri apostoli in exonia ubi sedes
episcopalis est ad utilitatem successorum suorum. Si quis illum
abstulerit inde, subiaceat maledictioni. Fiat. Fiat. Fiat._[277] A
manuscript of Bede on

[Illustration: _PLATE XVIII_


the Apocalypse, now at Lambeth Palace, seems almost certainly to have
come from St. Mary’s Church, Crediton, and it bears the
inscription:--“A: in nomine domini. Amen. Leofric_us_ Pater.”[278]
Another book given by Leofric, a missal dating from 969, is preserved in
the Bodleian Library.[279]

Although the age of these books suggests that the collection has existed
continuously since the eleventh century, after Leofric’s time no
important reference to the library occurs until 1327, when an inventory
of the books was drawn up. Then about 230 volumes (excluding service
books) were in the possession of the Chapter.[280] In this same year a
breviary and a missal were chained up in the choir for the use of the
people.[281] Twelve months later John Grandisson arrived at Exeter to
take charge of his diocese. A book-loving bishop, he was a benefactor to
the library, maybe to a very praiseworthy extent; but a few words will
record what is definitely known about this part of his work. In 1366 he
gave two folio volumes, still extant. One contains Lessons from the
Bible, and the homilies appointed to be read, and the other is the
Legends of the Saints.[282] In his will he gave two other books, perhaps
Pontificals of his own compilation, to his successors.[283] He himself
owned an extensive library, which he divided principally between his
chapter and the collegiate churches of Ottery, Crediton, and Boseham,
and Exeter College, Oxford.[284] All St. Thomas Aquinas’ works he
bequeathed to the Black Friars’ convent at Exeter. To Simon Islip,
Archbishop of Canterbury, he gave a fine copy of St. Anselm’s letters,
now by good fortune in the British Museum. A Hebrew Pentateuch once
belonging to him is in the capitular library of Westminster: is it
possible that the bishop was a Hebrew scholar?[285] Among the books of
Windsor College was a volume, _De Legendis et Missis de B. V. Mariâ_,
which had been given by him.

A library room was built over the east cloister in 1412-13.[286]
Probably the building was found necessary on account of a considerable
accession of books, and we hazard a guess that Grandisson’s bequest,
received in 1370, formed the bulk of the accretion. At all events, among
the accounts for the building are charges for 191 chains for books not
secured before. No fewer than 67 books were also sewed or bound on this
same occasion, the master binder being paid £6 and his man 36s. 8d. Thus
at the beginning of the fifteenth century--the age of library
building--the capitular hoard at Exeter was furbished up, newly housed,
and arranged. But the interest in the collection seems to have waned.
Another chain was bought for sixteenpence in 1430-31 for a copy of
_Rationale Divinorum_, which was given by one Rolder; but such gifts
were few and far between. In 1506 the Chapter owned 363 volumes, but
133 more than in 1327,[287] so that few additions besides Grandisson’s
were made in nearly two centuries, or many books were lost.[288]
According to this second inventory the books were arranged in eleven
desks; eight books were chained opposite the west door; twenty-eight
were not chained; seven were chained behind the treasurer’s stall (a
Bible in three volumes, Lyra also in three, and a Concordance); and
fourteen volumes of canon and civil law behind the succentor’s
stall.[289] The Dean and Chapter were in a strangely generous mood at
the end of this century. In 1566 they gave one of Leofric’s books to
Archbishop Parker: it is now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. The
collection was despoiled of eighty-one of its finest books to enrich
Bodley’s foundation at Oxford, 1602.[290] Although the book-lover does
not like to see treasures torn from their associations, yet in this
instance the alienation was fortunate. By 1752 only twenty volumes noted
in the inventory of 1506 were left at Exeter.[291]

Besides the Exeter Book, one other very ancient and valuable manuscript
is preserved in the Cathedral: this is the part of the Domesday Book
referring to Devon, Cornwall, and Somerset, which is probably not much
later in date than the Exchequer record. Two ancient book-boxes are also
to be found there. These are fixed in a sloping position by means of
iron supports embedded in the pillars. The late Dr. J. W. Clark was led
to believe them to be intended for books by finding a wooden bookboard
nailed to the inside bottom of one of the boxes. For the protection of
the book each box has a cover, which does not seem ever to have been
fastened: a reader would raise the lid when he wanted to use the
manuscript, and close it before he went away.[292] Erasmus seems to have
seen similar boxes fixed to the pillars in the nave at Canterbury.[293]

§ II

When gifts or bequests were received by a church or monastery, it was a
beautiful custom to lay them, or something to represent them, upon the
altar: “a book, or turf, or, in fact, almost any portable object, was
offered for property such as land; or a bough or twig of a tree, if the
gift were a forest.” King Offa’s gift of churches to Worcester monastery
in 780 was accompanied by a great book with golden clasps, with every
probability a Bible.[294] A gift was made under similar circumstances in
_c._ 1057, about the time Bishop Leofric was founding the library at
Exeter, when Lady Godiva, the wife of another Leofric, restored some
manors to Worcester, and with them gave a Bible in two parts. Before
this, Bishop Werfrith, to whom we have referred before as a helper of
King Alfred, had sent to Worcester the Anglo-Saxon version of Gregory’s
_Cura Pastoralis_; the very copy of it is now in the Bodleian Library.

Such were perhaps the beginnings of the library of Worcester Cathedral.
We cannot but think that a collection of books was formed slowly and
steadily here, as in other foundations of the same kind, although
actual records are scanty and meagre. In over forty of the manuscripts
now at Worcester are inscriptions on fly-leaves stating where they were
procured: sometimes the price is given. The dates of these inscriptions
run from about 1283 to 1462, or later.[295] “In 1464,” writes the Rev.
J. K. Floyer, in his article entitled _A Thousand Years of a Cathedral
Library_, “we first hear of a regular endowment for the acquisition of
books. Bishop Carpenter made a library in the charnel house chantry, and
endowed it with £10 for a librarian. The charnel house was near the
north porch of the Cathedral, and stood on or near the site of the
present Precentor’s house. It was a separate institution from the
monastery, and had its own endowments and priests. Bishop Carpenter’s
foundation was probably entirely separate from the collection of books
kept for the use of the monks in the cloister.”[296] At the same time,
the bishop made regulations for the use of the library. The keeper was
to be a graduate in theology, and a good preacher. He was to live in the
chantry, where a dwelling had been erected for him at the end of the
library. Among other duties he had to take care of the books. The
library was to be open to the public every week day for two hours before
Nones (or nine), and for two hours after Nones. This alone was a most
liberal regulation, for making which Bishop Carpenter deserves all
honour. But he went still further. When asked to do so the keeper was to
explain difficult passages of Scripture, and once a week was to deliver
a public lecture in the library. The Bishop’s idea of a library is
precisely that embodied in the modern town library: a collection of good
books, for the free use of the public, with some personal help to the
proper use of them when necessary. Three lists of the books were to be
drawn up, one to be kept by the Bishop, the second by the sacrist, and
the third by the keeper. Once a year stock was taken, and if a book were
missing through the keeper’s neglect, he was to forfeit its value within
a month, or in default was to pay forty-shillings more than the value of
it, one half of the sum to go to the Bishop, the other half to the
sacrist. Unfortunately these and other regulations were not observed
with care, and within forty years the Bishop’s work was completely
neglected and forgotten.

At the Dissolution the Priory was deprived of much of its church plate,
service books and vestments, and probably of many of its books. But the
library there suffered a good deal less than those of other houses, and
the Cathedral now has in its possession some respectable remains of its
ancient collection of books.[297]


The history of an old library can only be traced intermittently, the
facts playing hide and seek like a distant lantern carried over broken
ground. Little is known of the early history of Hereford’s cathedral
library. An ancient copy of the Gospels, said to have been bequeathed by
the last Saxon bishop, Athelstan (1012), is one of the earliest gifts.
In 1186 Bishop Robert Folliott gave “multa bona in terris et libris.”
Bishop Hugh Folliott also left ornaments and books. Another bishop, R.
de Maidstone, although “vir magnae literaturae, et in theologia
nominatissimus,” only seems to have given the church two antiphonaries,
some psalters, and a _Legenda_. Bishop Charleton (1369) left a Bible, a
concordance, a glossary, Nicholas de Lyra, and five Books of Moses, all
to be chained in the cathedral. Very shortly

[Illustration: _PLATE XIX_


afterwards we hear of fittings, for in 1395 Walter of Ramsbury gave £10
for making the desks. Probably a book-room, which was over the west
cloister, was then put up. A long interval elapsed, during which little
seems to have been done for the library. But between _c._ 1516-35 Bishop
Booth and Dean Frowcester left many fine volumes. In 1589 the book-room
was abandoned and the contents shifted to the Lady Chapel.

A new library was built in 1897. Herein are to be seen what are almost
certainly the original bookcases, albeit they have been taken to pieces
and somewhat altered before being fitted together again. One of the
bookcases still has all the old chains and fittings for the books, and
it presents a very curious appearance. Every chain is from three to four
feet long, with a ring at each end, and a swivel in the middle. One ring
is strung on to an iron rod, which is secured at one end of the bookcase
by metal work, with lock and key. For convenience in using the book on
the reading slope which was attached to the case, the ring at the other
end of the chain was fixed to the fore edge of the book-cover instead of
to the back; when standing on the shelves the books therefore present
their fore edges to the reader. The cases are roughly finished, but very
solid in make.[298]

§ IV

At Old Sarum Church, Bishop Osmund (1078-99) collected, wrote, and bound
books.[299] In his time, too, the chancellor used to superintend the
schools and correct books: either books used in the school or service
books.[300] The income from a virgate of land was assigned to
correcting books towards the end of the twelfth century (1175-80).[301]
The new Salisbury Cathedral was erected in the thirteenth century; but
apparently a special library room was not used until shortly after 1444,
when it was put up to cover the whole eastern cloister. This room was
altered and reduced in size in 1758. About the time the room was
completed one of the canons gave some books, on the inside covers of two
of which is a note in a fifteenth century hand bidding they should be
chained in the new library.[302] Nearly two hundred manuscripts, of
various date from the ninth to the fourteenth century, are now in the
library. Among them several notable volumes are to be found: a Psalter
with curious illuminations; another Psalter, with the Gallican and
Hebrew of Jerome’s translation in parallel columns, also illuminated;
Chaucer’s translation of Boëthius; Geoffrey of Monmouth’s _History of
the Kings of Britain_ of the twelfth century; a thirteenth century
Lectionary, with golden and coloured initials; a Tonale according to
Sarum use, bound with a fourteenth century Ordinal; and a fifteenth
century Processional containing some notes on local customs.

§ V

Books were given to Lincoln Cathedral about 1150 by Hugh of Leicester;
one of them bears the inscription, _Ex dono Hugonis Archidiaconi
Leycestriae_. They may still be seen at Lincoln. Forty-two volumes and a
map came into the charge of Hamo when he became chancellor in 1150.[303]
During his chancellorship thirty-one volumes were added by gift, so
making the total seventy-three volumes: Bishops Alexander and Chesney
were among the benefactors. But here, as at

[Illustration: _PLATE XX_


Salisbury, not until the fifteenth century was a separate library room
built. Two gifts “to the new library” by Bishop Repyngton--who also
befriended Oxford University Library--and Chancellor Duffield in 1419
and 1426, fix the date. It was put up over the north half of the eastern
cloisters, relatively the same position as at Salisbury and Wells.
Originally it had five bays, but in 1789 the two southernmost bays were
pulled down: In this room the fine fifteenth century oaken roof, with
its carved ornaments, has been preserved, but at Salisbury the roof is
modern, with a plaster ceiling. Lincoln’s new library, designed by Wren
and erected in 1674, is next to this old room. According to a 1450
catalogue now preserved at Lincoln the library contained one hundred and
seven works, more than seventy of which now remain. Among the most
important manuscripts are a mid-fifteenth century copy of old English
romances of great literary value, collected by Robert de Thornton,
archdeacon of Bedford (_c._ 1430); and a contemporary copy of Magna

§ VI

In an inventory of St. Paul’s Cathedral, taken in 1245, mention is made
of thirty-five volumes.[304] Before this, in Ralph of Diceto’s time, a
binder of books was an officer of the church. As at Salisbury, the
chancellor’s duties included taking charge of the school books. In 1283
a writer of books was included among the ministers. The two offices were
combined in the beginning of the next century. When Dean Ralph Baldock
made a visitation of St. Paul’s treasury in 1295, he found thirteen
Gospels adorned with precious metals and stones; some other parts of the
Scriptures; and a commentary of Thomas Aquinas. In 1313 Baldock, who
died Bishop of London, bequeathed fifteen volumes, chiefly theological
books.[305] To Baldock’s time probably belongs the reference to twelve
scribes, no doubt retained for business purposes as well as for
book-making. They were bound by an oath to be faithful to the church and
to write without fraud or malice. Æneas Sylvius tells us he saw a Latin
translation of Thucydides in the sacristy of the cathedral (1435).[306]

A library room was erected in the fifteenth century. “Ouer the East
Quadrant of this Cloyster, was a fayre Librarie, builded at the costes
and charges of Waltar Sherington, Chancellor of the Duchie of Lancaster,
in the raigne of Henrie the 6 which hath beene well furnished with faire
written books in Vellem.”[307] The catalogue of 1458 bears out Stow’s
description of the library as well-furnished. Some one hundred and
seventy volumes were in the Chapter’s possession; they were of the usual
kind, grammatical books, Bibles and commentaries, works of the fathers;
books on medicine by Galen, Hippocrates, Avicenna, and Egidius; Ralph de
Diceto’s chronicles; and some works of Seneca, Cicero, Suetonius, and
Virgil.[308] In 1486, however, only fifty-two volumes were found after
the death of John Grimston the sacrist.[309] Leland gives a list of only
twenty-one manuscripts, but it was not his habit to make full
inventories. In Stow’s time, however, few books remained.[310] Three
volumes only can be traced now--(1) a manuscript of Avicenna, (2) the
Chronicle of Ralph de Diceto in the Lambeth Palace Library, and (3) the
Miracles of the Virgin, in the Aberdeen University Library.[311]


Although neither a monastic nor a collegiate church, Wells was already
in the thirteenth century a place with some equipment for educational
work. Besides the choristers’ school, a _schola grammaticalis_ of a
higher grade was in existence. After 1240 the Chancellor’s duties
included lecturing on theology. Not improbably, therefore, a collection
of books was formed very early. And indeed the Dean and Chapter in 1291
received from the Dean of Sarum books lent by the Chapter, and some
others bequeathed to them. Hugo of St. Victor, _Speculum de
Sacramentis_, and Bede, _De Temporibus_, were the books returned from
Sarum; among those bequeathed were Augustine’s _Epistles_ and _De
Civitate Dei_, Gregory the Great’s _Speculum_, and John Damascenus. We
know nothing of the character and size of the library at this time,
although it seems to have been preserved in a special room. In 1297, the
Chapter ordered the two side doors of the choir screen in the aisles to
be shut at night. One door near the library (_versus librarium_) and the
Chapter was only to be open from the first stroke of matins until the
proper choir door was opened at the third bell. At other times during
the day it was always to be closed, so that people could not injure the
books in the library, or overhear the conferences of the Chapter
(_secreta capituli_). This library was most likely on the north side of
the church, with the Chapter House beside it, in the north transept, as
shown conjecturally in the plan given in Canon Church’s admirable
_Chapters in the Early History of the Church of Wells_.[312] That so
early, in a church neither monastic nor collegiate, a school was at
work, and a library had been formed, is a specially significant fact in
the study of our subject.


In this position the library remained until the fifteenth century. Two
notices occur of it, one in 1340 and another in 1406, in both cases in
connection with an image of the Holy Saviour, “near the library.”

But in the fifteenth century a new library was built

[Illustration: _PLATE XXI_


over the eastern cloister. Bishop Nicholas of Bubwith, in his will of
1424, bequeathed one thousand marks to be faithfully applied and
disposed for the construction and new building of a certain library to
be newly erected upon the eastern space of the cloister, situate between
the south door of the church next the chamber of the escheator of the
church and the gate which leads directly from the church by the cloister
into the palace of the bishop.[313] The work was begun by his executors,
but certain signs of break in the building suggest some delay in
finishing it. This room is probably the only cathedral library built
over a cloister which remains in its original completeness. It is 165
feet by 12 feet; now only about two-thirds of it are devoted to the
library. When this room was first fitted up as a library no one knows;
but tradition fixes the date at 1472. The present fittings were put in
during Bishop Creighton’s time (1670-72).

Shortly after the date of Bubwith’s will Bishop Stafford (1425-43) gave
ten books--not an inspiriting collection--but he desired to retain
possession of them during his lifetime.[314] In 1452 Richard Browne
(_alias_ Cordone), Archdeacon of Rochester, left to the library of
Wells, Petrus de Crescentiis _De Agricultura_, and two other books,
Jerome’s _Epistles_, and Lathbury _Super librum Trenorum_, which were to
be kept in the church in wooden cases.[315] Were these cases to resemble
the boxes still remaining in Exeter Cathedral? The same will ordered the
_Decretales_ of Clement, which had been borrowed for copying, to be
restored to this library; two other books were also given back; and the
will further notes that there are several books belonging to the library
in a certain great bag in the inner room of the treasury at Wells.[316]

Leland only mentions forty-six books in the library in his time. “I went
into the library, which whilome had been magnificently furnished with a
considerable number of books by its bishops and canons, and I found
great treasures of high antiquity.” Among the books he found were
sermons by Gregory and Ælfric in Anglo-Saxon, Terence, and “Dantes
translatus in carmen Latinum.” Very few books belonging to the old
library before the Dissolution have survived. Some are in the British
Museum, the Bodleian, and certain collegiate libraries; and several
manuscripts remain in the hands of the Dean and Chapter. Among them are
three manuscripts known as Liber albus I, Liber ruber II, and Liber
albus III, which contain an extremely valuable series of documents.[317]


In the York fabric rolls appear from time to time expenses for writing,
illuminating, and binding church books; but we know little or nothing
about the Chapter library, if such existed. William de Feriby, a canon,
bequeathed his books in 1379. Between 1418 and 1422, a library was built
at the south-west corner of the south transept. The building is in two
floors, and the upper appears to have been the book-room; it is still in
existence. In the rolls are several references to the building.

     1419. Et de 26_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ de elemosina domini Thomae Haxey ad
     cooperturam novi librarii cum plumbo.

Haxey was a good friend to the cathedral; and he gave handsomely toward
the library. His arms were put up in one of the new library windows.

     1419. In sarracione iiij arborum datarum novo librario per Abbatem
     de Selby, 6/8.

     1419. Et Johanni Grene, joynor, pro joynacione tabularum pro
     libraria et planacione et gropyng de waynscott, per annum, 17_s._

     In operacione cc ferri in boltes pro nova libraria per Johannem
     Harpham, fabrum, 8s.[318]

In 1418 John de Newton, the church treasurer, bequeathed to the Chapter
a number of books, including Bibles, commentaries, and patristical and
historical works, as well as Petrarch’s _De remediis utriusque
fortunae_.[319] They were chained to the library desks, and were guarded
with horn and studs, to protect them from the consequences of careless
use by readers.

     1421. Johanni Upton pro superscriptura librorum nuper magistri
     Johannis Neuton thesaurarii istius ecclesiae legatorum librario,
     2_s._ Thomae Hornar de Petergate pro hornyng et naillyng
     superscriptorum librorum, 2_s._ 6_d._ Radulpho Lorymar de
     Conyngstrete pro factura et emendacione xl cathenarum pro eisdem
     libris annexis in librario predicto, 23_s._ 1_d._[320]

From time to time a few other bequests were made: thus, Archdeacon
Stephen Scrope bequeathed some books on canon law, after a beneficiary
had had them in use during his life (1418). Robert Ragenhill, advocate
of the court of York, enriched the church with a small collection
(1430); and Robert Wolveden, treasurer of the church, left to the
library his theological books (1432).[321]

§ IX

The Sacrist’s Roll of Lichfield Cathedral, under date 1345, contains an
inventory of the books then in possession of the church. All of them
were service books, excepting only a _De Gestis Anglorum_.[322]
Thereafter we cannot discover a notice of the library until 1489, when
Dean Thomas Heywood gave £40 towards building a home for the books. Dean
Yotton assisted in the good work. By 1493 the building was finished. It
stood on the north side of the Cathedral, west of the north door, or “ex
parte boreali in cimeterio.”[323] The Dean and Chapter had it pulled
down in 1758.

Nearly all the books of the early collection perished during the Civil
War; but the finest manuscript, known as St. Chad’s Gospels, was saved
by the precentor. Among the other manuscripts in the possession of the
Chapter are a fine vellum copy of Chaucer’s _Canterbury Tales_, with
beautiful initials, and the _Taxatio Ecclesiastica_, a tithe book
showing the value of church property in Edward I’s time.[324]

§ X

Many other churches, some of them small and unimportant, owned books,
and received them as gifts or bequests. In the time of Richard II the
Royal collegiate chapel of Windsor Castle had, besides service books,
thirty-four volumes on different subjects chained in the church, among
them a Bible and a Concordance, and two books of French romance, one of
which was the _Liber de Rose_.[325]

The library of St. Mary’s Church, Warwick, was first formed by the
celebrated antiquary, John Rous. Before his time we hear only of one or
two books. In 1407 there was a collection of fifty service books, and a
_Catholicon_, the latter being perhaps the nucleus of a library.[326]
“At my lorde’s auter,” that is, at the Earl of Warwick’s altar, were to
be found among other goods and books, the Bible, the fourth book of the
_Sentences_, _Pupilla Oculi_, a work by Reymond de Pennaforte, Isidore,
and some canon law.[327] John Rous seems to have inherited the bookish
tastes of his relative, William Rous. William had bequeathed his books
to the Dean, charging him to allow John to read them when he came of age
and had received priest’s orders.

Among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum is a small volume written
on parchment by Humphrey Wanley, which includes a copy of a curious
inventory of vestments, plate, books, and other goods made in the time
of John Rous, 1464. A portion of this inventory has been printed in
_Notices of the Churches of Warwickshire_, i. 15-16. “It. v bokes beynge
in the handes of Maister John Rous now priest whuche were Sir William
Rous and bequath hem to the Dean and Chapitre of the forseide Chirche
Collegiall under condicōn that the seid maister John beynge priest
shulde have hem for his special edificacōn duryng his lief. And after
his decees to remayne and to be for ever to the seide Dean and Chapitre
as it appereth by endentures thereof made whereof one party leveth with
the Dean and Chapitre. That is to say i book quem composuit ffrater
Antoninus Rampologus de Janis 2 fo Chorinth 14. It. 1 book cald pars
dextera et pars sinistra 2 fo non ð carere. It. 1 bible versefied cald
patris in Aurora 2 fo huic opifex. It. 1 book of powles epistoles
glosed 2 fo de Jhu qui dr Xtus. It. 1 book cald pharetra 2 fo hora est
jam nos de sompno surgere. It. 1 quayer in the whuche is conteyned the
exposicōn of the masse 2 fo cois offerim.”

John also seems to have given books as well as a room to house
them.[328] An old view of the church, taken before the great fire which
destroyed the town in 1694, shows the south porch surmounted with his
library, as then standing; but this room was destroyed in the fire, and
it seems certain the books were burnt. The present library was founded
in 1701, and includes no part of the original collection.[329]

Bequests to churches of service books, such as that to the church of St.
Mary, Castle-gate, York (1394), were numerous; they may be set apart
with bequests of vestments, plate, and money. Some bequests have a
different character. A chancellor of York, Thomas de Farnylaw, leaves
books, bound and unbound, to the Vicar of Waghen; a volume of sermons
and a “quire” to the church of Embleton; and a Bible and Concordance to
be chained in the north porch of St. Nicholas’ Church, Newcastle, “for
common use, for the good of the soul of his lord William of Middleton”
(1378). A chaplain leaves service books, _Speculum Ecclesiae_, and the
Gospels in English to Holy Trinity Church, Goodramgate, York (1394). A
Bristol merchant bequeaths two books on canon law to St. Mary Redcliffe
Church, there to be preserved for the use of the vicar and chaplains
(1416). In the same year a Canon of York enriches Beverley Church with
all his books of canon and civil law. Books were also chained in the
church of St. Mary of Oxford. Bishop Lyndwood of St. David’s bequeaths a
copy of his digest of the synodal constitutions of the province of
Canterbury for chaining in St. Stephen’s Chapel, “to serve as a standard
for future editions” (1443). Richard Browne, or Cordone, who has left
books to Wells, reserves for the parish church of Naas in Ireland a
_Catholicon_ and other manuscripts (1452). To Boston Church a rector of
Kirkby Ravensworth bequeaths several books, but one named John Bosbery
was to have the use of them for life: among the gifts was
_Polichronicon_ (1457). Canon Nicholas Holme leaves _Pupilla Oculi_ to
the parish church of Redmarshall (1458). A chaplain bequeaths one book
to St. Mary’s Church, Bolton, another to St. Wilfrid’s Church, Brensall
in Craven, and a third to All Saints’ Church, Peseholme, York (1466).
Sir Richard Willoughby orders church books and a _Crede mihi_ to be
given to Woollaton Parish Church (1469). Robert Est, possibly a
chantry-priest in York Minster, enriches the parish church of his native
Lincoln village, Brigsley, with a copy of _Legends of the Saints_,
_Speculum Christiani_, _Gesta Romanorum cum aliis fabulis Isopi et
multis narrationibus_, and a Psalter (1474-75). To the church of St.
Mary’s, Nottingham, the vicar leaves a _Golden Legend_, a
_Polichronicon_, besides _Pupilla Oculi_, and a portiforium to Wragby
Church, and a missal to Snenton Church (1476). Sir Thomas Lyttleton
befriends King’s Norton Church by leaving it a Latin-English dictionary,
and that of Halesowen in Worcestershire by leaving a _Catholicon_, the
_Constitutiones Provinciales_ (possibly Lyndwood’s digest, the
_Provinciale_), and the _Gesta Romanorum_ (1481). A man of Leicester was
sued by the church wardens of the parish church of Welford, in the
county of Leicester, on a charge of having taken away certain books
belonging to the church and sold them (1490). The vicar of Ruddington
bequeaths three books, “ad tenendum et ligandum cum cathena ferrea in
quadam sede in capella B. M. de Rodington” (1491). Thomas Rotherham,
benefactor of Cambridge University Library, gave to the church of
Rochester ten pounds for building a library (1500). To Wetheringsett
Church a chaplain of Bury carefully reserves “a book called Fasiculus
Mors [_Fasciculus morum_], to lye in the chauncell, for priests to
occupye ther tyme when it shall please them, praying them to have my
soule in remembraunce as it shall please them of their charite”

A very little research would add considerably to our list; while, apart
from records of gifts and bequests, are numberless references to books
in churches. For example: in the churchwarden’s account book (_c._ 1525)
of All Saints, Derby, occurs an entry beginning: “These be the bokes in
our lady Chapell tyed with chenes yt were gyffen to Alhaloes church in

     In primis one Boke called summa summarum.

     Item A boke called Summa Raumundi [Summa poenitentia et matrimonio
     of Reymond de Pennaforte of Barcelona].

     Item Anoyer called pupilla occuli [Pupilla oculi, by J. de Burgo].

     Item Anoyer called the Sexte [Liber Sextus Decretalium].

     Item A boke called Hugucyon [see pp. 223-4].

     Item A boke called Vitas Patrum.

     Item Anoyer boke called pauls pistols.

     Item A boke called Januensis super evangeliis dominicalibus
     [Sermons of Jacobus de Voragine, Abp. of Genoa, on the Gospels for
     the Sundays throughout the year].

     Item a grette portuose [a large breviary].

     Item Anoyer boke called Legenda Aurea [Legenda sanctorum aurea of
     Jacobus de Voragine].”[331]

This is a respectable list for such a church. Some sixty years before
there were apparently only service books (1465).[332]

From 1456 to 1475 charges occur in the accounts of St. Michael’s Church,
Cornhill, for chains to fix psalters, and for writing.[333] At St.
Peter’s upon Cornhill there would appear to have been a good library.
“True it is,” writes Stow, “that a library there was pertaining to this
Parrish Church, of olde time builded of stone, and of late repayred with
bricke by the executors of Sir John Crosby Alderman, as his Armes on the
south end doth witnes. This library hath beene of late time, to wit,
within these fifty yeares, well furnished of bookes: John Leyland viewed
and commended them, but now those bookes be gone, and the place is
occupied by a schoolemaister.”[334] In 1483 the Church of St.
Christopher-le-Stocks, London, seems to have had a collection only of
service books; but five years later mention is made of “a grete
librarie.” “On the south side of the vestrarie standeth a grete librarie
with ii longe lecturnalles thereon to lay on the bookes.”[335] About the
middle of the sixteenth century certain inhabitants of Rayleigh held a
meeting one Sunday, after service, and, without the consent of the
churchwardens, sold fifteen service books, and “four other manuscript
volumes,” as well as some other church goods, for forty shillings.[336]

But we might continue for a long time to bring together facts of this
kind. Enough has been written to suggest the character and extent of the
work done by the churches. Many of these small collections were for use
in connexion with the schools; they were formed for the benefit of
clergy and the increase of clergy. The few books chained up in the
churches for the use of the people were displayed for various reasons.
The _Catholicon_, a Latin grammar and a dictionary, was a large book,
obtainable only at great cost, yet for reference purposes all students
and scholars constantly needed it. Wealthy ecclesiastics and benefactors
would therefore naturally leave such a book for chaining up in the
church, which was then the real centre of communal life. The
_Catholicon_ was chained up for reference in French churches, and the
practice was imitated here, possibly in nearly all the large
churches.[337] The _Medulla grammatice_, left to King’s Norton Church by
Sir Thomas Lyttleton, was a book of similar character, and would be
deposited in church for a like purpose. Books of canon law would also be
useful for reference purposes when chained in the church. Some other
shackled books were homiletical in character. Should we be accused of
excess of imagination if we conjured up a picture of a little cluster of
people standing by a clerk who reads to them a sermon or a passage of
Holy Writ? The collection of tales, each with a moral, known as the
_Gesta Romanorum_, would make especially attractive reading. Some books
often found in churches and frequently mentioned in this book, as the
_Summa Praedicantium_ of John de Bromyarde, _Pupilla Oculi_, by John de
Burgo, and the _Speculum Christiani_, by John Walton, were manuals for
the instruction of priests.

[Illustration: _PLATE XXII_




“Ingenia hominum rem publicam fecerunt.”

§ I

Probably a few scribes plied their craft in Oxford in early days long
before the students began to make a settlement, for the town had been a
flourishing borough, one of the largest in England. But until the end of
the twelfth century we hear nothing about books and their makers or
users in Oxford. Then we find illuminators, bookbinders, parchmenters,
and a scribe referred to in a document relating to the sale of land in
Cat Street. This record is very significant, as it suggests the active
employment of book-makers in the centre of Oxford’s student life. St.
Mary’s Church was the hub. Cat Street, School Street running parallel
with it from High Street to the north boundary, and Schydyard Street,
the continuation of School Street on the southern side of High Street,
alleys of the usual medieval narrowness and mean appearance, the
buildings on either hand almost touching one another, and the way
dark--were the haunts of masters and scholars and all those depending on
them. Students, old and young, of high station and low, are crowded in
lodging-houses, many of which are shabby, dirty, and disreputable. Hence
they come forth to play their games or carry on their feuds. Some haunt
taverns and worse places. Others eke out their means by begging at
street corners. All get their teaching by gathering round masters whose
rostrum is the church doorstep or the threshold of the lodging-house.
Amid the manifold distractions of this queerly-ordered life the maker
and seller of books earns what living he can; his chief patrons being
indigent masters, who often must starve themselves to get books, and
students so poor that pawning becomes a custom regulated by the
University itself.

Not till the University became firmly established as a corporate body
could a common library be formed. The beginning was simple. The first
books reserved for common use had their home in St. Mary’s Church: some
lay in chests, and were lent in exchange for a suitable pledge; others
were chained to desks so that students could readily refer to them.
These books were almost certainly theological in character, and all were
no doubt given by benefactors, now unknown. Such a gift was received
early in the thirteenth century from Roger de L’Isle, Dean of York, who
gave a Bible, divided into four parts for the convenience of copyists,
and the Book of Exodus, glossed, but old and of little value.[338]
Possibly some books remained in the church even after an independent
library was founded, for as late as 1414 a copy of Nicholas de Lyra was
chained in the chancel for public use, where it was inspected by the
Chancellor and proctors every year.[339]

To a “good clerk” who had gathered his learning at three
Universities--the arts at Paris, canon law at Oxford, and theology at
Cambridge--the University library appropriately owes its origin. Bishop
Cobham left his books

[Illustration: _PLATE XXIII_



and three hundred and fifty marks for this purpose in 1327. He had
proposed to build a two-storied building, the lower chamber to be the
Congregation House, and the upper a library; or perhaps the Congregation
House was already standing, and he had the idea of adding another story,
for use as an oratory and library. Therein his books would bide when he
died.[340] Not till long after his death was the building completed. His
books did not come to the University without much trouble. Bequests were
elusive in the Middle Ages, for people sometimes dreamed of projects
they could not realize while they lived, and sanguinely hoped their
executors would win prayers for the dead by successfully stretching poor
means to a good end. Cobham died in debt. His books were pawned to
settle his estate and pay for his funeral. Adam de Brome redeemed the
pledges, and handed them over, not to the University, but to his
newly-founded college of Oriel.[341] In peace the books were enjoyed at
Oriel until four years after de Brome’s death. The Fellows claimed them,
it appears, not only because he redeemed them, but because, as
impropriating rectors of the church, both building and library were
theirs, they argued, by right. The University was equally persistent in
its claim. At last, ten years after Cobham’s death, the Commissary,
taking mean advantage of the small number of Fellows in residence in
autumn, went to Oriel with “a multitude of others,” and brought the
books away by force. Thereafter the University held them, but it took
nearly seventy years to settle the dispute about them, and to decide the
ownership of the Congregation House (1410).[342]

Long before 1410 the “good clerk’s” books had been made of real service
to students. Fittings were put up in the library room (1365). Then
regulations for managing the library were drawn up (1367). The books
were to be put in the chamber over the Congregation House, marshalled in
convenient order and chained. There, at certain times, scholars were to
have access to them. Now first appeared upon the scene a University
librarian. The University’s means were slender, and £40 worth of the
books were sold to provide a stipend for a chaplain-librarian: in place
of these books others of less value were bought; probably some of
Cobham’s books were finely illuminated, and the intention was to
purchase less costly copies in their stead. The chaplain was to pray for
the souls of Cobham and of University benefactors; and to have the
charge of the bishop’s books, of the books in the chests, and of any
books coming to the University afterwards.[343]

We can easily imagine what the library was like. The chamber over the
Congregation House is small, scarcely larger than the average class-room
of to-day; lighted by seven windows on each side. Between some, if not
all, of the windows bookcases would stand at right angles to the wall,
forming little alcoves, fit for the quiet pursuit of knowledge. Learning
itself was shackled. Chains from a bar running the length of each case
secured the books, which could only be read on the slope fixed a few
feet above the floor. In each alcove was a bench for readers to sit
upon. A large and conspicuous board, with titles and names of
benefactors written upon it in a fair hand, hung up in the room.[344]
Here then would come the flower of Oxford scholarship to study, any time
after eight in the morning. Every student is welcome if he does not
enter in wet clothing, or bring in ink, or a knife, or dagger. We like
to picture this small room, fitted with solid, rude furniture, monastic
in its austerity of appearance; full of students working eagerly in
their quest for knowledge--making extracts in pencil, or with styles on
their tablets, amid a silence broken only by the crackle of vellum
leaves, and the rattle of a chain.

Such a picture would perhaps be overdrawn. Young Oxford was not always
quiet, or whole-heartedly studious. The liberal regulations seem to have
been liable to abuse. Students soiled and damaged the books. The little
room was more than full: it was overcrowded with scholars, and with
“throngs of visitors” who disturbed the readers. After 1412 only
graduates and religious who had studied philosophy for eight years could
enter the library, and while there they must be robed. Even such mature
students had to make solemn oath, in the Chancellor’s presence, to use
the books properly: make no erasures or blots, or otherwise spoil the
precious writing.[345] Under these regulations the library was open from
nine to eleven in the morning, and from one to four in the afternoon,
Sundays and mass days excepted. Strangers of eminence and the Chancellor
could pay a visit at any time by daylight. The chaplain, who was to be a
man of parts, of proved morality and uprightness, now received 106s. 8d.
a year. The Proctors were bound to pay this stipend half-yearly, with
punctuality, or be fined the heavy sum of forty shillings: the chaplain,
it is explained, must have no grievance to nurse--no ground for carrying
out his duties in a slovenly or perfunctory manner. He, indeed, was an
important officer. For health’s sake he must have a month’s holiday
during the long vacation. As it was absurd for him to have fewer
perquisites than those below him in station, every beneficed graduate,
at graduation, was required to give him robes.[346] The finicking
character of these regulations suggests that the University
statute-maker had as great a dislike for “understandings” as Dr.

Thus was established firmly, in the early years of the fifteenth
century, a University Library, an important resort of students; the
proper place, as the common rendezvous of members of the University, for
publishing the Lollard doctrines condemned at London in 1411. No town in
England was better supplied with libraries than Oxford, for besides the
collections of the University, the monastic colleges and the convents,
libraries were already formed at Merton, University, Oriel and New
Colleges. Such progress in providing scholars’ armouries is remarkable,
the greater part of it being accomplished during a period of great
social and religious unrest--not the unrest of a wind-fretted surface,
but of a grim and far-sweeping underswell--a period when pestilence,
violent tempests and earthquakes, seemed bodeful of Divine displeasure;
not a time surely when the studious life would be attractive, or when
much care would be taken to establish libraries, unless indeed
controversy made recourse to books more necessary or the signs of the
times gave birth to a greater number of benefactors.[347]

But the University library was to become the richest and most
considerable in the town. Benefactors were well greeted. Besides praying
for their souls--and some of them, like Bishop Reed, were pathetically
anxious about the prayers--the University showed every reasonable sign
of its gratitude: posted up donors’ names in the library itself;
submitted each gift to congregation three days after receiving it, and
within twelve days later had it chained

[Illustration: _PLATE XXIV_



up.[348] Many gifts of books were received, some from the highest in the
land: from King Henry the Fourth and his warlike and ambitious
sons--Henry V, Clarence, Bedford, and Gloucester; from Edmund, Earl of
March; from prelates--Archbishop Arundel, Repyngton of Lincoln, Courtney
of Norwich, and Molyneux of Chichester; from great Abbot Whethamstede of
St. Albans; from wealthy Archdeacon Browne or Cordone; from rich
citizens of London--Thomas Knolles the grocer and T. Grauntt; and from
Henry VI’s physician, John Somersett. John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester,
also promised books worth five hundred marks, but after his death they
did not come to hand.[349]

By far the most generous of friends was the Duke of Gloucester, whose
first gift was made before 1413,[350] and his last when he died in 1447.
His record as the helper and protector of Oxford, his patronage of
learning, and of such exponents of it as Titus Livius of Forli, Leonardo
Bruni, Lydgate and Capgrave, the fact that, notwithstanding his “staat
and dignyte,”

    “His courage never doth appall
     To study in bokes of antiquitie,”

earned for him the name of the “good” duke--an appellation to which the
shady labyrinth of his career as a politician, as a persecutor of the
Lollards, and as a licentious man, did not entitle him. But then
Oxford--and its library--was most in need of such a friend as this
English Gismondo Malatesta; not only on account of his generosity, but
because his royal connexions enabled him to exert influence on the
University’s behalf, both at home and abroad.

Of the character of the Duke’s gifts in 1413 and in


1430 we know nothing: in 1435 he gave books and money, but how many
books or how much money is not recorded. Three years later the
University sought another gift from him, and he forthwith sent no fewer
than 120 volumes (1439).[351] The University’s gratitude was unbounded.
On certain festivals during the Duke’s lifetime prayers were to be said
for him, within ten days after he died a funeral service was to be
celebrated, and on every anniversary of his death he and his consort
were to be commemorated.[352] Their letters were fulsome: as a founder
of libraries he was compared with Julius Cæsar--a compliment also paid
him about the same time by Pier Candid Decembrio; Parliament was
besought to thank him “hertyly, and also prey Godd to thanke hym in tyme
commyng, wher goode dedys ben rewarded”;[353] as a prince he was most
serene and illustrious, lord of glorious renown, son of a king, brother
of a king, uncle of a king, “the very beams of the sun himself”; as a
donor, as greatly and munificently liberal as the recipients were lowly
and humble.[354]

Congregation further marked its appreciation by decreeing a fresh set of
library regulations. A new register, containing a list of the books
already given, was to be made, and deposited in the chest “of five
keys”; lists were also to be written in the statute books. No volume was
to be sold, given away, exchanged, pledged, lent to be copied, or
removed from the library--except when it needed repair, or when the Duke
himself wanted to borrow it, as he could, though only under
indenture.[355] All books for the study of the seven liberal arts--the
_trivium_ and the _quadrivium_--and the three philosophies were to be
kept in a chest called the “chest of the three philosophies and the
seven sciences”; a name suggesting a talisman, like the golden fleece or
the Holy Grail, for which one would exchange the world and all its ways.
The librarian had charge of this wonderful chest. From it, by indenture,
he could lend books--apparently these books were excepted from the
general rule--to masters of arts lecturing in these subjects, or, if
there were no lecturers, to principals of halls and masters. And,
following older custom, a stationer set upon each book a price greater
than its real value, to lead borrowers to take more care of it.[356]
From a manuscript preserved in the library of Earl Fitzwilliam at
Wentworth Woodhouse are taken the following curious lines indicating
the character and arrangement of his books:--

    “At Oxenford thys lord his bookis fele [many]
     Hath eu’y clerk at werk. They of hem gete
     Metaphisic; phisic these rather feele;
     They natural, moral they rather trete;
     Theologie here ye is with to mete;
     Him liketh loke in boke historial.
     In deskis XII hym selve as half a strete
     Hath boked their librair uniu’al.”[357] [universal]

A year later Gloucester sent 7 more books; then after a while 9 more
(1440-41);[358] and a little later still his largest gift, amounting to
135 volumes. These handsome accessions made the collection the finest
academic library in England, not excepting the excellent library of 380
volumes then at Peterhouse. It had a character of its own. The usual
overwhelming mass of Bibles, of church books, of the Fathers and the
Schoolmen does not depress us with its disproportion. The collection was
strong in astronomy and medicine: Ptolemy, Albumazar, Rhazes, Serapion,
Avicenna, Haly Abenragel, Zaæl, and others were all represented. Besides
these, there was a fine selection of the classics--Plato, Aristotle,
including the _Politica_ and _Ethica_, Æschines’ orations, Terence,
Varro’s _De Originae linguae Latinae_, Cicero’s letters, Verrine and
other orations, and “opera viginti duo Tullii in magno volumine,” Livy,
Ovid, Seneca’s tragedies, Quintilian, Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_,
the _Golden Ass_ of Apuleius, and Suetonius. But the most interesting
items in the list of his books are the new translations of Plato, and of
Aristotle, whose _Ethica_ was rendered by Leonardo Bruni; the Greek and
Latin dictionary; and the works of Dante, Petrarch (_de Vita solitaria,
de Rebus memorandis, de Remediis_

[Illustration: _Plate XXV_


_utriusque fortunae_), Boccaccio, and of Coluccio Salutati’s

The library’s character might still further have been freshened had
Gloucester’s bequest of his Latin books--the books, we may suppose, he
himself prized too highly to part with during his lifetime--been carried
into effect.[360]

“Our right special Lord and mighty Prince the Duke of Gloucester, late
passed out of this world,--whose soul God assoil for his high
mercy,--not long before his decease, being in our said University among
all the doctors and masters of the same assembled together, granted unto
us all his Latin books, to the loving of God, increase of clergy and
cunning men, to the good governance and prosperity of the realm of
England without end ... the which gift oftentimes after, by our
messengers, and also in his last testament, as we understand, he
confirmed.” But alas! Gloucester’s bequest was even more elusive than
Cobham’s. These books they could, “by no manner of labours, since he
deceased, obtain.”[361] What followed is interesting. Letters asking for
the books were sent to the king, to Mr. John Somersett, His Majesty’s
physician, “lately come to influence,” to William of Waynflete, provost
of the king’s pet project, Eton College, and much in favour; and to the
king’s chamberlain (1447). As these appeals were unavailing, another
letter was sent to the king in 1450, and several others to influential
persons, some being to Gloucester’s executors; then, in the same year,
the House of Lords was petitioned. All this wire-pulling failed to serve
its end. The University became angry. An outspoken letter was sent to
Master John Somersett, “lately come to influence”: “Our proctor, Mr.
Luke, tells us of your efforts for us to obtain the books given by the
late Duke of Gloucester, and of your intercession with the king in our
cause: also that you propose to add, of your own gift, other books to
his bequest.” All this is very good of you, the letter proceeds, in
effect, “but how is it that, under these circumstances, the Duke’s
books, which came into your custody, are not delivered to us, unless it
be that some powerful influence is exerted to prevent it; for a
steadfast and good man will not be made to swerve from the path of
justice by interest or cupidity. Use your endeavours to get these books:
so do us a good favour; and clear your character.” Three years later it
was discovered the books were scattered and in private hands
(1453),[362] or, as seems likely, at King’s College, Cambridge, and

Now the library over the Congregation House was all too small. A
Divinity School seems to have been first projected in 1423; building
began about seven years later;[363] but the work proceeded very slowly,
owing to want of money, which the authorities tried to raise in various
ways, even by granting degrees on easy terms. When Gloucester’s books
came to overcrowd the old library--and the books were chained so closely
together that a student when reading one prevented the use of three or
four books near to it--the idea was apparently first mooted of erecting
a bigger room over the new school, where scholars might study far from
the hum of men (_a strepitu saeculari_). The University sent an appeal
to the Duke for help to carry out this scheme (1445), but he had then
lost power and was in trouble, and does not seem to have responded
favourably, albeit they suggested adroitly the new library should bear
his name.[364] The building was

[Illustration: _PLATE XXVI_


finished forty years after his death. This ultimate success was due
chiefly to the generosity of Cardinal Beaufort, the Duchess of Suffolk,
and Cardinal Kempe--whose own library was magnificent.[365]

By 1488, then, the University was in full enjoyment of the chamber known
ever since as Duke Humfrey’s Library, the noblest storehouse of books
then existing in England.[366] In the same year an old scholar, not
known by name, gave 31 books, and in 1490 Dr. Litchfield, Archdeacon of
Middlesex, presented 132 volumes and a sum of £200. These gifts mark the
culminating point in the history of the first University library--a
collection over a century and a half old, accumulated slowly by the
forethought and generosity of the University’s friends, only, alas! in a
few years’ time to be almost completely dispersed and destroyed.

§ II

Before speaking of the dispersion of the University collection it will
be well to observe what had been done in the colleges, where libraries
must have formed an important part of the collegiate economy. Books,
indeed, were eagerly sought, carefully guarded and preserved; and
wealthy Fellows--even Fellows not to be described as wealthy--often
proved their affection for their college by giving manuscripts.

The first house of the University, William of Durham’s Hall or
University Hall (now University College), was founded between 1249 and
1292, when its statutes were drawn up. In these statutes are the
earliest regulations of the University for dealing with books in its
possession.[367] It seems clear that the college enjoyed a
library--perhaps of some importance,--with excellent regulations for its
use, at the end of the thirteenth century. What is true of University
College is true also of nearly all the other colleges. Although most of
them were not rich foundations, one of the first efforts of a society
was to collect books for common use. A few years after Merton’s
inception (1264) the teacher of grammar was supplied with books out of
the common purse, and directions were given for the care of books.[368]
To Balliol, Bishop Gravesend of London bequeathed books (1336) some
fifty years after the statutes were given by the founder’s wife.[369]
Four years later Sir William de Felton presented to the college the
advowson of the Church of Abboldesley, so that the number of scholars
could be raised, each could have sufficient clothing, receive
twelvepence a week, and possess in common books relating to the various
Faculties.[370] The earliest reference to the library of Exeter College,
or Stapledon Hall, occurs also about half a century after its
foundation: in 1366 payment was made for copying a book called
_Domyltone_--possibly one of John of Dumbleton’s works. Oriel College
either had a library from its foundation, or the regulations of 1329
were drawn up for Bishop Cobham’s books, which Adam de Brome had
redeemed. In 1375 Oriel certainly had its own library of nearly one
hundred volumes, more than half of them being on theology and
philosophy, with some translations of Aristotle, but otherwise not a
single classic work; a collection to be fairly considered as
representative of the academic libraries of this period.[371] Queen’s
College was one of those to which Simon de Bredon, the astronomer,
bequeathed books in 1368, nearly thirty years after its
foundation.[372] “Seint Marie College of Wynchestr,” or New College,
made a better start than any house (1380). The founder, William of
Wykeham, endowed it with no fewer than 240 or 243 volumes, of which 135
or 138 were theology, 28 philosophy, 41 canon law, 36 civil law;
somebody unnamed, but possibly the founder, presented 37 volumes of
medicine and 15 chained books in the library; and Bishop Reed--also the
good friend of Merton--gave 58 volumes of theology, 2 of philosophy, and
3 of canon law.[373] Lincoln College had a collection of books at its
foundation (1429); Dr. Gascoigne gave 6 manuscripts worth nearly three
pounds apiece (1432); and Robert Flemming, a cousin of the founder,
renowned for his travels and studies and collections in Italy, left a
number of manuscripts, variously estimated at 25 and 38 in number, to
his house. In 1474 this college had 135 manuscripts, stored in seven
presses. Rules for the use of books were included in the first statutes
of All Souls College, founded in 1438. At Magdalen the library had a
magnificent start when William of Waynflete brought with him no fewer
than 800 volumes on his visit in 1481; many of these were printed books.

To tell the story of each of these early college libraries with
continuity is not to our purpose, and is perhaps not feasible. So many
details are lacking. We do not know whether all the libraries, once
started, were constantly maintained; but it is reasonable to assume they
were, as records--a few only--of purchases and donations are preserved.
Usually gifts were made only to the college in which the donor felt
special interest, but sometimes generous men were more catholic. Four
colleges--University, Balliol, Merton, and Oriel--benefited under Bishop
Stephen Gravesend’s will (1336); six--University, Balliol, Merton,
Exeter, Oriel, and Queen’s--under the will of Simon de Bredon,
astronomer and sometime Proctor of the University (1368): in both cases
the testators distributed their gifts among all the secular colleges in
existence at the time.[374] Dr. Thomas Gascoigne gave many books to
Balliol, Oriel, Durham, and Lincoln Colleges (1432).[375] William Reed,
Bishop of Chichester, also was the friend of more than one society, for
New College, as we have seen, got 63 volumes from him, Exeter some
others, and Merton 99.[376] Roger Whelpdale (_d._ 1423) bequeathed books
to Balliol and Queen’s Colleges. Henry _VI_ gave 23 manuscripts to All
Souls College (1440). Robert Twaytes gave books to Balliol in 1451: his
example was followed by George Nevil, Bishop of Exeter and afterwards
Archbishop of York (1455, 1475), Dr. Bole (1478), and John Waltham
(1492). An old Fellow showed his gratitude to University College by
bestowing 68 books, mostly Scriptural commentaries, on its library
(1473). Some of the gifts were smaller.[377] A chancellor of the church
of York bequeathed a single volume to Merton. Bishop Skirlaw--a good
friend of the college in other ways--gave 6 books to University in 1404:
they were to be chained in the library and never lent. Such gifts were
received as gratefully as the larger donations; indeed, it was esteemed
a feather in the cap of the Master that while he held office Skirlaw’s
books were received. Never at any time were books more highly
appreciated than in Oxford of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Sometimes gifts took the form of money for a curious purpose. For
example, Robert Hesyl, a country rector, bequeathed the sum of 6s. 8d.
“ad intitulandum nomina librorum in libraria collegii Lincoln:
contentorum, supra dorsa eorum coöperienda cornu et clavis.”[378] But
the colleges did not depend wholly on gifts, for records are preserved
of purchases for Queen’s College in 1366-67;[379] All Souls College
between 1449 and 1460; for Magdalen College between 1481 and 1539; for
Merton College between 1322 and 1379; and for New College between 1462
and 1481.

The growth of the libraries made the provision of special bookrooms a
necessity. A library on the ground floor of University College is
referred to in the Bursar’s Roll (1391). At Merton the books were
originally kept in a chest under three locks. A room was set apart quite
early: books were chained up in it in 1284. In 1354 a carpenter was paid
for fittings and “deskis.” Bishop Reed of Chichester erected a library
building in 1377-79; Wyllyot and John Wendover contributed towards the
cost, which amounted to £462. With the exception of the room thrown into
the south library at its eastern end, of two large dormers, and of the
glass in the west room, the original structure has been altered very
little, and it is therefore one of the best examples of a medieval
library in this country. When the old library of Exeter College was
first used we do not know: it was possibly one of the tenements
originally given to the college by Peter de Skelton and partly repaired
by the founder. Money was disbursed for thatching it in 1375.[380]
Nearly ten years later a new library was put up. Bishop Brantingham and
John More, rector of St. Petrock’s, Exeter, contributed handsomely
towards the cost; another Bishop of Exeter, Edmund Stafford,--in whose
time the name of the house was changed from Stapledon Hall to Exeter
College,--enlarged the building in 1404; and Bishops Grandisson,
Brantingham, Stafford, and Lacy gave books.[381] In the library room
some of the books were chained to desks, and some were kept in
chests.[382] All this points to a flourishing library at Exeter;
although, on occasions when their yearly expenses were heavier than
usual, the Fellows were obliged to pawn books to one of the loan chests
of the University, or even to their barber.[383]

The monastic college of Durham enjoyed a “fayre library, well-desked and
well flowred withe a timber Flowre over it,” built in 1417 and fitted in
1431.[384] Another college belonging to the monks of Christ Church,
Canterbury, also had a library, which had been replenished with books
from the mother-house.[385] In 1431 a library building was begun at
Balliol College by Mr. Thomas Chace, after he had resigned the office of
Master. Bishop William Grey, besides enriching his college with
manuscripts, also completed the home for them (_c._ 1477), on a window
of which are still to be read his name and the name of Robert Abdy, the

    “His Deus adjecit; Deus his det gaudia celi;
     Abdy perfecit opus hoc Gray presul et Ely.”[386]

In another window, on the north side, was inscribed--

    “Conditor ecce novi structus hujus fuit Abdy.
     Praesul et huic Œdi Gray libros contulit Ely.”

The first library of Oriel College, on the east side of the quadrangle,
was not erected until about 1444; before that the books seem to have
been kept in chests, although the collection was large for the
time.[387] As early as 1388-89 payments were made for making desks for
the library of Queen’s College.[388] In the case of New, Lincoln, All
Souls, and Magdalen Colleges, library rooms were included when the
college buildings were first erected. Magdalen’s library was copied from
All Souls: the windows in it were “to be as good as or better than”
those in the earlier foundation.


Towards the end of the fifteenth century the beginning of the sad end of
all this good work may be traced. Some part of the collections
disappeared gradually. In 1458 books were chained at Exeter College,
because some of them had been taken away. When volumes became damaged
and worn out, they were not replaced by others. Some were pledged, and
although every effort was made to redeem them, as at Exeter College in
1466, 1470, 1472 and 1473, yet it seems certain many were permanently
alienated. Others were perhaps sold, or given away, as John Phylypp gave
away two Exeter College manuscripts in 1468.[389] The University library
was in similar case. When Erasmus saw the scanty remains of this
collection he could have wept. “Before it had continued eighty years in
its flourishing state,” writes Wood of the library, “[it] was rifled of
its precious treasure by unreasonable persons. That several scholars
would, upon small pledges given in, borrow books ... that were never
restored. Polydore Virgil ... borrowed many after such a way; but at
length being denied, did upon petition made to the king obtain his
license for the taking out of any MS. for his use (in order, I suppose,
for the collecting materials for his English History or Chronicle of
England), which being imitated by others, the library thereby suffered
very great loss.” Matters became still worse. Owing to the threatened
suppression of the religious houses, the number of students at Oxford
decreased enormously. In 1535, 108 men graduated, in the next year only
44 did so; until the end of Henry VIII’s reign the average number
graduating was 57, and in Edward’s reign the average was 33.[390]
Naturally, therefore, some laxity crept into the administration of the
University and the colleges. Active enemies of our literary treasures
were not behindhand. In 1535 Dr. Layton, visitor of monasteries,
descended upon Oxford. “We have sett Dunce [Duns Scotus] in Bocardo, and
have utterly banisshede hym Oxforde for ever, with all his blinde
glosses, and is nowe made a comon servant to evere man, faste nailede up
upon postes in all comon howses of easment: id quod oculis meis vidi.
And the seconde tyme we came to New Colege, affter we hade declarede
your injunctions, we fownde all the gret quadrant court full of the
leiffes of Dunce, the wynde blowyng them into evere corner. And ther we
fownde one Mr. Grenefelde, a gentilman of Bukynghamshire, getheryng up
part of the saide bowke leiffes (as he saide) therwith to make hym
sewelles or blawnsherres to kepe the

[Illustration: _Plate XXVII_


dere within the woode, therby to have the better cry with his
howndes.”[391] A commission assembled at Oxford in 1550, and met many
times at St. Mary’s Church. No documentary evidence of their treatment
of libraries remains, but it was certainly most drastic. Any illuminated
manuscript, or even a mathematical treatise illustrated with diagrams,
was deemed unfit to survive, and was thrown out for sale or destruction.
Some of the college libraries did not suffer severely. Most of Grey’s
books survived in Balliol, although the miniatures were cut out.
Queen’s, All Souls, and Merton came through the ordeal nearly unscathed.
But Lincoln lost the books given by Gascoigne and the Italian
importations of Flemming; Exeter College was purged. The University
library itself was entirely dispersed. One of the commissioners, “by
name Richard Coxe, Dean of Christ Church, shewed himself so zealous in
purging this place of its rarities ... that ... savoured of
superstition, that he left not one of those goodly MSS. given by the
before mentioned benefactors. Of all which there were none restored in
Q. Mary’s reign, when then an inquisition was made after them, but only
one of the parts of Valerius Maximus, illustrated with the Commentaries
of Dionysius de Burgo, an Augustine Fryer, and with the Tables of John
Whethamsteed, Abbat of St. Alban’s. That some of the books so taken out
by the Reformers were burnt, some sold away for Robin Hood’s
pennyworths,[392] either to Booksellers, or to Glovers, to press their
gloves, or Taylors to make measures, or to bookbinders to cover books
bound by them, and some also kept by the Reformers for their own use.
That the said library being thus deprived of its furniture was employed,
as the schools were, for infamous uses. That in laying waste in that
manner, and not in a possibility (as the academians thought) of
restoring it to its former estate, they ordered certain persons in a
Convocation (Reg. I. fol. 157ª) held Jan. 25, 1555-56 to sell the
benches and desks therein; so that being stript stark naked (as I may
say) continued so till Bodley restored it.”[393] The only cheerful
reference to this period is that by Wood, who tells us some friendly
people bought in a number of the manuscripts, and ultimately handed them
over to the University after the library’s restoration.[394] But of all
the books given by the Duke of Gloucester only three are now in the
Bodleian, and only three others in Corpus Christi, Oriel, and Magdalen.
The British Museum possesses nine; Cambridge one; private collectors
two. Six are in France: two Latin--both Oxford books--and three French
manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and one manuscript at the
Bibliothèque Ste. Geneviève. The Ste. Geneviève book[395] is a
magnificent Livy, once belonging to the famous Louvre Library. It bears
the inscription: “Cest livre est à moy Homfrey, duc de Gloucestre, du
don mon très chier cousin le conte de Warewic.”[396]



§ I

As the libraries of Cambridge were mostly of later foundation than those
at Oxford, and as the collections were of the same character, it is less
necessary to describe them in detail, especially after having dealt
fully with the collections of the sister university. Cambridge
University does not seem to have owned books in common until the first
quarter of the fifteenth century. Before that, in 1384, the books
intended for use in the University were submitted to the Chancellor and
Doctors, so that any containing heretical and objectionable opinions
could be weeded out and burnt. In 1408-9 it was ordered that books
suspected to contain Lollard doctrines should be examined by the
authorities of both Universities; if approved by them and by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, they could be delivered to the stationers for
copying, but not before. And in 1480 keepers of chests were forbidden to
receive as a pledge any book written _on paper_.[397] Certain
regulations were also made with regard to the status of stationers and
others engaged in book-making in the town. But there seems to have been
no common library.

About the time when Gloucester made his first gift of books to Oxford
University a public library was possibly “founded” by John Croucher,
who gave a copy of Chaucer’s translation of Boëthius’ _De Consolatione
philosophiae_. Richard Holme, Warden of King’s Hall, who died in 1424,
gave sixteen volumes. At this time the collection amounted to
seventy-six volumes. Robert Fitzhugh, Bishop of London, now left two
books, a _Textus moralis philosophiae_ and Codeton _Super quatuor libros
Sententiarum_ (1435-6). By 1435 or 1440 it had increased to one hundred
and twenty-two books: theology accounting for sixty-nine, natural and
moral philosophy for seventeen, canon law for twenty-three, medicine for
five, grammar for six, and logic and sophistry for one each. Besides
Holme’s books there were in this library eight books given by John
Aylemer, six given by Thomas Paxton, ten by James Matissale, five each
by John Preston, John Water, Robert Alne (1440),[398] and John Tesdale:
other benefactors gave one or two or three.[399]

In 1423 one John Herrys or Harris gave ten pounds for the library,
possibly for a building, as books do not seem to have been bought with
it.[400] A common library is mentioned in 1438.[401] In the same year a
grant was made by the king of the manor of Ruyslip and a place called
Northwood for a library. The first room was erected between this year
and 1457. After 1454 many entries occur in the University accounts for
the roof of the new chapel and the library, for the general repairs of
the same buildings, for the chaining and binding of books, and for their
custody during a fire in the King’s College in 1457.[402] A sketch of
the Schools quadrangle drawn about 1459 shows this library, _libraria
nova_, above the Canon Law schools, on the west side.[403] Between the
completion of this library

[Illustration: _PLATE XXVIII_


and 1470 the south side of the quadrangle was built, the school of civil
law occupying the ground floor, and the Great Library or Common Library
the first floor. The second extant catalogue of books (1473) relates to
the books in this room: possibly the west room had been cleared for
other purposes. Now the inventory proves the library to have been in
possession of three hundred and thirty volumes, stored upon eight stalls
or desks on the north side and upon nine stalls on the southern side,
facing King’s College Chapel.[404] But in a few years the buildings were
extended and the collection augmented munificently by Thomas Rotherham
or Scot, then Chancellor of the University and Bishop of Lincoln,
afterwards Archbishop of York. Rotherham completed the building begun on
the east side of the quadrangle by erecting the library which occupies
the whole of the first floor (1470-75). In this _libraria domini
cancellarii_ his own books were stored. His generosity was recognised by
the University in the fullest possible manner; special care was taken of
his books, and his library came to be known as the private library, to
which only a few privileged persons were admitted, while the great
library remained in use as the public room.[405]

The learned Bishop Tunstall gave some Greek books to the library in
1529, just before he was translated to the see of Durham. Even then,
however, the collection was on the down grade. Nine years later, owing
to a decline in numbers at the University and a loss of revenue, some of
the books, described as “useless,” were sold.[406] Then again, in 1547,
occurs a more significant notice. A Grace was passed recommending the
conversion of the great or common library into a school for the Regius
Professor of Divinity, because “in its present state it is no use to
anybody.”[407] Neglect and worse had laid this part of the library as
waste as Duke Humfrey’s room at Oxford. Apparently then only the
Chancellor’s library remained. More “old” books were removed from the
collection in 1572-3. In this same year a catalogue was drawn up. Only
one hundred and seventy-seven volumes were left: “moste parte of all
theis bookes be of velam and parchment, but very sore cut and mangled
for the lymned letters and pictures.”[408] Clearly sad havoc had been
played with this library, which had started with so much promise.

§ II

The earliest collegiate libraries were Peterhouse, Pembroke Hall, Clare
Hall, Trinity Hall, and Gonville. Peterhouse had the first library in
Cambridge. Hugh of Balsham, Bishop of Ely, introduced into an
Augustinian Hospital at Cambridge a number of scholars who were to live
with the brethren. Before Hugh died the brethren and the scholars
quarrelled, and the latter were removed to two hostels on the site of
the present college (1281-84). He did not forget to provide his new
foundation with books, among other properties. In the statutes of 1344
are stringent provisions for the care of books, which prove that the
society had a library worthy of some thought. Clare College was founded
by the University as University Hall (1326), then refounded twelve years
later by Lady Elizabeth de Clare as Clare Hall. In 1355 she bequeathed a
few books. Pembroke College, founded in 1346, received a gift of ten
books from the first Master, William Styband. The statutes of Trinity
Hall, which was founded by Bishop William Bateman in 1350, partly to
repair the losses of scholarly clergy during the Black Death, also
contain a special section relating to the college books. It was not
drawn up in anticipation of the formation of a library, for the founder
himself gave seventy volumes on civil and canon law and theology,
besides fourteen books for the chapel; forty-eight, including seven
chapel books, were reserved for the Bishop’s own use during his
life.[409] To Gonville College, founded as the Hall of the Annunciation
in 1348, Archdeacon Stephen Scrope left a _Catholicon_ in 1418.[410]
King’s Hall, later absorbed in Trinity College, some sixty years after
its foundation, possessed a library of eighty-seven volumes (1394).
Gifts of books were made to Corpus Christi College soon after its
foundation in 1352, but a library is not referred to in the old
statutes. Thomas de Eltisle, the first Master, gave several books, among
them a very fine missal, “most excellently annotated throughout all the
offices, and bound with a cover of white deer leather, and with red
clasps.” At this time (1376) we find an inventory showing that the
contents of the library were chiefly theological and law books.

The intention of King Henry VI was to make the library of King’s College
and that of Eton very good. In his great plan for the former, which was
never carried out, Henry proposed to have in the west side of the court,
“atte the ende toward the chirch,” “a librarie, conteynyng in
lengthe .cx. fete, and in brede .xxiiij. fete, and under hit a large hous
for redyng and disputacions, conteynyng in lengthe .xl. fete, and .ij.
chambres under the same librarie, euery conteynyng .xxix. fete in lengthe
and in brede .xxiiij. fete.”[411] But an apartment was set aside for
books, and, as a charge was incurred for strewing it with rushes in
expectation of a visit from the king, it was evidently a repository
worth seeing.[412] Early in 1445 the king sent Richard Chester, sometime
his envoy at the Papal court, to France and other countries, and to
certain parts of England, in search of books and relics for his
foundations. Within two years, however, a joint petition came from Eton
and King’s College, stating that neither of these colleges “nowe late
fownded and newe growyng” “were sufficiently supplied with books for
divine service and for their libraries and studies, or with vestments
and ornaments, ‘whiche thinges may not be had withoute great and
diligente labour be longe processe and right besy inquisicion.’ They
therefore begged that the king would order Chester to ‘take to hym suche
men as shall be seen to hym expedient and profitable, and in especiall
John Pye,’ the King’s ‘stacioner of London, and other suche as ben
connyng and have undirstonding in such matiers,’ charging them all ‘to
laboure effectually, inquere and diligently inserche in all place that
ben under’ the King’s ‘obeysaunce, to gete knowleche where suche bokes,
onourmentes, and other necessaries for’ the ‘saide colleges may be
founden to selle.’ They were anxious that Richard Chester should have
authority ‘to bye, take, and receive alle suche goodes afore eny other
man ... satisfying to the owners of suche godes suche pris as thei may
resonably accorde and agree. Soo that he may have the ferste choise of
alle suche goodes afore eny other man, and in especiall of all maner
bokes, ornementes, and other necessaries as nowe late were perteyning to
the Duke of Gloucestre.’”[413] At King’s College many charges were
incurred for books a year later, in 1448. By 1452 this foundation had
174 or 175 books, on philosophy, theology, medicine, astrology,
mathematics, canon law, grammar, and in classical literature.[414] The
only volume now remaining of this collection once belonged to Duke
Humfrey, and as the list contains a fair number of classical
books--Aristotle, _Liber policie Platonis_, _Tullius in noua rethorica_,
Seneca, Sallust, Ovid, Julius Cæsar, Plutarch--besides a book of Poggio
Bracciolini, it seems likely that King’s College, and perhaps Eton,
received some of the books promised by the Duke to Oxford University and
begged for repeatedly and in vain by that University, after his

Likewise at Eton--which may be referred to appropriately here--the king
desired to have a good library. “Item the Est pane in lengthe within the
walles .ccxxx. fete in the myddel whereof directly agayns the entre of
the cloistre a librarie conteynyng in lengthe .lij. fete and in
brede .xxiiij. fete with .iij. chambres aboue on the oon side and .iiij. on
the other side and benethe .ix. chambres euery of them in lengthe .xxvj.
fete and in brede .xviij. fete with .v. utter toures and .v. ynner

A library room is referred to in 1445 or 1446; then “floryshid” glass
was bought for the windows of it.[417] In 1484-85 it is again mentioned
in connexion with repairs. A year later a lock and twelve keys for the
library were paid for.[418] Then in 1517, we are told, “the fyrst stone
was layd yn the fundacyon off the weste parte off the College, whereon
ys bylded Mr. Provost’s logyn, the Gate, and the Lyberary.”[419] It
would seem that these several references are to the vestry of the
Chapel, in which the books were first kept, and then to the Election
Hall, to which they were subsequently removed.[420] Henry VI seems to
have given £200 “for to purvey them books to the pleasure of God.”[421]

St. Catharine’s Hall, founded in 1473-75, in a few years enjoyed the
use of 104 volumes, of which 85 were given by the founder, Dr. Robert
Wodelarke. At Queens’ College a library was included in the first
buildings; and some twenty-five years after the foundation in 1448, no
fewer than 224 volumes were on the desks.[422]

As at Oxford, these collections were augmented by the gifts of generous
friends and loyal scholars. Peterhouse had many friends. Thomas Lisle,
Bishop of Ely, gave a large Bible (1300).[423] In 1418 a welcome gift
came from a former Master, John de Newton, who had reserved some
theological books, Seneca, Valerius Maximus, and other books for his old
house. At this time Peterhouse had 380 volumes: at Oxford the University
library was no larger, although it was possibly richer, and in numbers
only the library of New College can have beaten it. Sir Thomas Beaufort,
Duke of Exeter, bequeathed a volume of sermons in 1427.[424] Later Dr.
Thomas Lane gave some good books (1450). Then Dr. Roger Marshall
presented a large number of volumes, some of which were to be placed _in
libraria secretiori_, and in chains, if the Master and Fellows thought
fit, while the remainder were to be chained _in apertiori libraria_,
where they could not be borrowed, but were easily accessible (1472):
this benefactor evidently fully appreciated Peterhouse’s division of its
library into reference and lending sections. Less than a decade later
Dr. John Warkworth, the Master, presented fifty-five manuscripts, among
which was his own _Chronicle_. “Among the gifts made to the library in
the fifteenth century are one or two which raise curious questions. One
book comes from Bury and has the Bury mark. Another belonged to the
canons of Hereford; another to Worcester; another to Durham (it is still
identifiable in the Durham catalogue of 1391); and there are other
instances of the kind. Such a phenomenon makes one very anxious to know
how freely and under what conditions collegiate and monastic bodies were
in the habit of parting with their books during the time before the
Dissolution. Was there not very probably an extensive system of sale of
duplicates? I prefer this notion,” writes Dr. James, “to the idea that
they got rid of their books indiscriminately, because the study of
monastic catalogues shows quite plainly that the number of duplicates in
any considerable library was very large. On the other hand, it is clear
that books often got out of the old libraries into the hands of quite
unauthorised persons: so that there was probably both fair and foul play
in this matter.”[425] To Pembroke College came gifts from successive
Masters and from friends between the date of foundation and the year
1484, when the College had received 158 volumes in this way.[426] One of
the donors was Rotherham, the great friend of the public library. During
the same period a number of books were also purchased. Corpus Christi
received a like series of donations. The third Master, John Kynne, gave
a Bible, which he had “bought at Northampton at the time (1380) when the
Parliament was there, for the purpose of reading therefrom in the Hall
at the time of dinner.” The fifth and sixth Masters, Drs. Billingford
and Tytleshale, were benefactors to the library; and during the latter’s
mastership one of the fellows, Thomas Markaunt the antiquary, bequeathed
seventy-six volumes, then valued at over £100 (1439).[427] Later Dr.
Cosyn presented books; and Dr. Nobys, the twelfth Master, left a large
number of volumes, which were chained in the library.

A vicar of St. Mary’s, Nottingham, named John Hurte, gave books to
several colleges--to Clare Hall seven books, including Guido delle
Colonne’s Troy book, Ptolemy _in Quadripartito_; to the College of God’s
House, afterwards absorbed in Christ’s College, Egidius and a
_Doctrinale_; to King’s College Isaac _de Urinis_; to the University
Library three books; as well as an astronomical work to Gotham Chest

At Peterhouse in 1414 special provision was being made for the books in
a long room on the first floor. The workman employed on the job was to
receive, in addition to his wages, a gown if the College were pleased
with his work. By 1431 a new library was necessary, and a contract was
entered into for building it. Sixteen years later the work had so
progressed that desks were being made. In 1450 the old desks were broken
up, and locks and keys were bought for sixteen new cases. This library
was on the west side of the quadrangle. A library for Clare Hall was
built between 1420 and 1430. A little before this a new library was
begun for King’s Hall, probably to replace a smaller room. For the books
of Pembroke College a storey was added to the Hall about 1452. The early
collection of Gonville Hall was kept in a strong-room; then in 1441 a
special room was included in the buildings on the west side of the
quadrangle. At Trinity Hall the books were stored in a room over the
passage from one court to the other and at the east end of the chapel,
and here they remained until after the Reformation. The early library
room of Corpus Christi was in the Old Court, on the first floor next to
the Master’s lodge. In Queens’, St. Catharine’s, Jesus, Christ’s, St.
John’s and Magdalene a library formed a part of the original



Here it will be convenient to give some account of the regulations for
the use of books in colleges, both at Oxford and Cambridge. The
University libraries were for reference: the College libraries were for
both reference and lending use, and the regulations are therefore
different in essentials. By the statutes of University College (1292)
one book of every kind that the college had was to be put in some common
and safe place, so that the Fellows, and others with the consent of the
Fellows, might have the use of it. Sometimes, especially in the colleges
of early foundation, this common collection was kept in chests; usually
the books were securely chained to desks. The common books were chained
at New College (statutes, 1400) and at Lincoln College (1429). At
Peterhouse, soon after 1418, some 220 volumes were preserved for
reference, and 160 were distributed among the Fellows.[430] At All Souls
College a number of books selected by the warden, vice-wardens, and
deans, were chained, together with the books given on the express
condition that they should be chained (statutes, 1443). This collection,
then, was the college reference library; corresponding with the common
aumbry of the monastery, but also indicative of the principle of all
library organisation that, while it is desirable to lend books, it is
also necessary to keep a number of them all together in one fixed place
for reference.

The _libri distribuendi_, or books for lending, were the special feature
of the college library. At Merton the books were distributed by the
warden and sub-warden under an adequate pledge (1276). Once a year,
after the books had been inspected, each Fellow of Oriel could select a
book on the subject he was reading up, and could keep it, if he chose,
until the next distribution a year later, while if there were more books
than Fellows, those over could be selected in the same way (statutes,
1329). At Peterhouse, the Senior Dean distributed the books to scholars
in the manner he saw fit; later it was ruled that all the books not
chained might be circulated once every two years on a day to be fixed by
the Master and Senior Dean (statutes, 1344, 1480). At New College
students in civil and canon law could have two books for their special
use during the time they devoted themselves to those faculties, if they
did not own the books themselves. If books remained over, after this
distribution, they were to be distributed annually in the usual way
(statutes, 1400). Similarly the books were circulated at All Souls
(statutes, 1443), at Magdalen (1459), at Exeter[431] and at Queen’s. At
Lincoln College bachelors could only have logical and philosophical
books distributed to them, and not theology (statutes, 1429).

The procedure was the same as at the annual claustral distribution.
Although these regulations suggest restrictions and little else, the
students were as a rule fairly well provided with books. Even if they
did not own a single volume of their own, they had the use of the
public library of the University, and of the college common library. It
is true the distribution or _electio librorum_ took place only once or
twice a year, and then a student got only a few volumes. Yet we should
not assume that he was obliged to confine his attention to this small
dole alone, for it is but reasonable to suppose he could exchange his
books with those selected by another student. The _electio librorum_ was
a method of securing the safety of the books by distributing the
responsibility for making good losses equally over the whole community.
In the case of University College an Opponent in theology, a teacher of
the Sentences, and a Regent who also taught, had the right to borrow
freely any book he wanted if he would restore it, when he had done with
it, to the Fellow who had chosen it at the distribution (statutes,

A register of loans was carefully maintained. The Fellows of All Souls
were required to have a small indenture drawn up for each book borrowed,
and such indenture was to be left with the warden or the vice-warden
(statutes, 1443). At Pembroke College, Cambridge, the librarian or
keeper was to prepare large tablets covered with wax and parchment: on
the latter were to be written the titles of books, on the former the
names of the borrowers; when each book was returned, the borrower’s name
was pressed out. This was a monastic practice. Such records, even if
trifling, were in turn the subject of an indenture if they were
transferred from one person to another.[432]

The rules drawn up to prevent loss were as stringent for college as for
monastic libraries. No Fellow of University College could take away,
sell, or pawn books belonging to his house without the consent of all
the fellows (statutes, 1292). At Peterhouse scholars were bound by oath
to similar effect (statutes, 1344). A statute of Magdalen is most
insistent--a book could not be alienated, under any excuse whatever, nor
lent outside the college, nor could it be lent in quires for copying to
a member of the College or a stranger, either in the Hall or out of it,
nor could it be taken out of the town, or even out of the Hall, either
whole or in sheets, by the Master or any one else, but to the schools it
could be taken when necessary and on condition that it was brought back
to the college before nightfall (1459). A like injunction was given at
Pembroke College, Cambridge, and Brasenose College.

Lending outside a college was unusual, but was sometimes allowed, as in
monasteries, under indenture, and upon deposit of a pledge of greater
value than the book lent, and with the general consent of Fellows
(University College statutes, 1292; All Souls statutes, 1443). Every
book belonging to University College had a high value set upon it, so
that a borrower should not be careless in his use of it (statutes,
1292); and at Peterhouse the Master and two Deans were expected to set a
value upon the books (special statute, 1480). Punishment for default was
severe. Any Fellow of Oriel neglecting or refusing to restore his books,
or to pay the value set upon them, forfeited his right of selecting for
another year, and if he failed to make good the loss before the
following Christmas, he was no longer a Fellow--_eo facto non socius
ibidem existat_ (1441). If a Fellow of Peterhouse did not produce his
book at the fresh selection, or appoint a deputy to bring it, he was
liable to be put out of commons until he restored it (statute, 1480).

Equal care was taken of the books which were not circulated. At Merton
they were to be kept under three locks (1276). The deeds, books,
muniments, and money of Stapeldon Hall or Exeter College were kept in a
chest, of which one key was in the hands of the Rector, another of the
Senior Scholar, and a third of the Chaplain (statutes, 1316). Three
different locks, two large and one small, were used to secure the
library door of New College: the Senior Dean and the Senior Bursar had
the keys of the large locks, and each Fellow had a key of the small
lock; all three locks were to be secured at night (statutes, 1400). An
indenture was drawn up of all the books, charters, and muniments of
Peterhouse in the presence of the greater number of the scholars: all
the books were named and classified according to faculty. One part of
the indenture was retained by the Master, the other part by the Deans.
All these books and records were preserved in chests, each of which had
two keys, one in the care of the Master, the other in the hands of the
Senior Dean (statutes, 1344). Books being regarded as an inestimable
treasure, which ought to be most religiously guarded, they could not be
taken from Peterhouse, if chained up, except with the consent of the
Master and all the Fellows in residence, who must be a majority of the
whole Society; and books given on condition of being chained were not to
be removed under any pretext, excepting only for repair. Even _libri
distribuendi_ were not to be without the college at night, except by
permission of the Master or a Dean, and then they could not be retained
for six months in succession (statute, 1480).

To detect missing books stock was taken, usually once a year: again, as
in the monasteries. Once a year on a fixed day the books of Oriel were
to be brought out and displayed for inspection before the Provost or his
deputy and all the Fellows (statutes, 1329). The same ceremony took
place at Trinity Hall twice a year; the books were to be laid out one by
one, so that they could be seen by everybody (statutes, 1350); at
Peterhouse the inspection was held only once in two years (statute,
1480). At All Souls an inspection was held (statutes, 1443); at the
Pembroke College inspection each book was exhibited in order to the
Masters and Fellows. At Magdalen, as elsewhere, the inspection was
thorough: the books were to be shown _realiter, visibiliter, et

The above rules embody the common practice of the colleges. Certain
houses had unusual provisions. Every Fellow of Magdalen College was to
close the book he had been reading before he left, and also shut the
windows (statutes, 1459). With the beginning of the sixteenth century
comes a faint hint of discrimination in selecting books. No book was to
be brought into the library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, or
chained there, if it were not of sufficient worth and importance (_nisi
sit competentis pretii aut utilitas_) (unless it had been given with
specific direction that it should be chained), but it was to go among
the books for lending (statutes, 1517).[433]

In certain of the colleges a book was read aloud during meals. It is
noted that in 1284 the scholars of Merton were so noisy that the person
appointed to read from Gregory’s _Moralia_ could not be properly
heard.[434] Reading aloud was also enjoined at University Hall,
Oxford.[435] This was, of course, a monastic practice.

This brief description of the practice of the colleges in regard to
books may be concluded fittingly with an account of the rules which
Richard de Bury proposed to apply for the safety of his library when
reposed within the walls of Durham Hall. These provisions are specially
interesting as an example of the care with which a fussy bookworm

[Illustration: _PLATE XXIX_


attempted to safeguard his treasures, and because they permit free
lending of books outside the Hall. Five of the scholars sojourning in
the Hall were to be appointed by the Master to have charge of the books,
“of which five persons three and not fewer” might lend any book or books
for inspection and study. No book was to be allowed outside the walls of
the house for copying. “Therefore, when any scholar, secular or
religious, whom for this purpose we regard with equal favour, shall seek
to borrow any book, let the keepers diligently consider if they have a
duplicate of the said book, and if so, let them lend him the book,
taking such pledge as in their judgment exceeds the value of the book
delivered, and let a record be made forthwith of the pledge, and of the
book lent, containing the names of the persons delivering the book and
of the person who receives it, together with the day and year when the
loan is made.” But if the book was not in duplicate, the keepers were
forbidden to lend it to anybody not belonging to the Hall, “unless
perhaps for inspection within the walls of the aforesaid house or Hall,
but not to be carried beyond it.”

A book could be lent to any of the scholars in the Hall by three of the
keepers, on condition that the borrower’s name and the date on which he
received the book were recorded. This book could not be transferred to
another scholar except by permission of three keepers, and then the
record must be altered.

“Each keeper shall take an oath to observe all these regulations when
they enter upon the charge of the books. And the recipients of any book
or books shall thereupon swear that they will not use the book or books
for any other purpose but that of inspection or study, and that they
will not take or permit to be taken it or them beyond the town and
suburbs of Oxford.

“Moreover, every year the aforesaid keepers shall render an account to
the Master of the House and two of his scholars whom he shall associate
with himself, or if he shall not be at leisure, he shall appoint three
inspectors, other than the keepers, who shall peruse the catalogue of
books, and see that they have them all, either in the volumes themselves
or at least as represented by deposits. And the more fitting season for
rendering this account we believe to be from the first of July until the
festival of the Translation of the Glorious Martyr S. Thomas next

“We add this further provision, that anyone to whom a book has been
lent, shall once a year exhibit it to the keepers, and shall, if he
wishes it, see his pledge. Moreover, if it chances that a book is lost
by death, theft, fraud, or carelessness, he who has lost it or his
representative or executor shall pay the value of the book and receive
back his deposit. But if in any wise any profit shall accrue to the
keepers, it shall not be applied to any purpose but the repair and
maintenance of the books.”[436]

It will be seen that had De Bury’s aim been consummated, a small public
lending library would have been founded in Oxford, from which at first
only a few duplicates would be issued, but which might, in time, have
become an important institution.



§ I

The cheapening of books has brought many pleasures, but has been the
cause of our losing--or almost losing--one pleasant social custom,--the
pastime of reciting tales by the fireside or at festivities, which was
popular until the end of the manuscript age.

    “Men lykyn jestis for to here
     And romans rede in divers manere.”

At their games and feasts and over their ale men were wont to hear tales
and verses.[437] The tale-tellers were usually professional wayfaring
entertainers: “japers and ‘mynstralles’ that sell ‘glee,’” as the scald
sang his lays before King Hygelac and roused Beowulf to slay Grendel--

    “Gestiours, that tellen tales
     Bothe of weping and of game.”[438]

Call hither, cries Sir Thopas, minstrels and gestours, “for to tellen

    “Of romances that been royales,
     Of popes and of cardinals,
        And eek of love-lykinge.” (ll. 2035-40).

Rhymers and poets had these entertainments in mind when they wrote--

    “And red wher-so thou be, or elles songe,
     That thou be understonde I god beseche,”

cries Chaucer.[439] Note also the preliminary request for silence and
attention at the beginning of _Sir Thopas_--

    “Listeth, lordes, in good entent,
     And I wol telle verrayment
       Of mirthe and of solas [solace];
     Al of a knyght was fair and gent [gallant]
     In bataille and in tourneyment,
       His name was Sir Thopas.”

At the beginning of his metrical chronicle of England Robert Mannyng of
Brunne begs the “Lordynges that be now here” to listen to the story of
England, as he had found it and Englished it for the solace of those
“lewed” men who knew not Latin or French.[440]

References to these minstrels are common--

    “I warne you furst at the beginninge,
     That I will make no vain carpinge [talk]
     Of dedes of armys ne of amours,
     As dus mynstrelles and jestours,
     That makys carpinge in many a place
     Of _Octoviane_ and _Isembrase_,
     And of many other jestes,
     And namely, whan they come to festes;
     Ne of the life of _Bevys of Hampton_,
     That was a knight of gret renoun,
     Ne of _Sir Gye of Warwyke_.”[441]

The monks of Hyde Abbey or New Minster paid an annuity to a harper
(1180). No less a sum than seventy shillings was paid to minstrels hired
to sing and play the harp at the feast of the installation of an abbot
of St. Augustine’s, Canterbury (1309). When the bishop of Winchester
visited the cathedral priory of St. Swithin or Old Minster, a minstrel
was hired to sing the song of Colbrond the Danish giant--a legend
connected with Winchester--and the tale of Queen Emma delivered from the
ploughshares (1338). Payments to minstrels were commonly made by monks:
at Bicester Priory, for example (1431), and at Maxstoke, where _mimi_,
_joculatores_, _jocatores_, _lusores_, and _citharistae_ were hired. A
curious provision occurs in the statutes of New College, Oxford (1380).
The founder gives his permission to the scholars, for their recreation
on festival days in the winter, to light a fire in the hall after dinner
and supper, where they could amuse themselves with songs and other
entertainments of decent sort, and could recite poems, chronicles of
kingdoms, the wonders of the world, and such like compositions, provided
they befitted the clerical character. At Winchester College--where
minstrels were often employed--and Magdalen College the same practice
was followed. Commonly minstrels formed a regular part of the household
of rich men.[442]

This part of the subject is so interesting that we feel tempted to
linger over it, but it is sufficient for our purpose to observe that
minstrelsy, before and after the Conquest--indeed, up to nearly the end
of the manuscript period--was the chief and almost the only means of
circulating literature among seculars. This fact should be borne in mind
when any comparison is made between the number of religious and
scholastic books in circulation and the number of books of lighter
character. Even books of the scholastic class were read aloud to
students in class, and often to small audiences of older people; but
this method had obvious disadvantages, and the necessity of studying
them personally soon came to be recognised as imperative. Hence such
books, and especially those which summarised the subject of study, were
greatly multiplied. On the other hand, romances were better heard than
read, and only enough copies of them were made to supply wealthy
households and the minstrels and jesters whose business it was to learn
and recite them. Rarely, therefore, did the ordinary layman of medieval
England own many books. The large class to whom romances appealed seldom
owned books at all, simply because the people of this class, even if
wealthy and of noble rank, could not in ninety cases out of one hundred
read at all, or could read so poorly that the pastime was irksome. Among
the educated classes, the books needed were those with which a reader
had made acquaintance at his university, or which were necessary for his
special study and occupation. Yet it is uncommon to find private
libraries; and with few exceptions they were ridiculously small. The
vast majority of the books were owned in common by monastic or
collegiate societies.

Let us bring together the meagre records of three centuries, and some
exceptions to the general rule which serve only to show up the general
poverty of the land. Henry II, an ardent sportsman, a ruler almost
completely immersed in affairs of State, made time for private reading
and for working out knotty questions,[443] and very probably he had a
library to his hand. King John received from the sacristan of Reading a
small collection of books of the Bible and severe theology, perhaps as a
diplomatic gift, perhaps as a subtle reminder that a little food for the
spirit would improve his morals and ameliorate the lot of his subjects.
Edward II borrowed at least two books, the _Miracles of St. Thomas_ and
the _Lives of St. Thomas and St. Anselm_, from Christ Church,
Canterbury.[444] Great Earl Simon had a _Digestum vetus_ from the same
source. Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick (_d._ 1315), had a little
hoard of romances, and some other books. Hugh le Despenser the elder
enjoyed a “librarie of bookes” (_c._ 1321), how big or of what character
we do not know. Archbishop Meopham (_d._ 1333) gave some books to Christ
Church, Canterbury; and his successor, John Stratford, presented a few
to the same house. Lady Elizabeth de Clare, foundress of Clare Hall,
bequeathed to her foundation a tiny collection of service books and
volumes on canon law (1355). William de Feriby, Archdeacon of Cleveland,
left a small theological library (1378). One John Percyhay of Swinton in
Rydal (1392), Sir Robert de Roos (1392), John de Clifford, treasurer of
York Church (1392), Canon Bragge of York (1396), and Eleanor Bohun,
Duchess of Gloucester (1399), all left Bibles; and small collections of
books, much alike in character, consisting usually of psalters, books of
religious offices, legends of the saints, Peter of Blois, Nicholas
Trivet, the Brut chronicle, books of Decretals, and the Corpus Juris
Civilis,--most of it sorry stuff, the last achievements of dogmatism on
threadbare subjects. “Among all the church dignitaries whose wills are
recorded in Bishop Stafford’s register at Exeter (1395-1419), the
largest library mentioned is only of fourteen volumes. The sixty
testators include a dean, two archdeacons, twenty canons or
prebendaries, thirteen rectors, six vicars, and eighteen layfolk, mostly
rich people. The whole sixty apparently possessed only two Bibles
between them, and only one hundred and thirty-eight books altogether:
or, omitting church service-books, only sixty; _i.e._ exactly one each
on an average. Thirteen of the beneficed clergy were altogether
bookless, though several of them possessed the _baselard_ or dagger
which church councils had forbidden in vain for centuries past; four
more had only their breviary. Of the laity fifteen were bookless, while
three had service books, one of these being a knight who simply
bequeathed them as part of the furniture of his private chapel.”[445]

A few exceptions there were, as we have said. Not till the fifteenth
century do we find that a few books were commonly in the possession of
well-to-do and cultivated people; suggesting an advance in culture upon
the previous age. But before 1400 several book collectors were sharp
aberrations from the general rule. Richard de Gravesend, Bishop of
London, owned nearly a hundred books, almost all theological, and each
worth on an average more than a sovereign a volume, or in all about
£1740 of our money. A certain Abbot Thomas of St. Augustine’s Abbey,
Canterbury, gave to his house over one hundred volumes.[446] To the same
monastery a certain John of London, probably a pupil of Friar Bacon,
left a specialist’s library of about eighty books, no fewer than
forty-six being on mathematics, astronomy, and medicine.[447] Simon
Langham, too, bequeathed to Westminister Abbey ninety-one works, some
very costly.[448] John de Newton, treasurer of York, left a good
library, part of which he bequeathed to York Minster and part to
Peterhouse (1418). A canon of York, Thomas Greenwood, died worth more
than thirty pounds in books alone (1421). And Henry Bowet, Archbishop of
York, left a collection of thirty-three volumes, nearly all of great
price,--copies _de luxe_, finely illuminated and embellished, worth on
an average a pound a volume (1423).

But Richard de Bury, Bishop of Durham, is at once the bibliomaniac’s
ideal and enigma (1287-1345). All accounts agree in saying he collected
a large number of books.

What became of them we do not know. In the _Philobiblon_, of which he is
the reputed author, he expressed his intention of founding a hall at
Oxford, and of leaving his books to it. Durham College, however, was not
completed until thirty-six years after his death. Among the Durham
College documents is a catalogue of the books it owned at the beginning
of the fifteenth century, and only the books sent to Oxford in 1315, and
as many more are mentioned, so that his large library did not go to the
college, but was probably dispersed.[449] De Bury, like Cobham, was a
heavy debtor, and as he lay dying his servants stole all his moveable
goods and left him naked on his bed save for an undershirt which a
lackey had thrown over him.[450] His executors, as we know, were glad to
resell to St. Albans Abbey the books he had bought from the monks there.

De Bury has left us an account of his methods of collecting which throws
some light upon the trade in books in his time. “Although from our youth
upwards we had always delighted in holding social commune with learned
men and lovers of books, yet when we prospered in the world, ... we
obtained ampler facilities for visiting everywhere as we would, and of
hunting as it were certain most choice preserves, libraries private as
well as public, and of the regular as well as of the secular clergy....
There was afforded to us, in consideration of the royal favour, easy
access for the purpose of freely searching the retreats of books. In
fact, the fame of our love of them had been soon winged abroad
everywhere, and we were reported to burn with such desire for books, and
especially old ones, that it was more easy for any man to gain our
favour by means of books than of money. Wherefore, since supported by
the goodness of the aforesaid prince of worthy memory, we were able to
requite a man well or ill ... there flowed in, instead of presents and
guerdons, and instead of gifts and jewels, soiled tracts and battered
codices, gladsome alike to our eye and heart. Then the aumbries of the
most famous monasteries were thrown open, cases were unlocked and
caskets were undone, and volumes that had slumbered through long ages in
their tombs wake up and are astonished, and those that had lain hidden
in dark places are bathed in the ray of unwonted light. These long
lifeless books, once most dainty, but now become corrupt and loathesome,
covered with litters of mice and pierced with the gnawings of the worms,
and who were once clothed in purple and fine linen, now lying in
sackcloth and ashes, given up to oblivion, seemed to have become
habitations of the moth.... Thus the sacred vessels of learning came
into our control and stewardship; some by gift, others by purchase, and
some lent to us for a season.”[451]

If his words are true, monastic and other libraries must have been
seriously despoiled to build up his own collection. He was bribed by St.
Albans Abbey, and nobody need disbelieve him when he says he got many
presents from other houses, for the merit of being open-handed was
rewarded with more good mediation and favours than the giver’s cause
deserved; indeed, De Bury himself seems to have made judicious use of
bribes for his own advancement.[452] Usually gifts were in jewels or
plate, but books were given to men known to love them; as when
Whethamstede presented Humfrey of Gloucester and the Duke of Bedford
with books they coveted.

While acting as emissary for his “illustrious prince,” de Bury hunts his
quarry in the narrow ways of Paris, and captures “inestimable books” by
freely opening his purse, the coins of which are, to his mind, “mud and
sand” compared with the treasures he gets. He blesses the friars and
protects them, and they rout out books from the “universities and high
schools of various provinces”; but how, whether rightfully or
wrongfully, we do not know. He “does not disdain,” he tells us--in
truth, he is surely overjoyed--to visit “their libraries and any other
repositories of books”; nay, there he finds heaped up amid the utmost
poverty the utmost riches of wisdom. He freely employs the booksellers,
but the wiles of the collector are as notorious as the wiles of women,
and his chief aim is to “captivate the affection of all” who can get him
books;--not even forgetting “the rectors of schools and the instructors
of rude boys,” although we cannot think he gets much from them. If he
cannot buy books, he has copies made: about his person are scribes and
correctors, illuminators and binders, and generally all who can usefully
labour in the service of books; in large numbers--in no small multitude.
And by these means he gets together more books than all the other
English bishops put together: more than five waggon loads; a veritable
hoard, overflowing into the hall of his house, and into his bedroom,
where he steps over them to get to his couch. He was a man “of small
learning,” says Murimuth; “passably literate,” writes Chambre; at the
best, according to Petrarch, “of ardent temperament, not ignorant of
literature, with a natural curiosity for out-of-the-way lore”: an
antiquarian, not of the lovable kind, but unscrupulous, pedantic, and
vain, indulging an inordinate taste for collecting and hoarding books,
perhaps to satisfy a craving for shreds and patches of knowledge, but
more likely to earn a reputation as a great clerk.[453] For De Bury was
something of a humbug; the _Philobiblon_, if it is his work, reaches the
utmost limit of affectation in the love of books.

§ II

The literature of the later part of the fourteenth century affords us
glimpses of other readers who were not merely collectors. The author--or
authors--of _Piers Plowman_ seems to have had within his reach a fair
library. His reading was carelessly done for the most part, his
references are vague and incorrect, and his quotations not always exact.
But he was well read in the Scriptures, which he knew far better than
any other book. From the Fathers he gathered much, perhaps by means of
collections of extracts from their works. He used the _Golden Legend_,
Huon de Meri’s allegorical poem of the fight between Jesus and the
Antichrist, Peter Comestor’s _Bible History_, Rustebeuf’s _La Voie de
Paradis_, Grosseteste’s religious allegory of _Le Chastel d’Amour_, the
paraded learning of Vincent of Beauvais in _Speculum Historiale_, and
other works--numerous and small signs of booklore, which are completely
overshadowed by his illuminating comprehension of the popular side in
the politics of his day. Gower, too, had at his disposal a little
library of some account, including the Scriptures, theological writings
and ecclesiastical histories, Aristotle, some of the classics, and a
good deal of romance in prose and verse.

But Chaucer was the ideal book-lover: knowing Dante, Boccaccio, and in
some degree “Franceys Petrark, the laureat poete,” who “enlumined al
Itaille of poetry,” Virgil, Cicero, Seneca, Ovid--his favourite
author--and Boëthius; as well as Guido delle Colonne’s prose epic of
the story of Troy, the poems of Guillaume de Machaut, the _Roman de la
Rose_, and a work on the astrolabe by Messahala.[454] We have some
excellent pictures of Chaucer’s habit of reading. When his day’s work is
done he goes home and buries himself with his books--

        “Domb as any stoon,
    Thou sittest at another boke,
    Til fully daswed is thy loke.”[455]

In the _Parliament of Fowls_ he tells us that he read books often for
instruction and pleasure, and the coming on of night alone would force
him to put away his book. He would not have been a true reader had he
not developed the habit of reading in bed.

       “...Whan I saw I might not slepe,
    Til now late, this other night,
    Upon my bedde I sat upright
    And bad oon reche me a book,
    A romance, and he hit me took
    To rede and dryve the night away;

       *       *       *       *       *

        And in this boke were writen fables
    That clerkes hadde, in olde tyme,
    And other poets, put in ryme....”[456]

So he found solace and delight, as countless thousands have done, in his
Ovid. The world of books and of reading is apt to seem stuffy, the
favoured home of the moody spirit, a lair to which a dirty and ragged
Magliabechi retreats, a palace where a Beckford gloats solitary over his
treasures--a world whence we often desire to escape, since we know we
can return to it when we will. For if good books shelter us from the
realities of life, life itself refreshes the student like cool rain
upon the fevered brow. Chaucer was the bright spirit who let his books
fill their proper place in his life. In books, he says--

                “I me delyte,
    And to hem give I feyth and ful credence,
    And in myn heart have hem in reverence
    So hertely that ther is game noon
    That fro my bokes maketh me to goon.”

Yet books are something much less than life: there is the open air,--the
meadows bright with flowers,--the melody of birds,--

       “...Whan that the month of May
    Is comen, and that I hear the foules singe,
    And that the flowers ’ginnen for to spring
    Farwel my book....”[457]


By the end of the fourteenth century we find signs that books more often
formed a part of well-to-do households, and that the formal reading and
reciting entertainments were giving place gradually to the informal and
personal use of books. Among many pieces of evidence that this was so,
Chaucer himself furnishes us with two of the best, one in the _Wife of
Bath’s Tale_, and the other in his _Troilus and Criseide_. The Wife took
for her fifth husband, “God his soule blesse,” a clerk of Oxenford--

    “He was, I trowe, a twenty winter old,
     And I was fourty, if I shal seye sooth.”

Joly Jankin, as the clerk was called,

      “Hadde a book that gladly, night and day,
    For his desport he wolde rede alway.

[Illustration: _PLATE XXX_


    He cleped [called] it Valerie and Theofraste,[458]
    At whiche book he lough alwey ful faste.

           *       *       *       *       *

    And every night and day was his custume,
    When he had leyser and vacacioun
    From other worldly occupacioun,
    To reden on this book of wikked wyves.”[459]

And having quickly taken measure of the Wife’s character, he could not
refrain from reading to her stories which seemed to contain a lesson and
to point a moral for her. She lost patience, and was “beten for a book,

    “Up-on a night Jankin, that was our syre,
     Redde on his book, as he sat by the fyre.”

And when his wife saw he would “never fyne” to read “this cursed book al
night,” all suddenly she plucked three leaves out of it, “right as he
radde,” and with her fist so took him on the cheek that he fell “bakward
adoun” in the fire. Springing up like a mad lion he smote her on the
head with his fist, and she lay upon the floor as she were dead.
Whereupon he stood aghast, sorry for what he had done; and “with muchel
care and wo” they made up their quarrel: our clerk, let us hope, winning
peace, and his wife securing the mastery of their household affairs and
the destruction of the “cursed book.”

In _Troilus_ we are told that Uncle Pandarus comes into the paved
parlour, where he finds his niece sitting with two other ladies--

           “...And they three
    Herden a mayden reden hem the geste
    Of the Sege of Thebes....”

“What are you reading?” cries Pandarus. “For Goddes love, what seith it?
Tel it us. Is it of love?” Whereupon the niece returns him a saucy
answer, and “with that they gonnen laughe,” and then she says--

    “This romaunce is of Thebes, that we rede;
     And we can herd how that King Laius deyde
     Thurgh Edippus his sone, and al that dede;
     And here we stenten [left off] at these lettres rede,
     How the bisshop, as the book can telle,
     Amphiorax, fil through the ground to helle.”[460]

This picture of a little informal reading circle is not to be found in
like perfection elsewhere in English medieval literature.[461]

§ IV

By the middle of the fifteenth century book-collecting was a more
fashionable pastime. Had it not been so we should have been surprised.
From 1365 to 1450 was an age of library building. Oxford University now
had its library: in quick succession the colleges of Merton, William of
Wykeham, Exeter, University, Durham, Balliol, Peterhouse, Lincoln, All
Souls, Magdalen, Queens’ (Cambridge), Pembroke (Cambridge), and St.
John’s (Cambridge) followed the example. Library rooms also had been put
up in the cathedrals of Hereford, Exeter, York, Lincoln, Wells,
Salisbury, St. Paul’s, and Lichfield. Moreover, in London had been
established the first public library. Dick Whittington, of famous
memory, and William Bury founded it between 1421 and 1426. The civic
records tell us that “Upon the petition of John Coventry, John
Carpenter, and William Grove, the executors of Richard Whittington and
William Bury, the Custody of the New House, or Library, which they had
built, with the Chamber under, was placed at their disposal by the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty.”[462] The foundation is described as “a
certen house next unto the sam Chapel apperteynyng, called the library,
all waies res’ved for students to resorte unto, w^{t} three chambres
under nithe the saide library, which library being covered w^{t} slate
is valued together w^{t} the chambres at xiijs. iiijd. yerely.... The
saied library is a house appointed by the saied Maior and cominaltie for
... resorte of all students for their education in Divine
Scriptures.”[463] Stow, writing in 1598, spoke of it as “sometime a
fayre and large library, furnished with books.... The armes of
Whitington are placed on the one side in the stone worke, and two
letters, to wit, W. and B., for William Bury, on the other side.”
Wealthy citizens came forward with pecuniary aid then as they have ever
done. William Chichele, sometime Sheriff, bequeathed “x^{li} to be
bestowyed on books notable to be layde in the newe librarye at the
gildehall at London for to be memoriall for John Hadle, sumtyme meyre,
and for me there while they mowe laste.”[464] This was in 1425. Eighteen
years later one of Whittington’s executors, named John Carpenter, made
this direction in his will: “If any good or rare books shall be found
amongst the said residue of my goods, which, by the discretion of the
aforesaid Master William Lichfield and Reginald Pecock, may seem
necessary to the common library at Guildhall, for the profit of the
students there, and those discoursing to the common people, then I will
and bequeath that those books be placed by my executors and chained in
that library that the visitors and students thereof may be the sooner
admonished to pray for my soul” (1442).[465] But this library, like so
many others, did not survive the disastrous years of mid-sixteenth

It would be singular if this progress in library making were not
reflected in the habits of a considerable section of the people. The
court and its entourage set the fashion. Henry VI was a lover of books
and a collector. His uncle, John, Duke of Bedford, although much
occupied with public affairs and mercilessly warring with France, got
together a rich library, particularly noteworthy for finely illuminated
books: the famous library of the Louvre was a part of his French booty.
Of his brother Gloucester we have already spoken. Archbishop Kempe owned
a library of theology, canon and civil law, and other books, worth more
than £260. He also gave money towards the cost of Gloucester’s library
at Oxford; as did also Cardinal Beaufort and the Duchess of Gloucester.
Sir John Fastolf possessed a small number of books at Caistor (_c._
1450). The collection was of some distinction, as the inventory will
show: “In the Stewe hous; of Frenche books, the Bible, the Cronycles of
France, the Cronicles of Titus Levius, a booke of Jullius Cesar, lez
Propretez dez Choses [by Barth Glanville], Petrus de Crescentiis, liber
Almagesti, liber Geomancie cum iiij aliis Astronomie, liber de Roy
Artour, Romaunce la Rose, Cronicles d’Angleterre, Veges de larte
Chevalerie, Instituts of Justien Emperer, Brute in ryme, liber Etiques,
liber de Sentence Joseph, Problemate Aristotelis, Vice and Vertues,
liber de Cronykes de Grant Bretagne in ryme, Meditacions Saynt
Bernard.”[466] Perhaps this little hoard may be taken as a fair example
of a wealthy gentleman’s library in the fifteenth century. A collection
perhaps accurately representing the average prelatical library was that
of Richard Browne, running to more than thirty books of the common
medieval character (1452). A canon residentiary of York named William
Duffield had a library of forty volumes, as fine as Archbishop Bowet’s
collection, and valued at a higher figure (1452). Ralph Dreff, of
Broadgates Hall, possessed no fewer than twenty-three volumes, a larger
collection than Oxford students usually had. A vicar of Cookfield owned
twenty-four books, some of them priced cheaply (1451).

Some collections were pathetically small. A disreputable student of
Oxford, John Brette, had among his “bits of things” a book and a
pamphlet. Thomas Cooper, scholar of Brasenose Hall, enjoyed the use of
six volumes. Another scholar, John Lassehowe, had a like number; and
another, Simon Berynton, had fifteen books, worth sixpence (_c._ 1448)!
A rector also had six, one of them Greek; a chaplain was equipped with
six medical works; and James Hedyan, bachelor of canon and civil law,
could employ his leisure in reading one of his little store of eight
volumes. One Elizabeth Sywardby owned eight books, three being costly

§ V

More records of the same kind may be obtained from almost any collection
of wills and inventories, the number of them increasing towards the end
of the manuscript age. How far this change was due to the influence of
Italy we do not fully know. Certainly before the end of Henry VI’s reign
the first impulse of the Italian renascence--the impulse to gather up
the materials of a more catholic and liberal knowledge--had been
transmitted to England. Students left our shores to widen their studies
in Italy. Public men in England corresponded with Italians, and fell
into sympathy with their aims. Occasionally scholars came hither from
Italy. Manuel Chrysoloras, one of the leading revivers of Greek studies
in Italy, visited England in the service of Manuel Palaeologus, and
possibly stayed at Christ Church monastery in 1408.[467] Poggio
Bracciolini came to this country in 1418-23 at the invitation of
Cardinal Beaufort: what he did while here we know far too little about,
but this visit of Italy’s greatest book-collector and discoverer of
Latin classical manuscripts cannot have been without some effect upon
English students. For Poggio the visit was almost without result. He was
in search of manuscripts, but apparently failed to get any with which he
was unacquainted. He dismissed our libraries with the sharp criticism
that they were full of trash, and described Englishmen as almost devoid
of love for letters.[468] Æneas Sylvius also came here, and his visit
likewise must have borne some fruit (1435).

Much also was accomplished by correspondence. Among those in
communication with Italians and acquainted with the course of their
studies, were Bishop Bekington, one of the earliest _alumni_ of
Wykeham’s foundation at Oxford, Adam de Molyneux, the correspondent of
Æneas Sylvius, Thomas Chaundler, warden of New College, Archdeacon
Bildstone, Archbishop Arundel, the benefactor of Oxford University
Library and correspondent of Salutati, Cardinal Beaufort’s secretary,
and Humfrey of Gloucester. Upon the last-named Italian influence was
strong. Among the books he gave to Oxford were Petrarch, Dante, and
Boccaccio, but probably the strongest evidence of this influence would
be found in the books he retained for his own use. He sought a rendering
of Aristotle’s _Politics_ from Bruni; of Cicero’s _Republic_ from
Decembrio; of certain of Plutarch’s _Lives_ from Lapo da Castiglionchio;
and had other works translated.[469]


But many English students were attracted to visit Italy for the express
purpose of sitting under Italian teachers. As early as 1395, one Thomas
of England, a brother of the Augustine order, went to Italy and
purchased manuscripts, “books of the modern poets,” and translations and
other early works of Leonardo Bruni.[470] Thomas was one of the first of
a number of enlightened Englishmen who journeyed laboriously and in
steady procession to Italy, this time not only to Rome, but to the
northern towns, then, with Venice, “the common ports of humanity,”
whither they were attracted by the fame of the bright galaxy of
humanists--of Coluccio Salutati, collector of Latin manuscripts, Manuel
Chrysoloras, Niccolo de’ Niccoli, grubbing Poggio Bracciolini, Pope
Nicholas, sometime Cosimo de’ Medici’s librarian and the founder of the
Vatican Library, Giovanni Aurispa, famous collector of Greek
manuscripts in the East, the renowned Guarino da Verona, Palla degli
Strozzi, would-be founder of a public library, Cosimo de’ Medici, whose
princely collections are the chiefest treasures of the Laurentian
Library, Francesco Filelfo, another importer of Greek books from
Constantinople, and Vespasiano, the great bookseller.

Sometimes these pilgrims to Italy were poor men, as were John Free, and
the two Oxford men, Norton and Bulkeley, who went thither in
1425-29.[471] But as a rule such a journey was only possible for wealthy
men. An important pilgrim was Andrew Holes, who represented England at
the Pope’s court in Florence.[472] In the eyes of Vespasiano, Holes was
one of the most cultivated of Englishmen. He appears to have bought too
many books to send by land, and so was obliged to wait for a ship to
transport them. What became of these books?--did he collect for his own
use?--or was he acting merely for Duke Humfrey or the king?--or did he
leave them, as it is said, to his Church? Unfortunately these are
questions which cannot be answered.

Four other men, Tiptoft, Grey, Free, and Gunthorpe, all of Balliol
College, where the influence of Duke Humfrey may fairly be suspected,
journeyed to Italy. “Butcher” Tiptoft, an intimate of another
enlightened community at Christ Church, visited Guarino, walked
Florentine streets arm-in-arm with Vespasiano, thrilled Æneas Sylvius,
then Pope, with a Latin oration, and returned to his own country with
many books, some of which he intended to give to Oxford University--one
of the best deeds of his unhappy and calamitous life.[473] While in
Italy, William Grey, who sat under Guarino, and made Niccolò Perotti,
well known as a grammarian, free of his princely establishment, was
conspicuously industrious in accumulating books. If he could not obtain
them in any other way he employed scribes to copy for him, and an artist
of Florence to adorn them in a costly manner with miniatures and
initials. In nearly six years he collected over two hundred volumes of
manuscripts, some as old as the twelfth century; probably the finest
library sent to England in that age. No fewer than 152 of his
manuscripts are now in the Balliol College library, to which he gave his
whole collection in 1478; unfortunately most of the miniatures are
destroyed. To his patronage of learning and his book-collecting
propensities Grey owed his friendship with Nicholas V, and his bishopric
of Ely. Grey was also a good friend to Free or Phreas, a poor student,
and aided him in Italy with money for his expenses of living and to
obtain Greek manuscripts to translate.[474] Free and John Gunthorpe,
Dean of Wells, went to Italy together: Free did not live to return, but
Gunthorpe brought home manuscripts. He gave the bulk of them to Jesus
College, where only one or two are left; some have found their way to
other Cambridge Colleges.[475] Another Oxford scholar, Robert Flemming,
was in Italy in 1450: here he became the friend of the great librarian
of the Vatican, Platina; and got together a number of manuscripts,
afterwards given to Lincoln College.

§ VI

The intercourse of all these scholars with Italians was carried on
before mid-fifteenth century. Their chief interest was in Latin books,
although a large number of Greek manuscripts had been brought to Italy
by Angeli da Scarparia, Guarino, Giovanni Aurispa, and Filelfo. After
the fall of Constantinople the Greek immigrants introduced books into
Italy much more freely. George Hermonymus of Sparta, a Greek teacher and
copyist of Greek manuscripts, visited England on a papal mission in
1475, but whether he had any influence on our intellectual pursuits does
not appear.[476] Certainly, however, English scholars soon appreciated
this new literature.

Letters sent to Pope Sixtus in 1484 by the king, refer to the skill of
John Shirwood, bishop of Durham, in Latin and Greek.[477] Shirwood seems
to have collected a respectable library. His Latin books were acquired
by Bishop Foxe, and formed the nucleus of the library with which the
latter endowed Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Some thirty volumes, a
number of them printed, now remain at the College to bring him to mind:
among them we find Pliny, Terence, Cicero, Livy, Suetonius, Plutarch,
and Horace. Less fortunate has been the fate of his Greek books, which
went to the collegiate church of Bishop Auckland. At the end of the
fifteenth century this church owned about forty volumes. The only
exceptions to its medieval character were Cicero’s _Letters_ and
_Offices_, Silius Italicus, and Theodore Gaza’s Greek grammar.[478] But
Leland tells us that Tunstall, who succeeded to the bishopric in 1530,
found a store of Shirwood’s Greek manuscripts at this church. What
became of them we do not know.[479]

About this same time a certain Emmanuel of Constantinople seems to have
been employed in England as a copyist. For Archbishop Neville he
produced a Greek manuscript containing some _sermones judiciales_ of
Demosthenes, and letters of Aeschines, Plato, and Chion (1468).[480] Dr.
Montague James has shown that this manuscript of Emmanuel is by the same
hand as the manuscripts known as the “Ferrar group,” which comprises “a
Plato and Aristotle now at Durham, two psalters in Cambridge libraries,
a psalter and part of a Suidas at Oxford, and the famous Leicester Codex
of the Gospels.”[481] Dr. James believes the Plato and the Aristotle to
have been transcribed for Neville by Emmanuel. In 1472 the archbishop’s
household was broken up, and the “greete klerkys and famous doctors” of
his entourage went to Cambridge. Among them, it is conjectured, was
Emmanuel, and so it came to pass that three manuscripts in his writing
have been at Cambridge; two psalters, as we have said, are there now,
and in the beginning of the sixteenth century one of them, with the
Leicester Codex, was certainly in the hands of the Grey Friars at
Cambridge. This happy fruit of Dr. James’ research throws a welcome ray
of light on the pursuit of Greek studies in the last quarter of the
fifteenth century.[482]

In view of all the hard things which have been said of the religious, it
is significant to find them taking a leading part in bringing Greek
studies to England. We cannot collate all the instances here, but a few
may be brought together. Two Benedictines named William of Selling and
William Hadley, some time warden of Canterbury College, Oxford, were in
Italy studying and buying books for three years after 1464.[483] The
former became distinguished for his aptitude in learning the ancient
tongues, and consequently won the friendship of Angelo Poliziano. At
least two other visits to Italy were made by him; the last being
undertaken as an emissary of the king. On these occasions he got
together as many Greek and Latin books as he could, and brought them--a
large and precious store--to Canterbury.[484] For some reason the books
were kept in the Prior’s lodging instead of in the monastic library, and
here they perished through the carelessness of Layton’s myrmidons.[485]
Among the books lost was possibly a copy of Cicero’s _Republic_. Only
five manuscripts have been found which can be connected with Selling’s
library: a fifteenth-century Greek Psalter, a copy of the Psalms in
Hebrew and Latin, a Euripides, a Livy, and a magnificent Homer.[486]
This Homer we have already referred to in an earlier chapter, when
describing the work of Theodore of Tarsus. The signature Θεοδωρος has
now been more plausibly explained. “The following note,” writes Dr.
James, “which I found in Dr. Masters’s copy of Stanley’s _Catalogue_,
preserved in [Corpus Christi] College Library, suggests another origin
for this Homer. I have been unable to identify the document to which
reference is made. It should obviously be a letter of an Italian
humanist in the Harleian collection.... ‘Mem.: Humphrey Wanley,
Librarian to the late Earl of Oxford, told Mr. Fran: Stanley, son of the
author, a little before his death, that in looking over some papers in
the papers in the Earl’s library, he found a Letter from a learned
Italian to his Friend in England, wherein he told him there was then a
very stately Homer just transcribed for Theodorus

[Illustration: _PLATE XXXI_



Gaza, of whose Illumination he gives him a very particular description,
which answer’d so exactly in every part to that here set forth, that he
[Wanley] was fully perswaded it was this very Book, and y^{t} the
Θεοδωρος at the bottom of 1st page order’d to be placed there by Gaza as
his own name, gave occasion to Abp. Parker to imagine it might have
belonged to Theodore of Canterbury, which however Hody was of opinion
could not be of that age.’ Th. Gaza,” continues Dr. James, “died in
1478; the suggestion here made is quite compatible with the hypothesis
that Sellinge was the means of conveying the Homer to England, and does
supply a rather welcome interpretation of the Θεοδωρος inscription.”
This reasonable hypothesis may be strengthened if we point out that Gaza
was in Rome from 1464 to 1472, and Selling visited that city between
1464 and 1467 and again in 1469. Selling may have got the manuscript
from Gaza on one of these occasions.

There is evidence of Greek studies at other monasteries,--at Westminster
after 1465, when Millyng, an “able graecian,” became prior at Reading in
1499 and 1500, and at Glastonbury during the time of Abbot Bere.[487]

But Canterbury’s share was greatest. Selling seems to have taught Greek
at Christ Church. In the monastic school there Thomas Linacre was
instructed, and probably got the rudiments of Greek from Selling
himself. Thence Linacre went to Oxford, where he pursued Greek under
Cornelius Vitelli, an Italian visitor acting as prælector in New
College.[488] In 1485-6 Linacre went with his old master to Italy--his
_Sancta Mater Studiorum_--where Selling seems to have introduced him to
Poliziano. Linacre perfected his Greek pursuits under Chalcondylas, and
became acquainted with Aldo Manuzio the famous printer, and Hermolaus
Barbarus. A little story is told of his meeting with Hermolaus. He was
reading a copy of Plato’s _Phaedo_ in the Vatican Library when the great
humanist came up to him and said “the youth had no claim, as he had
himself, to the title Barbarus, if it were lawful to judge from his
choice of a book”--an incident which led to a great friendship between
the two. Grocyn and Latimer were with Linacre in Rome. The former was
the first to carry on effectively the teaching of Greek begun at Oxford
possibly by Vitelli; but he was nevertheless a conservative scholar,
well read in the medieval schoolmen, as his library clearly proves. This
library is of interest because one hundred and five of the one hundred
and twenty-one books in it were printed. The manuscript age is well
past, and the costliness of books, the chief obstacle to the
dissemination of thought, was soon to give no cause for remark.



Secular makers of books have plied their trade in Europe since classic
times, but during the early age of monachism their numbers were very
small and they must have come nigh extinction altogether. In and after
the eleventh century they increased in numbers and importance; their
ranks being recruited not only by seculars trained in the monastic
schools, but by monks who for various reasons had been ejected from
their order. These traders were divided into several classes:
parchment-makers, scribes, rubrishers or illuminators, bookbinders, and
stationers or booksellers. The stationer usually controlled the
operations of the other craftsmen; he was the middleman. Scribes were
either ordinary scriveners called _librarii_, or writers who drew up
legal documents, known as _notarii_. But the _librarius_ and _notarius_
often trenched upon each other’s work, and consequently a good deal of
ill-feeling usually existed between them.

Bookbinders, and booksellers or _stationarii_, probably first plied
their trade most prosperously in England at Oxford and Cambridge. By
about 1180 quite a number of such tradesmen were living in Oxford; a
single document transferring property in Cat Street bears the names of
three illuminators, a bookbinder, a scribe, and two parchmenters.[489]
Half a century later a bookbinder is mentioned in a deed as a former
owner of property in the parish of St. Peter’s in the East; another
bookbinder is witness to the deed (_c._ 1232-40).[490] After this
bookbinders and others of the craft are frequently mentioned. Towards
the end of the thirteenth century Schydyerd Street and Cat Street, the
centre of University life, were the homes of many people engaged in
bookmaking and selling; the former street especially was frequented by
parchment makers and sellers. In this street, too, “a tenement called
Bokbynder’s is mentioned in a charter of 1363-4; and although
bookbinding may not have been carried on there at that date, the fact of
the name having been attached to the place seems sufficient to justify
the assumption that a binder or guild of binders had formerly been
established there. In Cat Street a Tenementum Bokbyndere, owned by Osney
Abbey, was rented in 1402 by Henry the lymner, at a somewhat later date
by Richard the parchment-seller, and in 1453 by All Souls’

Stationers had transcripts made, bought, sold and hired out books and
received them in pawn. They acted as agents when books and other goods
were sold; in 1389, for example, a stationer received twenty pence for
his services in buying two books, one costing £4 and the other five
marks.[492] They attended the fair at St. Giles near Oxford to sell
books. This was not their only interest, for they dealt in goods of many
kinds. They were in fact general tradesmen: sellers, valuers, and
agents; liable to be called upon to have a book copied, to buy or sell a
book, to set a value upon a pledge, to make an inventory and valuation
of a scholar’s goods and chattels after his death. Their office was such
an important one for the well-being of the scholars that it was found
convenient to extend to them the privileges and protection of the
University, and in return to exact an oath of fairdealing from

Before the end of the thirteenth century the University’s privileges had
been extended to _servientes_ known as parchment-makers, scribes, and
illuminators; in 1290 the privileges were confirmed.[494] Certain
stationers were then undoubtedly within the University as _servientes_,
but in 1356 they are recorded positively as being so with parchmenters,
illuminators, and writers: and again in 1459 “alle stacioners” and “alle
bokebynders” enjoyed the privileges of the University, with “lympners,
wryters, and pergemeners.”[495] These privileges took them out of the
jurisdiction of the city, although they still had to pay taxes, which
were collected by the University and paid over to the city treasurer.

Stationers regarded as the University’s servants were sworn, as we have
already indicated. The document giving the form of their oath is
undated, but most likely the rules laid down were observed from the time
the stationers were first attached to the University. The oath was
strict. A part of their duties was the valuation of books and other
articles which were pledged by scholars in return for money from the
University chests. These chests or hutches were expressly founded by
wealthy men for the assistance of poor scholars. By the end of the
fifteenth century there were at Oxford twenty-four such chests, valued
at two thousand marks; a large pawnbroking fund, but probably by no
means too large.[496] Mr. Anstey, the editor of _Munimenta Academica_,
has drawn a vivid picture of the inspection of one of these chests and
of the business conducted round them, and we cannot do better than
reproduce it. Master T. Parys, principal of St. Mary Hall, and Master
Lowson are visiting the chest of W. de Seltone. We enter St. Mary’s
Church with them, “and there we see ranged on either side several
ponderous iron chests, eight or ten feet in length and about half that
width, for they have to contain perhaps as many as a hundred or more
large volumes, besides other valuables deposited as pledges by those who
have borrowed from the chest. Each draws from beneath his cape a huge
key, which one after the other are applied to the two locks; a system of
bolts, which radiate from the centre of the lid and shoot into the iron
sides in a dozen different places, slide back, and the lid is opened. At
the top lies the register of the contents, containing the
particulars;--dates, names, and amounts--of the loans granted. This they
remove and begin to compare its statements with the contents of the
chest. There are a large number of manuscript volumes, many of great
value, beautifully illuminated and carefully kept, for each is almost
the sole valuable possession perhaps of its owner! Then the money
remaining in one corner of the chest is carefully counted and compared
with the account in the register. If we look in we can see also here and
there among the books other valuables of less peaceful character. There
lie two or three daggers of more than ordinary workmanship, and by them
a silver cup or two, and again more than one hood lined with minever. By
this time a number of persons has collected around the chest, and the
business begins. That man in an ordinary civilian’s dress who stands
beside Master Parys is John More, the University stationer, and it is
his office to fix the value of the pledges offered, and to take care
that none are sold at less than their real value. It is a motley group
that stands around; there are several

[Illustration: _PLATE XXXII_


masters and bachelors, ... but the larger proportion is of boys or quite
young men in every variety of coloured dress, blue and red, medley, and
the like, but without any academical dress. Many of them are very
scantily clothed, and all have their attention rivetted on the chest,
each with curious eye watching for his pledge, his book or his cup,
brought from some country village, perhaps an old treasure of his
family, and now pledged in his extremity, for last term he could not pay
the principal of his hall the rent of his miserable garret, nor the
manciple for his battels, but now he is in funds again, and pulls from
his leathern money-pouch at his girdle the coin which is to repossess
him of his property.”[497] Naturally their duty as valuers of
much-prized property invested the stationers with some importance. Their
work was thought to be so laborious and anxious that about 1400 every
new graduate was expected to give clothes to one of them; such method of
rewarding services with livery or clothing being common in the middle
ages.[498] The form of their oath was especially designed to make them
protect the chests from loss. All monies received by them for the sale
of pledges were to be paid into the chests within eight days. The sale
of a pledge was not to be deferred longer than three weeks. Without
special leave they could not themselves buy the pledges, directly or
indirectly: a wholesome and no doubt very necessary provision. Pledges
were not to be lent for more than ten days. All pledges were to be
honestly appraised. When a pledge was sold, the buyer’s name was to be
written in the stationer’s indenture. No stationer could refuse to sell
a pledge; nor could he take it away from Oxford and sell it elsewhere.
He was bound to mark all books exposed for sale, as pledges, in the
usual way, by quoting the beginning of the second folio. All persons
lending books, whether stationers or other people, were bound to lend
perfect copies. This oath was sworn afresh every year.[499]

Many stationers were not sworn. They speedily became serious competitors
with the privileged traders. By 1373 their number had increased largely,
and restrictions were imposed upon them. Books of great value were sold
through their agency, and carried away from Oxford. Owners were cheated.
All unsworn booksellers living within the jurisdiction of the University
were forbidden, therefore, to sell any book, either their own property,
or belonging to others, exceeding half a mark in value. If disobedient
they were liable to suffer pain of imprisonment for the first offence, a
fine of half a mark for the second--a curious example of graduated
punishment--and a prohibition to ply their trade within the precincts of
the University for the third.[500]

At this time bookselling was a thriving trade. De Bury tells us: “We
secured the acquaintance of stationers and scribes, not only within our
own country, but of those spread over the realms of France, Germany and
Italy, money flying forth in abundance to anticipate their demands: nor
were they hindered by any distance, or by the fury of the seas, or by
the lack of means for their expenses, from sending or bringing to us the
books that we required.”[501]

Records of various transactions are extant, of which the following may
serve as examples. In 1445, a stationer and a lymner in his employ had a
dispute, and as the two arbiters to whom the matter was referred failed
to reach a settlement in due time, the Chancellor of the University
stepped in and determined the quarrel. The judgment was as follows: the
lymner, or illuminator, was to serve the stationer, _in liminando bene
et fideliter libros suos_, for one year, and meantime was to work for
nobody else. His wage was to be four marks ten shillings of good English
money. The lymner in person was to fetch the materials from his master’s
house, and to bring back the work when finished. He was to take care not
to use the colours wastefully. The work was to be done well and
faithfully, without fraud or deception. For the purpose of
superintending the work the stationer could visit the place where the
lymner wrought, at any convenient time.[502] The yearly wage for this
lymner was nearly fifty pounds of our money.

An inscription in one codex tells us it was pawned to a bookseller in
1480 for thirty-eight shillings. Pawnbroking was an important part of a
bookseller’s business. Lending books on hire was usual among both
booksellers and tutors, for it was the exception, rather than the rule,
for university students to own books, while in the college libraries
there were sometimes not enough books to go round. For example, the
statutes of St. Mary’s College, founded in 1446, forbade a scholar to
occupy a book in the library above an hour, or at most two hours, so
that others should not be hindered from the use of them.[503]

At Cambridge the trade was not less flourishing. From time to time it
was found necessary to determine whether the booksellers and the allied
craftsmen were within the University’s jurisdiction or not. In 1276 it
was desired to settle their position as between the regents and scholars
of the University and the Archdeacon of Ely. Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of
Ely, when called in as arbiter, decided that writers, illuminators, and
stationers, who exercise offices peculiarly for the behoof of the
scholars, were answerable to the Chancellor; but their wives to the
Archdeacon. Nearly a century later, in 1353-54, we find Edward III
issuing a writ commanding justices of the peace of the county of
Cambridge to allow the Chancellor of the University the conusance and
punishment of all trespasses and excesses, except mayheim and felony,
committed by stationers, writers, bookbinders, and illuminators, as had
been the custom. But the question was again in debate in 1393-94, when
the Chancellor and scholars petitioned Parliament to declare and adjudge
stationers and bookbinders scholars’ servants, as had been done in the
case of Oxford. This petition does not seem to have been answered. But
by the Barnwell Process of 1430, it was decided that “transcribers,
illuminators, bookbinders, and stationers have been, and are wont and
ought to be--as well by ancient usage from time immemorial undisturbedly
exercised, as by concession of the Apostolic See--the persons belong and
are subject to the ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction of the
Chancellor of the University for the time being.” Again in 1503 was it
agreed, this time between the University and the Mayor and burgesses of
Cambridge, that “stacioners, lymners, schryveners, parchment-makers,
boke-bynders,” were common ministers and servants of the University and
were to enjoy its privileges.[504]

Fairs were so important a means of bringing together buyers and sellers
that we should expect books to be sold at them. And in fact they were.
The preamble of an Act of Parliament reads as follows: “Ther be meny
feyers for the comen welle of your seid lege people as at Salusbury,
Brystowe, Oxenforth, Cambrigge, Notyngham, Ely, Coventre, and at many
other places, where lordes spirituall and temporall, abbotes, Prioures,
Knyghtes, Squerys, Gentilmen, and your seid Comens of every Countrey,
hath their comen resorte to by and purvey many thinges that be gode and
profytable, as ornaments of holy church chaleis, bokes, vestmentes
[etc.] ... also for howsold, as vytell for the tyme of Lent, and other
Stuff, as Lynen Cloth, wolen Cloth, brasse, pewter, beddyng, osmonde,
Iren, Flax and Wax and many other necessary thinges.”[505] The chief
fairs for the sale of books were those of St. Giles at Oxford, at
Stourbridge, Cambridge, and St. Bartholomew’s Fair in London.

London, however, speedily asserted its right to be regarded as England’s
publishing centre. The booksellers with illuminators and other allied
craftsmen established themselves in a small colony in “Paternoster
Rewe,” and they attended St. Bartholomew’s Fair to sell books. By 1403
the Stationers’ Company, which had long been in existence, was
chartered; its headquarters were in London, at a hall in Milk Street.
This guild did not confine its attention to the book-trade; nor did the
booksellers sell only books. Often, indeed, this was but a small part of
general mercantile operations. For example, William Praat, a London
mercer, obtained manuscripts for Caxton. Grocers also sold manuscripts,
parchment, paper and ink. King John of France, while a prisoner in
England in 1360, bought from three grocers of Lincoln four “quaires” of
paper, a main of paper and a skin of parchment, and three “quaires” of
paper. From a scribe of Lincoln named John he also bought books, some of
which are now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.[506]

We have a record of an interesting transaction which took place at the
end of the manuscript period (1469). One William Ebesham wrote to his
most worshipful and special master, Sir John Paston, asking, in a
hesitating, cringing sort of way, for the payment of his little bill,
which seems to have been a good deal overdue, as is the way with bills.
All this service most lowly he recommends unto his good mastership,
beseeching him most tenderly to see the writer somewhat rewarded for his
labour in the “Grete Boke” which he wrote unto his said good mastership.
And he winds up his letter with a request for alms in the shape of one
of Sir John’s own gowns; and beseeches God to preserve his patron from
all adversity, with which the writer declares himself to be somewhat
acquainted. He heads his bill: Following appeareth, parcelly, divers and
sundry manner of writings, which I William Ebesham have written for my
good and worshipful master, Sir John Paston, and what money I have
received, and what is unpaid. For writing a “litill booke of Pheesyk” he
was paid twenty pence. Other writing he did for twopence a leaf.
Hoccleve’s _de Regimine Principum_ he wrote for one penny a leaf, “which
is right wele worth.” Evidently Ebesham did not find scrivening a too
profitable occupation.[507]



       “Some ther be that do defye
        All that is newe, and ever do crye
        The olde is better, away with the new
        Because it is false, and the olde is true.
        Let them this booke reade and beholde,
        For it preferreth the learning most olde.”
    _A Comparison betwene the old learnynge and the newe_ (1537).[508]

§ I

After a storm a fringe of weed and driftwood stretches a serried line
along the sands, and now and then--too often on the flat shores of one
of our northern estuaries, whence can be seen the white teeth of the sea
biting at the shoals flanking the fairway--are mingled with the flotsam
sodden relics of life aboard ship and driftwood of tell-tale shape,
which silently point to a tragedy of the sea. Usually the daily paper
completes the tale; but on some rare occasion these poor bits of drift
remain the only evidence of the vain struggle, and from them we must
piece together the narrative as best we can. And as the sea does not
give up everything, nor all at once, some wreckage sinking, or
perishing, or floating upon the water a long time before finding a
well-concealed hiding-place upon some unfrequented shore, so the past
yields but a fraction of its records, and that fraction slowly and
grudgingly. So far this book has been a gathering of the flotsam of a
past age: odd relics and scattered records, a sign here and a hint
there; often unrelated, sometimes contradictory. In more skilful hands
possibly a coherent story might be wrought out of these _pièces
justificatives_; but the author is too well aware of the difficulty of
arranging and selecting from the mass of material, remembers too well
the tale of mistakes thankfully avoided, and is too apprehensive that
other errors lurk undiscovered, to be confident that he has succeeded in
his aim. Whether the story is worth telling is another matter. Surely it
is. To be able to follow the history of the Middle Ages, to become
acquainted with the people, their mode of life and customs and manners,
is of profound interest and great utility; and it is by no means the
least important part of such study to discover what books they had, how
extensively the books were read, and what section of the people read

Let us here sum up the information given in detail in the foregoing
pages; adding thereto some other facts of interest. And first, what of
the character of the medieval library?

During the earlier centuries monastic libraries contained books which
were deemed necessary for grammatical study in the claustral schools,
and other books, chiefly the Fathers, as we have seen, which were
regarded as proper literature for the monk. The books used in the
cathedral schools were similar. Such schools and such libraries were for
the glory of God and the increase of clergy and religious. At first,
especially, the ideal of the monks was high, if narrow. It is epitomised
in the untranslatable epigram--_Claustrum sine armario (est) quasi
castrum sine armamentario_.[509] “The library is the monastery’s true
treasure,” writes Thomas à Kempis;[510] “without which the monastery is
like ... a well without water ... an unwatched tower.” Again: “Let not
the toil and fatigue pain you. They who read the books formerly written
beautifully by you will pray for you when you are dead. And if he who
gives a cup of cold water shall not lack his guerdon, still less shall
he who gives the living water of wisdom lose his reward in heaven.”[511]
St. Bernard wrote in like terms. Books were their tools, “the silent
preachers of the divine word,” or the weapons of their armoury. “Thence
it is,” writes a sub-prior to his friend, “that we bring forth the
sentences of the divine law, like sharp arrows, to attack the enemy.
Thence we take the armour of righteousness, the helmet of salvation, the
shield of faith, and the sword of the Spirit which is the Word of
God.”[512] With such an end in view Reculfus of Soissons required his
clergy to have a missal, a lectionary, the Gospels, a martyrology, an
antiphonary, a psalter, a book of forty homilies of Gregory, and as many
Christian books as they could get (879). With this end in view were
chosen for reading in the Refectory at Durham (1395) such books as the
Bible, homilies, Legends of the Saints, lives of Gregory, Martin,
Nicholas, Dunstan, Augustine, Cuthbert, King Oswald, Aidan, Thomas of
Canterbury, and other saints.[513] With this end in view the monastic
libraries contained a very large proportion of Bibles, books of the
Bible, and commentaries--a proportion suggesting the Scriptures were
studied with a closeness and assiduity for which the monks have not
always received due credit.[514] A great deal of room was given up to
the works of the Fathers--their confessions, retractations, and letters,
their polemics against heresies, their dogmatic and doctrinal treatises,
and their sermons and ethical discourses. Of all these writings those of
Hilary, Basil, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Jerome, and the great Augustine were
most popular. John Cassian, Leo, Prosper, Cassiodorus, Gregory the
Great, Aldhelm, Bede, Anselm, and Bernard, and the two encyclopædists,
Martianus Capella and Isidore of Seville, were the church’s great
teachers, and their works and the sacred poetry and hymns of Juvencus
the Spanish priest, of Prudentius, of Sedulius, the author of a
widely-read and influential poem on the life of Christ, and of
Fortunatus, were nearly always well represented in the monastic
catalogues, as may be seen on a cursory examination of those of Christ
Church and St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, of Durham, of Glastonbury in
1248, of Peterborough in 1400, and of Syon in the sixteenth century. In
the earlier libraries the greater part of the books were Scriptural and
theological; to these were added later a mass of books on canon and
civil law; so that the monastic collection may be characterised as
almost entirely special and fit for Christian service, as this service
was conceived by the religious.

And classical literature was received into the fold for a like purpose.
From the earliest days of Christendom prejudice against the classics was
widespread among Christians. Such books, it was urged, had no connexion
with the Church or the Gospel; Ciceronianism was not the road to God;
Plato and Aristotle could not show the way to happiness; Ovid, above
all, was to be avoided.[515] In dreams the poets took the form of
demons; they must be exorcised, for the soul did not profit by them. The
precepts--and for these the Christian sought--in the poems were like
serpents, born of the evil one; the characters, devils. Some Christians
sighed as they thrust the tempting books away. Jerome frankly confesses
he cared little for the homely Latin of the Psalms, and much for Plautus
and Cicero. For a time he renounced them with other vanities of the
world; yet when going through the catacombs at Rome, where the Apostles
and Martyrs had their graves, a fine line of Virgil thrills him; and
later he instructed boys at Bethlehem in Plautus, Terence, and Virgil,
much to the horror of Rufinus. Even in the eleventh century this feeling
existed. Lanfranc wrote to Dumnoaldus to say it was unbefitting he
should study such books, but he confessed that although he now renounced
them, he had read them a good deal in his youth. Somewhat later Herbert
“Losinga,” abbot of Ramsey, had a dream which led him to cease reading
and imitating Virgil and Ovid; but elsewhere he recommends his pupils to
accept Ovid as a model in Latin verse, while he quotes the
_Tristia_.[516] The rules of some orders, as those of Isidore, St.
Francis, and St. Dominic, forbade the reading of the classics, save by
permission. For their value in teaching grammar and as models of
literary style, however, certain classic authors--especially Virgil,
Ovid, Cicero, Horace, Juvenal, and Statius--were regarded as
supplementary to the grammatical works of Donatus, Victorinus,
Macrobius, and Priscian, and were studied by the religious throughout
the Middle Ages. They were grammatical text-books, as indeed they are
still; but then they were very little else. A man would call himself
Virgil, not from inordinate vanity, but from a naive pride in his
profession of grammarian: to his way of thinking the great poet was no
more.[517] “As decade followed decade,” writes Mr. H. O. Taylor, “and
century followed century, there was no falling off in the study of the
_Æneid_. Virgil’s fame towered, his authority became absolute. But how?
In what respect? As a supreme master of grammatical correctness and
rhetorical excellence and of all learning. With increasing emptiness of
soul, the grammarians--the ‘Virgils’--of the succeeding centuries put
the great poet to ever baser uses.”[518]

From time to time the use of the classics even for grammatical purposes
was condemned, though unavailingly. They were necessary in the schools;
evils, doubtless, but unavoidable. Then, again, some of the classics
were looked upon as allegorical: from the sixth century to the
Renascence the _Æneid_ was often interpreted in this way; and Virgil’s
Fourth Eclogue was thought to be a prophecy of Christ’s coming. Ovid
allegorised contained profound truths; his _Art of Love_, so treated,
was not unfit for nuns.[519] Other writers, as Lucan, were appreciated
for their didacticism; Juvenal, Cato and Seneca the younger as
moralists. And some of the religious fell a prey to these evils,
inasmuch as they assessed them at their true value as literature.

The classics therefore were accepted. Anselm recommended Virgil. Horace,
in his most amorous moods, was sung by the monks. Ovid, either adapted
or in his natural state, was a great favourite. In an appendix we have
scheduled the chief classics found in English monastic catalogues to
indicate roughly the extent to which they were collected and used. A
glance at Becker’s sheaf of catalogues will show us that Aristotle,
Horace, Juvenal, Lucan, Persius, Plato, Pliny the elder, Porphyry,
Sallust, Statius, Terence, and especially Cicero, Ovid, Seneca, and
Virgil are well represented. But it must not be supposed that they were
in monastic libraries in excessive numbers. On the contrary. An
inspection of almost any catalogue of

[Illustration: _PLATE XXXIII_




such a library will prove that only a small proportion of it consisted
of classical writings, especially in those catalogues compiled prior to
the time when Aristotle’s works dominated the whole of medieval
scholarship. The monastic library was throughout the Middle Ages the
armoury of the religious against evil, and the few slight changes of
character which it underwent at one time and another do not alter the
fact that on the whole it was a fit and proper collection for its

§ II

After the twelfth century broadening influences were at work. The
education given in the cathedral and monastic schools was found to be
too restricted; the monasteries, moreover, now began to refuse
assistance to secular students.[521] To some extent the catechetic
method of the theologians was forced to give place to the dialectic
method, equally dogmatic, but more exciting and stimulating. Hence was
compiled such a book as Peter Lombard’s _Sentences_ (1145-50), a
cyclopædia of disputation, wherein theological questions were collected
under heads, together with Scriptural passages and statements of the
Fathers bearing on these questions. By the thirteenth century Lombard
was the standard text-book of the schools: a work of such reputation
that it was studied in preference to the Scriptures, as Bacon

A demand also arose for instruction in civil and canon law, which the
existing schools did not supply. This broader learning was provided in
the early universities, at first to the dislike of the Church, and
sometimes to the annoyance of royal heads. Particular objection was
taken to the study of law. An Italian named Vicario (Vacarius) lectured
on Justinian at Oxford in 1149. Then he abridged the _Code_ and _Digest_
for his students there. King Stephen forbade him to proceed with his
lectures, and prohibited the use of treatises on foreign law, many
manuscripts of which were consequently destroyed. But these measures
were not very effectual. Within a short time civil law became recognised
in the University as a proper subject of study. By 1275, when another
Italian jurist named Francesco d’Accorso, a distinguished teacher at
Bologna, came to Oxford to lecture, the study of civil law was pursued
with the royal favour.[522]

The searcher among old wills cannot fail to be struck with the number of
law books in the small private libraries. Sometimes the whole of one of
these little collections consists of law books; often there are more
books of this kind than of any other. For example, of eighty books
bequeathed by Prior Eastry to Christ Church, Canterbury, forty-three
were on canon and civil law: of eighty-four books given to Trinity Hall,
Cambridge, by the founder, exactly one-half were juridical. A wealthy
canon of York left but half a dozen books, all on law. The books
bequeathed to Peterborough Abbey by successive abbots were chiefly on
law. Many other examples could be recited. There was a reason for this.
Friar Bacon, writing in 1271, complained that jurists got all rewards
and benefices, while students of theology and philosophy lacked the
means of livelihood, could not obtain books, and were unable to pursue
their scientific studies. Canonists, even, were only rewarded because of
their previous knowledge of civil law: at Oxford three years had to be
devoted to the study of civil law before a student could be admitted as
bachelor of canon law. Consequently a man of parts, with a leaning
towards theological and philosophical learning, took up the study of
civil law, with the hope of more easily winning preferment.[523]
“Compared with such [legal] lore,” writes Mr. Mullinger, “theological
learning became but a sorry recommendation to ecclesiastical preferment;
most of the Popes at Avignon had been distinguished by their attainments
in a subject which so nearly concerned the temporal interests of the
Church; and the civilian and the canonist alike looked down with
contempt on the theologian, even as Hagar, to use the comparison of
Holcot, despised her barren mistress.”[524] The most casual glance
through some pages of monastic records will show how frequent and
endless was the litigation in which the Church was engaged, and
consequently how useful a knowledge of civil law would be.

But these changes were trifling compared with the stimulus given to
medieval learning by the influx of Greek books and of Arabic versions of
them. In the second half of the eleventh century the works of Galen and
Hippocrates were re-introduced into Italy from the Arabian empire by a
North African named Constantine, who translated them at the famous
monastery of Monte Cassino. These translations, with the numerous
Arabian commentaries, and the conflict of the physicians of the new
school with those of the old and famous school of Salerno, constitute
the revival of medical studies which occurred at that time.[525] It
would seem that this revival was felt quickly in England, as in the
twelfth century four books by Galen and two by Hippocrates, with some
Arabian works, were to be found in the monastic library of Durham; a
number significant of the liberal feeling of the monks of this house,
inasmuch as in all the catalogues transcribed by Becker appear only ten
books by Galen and nine by Hippocrates.[526] Before 1150 the whole of
the _Organon_ of Aristotle was known to scholars;[527] but not till
about that time did the other works begin to be exported from Arabic
Spain. Then Latin versions of Arabic translations of the _Physics_ and
_Metaphysics_ were first made.

Daniel of Morley (_fl._ 1170-90) brought into this country manuscripts
of Aristotle, and commentaries upon him got in the Arab schools of
Toledo, then the centre of Mohammedan learning. Michael the Scot (_c._
1175-1234), “wondrous wizard, of dreaded fame,” was another agent of the
Arab influence. He received his education perhaps at Oxford, certainly
at Paris and Toledo. From manuscripts obtained at the last place he
translated two abstracts of the _Historia animalium_, and some
commentaries of Averroës on Aristotle (1215-30).[528] A third pilgrim
from these islands, Alfred the Englishman, also made use of Arabic
versions; and most likely both he and Michael brought home with them
manuscripts from Toledo and Paris. Of the renderings made by these men
and by some foreign workers in the same field, Friar Bacon speaks with
the utmost contempt. Their writings were utterly false. They did not
know the sciences they dealt with. The Jews, the Arabs, and the Greeks,
who had good manuscripts, destroyed and corrupted them, rather than let
them fall into the hands of unlettered and ignorant Christians.[529]
Aristotle should be read in the original, he also says; it would be
better if all translations were burnt. The criticism is acrid; but the
men he contemns served scholarship well by quickening the interest in
Greek books, and they succeeded so well because they gave to the
schoolmen not only versions of Aristotle’s text, but commentaries and
elucidations written by Arabs and Jews who had carefully studied the
text, and could explain the meaning of obscure passages in it.[530]

When these translations were coming to England, travellers were bringing
Greek books directly from the East. A doctor of medicine named William
returned to Paris from Constantinople in 1167, carrying with him “many
precious Greek codices.”[531] About 1209 a Latin translation of
Aristotle’s _Physics_ or _Metaphysics_ was made from a Greek manuscript
brought straight from Constantinople. Some of these few importations
were certainly destroyed at once, probably all were, for Aristotle was
proscribed in Paris in the following year, and again in 1215, at the
very time when Michael the Scot was procuring versions in another
direction, at Toledo.[532] Not until mid-thirteenth century was the ban
wholly removed.

For a time, owing to the capture of Constantinople by the Crusaders,
intercourse between East and West had become far freer than it had been
for centuries (1203-61). Certain Greek philosophers of learned mien came
to England about 1202, but did not stay; and some Armenians, among them
a bishop, visited St. Albans. Whether they or Nicholas the Greek, clerk
to the abbot of that monastery, brought books with them we do not know;
Nicholas, at any rate, seems to have assisted Grosseteste in his Greek
studies.[533] John of Basingstoke, Grosseteste’s archdeacon, carried
Greek manuscripts--many valuable manuscripts, we are told--from Athens,
whither Grosseteste had sent him. The bishop himself imported books to
this country, probably from Sicily and South Italy.[534] He had a copy
of Suidas’ _Lexicon_, possibly the earliest copy brought to the West.
The _Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs_ was also in Grosseteste’s
possession: the manuscript was brought home by John of Basingstoke, and
still exists in the Cambridge University Library.[535] These forged
_Testaments_ were translated by Nicholas the Greek, and as no fewer than
thirty-one copies of the Latin version still remain they must have had a
good circulation.[536] Possibly the Greek Octateuch (Genesis to Ruth),
now in the Bodleian Library, was imported into this country by
Grosseteste or by somebody for him; at one time the manuscript was in
the library of Christ Church, Canterbury.[537] Among other Greek books
which Grosseteste used and translated, or had translated under his
direction, were the Epistles of St. Ignatius, a Greek romance of
Asenath, the Egyptian wife of the patriarch Joseph, and some writings of
Dionysius the Areopagite. At Ramsey, where the bishop’s influence may be
suspected, Prior Gregory (_fl._ 1290) owned a Græco-Latin psalter, still
extant.[538] Possibly all the importations were of similar character,
and the number of them cannot have been great or we should have heard
more of them.

Friar Bacon, writing about 1270, complains that he could not get all the
books he wanted, nor were the versions of the books he had satisfactory.
Parts of the Scriptures were untranslated, as, for example, two books of
Maccabees, which he knew existed in Greek, and books of the Prophets
referred to in the books of Kings and Chronicles; the chronology of the
_Antiquities_ of Josephus was incorrectly rendered, and biblical history
could not be usefully studied without a true version of this book. Books
of the Hebrew and Greek expositors were almost wanting to the Latins:
Origen, Basil, Gregory, Nazianzene, John of Damascus, Dionysius,
Chrysostom, and others, both in Hebrew and Greek.[539] The scientific
books of Aristotle, of Avicenna, of Seneca, and other ancients could
only be had at great cost. Their principal works had not been translated
into Latin. “The admirable books of Cicero _De Republica_ are not to be
found anywhere, as far as I can hear, although I have made anxious
inquiry for them in different parts of the world and by various

The period during which the intellectual life of the Middle Ages was
broadened by the introduction of new knowledge and ideas originally from
Greek sources, began, as we have said, with the influx of translations
from the Arabic. The movement culminated with the work of William of
Moerbeke, Greek Secretary at the Council of Lyons (1274), who, between
1270 and 1281, translated several of Aristotle’s works from the Greek,
including the _Rhetorica_ and the _Politica_. Fortunately we have a
record belonging to this time of a collection of books which shows
admirably the character of the change. A certain John of London (_c._
1270-1330), believed to have been Bacon’s pupil, probably became a monk
of St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, and in due course bequeathed a
library of books to his house. This collection amounted to nearly eighty
books, of which twenty-three were on mathematics and astronomy, a like
number on medicine, ten on philosophy, six on logic, four historical,
three on grammar, one poetry, and the rest collections.[541] Such a
collection is remarkable not only for its character, but on account of
its size, which was very large for anybody to own privately in that age.


On one occasion, after spending much time in searching wills and in
examining catalogues without finding a reference to an interesting
book--to either an ancient or a medieval classic--the writer well
remembers the little shock of pleasure he felt when, in a single
half-hour, he noted _Piers Plowman_ in one brief unpromising will, and
six English books among the relics of a mason. Nearly all the libraries
of private persons and of academies are depressing in character. Rarely
can be found a bright human book gleaming like a diamond in the dust.
Score after score of decreta, decretales, Sextuses, and Clementines, and
chestsful of the dreariest theological disquisition impress upon the
weary searcher the fact that academic libraries were usually even more
dryasdust than monastic collections, and he begins to understand how
prosperous law may be as a calling, and to have an inkling of what is
known, in classic phrase, as a good plain Scotch education.

Between an academic library and a monastic collection there were
differences of character and in the beauty and value of the manuscripts.
As a general rule a large proportion of the monks’ books were more or
less richly ornamented: they were the treasures as well as the tools of
the community. The books of the colleges were usually for practical
purposes: they were tools, treasured, doubtless, for their contents, not
for the beauty of the writing or because they were decorated. The
difference in character of the collections as a whole was one of
proportion in the

[Illustration: _PLATE XXXIV_




representation of the various classes of books. Generally speaking, the
monastic collection comprised proportionately more theology and less
canon and civil law than the academic library. In the subjects of the
_trivium_ and the _quadrivium_, and in philosophy, a college was more
strongly equipped than a monastery; on the other hand, a monastery
frequently had a larger proportion of classical literature, and always
more “light” or romance literature.

Early university studies were in two parts, the _trivium_--grammar,
rhetoric, and logic, and the _quadrivium_--music, astronomy, geometry,
and arithmetic. These were the seven liberal arts. A fresco in a chapel
in the Church of S. Maria Novella at Florence illustrates these arts. On
the right of the cartoon is the figure of grammar; beneath is Priscian.
For the study of this subject John Garland recommended Priscian and
Donatus. Priscian was a leading text-book on the subject, and it was
supported by a short manual compiled from Donatus. At Oxford extracts
from these authors were thrown into the form of logical _quaestiones_ to
afford subjects of argument at the disputations held once a week before
the masters of grammar.[542] To these books should be added a
dictionary, with some peculiar and quaint etymologies, by Papias the
Lombard; grammatical works by John Garland; Bishop Hugutio’s
etymological dictionary (_c._ 1192); a dreary hexameter poem by
Alexander Gallus, the Breton Friar (_d._ 1240)--“the olde _Doctrinall_,
with his diffuse and unperfite brevitie”; Eberhard’s similar poem (_c._
1212), called _Graecismus_, because it includes a chapter on derivations
from the Greek; and a very large book, the _Catholicon_ (_c._ 1286),
partly a grammar and partly a dictionary, with copious quotations from
Latin classics, which had been compiled with some skill and care by John
Balbi, a Genoese Black Friar. Papias and Hugutio were sharply condemned
by Friar Bacon, but they remained in use long after his time, and Balbi
owed much to both of them. Many copies of the _Catholicon_ seem to have
been made, although the transcription of so large a book was costly:
even before it was printed (1460), copies for reference were sometimes
chained up in English churches, and after it was printed this practice
became more general, at any rate in France. By the fourteenth century
Priscian was almost superseded by Alexander and Eberhard, whose
versified grammars came into common use; a jingle, whether it be--

    “‘_Ne facias_’ dicas ‘_oroque ne facias_.’
     _Humane_, _dure_, _large_, _firme_que, _benigne_,
     _Ignave_que, _probe_, vel _avare_ sive _severe_,
     Inde _nove_, _plene_, vel _abunde_ sive _proterve_,
     Dicis in _er_ vel in _e_, quamvis sint illa secundae,”

in the fourteenth century, or

    “Feminine is Linter, boat
     Learn these neuters nine by rote,”

in the twentieth century, seems to help the harassed student along the
linguistic path. The reading of Virgil and Statius and some other
writers put flesh upon these grammatical dry bones. But as the masters
of grammar at Oxford were expected to be guardians of morals as well,
they were expressly forbidden to read and expound to their pupils Ovid’s
_Ars amandi_, the _Elegies_ of Pamphilus, and other indecent books.[543]

Next to the figure of Grammar is Rhetoric, with Cicero seated beneath.
Cicero, with Aristotle, Quintilian and Boëthius were the chief exponents
of rhetoric; with Virgil, Ovid, Statius, and sometimes such a book as
Guido delle Colonne’s epic of Troy, as examples of literary style. John
Garland (_fl._ 1230) recommended Cicero’s _De Inventione_ (_Rhetorica_),
_De Oratore_, the _Ad Herennium_ ascribed to Cicero, Quintilian’s
_Institutes_ and the _Declamationes_ ascribed to him. The third figure
is Logic, coupled with the figure of Aristotle. The _Categories_ and
Porphyry’s _Isagoge_ were the books of greatest service in the study of
this subject; with Boëthius’ translations and expositions of Aristotle
and Porphyry. All the foregoing and Cicero’s _Topica_ are selected by
John Garland. Later the _Summulae logicales_ of Peter the Spaniard
(_fl._ 1276), William of Heytesbury’s _Sophismata_ (_c._ 1340), the
_Summa logices_ of the great English schoolman, William of Ockham (_d.
c._ 1349), and the _Quaestiones_ of William Brito (_d._ 1356) were the
chief manuals of dialectic.

The first figure in the representation of the _quadrivium_ is Music,
with Tubal Cain beneath. In this subject, for which few books were
necessary, Boëthius was the guide. With Astronomy is associated Ptolemy.
The _Cosmographia_ and _Almagest_ of Ptolemy, and the works of some
Arabian authors, with books of tables, were the student’s manuals. In
our cartoon Geometry has Euclid for companion. Arithmetic is associated
with Pythagoras in the picture: for this subject Boëthius was the

Besides the seven liberal arts, natural, metaphysical, and moral
philosophy, or the three philosophies, were added in the thirteenth
century. For these studies Aristotle and his commentators were the
chief guides. The medical authorities of the middle ages have been
catalogued for us by Chaucer in his description of a doctor of

    “Wel knew he the olde Esculapius
     And Deiscorides, and eek Rufus,
     Old Ypocras, Haly and Galien;
     Serapion, Razis and Avicen;
     Averrois, Damascien and Constantyn;
     Bernard, and Gatesden, and Gilbertyn.”

Of these names eight are included in Duke Humfrey’s gifts to Oxford in
1439 and 1443; and ten of them are represented in the catalogue of
Peterhouse Library in 1418. Besides the writers mentioned by Chaucer,
works on fevers by Isaac the Arab, the _Antidotarium_ of Nicholas, and
the _Isagoge_ of Johannicius were in general use.

Next to theology--in which class the chief books were the same as in the
claustral library, although liturgical books are more rarely found--the
largest section of an academic collection was that of civil and canon
law. It comprised the various digests, the works of Cinus of Pistoia and
Azo; texts of decrees, decretals, _Liber Sextus Decretalium_, _Liber
Clementinae_, with many commentaries, the _Constitutions_ of Ottobon and
Otho, the book compiled by Henry of Susa, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia,
called _Summa Ostiensis_, the _Rosarium_ of Archdeacon Guido de Baysio,
and Durand’s _Speculum Judiciale_. The last three books are frequently
met with, and were highly esteemed by medieval jurists.[545]

In a previous chapter we have noted the somewhat fresher character of
the library given to Oxford University by the Duke of Gloucester. We
have two later records which may be referred to now to indicate the
change wrought by the Renascence. A catalogue of William Grocyn’s books
was drawn up soon after his death in 1519. This collection proves its
owner to have been conservative in his tastes, as the medieval
favourites are well represented. Of Greek books there are only
Aristotle, Plutarch in a Latin translation, and a Greek and Latin
Testament--a curiously small collection in view of his interest in
Greek, and in view of the fact that many of the chief Greek authors had
been printed before his death. It seems likely that his Greek books had
been dispersed. But the change is apparent in the excellent series of
Latin classics, which included Tacitus and Lucretius, and in the number
of books by Italian writers, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ficino, Filelfo,
Lorenzo della Valle, Æneas Sylvius, and Perotti.

Still more significant of the change are the references to the course of
study in the statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxford (1517). The
approved prose writers are Cicero--an apology is offered for the use of
barbarous words not known to Cicero--Sallust, Valerius Maximus,
Suetonius, Pliny, Livy, and Quintilian. Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal,
Terence and Plautus are approved as poets. Suitable books to study
during the vacations are the works of Lorenzo della Valle, Aulus
Gellius, and Poliziano. In Greek the writings--most of them quite new to
the age--of Isocrates, Lucian, Philostratus, Aristophanes, Theocritus,
Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, Hesiod, Demosthenes, Thucydides,
Aristotle, and Plutarch are recommended. Such a list bears few
resemblances to the academic library we have attempted to describe.[546]

§ IV

In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries romances began to creep into
all libraries, save the academic, in which they are rarely found. As
soon as romance literature took a firm hold upon public favour the monks
added some of it to their collections. Probably romances were first
bought to be copied and sold to augment the monastic income; and more
perhaps were sold than preserved. Ascham avers that “in our fathers tyme
nothing was red, but bookes of fayned cheualrie, wherein a man by
redinge, shuld be led to none other ende, but onely to manslaughter and
baudrye.... These bokes (as I haue heard say) were made the moste parte
in Abbayes and Monasteries, a very lickely and fit fruite of suche an
ydle and blynde kinde of lyuyne.”[547] Thomas Nashe, in his story of
_The Unfortunate Traveller_, describes romances as “the fantasticall
dreams of those exiled Abbie lubbers,” that is, the monks.[548] These
writers were but echoing such charges as that in _Piers Plowman_, which
declares that a friar was much better acquainted with the _Rimes of
Robin Hood_ and _Randal Erle of Chester_ than with his Paternoster. A
number of romances are indeed found in monastic catalogues. The library
at Glastonbury included four romances (1248); that at Christ Church,
Canterbury, contained a few in late thirteenth century. Guy de Beauchamp
bequeathed romances to Bordesley Abbey (1315). In the first year of the
fifteenth century Peterborough had some romances. At the end of the same
century St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, had in its library of over
eighteen hundred books only a few romances; while in Leicester Abbey,
among a library of about three hundred and fifty books, we find only the
Troy book, _Drian and Madok_, _Beves of Hamtoun_, all in French, _Gesta
Alexandri Magni_, and one or two others. Edward III bought a book of
romance from a nun of Amesbury in 1331--a work of such interest that he
kept it in his room. There are plenty of other instances. But in no
case have we found an excessive number of romances in monastic
libraries, and the charges--if they can worthily be called charges--so
often made against monks on this score fall to the ground.[549]

The romances oftenest appearing in monastic catalogues and other records
are the following: The Story of Troy, especially Joseph of Exeter’s
Latin version, the great Arthurian cycle, the beautiful story of _Amis
and Amiloun_, renowned all over Europe, _Joseph of Arimathea_,
Charlemagne, Alexander, which was of the best of romances, _Guy of
Warwick_, which was very popular, and the semi-historical _Richard Cœur
de Lion_. But many others were in circulation. In _Cursor mundi_ a
number of the popular stories of the day are mentioned--

    “Men lykyn jestis for to here,
     And romans rede in divers maneree,
     Of _Alexandre_ the conquerour,
     Of _Julius Cæsar_[550] the emperour,
     Of Greece and _Troy_ the strong stryf,
     Ther many a man lost his lyfe;
     Of _Brut_,[551] that baron bold of hond,
     The first conquerour of Englond,
     Of _King Artour_ that was so ryche;
     Was non in hys tyme so ilyche [alike, equal]:
     Of wonders that among his knyghts felle,
     And auntyrs [adventures] dedyn as men her telle
     As _Gaweyn_, and othir full abylle,
     Which that kept the round tabyll,
     How _King Charles_ and Rowland fawght,
     With Sarazins, nold thei be cawght;
     Of _Tristram_ and Ysoude the swete,
     How thei with love first gan mete,
     Of _Kyng John_, and of _Isenbras_,
     Of Ydoine and _Amadas_.”[552]

Again, many “speak of men who read romances--

    Of _Bevys_,[553] _Gy_, and _Gwayane_,
    Of _Kyng Rychard_, and _Owayne_,
    Of _Tristram_ and _Percyvayle_,
    Of _Rowland Ris_,[554] and _Aglavaule_,
    Of _Archeroun_, and of _Octavian_,
    Of _Charles_, and of _Cassibelan_.
    Of _Keveloke_,[555] _Horne_, and of _Wade_
    In romances that ben of hem bimade,
    That gestours dos of hem gestes,
    At maungeres, and at great festes,
    Her dedis ben in remembrance,
    In many fair romance.”

Popular romances of this kind had a great influence upon the lives of
the people. The long lists of medieval theology and sophistry usually
laid before us, and the great majority of the writings which have
survived, sometimes lead us to believe the culture of the Middle Ages to
have been of a more serious cast than it really was. The oral
circulation of romance literature must have been enormous. The spun-out,
dreary poems which now make such difficult reading are infinitely more
entertaining when read aloud: the voice gives life and character to a
humdrum narrative, and the gestour would know how to make the best of
incidents which he knew from experience to be specially interesting to
an audience. Such yarns would be most attractive to “lewd” or illiterate

    “For lewdë men y undyrtoke
     On Englyssh tunge to make thys boke:
     For many ben of swyche manere
     That talys and rymys wyl blethly[556] here,
     Ye gamys and festys, and at the ale.”[557]

[Illustration: _PLATE XXXV_



The need of multiplying manuscripts of these poems would not be greatly
felt. The reciter would be obliged to learn them off by heart; he need
not, and often did not, possess written versions of the poems he
recited. And even literate men, as Bishop Grosseteste, preferred to
listen to these gestours, rather than to read the narrative themselves.
Therefore, any estimate we may form of the number of manuscripts of
romances in existence at any time in the fourteenth century, for
example, would give not the smallest idea of the extent to which these
tales were known.

§ V

The medieval collector of books sometimes, and the monastic librarian
nearly always, took care that his library was strong in hagiology and
history. He felt the need of books which would tell him of the past
history of his church and of the lives of her greatest teachers. When
collected these books were an incentive to the more cultivated of the
monks to begin the history of his country or his house, or to write or
re-write the lives of saints. The fruit is preserved for us in a long
line of monkish historians and hagiographers. As a rule the histories
they wrote were of little value; but when they had brought the tale down
to their own times they continued it with the help of records to their
hand, narrated events within their own memory, and maintained the
narrative in the form of annals. The method of annalising was simple. At
the end of the incomplete manuscript a loose or easily detachable sheet
was kept, whereon events of importance to the nation and the monastery
and locality of the annalist were written in pencil from time to time
during the year. At the end of the year the historian welded these
jottings into a narrative. When this was done another leaf for notes was
placed after the manuscript. The value of the work so accomplished is
incalculable. Without these records it would now be impossible for us to
realise what the Middle Ages were like. This service, added to the
enormously greater service which monachism did for us in preserving
ancient literature, will always breed kind thoughts of a system so
repugnant to our modern view of human endeavour.

§ VI

What was the extent of circulation of books during the manuscript age?
For the period before the Conquest we can only offer the merest
conjecture, which does not help us materially. The rarity of the extant
manuscripts of this age is no guide to the extent of their production.
During the raids of the northmen the destruction and loss must have been
very great indeed. After the Conquest the indifference and contempt with
which the conquerors regarded everything Saxon must have been
responsible for the destruction of nearly every manuscript written in
the vernacular. But, on the other hand, we find suggestions of a greater
production than is commonly credited to this period. Religious fervour
to make books was not wanting, as some of our most beautiful
relics--works exhibiting much painstaking and skilful and even loving
labour, calligraphy, and decoration aflame with high endeavour--belong
to the Hiberno-Saxon period and the days of Ethelwold. Nor after
Alfred’s day was regard lacking for vernacular literature itself rather
than for the glory of a faith: how else are we to explain the precious
fragments of Anglo-Saxon manuscript which have been preserved for us,
especially the Exeter book and the Vercelli book? That the production
was considerable is suggested by the records we have. Think of the Irish
manuscripts now scattered on the continent; of the library of York; of
Bede’s workshop and the northern libraries; and of those in the south,
at Canterbury, Malmesbury, and elsewhere. But the use of such
manuscripts as were in existence was restricted to monks, wealthy
ecclesiastics, and a few of the wealthy laity.

After the Conquest the state of affairs was the same. The period of the
greatest literary activity in the monasteries now began, and large
claustral libraries were soon formed. The monks then had plenty of
books; wealthy clergy also had small collections. An ecclesiastic or a
layman who had done a monastery some service, or whose favour it was
politic to cultivate, could borrow books from the monastic library,
under certain strict conditions. Some people availed themselves of this
privilege; but not at any time during the manuscript period to a great

Outside this small circle the people were almost bookless: nearly the
whole of the literary wealth of the Middle Ages belonged to the monks
and the church. Books were extremely costly. The medieval book-buyer
paid more for his book on an average than does the modern collector of
first editions and editions _de luxe_, who pays in addition several
guineas a volume for handsome bindings. The prices we have tabulated
will fully bear out this statement. But even more striking evidence of
the high value set upon books is the care taken in selling or
bequeathing them. To-day a line or two in a wealthy man’s will disposes
of all his books. He commonly throws them in with the “residue,”
unmentioned. In the manuscript age a testator distributed his little
hoard book by book. Often he not only bequeaths a volume to a friend,
but determines its fate after his friend’s death. For example, a
daughter is to have a copy of the _Golden Legend_, “and to occupye to


owne use and at hir owne liberte durynge hir lyfe, and after hir decesse
to remayne to the prioress and the convent of Halywelle for evermore,
they to pray for the said John Burton and Johne his wife and alle
crystene soyles (1460).”[559] A manuscript now in Worcester Cathedral
Library bears an inscription telling us that, likewise, one Thomas
Jolyffe left it to Dr. Isack, a monk of Worcester, for his lifetime, and
after his death to Worcester Priory. A manuscript now in the British
Museum was bought in 1473 at Oxford by Clement of Canterbury, monk and
scholar, from a bookseller named Hunt for twenty shillings, _in the
presence of Will. Westgate, monk_.[560] In a manuscript of the
_Sentences_ is a note telling us that it was the property of Roger,
archdeacon of Lincoln: he bought it from Geoffrey the chaplain, the
brother of Henry, vicar of North Elkington, the witnesses being master
Robert de Luda, clerk, Richard the almoner, the said Henry the vicar,
his clerk, and others.[561] An instance of a different kind will
suffice. When, after a good deal of rioting at Oxford, many of the more
studious masters and scholars went to Stamford, the king threatened that
if they did not return to Oxford they would lose their goods, and
especially their books. The warning was disregarded, but the threatened
forfeiture of their books was evidently thought to be a strong

In his poems Chaucer endows two poor clerks with small libraries. His
first portrait of an Oxford clerk is delightful--

    “For him was lever have at his beddes heed [rather]
     Twenty bokes, clad in blak or reed,
     Of Aristotle and his philosophye,
     Than robes riche, or fithele, or gay sautrye [fiddle, psaltery].
     But al be that he was a philosophre,
     Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre;
     But al that he mighte of his freendes hente [get],
     On bokes and on lerninge he it spente,
     And bisily gan for the soules preye
     Of hem that yaf him wher-with to scoleye [gave, study].
     Of studie took he most cure and most hede.
     Noght o word spak he more than was nede,
     And that was seyd in forme and reverence,
     And short and quik, and ful of hy sentence [high].
     Souninge in moral vertu was his speche [conducing to],
     And gladly wolde he lerne, and gladly teche.”

Almost equally pleasing is his picture of another who lived with a rich

    “A chambre hadde he in that hostelrye
     Allone, with-outen any companye,

       *       *       *       *       *

     His Almageste and bokes grete and smale,
     His astrelabie, longinge for his art,
     His augrim-stones layen faire a-part
     On shelves couched at his beddes heed.”

Both descriptions have been used as evidence that books were not so
scarce as supposed; that poor people could get books if they specially
needed them. But are these pictures quite true? Has not the poet taken
advantage of the licence allowed to his kind? The records preserved at
Oxford do not corroborate him. Some of the students were very poor. It
seems likely that a would-be clerk attached himself to a master or
scholar as a servant in return for teaching in the “kunnyng of writyng”
and perhaps other knowledge--

     “This endenture bereth witnesse that I, John Swanne, þ^{e} sone of
     John Swanne of Bridlington, in þ^{e} counte of Yorke, have putte me
     servante unto William Osbarne, forto serve him undir þ^{e} foorme
     of a servante for þ^{e} terme of iiii. yere, and þ^{e} seide
     William Osbarne forto enfoorme þ^{e} seide John Swann in þ^{e}
     kunnyng of writyng, and þ^{e} seide John Swann forto have þ^{e}
     first yere of þ^{e} seide William Osbarne iijs. iiijd. in money,
     and ij. peier [pairs] of hosen, and ij. scherts [shirts] and iiij.
     peire schoon [pairs of shoes], and a gowne, and in þ^{e} secunde
     yeere xiijs. iiijd., and in þ^{e} iij. yere xxs. and a gowne, and
     in þ^{e} iiij. yeere xls. And in þ^{e} witnesse hereof, etc.”

Mr. Anstey points out that a very large number, probably the majority of
scholars, were not well provided for. They eked out their precarious
allowances by begging, by learning handicrafts, and by “picking up the
various doles at funerals and commemoration masses, where such needy
miserables were always to be found.”[564] Such students would not be
likely to have many or perhaps any books. “The stock of books possessed
by the _younger_ scholars seems to have been almost _nil_. The
inventories of goods, which we possess, in the case of non-graduates
contain hardly any books. The fact is that they mostly could not afford
to buy them.... The chief source of supplying books was by purchase from
the University sworn stationers, who had to a great extent a monopoly,
the object of which was to prevent the sale and removal from Oxford of
valuable books. Of such books there were plainly very large numbers
constantly changing hands; they were the pledges so continually
deposited on borrowing from chests, and seem, from scattered hints, to
have been a very fruitful source of litigation and dispute.”[565] Most
of these books were in the hands of seniors. Truly enough many a poor
clerk would as lief have twenty “bokes” to his name as anything else
treble the value. But he would undergo much sharp self-denial and
receive much “wher-with to scoleye” ere he got together so considerable
a collection of “bokes grete and smale,” to say nothing of instruments.
As such a large proportion of the scholars were poor, and unable to
acquire books, nearly all the instruction given was oral. Well-to-do
scholars would not find, therefore, books of very great service; and
indeed they were as ill-equipped in this respect as their poorer
brethren. The accounts of the La Fytes, two scholars whose expenses were
paid by Edward I himself, contain records of the purchase of two copies
of only the _Institutions_ of Quintilian (_c._ 1290).[566] Is not
Chaucer describing his own room in both passages--the room he loved to
seek after his day’s work at the desk? Here at the bedhead are his
books, including the astronomical treatise of Ptolemy called _Almagest_.
Beside them is the astrolabe, an instrument about which he wrote; and
trimly arranged apart his augrim-stones, or counters for making
calculations. Such an outfit we might expect him to have: just such a
library, neither smaller nor larger.

This supposition calls to mind another argument sometimes used to prove
how easy it was to make a small collection of books. Chaucer’s poems
display his acquaintance, more or less thoroughly, with many authors.
Surely, it is urged, his library was a good one for the time: then how
was it possible for a man of his means to own such? He was not wealthy.
As a courtier and a public officer the calls upon his purse must have
been heavy: little indeed could be left for books. The explanation is
probably simple. Books were freely lent, more freely than nowadays; and
Chaucer would be able to eke out his library in this way. Another point
is important. Professor Lounsbury, who has spent years in an exhaustive
study of Chaucer, points out a curious circumstance. “It must be
confessed,” he says--a shade of disparagement lurks in the phrase--“it
must be confessed that Chaucer’s quotations from writers exhibit a
familiarity with prologues and first books and early chapters which
contrasts ominously with the comparative infrequency with which he makes
citations from the middle and latter parts of most of the works he
mentions.”[567] Surely the implication is unjust. Stationers used to let
out on hire parts of books or quires. Manuscript volumes were also often
made up of parts of works by several authors. Books being scarce, it was
preferable to make some volumes select miscellanies, little libraries in
themselves. Hear Chaucer himself--

    “And eek ther was som-tyme a clerk at Rome,
     A cardinal, that highte Seinte Jerome,
     That made a book agayn Jovinian;
     In whiche book eek ther was Tertulan,
     Crisippus, Trotula, and Helowys,
     That was abbesse nat fer fro Parys;
     And eek the Parables of Salomon,
     Ovydes Art, and bokes many on,
     And alle thise were bounden in o volume.”[568]

In composite volumes often only the earlier parts of authors’ works were
included. If Chaucer owned a few books of this kind, his familiarity
with parts of authors--and oftenest with the earlier parts--is accounted
for satisfactorily; so also is the range and variety of his reading.
Examine the Christ Church Canterbury catalogue in Henry Eastry’s time,
and note what a remarkable variety of subjects is comprised in what we
nowadays consider rather a paltry number of books. There is another
point worth bearing in mind. Speaking of Bishop Shirwood’s books, a
writer in the _English Historical Review_ says: “Many of the books bear
his mark, _Nota_, scattered over the margins, or a hand with a long
pointing finger. These notes occur usually at the beginnings. In the
days when chapters and sections were unknown and division into books
rare, when headlines were not and pages sometimes had no signatures
even, not to speak of numbers, a reader had to go solidly through a
book, and could not lightly turn up a passage he wished for, by the aid
of a reference. But except in Cicero and in Plutarch--which is read
almost from beginning to end--the marks do not often go far. Shirwood
was doubtless too busy to find much time for reading, and before he had
made much way with a book a new purchase had come to arouse his

But to the general rule of scarcity of books some exceptions are known.
When a book won a reputation, the cost of producing copies was not
wholly restrictive of circulation. Copies of some works of the Fathers
were produced in great numbers. The Bible, whole or in part, was copied
with such industry that it became the commonest of manuscripts, as it
now is the commonest of printed books. Peter Lombard’s _Sentences_
became a famous book: the standard of the schools; everywhere to be
found side by side with the Bible, everywhere discussed and commented
upon. A twelfth century author of quite different character had a good
hold upon the people; the number of copies of Geoffrey of Monmouth must
have been considerable, for the British Museum now has thirty-five
copies and Bodley’s Library sixteen. “Possibly, no work before the age
of printed books attained such immediate and astonishing popularity ...
translations, adaptations, and continuations of it formed one of the
staple exercises of a host of medieval scribes.”[570] A glance at the
monastic and academic library catalogues of later date than
mid-thirteenth century will prove more clearly than a shelf full of
books how enormous was the influence of Aristotle. If such a collocation
as the Bible and Shakspere sums up the present-day Englishman’s ideals
of spiritual sustenance and literary power, a similar collocation of the
Bible and Aristotle would sum up, with a greater approach to truth, the
ideals of the medieval schoolman. Popularity fell to _Piers Plowman_.
Apart from the large currency given to it by ballad singers, many
manuscripts were in existence, for even now forty-five of them, more or
less complete, remain. As M. Jusserand aptly remarks: “This figure is
the more remarkable when we consider that, contrary to works written in
Latin or in French, Langland’s book was not copied and preserved outside
his own country.”[571] Again, but a few years after the writing of the
_Canterbury Tales_, a copy of it was bequeathed, among other books, by a
clerk named Richard Sotheworth of East Hendred, Berks (1417).[572] The
impression is left upon one’s mind that this work had found its way
quickly and in many copies into country places.

But as only a few books had a comparatively large circulation, these few
had a disproportionately powerful influence. The Bible was paramount.
Aristotle dominated the whole mental horizon of the schoolmen. Alfred of
Beverley tells us that Geoffrey of Monmouth’s book “was so universally
talked of that to confess ignorance of its stories was the mark of a
clown.”[573] So great was the influence of _Piers Plowman_, that from it
were taken watchwords at the great rising of the peasants.[574] The
power of such works could not be wholly hemmed in by the barrier of
manuscript: like a spring torrent it would burst forth and carry all
before it. In the manuscript period a book of great originality and
power, or a work which reproduced the thought of the time accurately and
with spirit, ran no great risk of being passed over and forgotten; too
little was produced for much that was good to be lost. It was copied
once and again; became very slowly but very surely known to a few, then
to many; and all the time waxed more and more influential in its
teaching. The growth was slow, but then the lifetime was long. Now the
chance of a good book going astray is much greater. What watcher of the
great procession of modern books does not fear that something supremely
fine and great has passed unobserved in the huge, motley crowd?



_Note._--Following is a selection from a large number of prices recorded
in various places. In making the selection I have included books of
various prices. An asterisk (*) before the reference signifies that
additional prices will be found in the same place.

_These prices must be multiplied at least ten times before the value set
upon books in the Middle Ages can be compared with the value set upon
them to-day._

    DATE    |                   DESCRIPTION                       |   PRICE
            |                   BIBLES                            |
    1344    | Bible for Merton College                            |     £3
            |                                   Rogers, i. 646    |
   1354-74  | For redeeming a Bible  which lay in Langeton        |
            |   chest (1354)                                      |     £3
            | For a Bible pledged in Chichester chest (1357)      |     £3
            | For a Bible redeemed from Chichester chest (1358)   |     £3
            | For Bible pledged in Winton chest (1358)            |     £3
            | To our barber for a Bible pledged to him in time    |
            |   of John Dagenet                                   |  4 marks.
            |                   _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii.    |
   1376     | Bible, small                                        |    12 fr.
            |                                      Robinson, 5    |
  _c._ 1387 | Bible for New College                               | £2, 13s. 4d.
            | Another                                             | £1, 6s. 8d.
            | Another                                             | £1, 0s. 0d.
            |                  _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 220    |
   15 c.    | Bible, 13 cent., 358 ff., double cols. of 53        |
            |   lines, in good small hand                         |  5 marks.
            |                                    James^{4}, 1   9 |
   1423     | Pro j Biblia, cum ij signaculis deauratis           | £6, 13s. 4d.
            |                          _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 76    |
   1439     | Bible                                               | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
   1444     | Bible                                               | £2, 13s. 0d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
   1449     | Bible covered with red leather, and having          |
            |   gilded clasps                                     | £6, 13s. 4d.
            |                         _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110    |
   1452     | Bible                                               | £6, 13s. 4d.
            |                         _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132    |
   1471     | Bible, in 5 vols.                                   |      £2
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
   1473     | Bible bought at Oxford. Now Brit. Mus. MS.          |
            |   Burney 11                                         |     20s.
            |                                       James, 515    |
            |                   MISSALS                           |
   1358     | Missal pledged in Burnel chest                      |   8s. 4d.
            |                   _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii.    |
  1383-4    | Abbot Litlington’s missal                           |£34, 14s. 7d.
            |                                    Robinson, 7-8    |
      1449  | Old Missal, de usu Ebor.                            |   26s. 8d.
            |                         _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110    |
      1452  | Missal, de usu Ebor.                                | £4, 13s. 4d.
            | Old Missal                                          |      10s.
            |                      _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33    |
      1459  | A fair mass book                                    |      £10
            |                                  Rogers, iv. 600    |
      1468  | Missal                                              |      £4
            |                         _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163    |
      1491  | Missal                                              |      40s.
            |                      _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 161 n.    |
      1509  | A new masboke couered with white lether and ij      |
            |   longe claspes of latyn                            |       £4
            | A little massebooke after the ffrenche use          |     3s. 4d.
            |              _C. A. S._ (N.S.) 8vo ser., iii. 361   |
            |                      BREVIARIES                     |
      1370  | Portiforium                                         |      10s.
            |                        _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills, 1   |
   1395     | Portiforium notatum                                 |     20s.
            | Parvum portiforium                                  |   33s. 4d.
            |                            _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6   |
   1400     | Portiforium de usu Sarum                            |   66s. 8d.
            |                                       _Ibid._, 13   |
   1449     | Great portiforium de usu Ebor.                      |£11, 3s. 6d.
            | Great portiforium de usu Sarum                      |   53s. 4d.
            |                                      _Ibid._, 110   |
   1451     | Portiforium                                         |    6s. 8d.
            |                                 _Mun. Acad._, 609   |
   1452     | Portiforium de usu Sarum                            |   53s. 4d.
            | Portiforium de usu Ebor.                            |   53s. 4d.
            | Portiforium                                         |   13s. 4d.
            |                       _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33   |
   1491     | Portiforium de Ebor.                                |   43s. 4d.
            |                                    _Ibid._, 161n.   |
   1518     |A little portuos lyinge to plegge in teamce street   |   53s. 4d.
            |                              _Reliquary_, vii. 18   |
            |                   PSALTERS                          |
  Before    |                                                     |
   1300     | Psalter, with glosses                               |     10s.
            |                                  Warton, i. 188n.   |
   1376     | Psalter, glossed                                    |    12 fr.
            |                                       Robinson, 6   |
  _c._ 1380 | Psalter, glossed                                    |   26s. 8d.
            |                   _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 226   |
   1395     | Psalter, in large letters; price 6_s._ 8_d._        |
            |    sold for                                         |   13s. 4d.
            |                            _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6   |
   1447     | Psalter                                             |    3s. 8d.
            |                                   Rogers, iv. 600   |
   1449     | Psalter, glossed                                    |      11s.
            |                          _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 110   |
   1451     | Psalter, glossed                                    |    6s. 8d.
            |                                 _Mun. Acad._, 609   |
  1452      | Psalter, glossed                                    |   13s. 4d.
            | Illuminated Psalter                                 |   13s. 4d.
            | Small Psalter                                       |    6s. 8d.
            |                      _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-33    |
  1468      | Psalter                                             |    8s. 4d.
            |                                     _Ibid._, 163    |
_c._ 1470   | Psalter                                             |    6s. 8d.
            |       _Paston Letters_, ed. Gairdner, vi. 175-77    |
            |               ANTIPHONARIES                         |
_c._ 1420-40| Antiphonary for S. Albans                           | £6s, 13s. 4d.
            | Another                                             |     £6
            |      _Ann. mon. S. Alb. a J. Amund._, ii. 256-71    |
  1459      | 2 new great antiphons                               | £13, 6s. 8d.
            |                                     Rogers, iv. 600 |
  1491      | Antiphonary [with musical notation]                 |   33s. 4d.
            |                         _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 161 n. |
  1509      | A grete antyphoner in parchement with legent        |
            |   couered with white lether with ij long claspes of |
            |   latyn                                             |      £8
            | An olde litle antyphoner withoute couer and         |
            |   claspes                                           |    3s. 4d.
            |               _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361 |
            |                   PROCESSIONALS                     |
  1449      | 20 new Processionals for All Souls College          | £5, 13s. 4d.
            |                                     Rogers, iv. 600 |
  1509      | A Processionall noted [with musical notation]       |
            |   couered with Tawny lether and ij long claspes     |    26s. 8d.
            | A processionall couered with Tawny lether with      |
            |   oon claspe                                        |       5s.
            |                         _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 361 |
            |                 MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS                 |
_c._ 690    | Land sufficient for 8 families exchanged for a book |
            |   on cosmography, of admirable workmanship.         |
            |                                    _Vitæ Abb._ § 15 |
    1174    | Bede’s _Homilies_ and S. Austin’s Psalter exchanged |
            |   for 12 measures of barley and a pall, on which    |
            |   was embroidered in silver the history of          |
            |   S. Birinus converting a Saxon king.               |
            |                                     Warton, i. 186  |
   Before   |                                                     |
    1300    | Historia Scholastica [Peter Comestor], [Cf. 1452.]  |     £1
            | Concordance                                         |    10s.
            | Four greater prophets, with glosses                 |     5s.
            |                                  *Warton, i. 188n.  |
    1300    | Book of Decretals                                   |     3s.
            |                          *Stevenson, _Hist. of Ely_ |
    1306    | A school book                                       |     2d.
            |                                  Rogers, i. 645-56  |
    1322    | Liber gardanarum                                    | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |                                     Rogers, i. 646  |
    1357    | For book on Prophets and the third part of          |
            |   Thomas Aquinas (tertia pars Summae), pledged      |
            |   in Tykeford chest                                 |   13s. 4d.
            |                      _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xlviii. |
  _c._ 1360 | La Bible Hystoriaus, ou Les Histories escolastres.  |
            |   B.M. Reg. 19 D ii. Taken from King of             |
            |   France at Poitiers; bought by Wm. Montagu,        |
            |   for                                               | 100 marks.
            |     Ordered to be sold by the Last will of his      |
            |   Countess Elizabeth for                            |  40 livres.
            |                                     Warton, i. 187  |
    1376    | Dictionary in 3 volumes                             | 200 francs.
            | Gospels glossed in 1 volume                         |  15 francs.
            | N. de Lyra on the Gospels and the Epistles of Paul  | 37½ francs.
            | Quodlibeta of Herveus Natalis Brito                 |   3 francs.
            | Milleloquium Augustini [anthology of S. Augustine   |
            |   by Bartholomew of Urbino]                         |  80 francs.
            | Augustine, super psalterium abbreviatus cum         |
            |   septem quaternis non ligatis                      |   1 franc.
            | N. de Lyra, third part                              | 37½ francs.
            | Small concordance                                   |   1 franc.
            | Speculum  Historiale, first part, by Vincent of     |
            |   Beauvais                                          |  50 francs.
            | Augustine, de Civitate Dei                          |  12 francs.
            | Lombard’s Sentences. [Cf. 1423, 1452.]              |   6 francs.
            | Boëthius, de Consolatione philosophiae, cum aliis.  |  10 francs.
            | Summa  Hostiensis [one  of the chief books on       |
            |   canon law]. [Cf. 1380.]                           |  20 francs.
    1376    | Cronica Martiniana, by Martinus Polonus; Bede,      |
            |   de Gestis Anglorum; Life of S. Thomas, in         |
            |   1 volume                                          | 10 francs.
            | Anselm, de Similitudinibus                          |  2 francs.
            |                                   *Robinson, 5-7    |
    1378    | Wylliott’s book on natural philosophy               | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |                                   Rogers, i. 646    |
    1379    | 11 quires of Bacon’s Mathematics                    |   5s. 6d.
            |                                   Rogers, i. 646    |
  _c._ 1380 | Lectura T. Alquini super 410 sententiarum           |     10s.
            | Evangelium Johannis et Apocalypsis glosatum         |     20s.
            | Concordantiae Bibliae                               |      8s.
            | Sermones veteres                                    |    3s. 4d.
            | Sermones N. Gorham de communi sanctorum             |      5s.
            | Liber Genesis glosatus                              |     20s.
            | Legenda Aurea                                       |     20s.
            | Augustine, de Civitate Dei                          |   53s. 4d.
            | Haymo super epistolas Pauli                         |    100s.
            | Evangelium Mathaei                                  |      2s.
            |     “      Johannis glos.                           |    3s. 4d.
            | Biblia versificata                                  |      5s.
            | Quaternus sermonum                                  |    2s. 6d.
            | Epistolae Sidonii, in quaterno                      |     12d.
            | Albertus Magnus, de vegetabilibus et plantis cum    |
            |   multis aliis                                      |   53s. 4d.
            | Textus Metha[physi]cae                              |     10s.
            | Commentator super libros caeli et mundi             |      5s.
            | Liber de Anima, continens 3 libros cum aliis        |      3d.
            | Textus naturalis philosophiae                       |     16s.
            |              “                                      |   13s. 4d.
            |              “                                      |   13s. 4d.
            | Tractatus de Animalibus                             |      4s.
            | Liber Decretalium non glosatus                      |    3s. 4d.
            | Liber Decretalium                                   |   16s. 8d.
            | Summa Hostiensis. [Cf. 1376.]                       |£4, 13s. 4d.
            | Liber Sextus decretalium. [Cf. 1423, 1445,          |
            |   1451.]                                            |     75s.
            | Codex. [Cf. 1423.]                                  |    31s. 4d.
            | Liber inforciatus. [Cf. 1423, 1445.]                |     20s.
            | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1423.]                         |      5s.
            |               _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._, 224-41    |
    1389    | Problems of Aristotle for Exeter College            |      £4
            | Boëthius, De Disciplina Scholarum, and De           |
            |   Consolatione philosophiæ                          |   5 marks.
            |                    _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xxxvi.    |
      1394  | Parchment for 4 choir books, and writing them       |£11, 13s. 3d.
            |                       _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130     |
  _c._ 1394 | Writing, illuminating and other expenses of a       |
            |   primer, given to the Lady Queen of Castile,       |
            |   _i.e._ Constance, 2nd wife of John of Gaunt       | 63s. 6d.
            |                      _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 401    |
      1395  | Cronica Martiniana, cum aliis.                      |
            |   Priced 3_s._ 4_d._, sold for [Cf. price in 1376]  | 3s. 4d.
            | Libellus cum  causa  T. Cantuariensis, et aliis.    |
            |   Priced 2_s._, sold for                            | 3s. 4d.
            | Repertorium Willelmi Durand.                        |
            |    Priced 6_s._ 8_d._, not sold                     | 6s. 8d.
            | William de Mandagoto de Electionibus.  Priced       |
            |   5_s._, sold for                                   | 6s. 8d.
            | Constitutions  of Ottobonus, cum aliis.  Priced     |
            |   18_d._, not sold                                  | 18d.
            | Petrus de Formâ dictandi, quire. Priced 2_s._,      |
            |   not sold [Cf. 1443]                               | 2s.
            | Bernard, Meditationes, cum aliis 5_s._,             |
            |   sold for                                          | 6s.
            | Mandeville on paper, in French. 2_s._, not sold     | 2s.
            | Quire, de Arte dictandi, with letters of Peter of   |
            |   Blois. 2_s._, not sold                            | 2s.
            | Textus Clementinarum [Decretals  of Clement]        |
            |   12_d._, not sold                                  | 12d.
            | Brut in French. 2_s._, not sold                     | 2s.
            |                           _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 6    |
      1397  | Vellum for 6 Processionals, and writing, noting     |
            |   (notatio, musical notation), illuminating and     |
            |    binding them                                     | 73s. 4d.
            |               _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi.-vii. n.    |
     15 c.  | Liber Scintillarum                                  | 2s.
            | Augustine on John                                   | 10 marks.
            |                      _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 403    |
     15 c.  | For 39 quires parchment at vi_d._=xx_s._            |
            |    vi_d._ (_sic_)                                   |   19s. 6d.
            | For writing same at xx_d._ quire                    |     65s.
            | For illuminating                                    |     12d.
            | For binding                                         |    2s. 6d.
            |                                            Summa    |  £4, 8s. 0d.
            |                                   James^{3}, 105    |
     15 c.  | 27 quires parchment at iii_d._                      |    6s. 9d.
            | For writing same at 16_d._                          |     36s.
            | Illumination                                        |      8d.
            | Binding                                             |      2s.
            |                                            Summa    |   45s. 5d.
            |                                     _Ibid._, 128    |
      15 c. |27 quires and 6 fo. parchment at iii_d._             |    6s. 9d.
            |For writing same at 16_d._                           |     36s.
            |Illumination                                         |      6d.
            |Binding                                              |      2s.
            |Total                                                |   45s. 3d.
            |                                         _Ibid._, 133|
      15 c. |33 quires parchment                                  |    8s. 3d.
            |For writing same at 16_d._                           |     44s.
            |Illumination                                         |     12d.
            |Binding                                              |      2s.
            |Total                                                |   55s. 3d.
            |                                         _Ibid._, 169|
      15 c. |29 quires parchment at iii_d._                       |    7s. 3d.
            |For writing same at 16_d._                           |   38s. 8d.
            |Illumination                                         |     12d.
            |Binding                                              |      2s.
            |Total                                                |   48s. 11d.
            |                                         _Ibid._, 226|
    15 c.   | Antonius Andreas, super Metaphysica, etc., 153ff.,  |
            |  on paper                                           |   13s. 4d.
            |                                       James^{3}, 290|
     1400   |John of Meun’s Roman de la Rose, sold before         |
            |  the palace gate at Paris                           | £33, 6s. 6d.
            |                                       Warton, i. 187|
     1400   |Tabula Martiniana                                    |   3s. 4d.
            |Gradual, de usu Ebor.                                |     40s.
            |Catholicon. [Cf. 1452.]                              | £4, 10s. 0d.
            |                             *_Surtees Soc._, xlv. 13|
     1414   |For mending one old mass book almost worn out;       |
            |  for parchment and new writing in divers parts      |
            |  and for the binding and new clasps, and a skin     |
            |  to cover the book                                  |  11s. 2d.
            |                           _Archæologia_, lvii. 208-9|
   1420-40  |Three books given  to  the  Duke of Gloucester,      |
            |  Cato glossed, and two books of Abbot Whethamstede’s|
            |  own composition                                    |    £10
            |Book of astronomy, given to the Duke of Bedford      | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |Boëthius, de Consolatione philosophiae, glossed      |     £5
            |Holkot, super Sapiéntiam Salomonis                   |  13s. 4d.
            |Holkot, Sermons                                      | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |Thos. Netter of Walden and Wm. Wodeford              |
            |  against Wyclif. 2 vols.                            | £6, 13s. 4d.
            |*_Ann. mon S. Alb. a J. Amund._ ii. 256, 259, 268-71.|
   1420-40  |Alan de Lisle’s Anticlaudianus, cum quaestionibus    |
            |  in eodem                                           |  13s. 4d.
            | Unus parvus libellulus, cum metris et tabulis       |
            |   diversis                                          |  13s. 4d.
            | * _Ann. mon S. Alb. a J. Amund._ ii. 256,           |
            |    259, 268-71.                                     |
    1423    | Magister Sententiarum. [Cf. 1376, 1452.]            |     16s.
            | Concordance                                         |     20s.
            | Gregory’s Pastoral care                             |      4s.
            | Anselm, Cur Deus homo. [Cf. 1451.]                  |     10s.
            | Archdeacon Guido de Baysio’s Rosarium               |     40s.
            | Liber Sextus Decretalium. [Cf. 1380, 1445, 1451.]   |     40s.
            | Digestum Inforciatum. [Cf. 1380, 1445.]             |  13s. 4d.
            | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1380.]                         |  13_s._ 4_d._
            | Codex. [Cf. 1380.]                                  |£1, 6_s._ 8_d._
            |                          _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 76    |
    1432    | Dr. Thomas Gascoigne gave 6 books to Lincoln        |
            |   College, value                                    |  £17, 10s.
            |               Clark, _Linc. Coll._ (Coll. Hist.)    |
    1438    | Thomas Aquinas super primum Sententiarum            |     £1
            | Thomas Aquinas in secundum Sententiarum             | £1, 6s. 8d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1441    | Tabula super Senecam et Boetium de Consolat. et     |
            |   de disciplina scholarium                          |   1s. 8d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1442    | One part of Lyra                                    | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1443    | 27 volumes bought from John Paston’s Exors. for     |
            |   King’s Hall, Cambridge.                           | £8, 17s. 4d.
    1443    | For an old book, Postillae super Lucam              |      2s.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1443    | Petrus de formâ dictandi. [Cf. 1395.]               |    1s. 8d.
            |                                _Mun. Acad._, 532    |
    1445    | Book of philosophy, cum tractatibus Alberti         |   13s. 4d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1445    | Liber Sextus Decretalium, pledged for. [Cf. 1380,   |  £1, et ob.
            |   1423, 1451.]                                      |
            | Digestum Inforciatum, pledged  for. [Cf.  1380,     |    3s. 4d.
            |   1423.]                                            |
            |                              * _Mun. Acad._, 543    |
   1449     | Cicero, Rhetoric                                    |  3s. 4d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
   1451     | Petrus de Palude [? in Sententiis]                  |    2s.
            | Epistles of Seneca ad Lucilium                      |    2s.
            | Gregory’s Sermons                                   |  6s. 8d.
            | Plato, Timaeus                                      |    6d.
            | Digestum vetus. [Cf. 1380, 1423]                    |    4s.
            | Liber Sextus Decretalium, cum glossa cardinali.     |
            |   [Cf. 1380, 1445, 1423.]                           |    5s.
            | Codex. [Cf. 1423.]                                  |    4s.
            | Bernardus Parmensis de Botone, Casus longus         |    5s.
            | Martial                                             |    1s.
            | Anselm, Cur Deus homo. [Cf. 1423.]                  |  2s. 4d.
            | Decretals of Clement                                |  3s. 4d.
            | Vetus liber Decretalium                             |  1s. 4d.
            |                              * _Mun. Acad._, 609    |
   1452     | Isidore, Etymologies; Bede, Historia                |
            |    Ecclesiastica                                    |    30s.
            | Augustine, de spiritu et anima, with                |
            |    the Meditations of S. Bernard, and many          |
            |    other contents                                   |    40s.
            | Guillelmus Parisiensis de virtutibus                |    20s.
            | Bartholomeus Anglicus [Bartholomew de Glanville]    |
            |   de proprietatibus rerum                           |  6s. 8d.
            | Pupilla oculi. [There were several books of this    |
            |   title.]                                           |    20s.
            | Catholicon. [Cf. 1400.]                             |     £4
            | Polichronica                                        |    20s.
            | Historia Scholastica. [Cf. bef. 1300.]              |     5s.
            | Lombard’s Sentences. [Cf. 1376, 1423.]              |    16s.
            |                     * _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 132-3    |
   1453     | Book by Wyclif                                      |   7s. 6d.
            | Book against Wyclif                                 |   3s. 6d.
            | More’s book on Wyclif and other books               | £2, 2s. 0d.
            |                                  Rogers, iv. 600    |
   1455     | Nicolaus de Gorham super Psalterium, pledged        |
            |   for                                               | £1, 6s. 8d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
   1455     | Gregory the Great’s Works, 157 leaves               | £3, 6s. 8d.
            |                     _Library_ (N. S.), viii. 172    |
   1456     | Avicenna, redeemed for                              | £1, 6s. 4d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
   1457     | Aegidius super Physica                              |   16s. 8d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1457    | Aristotle de animalibus                             |   5s. 6d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1459    | A Holy Legend                                       |    £10
            |                                  Rogers, iv. 600    |
    1462    | Aristotle, Rhetor. Polit., etc.                     |   8s. 5d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1462    | Map of the world, bought for New College            |     £5
            |                                  Rogers, iv. 600    |
    1467    | Cicero, de Officiis and Ambrosius super eodem       |     6s.
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
  _c._ 1468 | S. Augustine’s Epistles                             | £1, 13s. 4d.
            |                      _Library_ (N.S.), viii. 172    |
    1468    | Richard Rolle’s Meditatio de passione domini        |     4d.
            |                        *_Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163    |
    1469    | Jerome’s Epistles                                   |     £1
            |                                James^{10}, xxiv.    |
    1469    | Vellum, writing, correcting, illuminating, and      |
            |   binding a Lectionary in redskin, and cleaning     |
            |   the book                                          |  64s. 3d.
            |                       _Library_, ii. (1890), 243    |
  _c._ 1470 | iij bokes of soffistre                              |   1s. 8d.
            | A red boke with Hugucio and Papie                   |     £1
            | A boke of Seynt Thomas de Veritatibus               |    10s.
            | 1 boke of xij chapetyrs of Lyncoln,                 |
            |   and a boke of Safistre                            |    10s.
            | 1 premere (primer?)                                 |    2s.
            |   * Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, vi. 175, 177        |
    1472    | Thomas Aquinas, Tabula on works                     |   5s. 4d.
            |                                James^{10}, xxv.     |
    1481    | Alexander Aphrodisaeus, super libros de Anima       | £1, 13s. 4d.
            |                               Rogers, iv. 600-1     |
    1502    | Hugo de Vienna’s works in 7 volumes [printed]       |  £2, 6s. 4d.
            |                               Rogers, iv. 600-1     |
    1509    | A printed legende in paper de usu Saris coueryd     |
            |  with white lether with ij short claspes of latyn   |    3s. 4d.
            |            _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361    |
    1509    | A graile couered with white lether with ij long     |
            |   claspes                                           | £4, 6s. 8d.
            | A graile couered with white lether having ij        |
            |   longe claspes                                     |   53s.    4d.
            | A prikesong boke in parchement                      |   13s. 4d.
            |            _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser., iii. 361    |
  _c._ 1525 | Cicero, de Officiis, bought by Thos. Linacre;       |
            |   now B. M. Reg. 15 A vi.                           |      8d.
            |                                       James, 519    |
    1531    | 4 hymnaria for the quire at ⅓                       |         5s.
            |                                 Rogers, i. 600-1    |
    1538    | 1 Statutes of the Kingdom                           |     14s.
            | Polydore Vergil’s history                           |    6s. 8d.
            |                                 Rogers, i. 600-1    |
    1539    | Giorgio della Valle [? Aristotle’s Poetics]         |     10s.
            |                                Rogers, iv. 600-1    |
    1540    | Map of the World                                    |    4s. 0d.
            | Suidas in Greek [? printed ed. 1499]                | £1, 12s. 0d.
            | Erasmus on New Testament                            |      9s.
            |                                Rogers, iv. 600-1    |
    1542    | Theophylact and Eustathius [? printed ed. 1542]     |  £2, 2s. 0d.
            | Epiphanius                                          |      8s.
            |                                Rogers, iv. 600-1    |
            | Parchment for, writing, rubrishing and binding a    |
            |   book called “Domyltone,” also rubrishing          |
            |   Heytesbury’s Sophismata. [“Domyltone” was         |
            |   perhaps one of John of Dumbleton’s books]         | 15s. 4½d.
            |               _Hist. MSS._, 2nd Rept., App. 129;    |
            |                       _Bibliographica_, iii. 148    |
            |   _Note._--Many prices of books at Winchester       |
            | College, temp. Henry VI will be found in            |
            | _Archæol. Jour._ xv. (1858) 62-74.                  |
            |                     WRITING                         |
    1346    | For writing a Psalter with Kalendar                 |   5s. 6d.
            | And a “placebo et dirige cum ympnario et            |
            |   collectario”                                      |   4s. 3d.
            |                        _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 165    |
   1383-4   | For writing Abbot Litlington’s Missal during        |
            |   two years                                         |     £4
            |                                    Robinson, 7-8    |
    1383-4  | Livery for the scribe                               |    20s.
            | For writing notes (musical notation) in Abbot       |
            |   Litlington’s Missal                               |   3s. 4d.
            |                                    Robinson, 7-8    |
     1393   | Writing 2 Graduals                                  | £4, 6s. 8d.
            |                        _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130    |
     1397   | For writing a Legenda of 34 “quires”                |    72s.
            |               _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi-xxvii n.    |
      15c.  | Writing 25 quires at 16d.                           |  33s. 4d.
            |                                   James^{3}, 234    |
    ? 15 c. | Writing per quire.                                  |    16d.
            |                      _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 398    |
     1430   | N. de Lyra transcribed                              |  100 marks
            |                                Warton, i. 187 n.    |
     1467   | Item, for wrytynge of a quare and demi ... prise    |
            |   the quayr, xx_d._                                 |   2s. 6d.
            | Item, for wrytenge of a calendar                    |    12d.
            | Item, for notynge (musical notation) of v.          |
            |   quayres and ij leves, prise of the                |
            |   quayr, viij[_d._]                                 |   3s. 7d.
            |                 Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4    |
     1469   | For writing a “litill booke of Pheesyk”             |     2d.
            | For writing “the tretys of Werre in iiij books,     |
            |   which conteyneth lx levis aftir ij_d._ a leaff”   |     10s.
            | For writing “De Regimine Principum, which           |
            |   conteyneth xlv^{ti} leves, aftir a peny a leef,   |
            |   which is right wele worth”                        |   3s. 9d.
            |              *Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 2-4    |
     1469   | For writing a Lectionary of 18 quires and 9 skins   |   28s. 4d.
            |                       _Library_, ii. (1890) 243     |
            |                   ILLUMINATING                      |
     1374   | Church of Norwich paid for illuminating a           |
            |   Graduale and Consuetudinary                       |  £22, 9s.
            |                               Merryweather, 36n.    |
    1383-4  | For illumination of the large letters in Abbot      |
            |   Litlington’s Missal                               | £22, 0s. 3d.
            |                                    Robinson, 7-8    |
    1393    | Illuminating 2 graduals                             |  £2
            |                  _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130          |
    1395    | Illuminating 3 graduals                             |  £2
            |                  _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130          |
    1397    | Illuminating and binding Legenda of 34 “quires”     |  30s.
            |         _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxvi-xxvii n.          |
    1445    | Yearly wages of an illuminator at Oxford, four      |
            |   marks, ten shillings                              |
            |                           _Mun. Acad._, 551         |
    1467    | Sir John Howard paid Thomas Lympnour of             |
            |   Bury St. Edmunds for illuminating, and other      |
            |   work                                              |
            | For viij. hole vynets [or small miniatures]         |
            |   prise the vynett, xij_d_                          |   8s.
            | Item, for xxj. demi-vynets ... prise  the           |
            |   demi-vynett, iiij_d._                             |    7s.
            | Item, for Psalmes lettres xv^{c} and di’ ... the    |
            |   prise of C. iiij_d._ [_I.e._, 1550 at 4_d._       |
            |   a hundred]                                        |  5s. 2d.
            | Item, for p’ms letters lxiij^{c} ... prise of a     |
            |   C., j_d._                                         |  5s. 3d.
            | Item, for floryshynge of capytalls, v^{c}           |    5d.
            |           Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4          |
    1469    | For rubrishing a book                               |  3s. 4d.
            |           Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4          |
    1469    | Illuminating a Lectionary                           |  13s. 6d.
            |                  _Library_, ii. (1890) 243          |
            |                    BINDING                          |
    1383-4  | Binding Abbot Litlington’s Missal                   |    21s.
            |                                    Robinson, 7-8    |
    1384-5  | Covering a great Portiforium                        |  3s. 2d.
            | Covering a book and making three silver clasps      |  5s. 8d.
            |                                      Robinson, 8    |
    1392    | Binding seven books                                 |  4s. 0d.
            |                   _O. H. S_., 27, Boase, xlviii.    |
    1395    | Binding large gradual (York Cathedral)              |   10s.
            |                        _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 130    |
   ? 15c.   | Binding (in white skin over wooden boards)          |    2s.
            |                      _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 398    |
    1412-13 | Stitching 67 books at 1½_d._ a book, with           |
            |   13_d._ in addition                                | 9s. 5½d.
            | Stitching covers of 52 books at 1_d._               |   4s. 4d.
            |                     _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 300-3    |
     1428   | Binding Bible in 2 vols.                            |   5s. 3d.
            |                                  Rogers, iv. 600    |
     1467   | Item, for byndynge of the boke [a Psalter or        |
            |   other liturgical book]                            |    12s.
            |                 Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, v. 4    |
     1469   | Binding a Lectionary in redskin, and correcting     |
            |   the book                                          |   5s. 5d.
            |                        _Library_, ii. (1890) 243    |
            |   _Note._--For many prices for binding,             |
            | repairing, and chaining books, see                  |
            | Bibliographical Society’s Monograph 13,             |
            | p. 18-19.                                           |


A very large number of prices of vellum and parchment might be quoted.
These will suffice: (1301) vellum per skin, 1¼d.; (1312-13) 6 doz.
parchment, 8s. 8d.; (1358-59) 2 doz. parchment, 6s.; (1359-60) 2½
doz. parchment, 7s. 6d.; (1383-84) 13 doz. vellum, £4, 6s. 8d.; (1395)
12 parchment skins, 5s. 0d.; (1397) vellum per dozen skins, 4s. 6d.;
(1412-13) vellum cost a dozen skins 2s. 10d.; (1412-13) 9 skins of
parchment 13½d., and 6 skins of parchment, 16d.; (1467) 3 quires of
vellum, 5s.; 17 quires for a Lectionary, 10s. 6d.

Skins for binding were sold in (1395) 1 deerskin, 3s. 2d.; (1397) 6
deerskins for processionals, 13s. 4d; (1412-13) 97 calfskins @ 4d. a
skin, 82 sheepskins @ 3d., 3 sheepskins for 5d., 12 redskins @ 6d.;
(1469) 1 redskin, 5d.



This list is brief, but it should be long enough to show clearly what
Greek and Latin authors were read in the Middle Ages, and to indicate
roughly their comparative popularity. A note has been made of only one
copy of a work found at a particular place at a certain time; often
there were duplicates, sometimes many copies: for example, consult
Appendix C, under date _c._ 1170.

The following abbreviations are used: August. Fr. York = Augustinian
Friary, York; C. U. L. = Cambridge University Library; Cant. Coll. =
Canterbury College, Oxford; Ch. Ch. C. = Christ Church, Canterbury;
Durh. = Durham Priory; Lanthony = Lanthony Priory, nr. Gloucester; Ox.
U. L. = Oxford University Library; S. Cath. H. = S. Catharine’s College;
Rochester = S. Andrew’s Priory, Rochester; S. Aug. C. = S. Augustine’s
Monastery, Canterbury; S. Mart. Dov. = S. Martin’s Priory, Dover. Other
abbreviations are self-explanatory.

     AESCHINES.--_Orations_ (1443, Ox. U. L.).

     ARISTOTLE.--(8 cent., York; 1248, Glastonbury; 1315, Durh.; _c._
     1387, New Coll.; 1418, Peterhouse). _Organon_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch.
     C.; 1202, Rochester; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York;
     _c._ 1385, Pembr. Coll.; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391 and 1395, Durh.;
     1435 and 1473, C. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S.
     Aug. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Topica_ (bef. 13
     cent., Reading; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1387, Exeter Coll.; 1448,
     Hospital of S. Mary within Cripplegate, London). _De Sophisticis
     elenchis_ (bef. 13 cent., Reading). _Natural sciences_ (1274,
     Peterborough; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1435 and
     1473, C. U. L.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C., _de nova translacione_;
     1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Physica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch.
     C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1391 and 1395, Durh.;
     1435, C. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.;
     1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.). _Meteorologica_ (1435 and
     1473, C. U. L.). _Historia animalium_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _de
     animalibus_; 1372, August. Fr. York, _de animalibus_; 1389, S.
     Mart. Dov., _de natura animalium_; 1473, C. U. L.; 1520, Wm.
     Grocyn, _de animalibus_). _De generatione animalium_ (_c._ 1300,
     Ch. Ch. C.; 1443, Ox. U. L.). _De anima_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.;
     1372, August. Fr. York; 1439, Ox. U. L.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.;
     1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Metaphysica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch.
     Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1473, C.
     U. L.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant.
     Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Ethica_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372,
     August. Fr. York; 1387, Exeter Coll.; 1391, Durh.; 1428, Pembr.
     Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1473, C. U. L.;
     1475, S. Cath. H.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508,
     Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll., _noviter translatus_; _c._ 1526,
     Syon). _Magna Moralia_ (1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon).
     _Politica_ (_c._ 1428, Pembr. Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s
     Coll. Camb.; 1487, Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, Ch.
     Ch. C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Rhetorica_ (_c._
     1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1487,
     Pembr. Coll.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1524, Cant.
     Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Problemata_ (1435 and 1473, C. U. L.;
     1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Oeconomica_ (1372, August. Fr.

     CAESAR.--_Commentaries_ (1443, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.;
     1520, Wm. Grocyn).

     CICERO.--(8 cent., York; 1439, Ox. U. L., _Opera viginti duo in
     magno volumine_; 1520, Wm. Grocyn, _Opera omnia_). _Epistolae_
     (1480, Bp. Shirwood; 1498, Coll. of Bishop Auckland; 1524, Cant.
     Coll.; 1439, Ox. U. L., 1520, Wm. Grocyn, and _c._ 1526, Syon, _ad
     familiares_; 1439, Ox. U. L., _ad Quintum_). _Orationes_ (beg. 14
     cent., Lanthony, _in Catilinam_; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1474, Bp.
     Shirwood; 1478, Balliol Coll.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; 1520,
     Wm. Grocyn; 1372, August. Fr. York, _Tullii invectivarum_; 1391,
     Durh.; 1439, Ox. U. L.; and 1520, Wm. Grocyn, _Philippics_; 1439,
     Ox. U. L., _in Verrem_). _De Senectute_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.;
     1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, Glastonbury;
     _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._
     1497, S. Aug. C.; _c._ 1526, Syon. Frequently found). _De Legibus_
     (12 cent., Durh.). _De Officiis_ (1202, Rochester; beg. 14 cent.,
     Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1418,
     Peterhouse; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1475, S. Cath. H.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
     C.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _De Republica_ (_Somnium Scipionis_ (_c._
     1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1418, Peterhouse;? 1482,
     Leicester; _c._ 1526, Syon). _De Amicitia_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.;
     1180, Whitby; 1195, Durh.; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248, Glastonbury;
     beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr.
     York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; _c._ 1526, Syon--one of
     the commonest of classic works in the M.A.). _Paradoxa_ (1217-18,
     Evesham; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.;
     _c._ 1526, Syon). _Tusculanae disputationes_ (beg. 14 cent.,
     Lanthony; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant.
     Coll.; 1526, Syon). _De Inventione_ (_Rhetorica_) (_c._ 1170, Ch.
     Ch. C.; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.;
     1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1458, S. Paul’s; 1473,
     C. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1524, Cant.
     Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon, _nova rhetorica_). _De Oratore_ (1477, Bp.
     Shirwood). _Topica_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.).
     _De Natura Deorum_ (_c._ 1526, Syon). _De Finibus_ (1472, Bp.

     GELLIUS.--_Noctes Atticae_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1391, Durh.;
     1439, Ox. U. L.; 1476, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526,

     “HOMER.”--(12 cent., Durh.; 1180, Whitby). _Iliad_ (_c._ 1526,

     HORACE.--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13
     cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent.,
     Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1452, King’s
     Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1480, Bp. Shirwood;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497,
     S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon).
     _Epistles_ (bef. 13 cent., Reading; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389,
     S. Mart. Dov.).

     JUVENAL.--_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.; 12
     or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 cent., Reading; 1217-18, Evesham; 1248,
     Glastonbury; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391,
     Durh.; 1487, Bp. Shirwood; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn;
     _c._ 1526, Syon.

     LIVY.--(1248, Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1443, Ox. U. L.;
     1475, Bp. Shirwood; 1508, Ch. Ch. C.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526,
     Syon, epitome by Florus).

     LUCAN.--(8 cent., York; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.;
     1202, Rochester; 1217-18, Evesham; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; beg. 14
     cent., Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1418,
     Peterhouse; 1473, C. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
     C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.; _c._ 1526, Syon).

     LUCRETIUS.--_De Rerum natura_ (1520, Wm. Grocyn).

     MARTIAL.--(12 cent., Peterboro’; 14 cent., Ramsey; _c._ 1300, Ch.
     Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York, _Epigrammata marcii valerii, libri
     15_; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Henry Calder, vicar
     of Cookfield; 1476, Bp. Shirwood).

     OVID.--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; beg. 14 cent.,
     Lanthony; 1202, Rochester, _Ovidius magnus_; 14 cent., Ramsey; _c._
     1300, Ch. Ch. C.;? 1482, Leicester). _Ars amatoria_ (12 cent.,
     Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham).
     _Remedia Amoris_ (12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1438, T.
     Cooper, a scholar of Oxford; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus
     Coll., Rotherham). _Mendicamina faciei_ (_c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.).
     _Metamorphoses_ (1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1443,
     Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; 1470, Pembr. Coll.; 1473, C.
     U. L.;? 1482, Leicester, _de mirabilibus mundi_; _c._ 1497, S.
     Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Fasti_
     (12 cent., Durh.; 1202, Rochester; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S.
     Mart. Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1443, Ox. U. L.). _Tristia_ (_c._
     1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S.
     Mart. Dov.; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Ibis_ (_c._
     1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August. Fr. York; _c._
     1400, Meaux; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Heroides_ (1372, August. Fr.
     York). _Ex Ponto_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372,
     August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.).

     PERSIUS--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1180, Whitby; 12 cent., Durh.;
     1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; 1520,
     Wm. Grocyn).

     PLATO--(1180, Whitby; bef. 13 cent., Reading; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch.
     C.; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1439, Ox. U. L.;? 1482, Leicester; _c._
     1526, Syon). _Timaeus_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.;
     1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.;
     1372, August Fr. York; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Hy. Caldey, vicar of
     Cookfield; 1478, Balliol Coll., new translation; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
     C.). _Republic_ (1443, Ox. U. L., new translation; 1452, King’s
     Coll., Camb.; 1475, S. Cath. H.). _Euthyphro_ (1478, Balliol Coll.,
     new translation).

     PLAUTUS--12 or 13 cent., Bury [_James_^{1}, 27]; beg. 14 cent.,
     Lanthony, _Aulularia_; 1481, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn.

     PLINY THE ELDER--(8 cent., York; 1126-71, Glastonbury, _de naturali
     historia_; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _Prima pars
     Plinii, et secunda pars_; 1418, Peterhouse, _Hist. nat._; 1439, Ox.
     U. L., _Plinius de naturis rerum_; 1443, Ox. U. L., _Physica_;
     1464, Bp. Shirwood; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon). Extracts,
     _Medicina Plinii_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C., _Liber Plinii junioris
     [sic] de diversis medicinis_).

     PLINY THE YOUNGER.--_Letters_ (1443, Ox. U. L.).

     PLUTARCH.--_Vitae_ (1480, Bp. Shirwood, printed, Latin; 1520, Wm.

     QUINTILIAN.--_Institutio oratoria_ (12 cent., Durh.; _c._ 1290, the
     La Fytes, scholars at Oxford; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1326-35, S.
     Albans; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1439,
     Ox. U. L.; 1475, S. Cath. H.; 1478, Balliol Coll.; _c._ 1497, S.
     Aug. C.)

     SALLUST--(_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent. Durh.; 1202, Rochester;
     1248, Glastonbury; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418,
     Peterhouse). _Bella_ (12 cent., Bury; 1452, King’s Coll. Camb., _de
     bello Cat._; 1500, Jesus Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1526, Syon).
     SENECA THE YOUNGER--_c._ 1170, Peterboro’; 1260-9, S. Albans; 12
     cent., Durh.; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1478, Balliol Coll.; 1520, Wm.
     Grocyn). _Opera_ (_c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _De Beneficiis_ (_c._
     1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1395, Durh.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse).
     _De Clementia_ (_c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1395, Durh.; 1418,
     Peterhouse; 1458, S. Paul’s). _Epistolae morales_ (12 cent.,
     Peterboro’; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; bef. 13 cent., Reading; 13 cent.,
     Rievaulx; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; 1395,
     Durh.; _c._ 1400, Meaux; 1418, Peterhouse; 1451, Hy. Caldey, vicar
     of Cookfield; 1452, King’s Coll., Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.).
     _Naturales quaestiones_ (1418, Peterhouse; 1458, S. Paul’s).
     _Tragædiae_ (1372, August. Fr. York; 1439, Ox. U. L.; 1452, King’s
     Coll., Camb.; _c._ 1480, Bp. Shirwood). Innumerable.

     STATIUS--(8 cent., York; 1180, Whitby; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1389,
     S. Mart. Dov.; _c._ 1526, Syon). _Thebais_ (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.;
     12 cent., Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1479, Bp. Shirwood). _Achilleis_
     (_c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 12 cent., Durh.; 1372, August Fr. York;
     1452, King’s Coll. Camb.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Silvae_ (1478
     Bp. Shirwood).

     SUETONIUS.--_De Vita Caesarum_ (12 or 13 cent., Bury; 1126-71,
     Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372, August. Fr. York; _c._
     1400, Meaux; 1443, Ox. U. L.; 1458, S. Paul’s; 1476, Bp. Shirwood;
     1508, New Coll.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon).

     TACITUS.--_De Oratoribus_ (1520, Wm. Grocyn; 1526, Syon).

     TERENCE--(12 cent., Durh.; 12 cent., Peterboro’; 12 or 13 cent.,
     Bury; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C.; 1202, Rochester; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch.
     C.; beg. 14 cent., Lanthony; 14 cent., Ramsey; 1326-35, S. Albans;
     1372, August. Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1443, Ox.
     U. L.; 1471, Bp. Shirwood; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.; 1500, Jesus
     Coll., Rotherham; _c._ 1530, Wells Cath.).

     TROGUS, POMPEIUS--(8 cent., York; 1095, Durh.; 12 cent., Durh.;
     1391, Durh.; 1443, Ox. U. L.; 1465, Bp. Shirwood).

     VALERIUS MAXIMUS.--_Facta et dicta memorabilia_ (13 cent., Bury;
     1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1420-40, S. Albans; 1452, King’s
     Coll. Camb.; 1520, Wm. Grocyn; _c._ 1526, Syon).

     VARRO.--_De Lingua Latina_ (1443, Ox. U. L.; _c._ 1526, Syon).

     VIRGIL--(8 cent., York; 12 or 13 cent., Bury; 12 cent., Durh.; _c._
     1150, Lincoln Cath.; _c._ 1170, Ch. Ch. C., _Virgilius totus_; 14
     cent., Ramsey; 1326-35, S. Albans;? 1482, Leicester; _c._ 1526,
     Syon, _Opera_). _Bucolics_ (12 cent., Durh.; 1180, Whitby; bef. 13
     cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; 1372, August.
     Fr. York; 1389, S. Mart. Dov.; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; 1452,
     King’s Coll. Camb., _Virgilius in bucolicis cum ceteris_; 1458, S.
     Paul’s; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Georgics_ (12 cent., Durh.; bef.
     13 cent., Reading; 1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; 1372,
     August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; _c._ 1497, S. Aug. C.). _Aeneid_
     (1202, Rochester; 1248, Glastonbury; _c._ 1300, Ch. Ch. C.; 1372,
     August. Fr. York; 1391, Durh.; 1418, Peterhouse; _c._ 1497, S. Aug.
     C.; 1524, Cant. Coll.).


In compiling the above list use has been made of Bateson; Becker;
Bradshaw; _C.A.S._; _Chron. Mon. de Melsa_, iii.; Dugdale, _Hist. of S.
Paul’s_; _E.H.R._ iii.; James; James^{1}; James^{2}; James^{9};
James^{10}; _Mun. Acad._; Robinson; _Sur. Soc._ vii.; _Archaeologia
Cantiana_; _Fasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus_ (art. by Dr. M. R.
James), and other works.



     _Note._--This list aims (i) to bring together in brief form a
     number of records which are better removed from the main text of
     this book, and (ii) to present in chronological order facts
     carefully selected to show the variety of medieval libraries, in
     size and character.

    DATE    |               DESCRIPTION                 |       SOURCE
     778     | Alcuin’s library at York. Aristotle,     | Alcuin, _De Pont.
             |   Virgil, Lucan, Statius, Cicero,        |   Eccle. Ebor._,
             |   Aldhelm, Bede, etc.                    |   1535-61; Becker,
             |                                          |   2.
    10 c.    | Books given to Peterborough by           | Dugdale, i. 382.
             |   Ethelwold. Bede _in Marcum_, _Liber    |
             |   Miraculorum_, _Expositio Hebraeorum    |
             |   nominum_, _De Literis Graecorum_, etc. |
             |   About 20.                              |
    10 c.    | King Athelstan gave some nine books to   | _B. M. Cott._, A 1.
             |   S. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury:      |   viii. fo. 56^{b};
             |   Persius, Isidore, Bede (?), etc.       |   James, lxix.
   _c._ 1034 | “Many” books on theology and grammar     | _Chron. Abb. de E._
             |   given to Evesham Abbey by Bp.          |   (Rolls S.), 83.
             |   Aelfward.                              |
     1045    | Two books bequeathed to Glastonbury      | Wm. of Malm., _De
             |   by Bp. Brithwold.                      |   Ant. Glaston._,
             |                                          |   Wharton, _Angl.
             |                                          |   Sacra_ (1691), i.
             |                                          |   578-83.
   _c._ 1060 | At St. Peter’s Exeter books given by     | Dugdale, ii. 527.
             |   Bp. Leofric; Exeter Book, Leofric      |
             |   Missal, etc.                           |
   1077-93   | Church books given to S. Albans by       | _Gesta ... S.
             |   Abbot Paul.                            |   Albani_, i. 58.
   1078-99   | Bp. Osmund collected and wrote books     | W. of Malm., _Gesta
             |   for Old Sarum Church.                  |    Pont._, 183.
   _c._ 1080 | Abbot Walter made many books for         | _Chron. Abb. de E._
             |   Evesham.                               |   (Rolls S.), 97.
     1095    | Bp. William de Carilef gave about 52     | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
             |   books to Durham [not Lindisfarne, as   |   117-8; Becker, 172.
             |   in Becker].                            |
    12 c.    | Nearly 370 pieces at Durham Priory:      | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
             |   Quintilian, Plato’s _Timaeus_,         |   1-10.
             |   Sallust, Cicero (_de Legibus_, _de     |
             |   Amic._, _de Senectute_), Terence,      |
             |   Virgil, Ovid (_Epp._, _Tristia_, _Ars  |
             |   amandi_, _Remedia amoris de Fastis_),  |
             |   Lucan, Juvenal; grammar, rhetoric,     |
             |   arithmetic, geometry, medicine; some   |
             |   English books.                         |
    12 c.    | At Burton-on-Trent Abbey, after 1175,    | B. M. Add. MS. 23944,
             |   there were 78 vols. Incl. Augustine,   |   fo. 157;
             |   Gregory, Bede, Anselm, etc.            |   _Zentralblatt_,
             |                                          |   ix. 201-3.
    12 c.    | Catalogue of 68 pieces belonging         | MS. Bodley, 163, f.
             |   probably to one of the great           |   261; Becker, 216.
             |   Southern abbeys.                       |
     1104    | Abbot Peter gave many books to           | _Hist. et cart. mon.
             |   Gloucester Abbey.                      |   Glouc._, i. xxiv.
   1119-46   | Abbot Geoffrey gave church books to S.   | _Gesta ... S. Alb._,
             |   Albans.                                |   i. 94.
   1126-71   | At Glastonbury Abbot Henry had 54        | Adam de Domerham,
             |   books transcribed, incl. Pliny’s       |   _Hist._, ed. Hearne
             |   _Nat. Hist._, Suetonius _De Vita       |   (1727), ii. 317-18;
             |   Caesarum_, _Gesta Britonum_, _Gesta_   |   Hearne, _Hist. and_
             |   _Anglorum_.                            |   _Ant. of G._ (1722)
             |                                          |   141-3.
     1130    | Abbot Reginald acquired for church of    | _Chron. Abb. de E._
             |   Evesham Ab. books and ornaments.       |   99.
     1150    | Hugh of Leicester gave books to Lincoln  | _Girald. Cambrensis_
             |   Cath. 42 vols. and map of world in     |   (Rolls Ser.), vii.
             |   library now; 31 added soon after.      |   165.
             |   Some parts of Bible given by Bp.       |
             |   Alexander; 9 books given by Bp.        |
             |   Chesney. Library included Augustine,   |
             |   Gregory, Bede, Ambrose, Jerome,        |
             |   Virgil, Vegetius (_de re Militari_).   |
   _c._ 1170 | Over 223 volumes in Christ Church,       | James, 7.
             |   Canterbury: catalogue, which is but a  |
             |   fragment, contains books of grammar,   |
             |   rhetoric, music, arithmetic, poetry,   |
             |   logic, astronomy, geometry--Donatus    |
             |   in Greek, Donatus in English,          |
             |   Cicero’s Rhetoric, _de Senectute_,     |
             |   _de Amicitia_ (2), Plato’s _Timaeus_,  |
             |   Terence (5 volumes), Sallust (8        |
             |   volumes), Virgil (8 volumes), Horace   |
             |   (8), Lucan (5), Statius (6), Juvenal   |
             |   (4) Persius (9), Cato (2), Ovid (5).   |
   _c._ 1177 | Nearly 80 books in Peterboro’            | _Hist. Angl.
             |   Abbey--Seneca, Terence, Martial.       |   Script. Varii_
             |                                          |   [Sparke], 98-9;
             |                                          |   Merryweather,
             |                                          |   96-97; Becker,
             |                                          |   238.
   _c._ 1180 | 74 pieces in Whitby Abbey--42 theology,  | Becker, 226.
             |   15 history: Cicero (_de  Amicitia_,    |
             |   _de Senectute_), Homer, Juvenal,       |
             |   Plato, Sedulius, Statius, Virgil?      |
             |   (_Bucolica_), Persius, etc.            |
     1184    | Bp. Bartholomew left books to church at  | _B.M. Cotton Roll._
             |   Crediton and to another church.        |   II., 11 (at end).
  12 or 13 c.| At Bury S. Edmunds Abbey there was       | James^{1}, 23.
             |   a fair library at this period;         |
             |   including average number of classics.  |
     13 c.   | Before this Reading Abbey had 228        | _E. H. R._ (1888),
             |   volumes--Seneca, Aristotle, Virgil,    |   117-23.
             |   Juvenal; _Gesta R. Henrici secundi_,   |
             |   _Ystoria Rading_, _Hist. Anglorum_.    |
     13 c.   | At Lanthony there were 486 volumes,      | _B. M. Harl. MS._
             |   including Plato, Plautus, Cicero,      |   460, ff. 3-11;
             |   Sallust, Persius, Ovid, Lucan,         |   _Zentralblatt_,
             |   Horace, Terence.                       |   ix. 207-22.
     13 c.   | Prior John de Marcle gave 6 treatises    | _Chron. Abb. de E._
             |   on law to Evesham Abbey.               |   (Rolls Ser.), xxii
             |                                          |   n.
     13 c.   | At Leominster church, a dependency of    | _E. H. R._ (1888),
             |   Reading Abbey, 130 books: _Rotula      |   123-5.
             |   cum vita sancti Guthlaci anglice       |
             |   scripta_, _Medicinalis unus anglicis   |
             |   litteris scriptus_, _Liber qui         |
             |   appellatur landboc_.                   |
     13 c.   | At Rievaulx there was a large library    | James^{9}, 45-56.
             |   of the usual medieval character:       |
             |   incl. Seneca, Justinian.               |
   13 c.    | Flexley or Dene Abbey owned 79            | _Zentralblatt_, ix.
            |   volumes: incl. three English books.     |   205-07.
  _c._ 1200 | About 46 writers used as authorities by   | R. de Diceto, _Op._
            |   Ralph of Diss for his _Abbreviationes_  |   _Hist._ i. 20.
            |   _Chronicorum_.                          |
   1202     | At S. Andrew’s Priory, Rochester, there   | _Archæologia
            |   were about 280 volumes, many including  |   Cantiana_, iii.
            |   several distinct treatises. Scriptures, |   47-64 (1860).
            |   liturgical and devotional books,        |
            |   Fathers, schoolmen, philosophical and   |
            |   medical treatises, grammatical works:   |
            |   Horace, Virgil, Sallust, Terence,       |
            |   Persius, Lucan, Ovid, Aristotle’s       |
            |   _Organon_, Cicero.                      |
   1208     | Eight books presented to King John by     | _Sussex Archæol.
            |   the sacristan of Reading, all scriptural|   Collections_, ii.
            |   and theological.                        |   (1849), 134-5.
   1222     | Peterborough receives 7 books, incl.      | Dugdale, i. 354.
            |   2 Psalters, from Abbot R. de            |
            |   Lyndesheye.                             |
   1215     | At Glastonbury, 14 or 15 books were       | Adam de Domerham,
            |   written for Prior Thomas: books of      |   _Hist._ ed. Hearne
            |   the Bible, missals.                     |   (1727), ii. 441.
  1217-18   | Prior Thos. de Marleberge gave a “large   | _Chron. Abb. de E._
            |   collection”--including  law, medicine,  |   (Rolls Ser.), 267.
            |   philosophy, poetry, theology, grammar;  |
            |   Cicero (_de Amicitia_, _de Senectute_,  |
            |   _Paradoxa_), Lucan, Juvenal--to Evesham |
            |   Abbey.                                  |
   1226     | At Peterborough a dozen books were        | Dugdale, i. 354.
            |   left by Abbot Alex. de Holdernesse.     |
   1245     | At Peterborough about 20 books, ordinary  | _Ibid._, i. 355.
            |   in character, were left by Abbot Walter |
            |   de St. Edmund.                          |
  _c._ 1240 | Bp. Ralph of Maidstone gave service       |
            |   books and a _Legend_ to Hereford        |
            |   Cathedral.                              |
   1245     | 35 vols. at St. Paul’s Cathedral; ordinary| _Archæologia_, I.
            |   medieval character.                     |   496.
  1247-48   | At Glastonbury there were nearly 500      | Joh. Glaston,
            |   books. Incl. much theology, chronicles, |   _Chron._, ed.
            |   classics. Aristotle, Livy, Sallust,     |   Hearne (1726), II.
            |   Virgil, Cicero, Plato, Persius, Horace, |   423-44.
            |   Juvenal.                                |
       1249 | Peterborough receives 5 books from        | Dugdale, i. 356.
            |   Abbot Wm. de Hotot.                     |
       1253 | Richard de Wyche, Bp. of Chichester,      | _Sussex Archæol.
            |   left a number of books to the           |   Coll._, i. (1848)
            |   friars: chiefly  glossed books of       |   168-187.
            |   the Bible, a glossed  psalter, the      |
            |   _Sentences_, etc.                       |
  _c._ 1255 | John of Basingstoke imports Greek MSS.    | Gasquet^{3}, 158-59;
            |   from Athens.                            |   Stevenson, 224, 227.
    1258-59 | Prior Jno. of Worcester gave a number     | _Chron. Abb. de E._
            |   of books to Evesham Abbey. Grammar,     |   (Rolls Ser.), xxii
            |   logic, physics, theology, canon and     |   n.
            |   civil law.                              |
       1259 | Master of Sherborne Hospital left         | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 6.
            |   church books, and a _liber phisica_     |
            |   to the Hospital.                        |
    1260-90 | Many books, including Seneca, given to    | _Gesta ... S. Alb._,
            |   S. Albans by Abbot Roger.               |   i. 483.
       1262 | Peterborough receives 5 books from        | Dugdale, i. 356.
            |   Abbot J. de Kaleto. Incl. .             |
            |   _Testamentum_ xii _Patriarcharum_.      |
       1266 | Roger de Thoris gave books to Grey        | Oliver, _Mon. D.
            |   Friars’ Convent, Exeter.                |   Exon._ (1846),
            |                                           |   322-33.
       1274 | Abbot R. de Sutton left some 17 books     | Dugdale, i. 357
            |   to Peterborough. Incl. psalters,        |
            |   canon law, liber Naturalium             |
            |   Aristotelis.                            |
       1295 | Abbot R. de London leaves 10 books to     | Dugdale, i. 357.
            |   Peterborough. Boëthius _de              |
            |   Consolatione philosophiae_, _Nova       |
            |   logica_, psalters, etc.                 |
  1280-1303 | Bp. Richard of Gravesend. Over 100        | _Misc. of Philobiblon
            |   volumes, worth about £100.              |   S._ 1856; Edwards,
            |                                           |   i. 373.
  1285-1331 | Library of about 1850 volumes now at      | James, 13-142.
            |   Christ Ch., Canterbury. A fine          |
            |   collection. Many classics. English      |
            |   books: Genesis Anglice depicta,         |
            |   Boëthius _de  Consolatione_,            |
            |   Herbarius Anglice depictus, Chronica    |
            |   vetustissima, Chronica Latine et        |
            |   Anglice, etc.                           |
  1287-1345 | Richard of Bury owned a large library.    | R. de B., _passim._
        1290 | John of Taunton added 40 works to        | Joh. Glast. _Hist._,
             |   Glastonbury Library. Ordinary.         |   ed. Hearne (1726),
             |                                          |   ii. 251-52; A. de
             |                                          |   Domerham, _Hist._,
             |                                          |   ii. 574-75.
        1295 | 13 Gospels and other parts of the        |
             |   Scriptures, and a commentary of        |
             |   Aquinas at S. Paul’s Cathedral.        |
        1299 | Abbot W. de Wodeforde left 18 books to   | Dugdale, i. 358.
             |   Peterborough. Liturgical, theological, |
             |   and law.                               |
   1299-1300 | Edward I. owned a few books; including   | Edwards, i. 391.
             |   book of romance.                       |
  Late 13 c. | Galfridus de Lawað, rector of the church | James^{10}, 158.
             |   S. Magnus, London, had 49 books.       |
             |   Canon law, grammar, logic, medicine,   |
             |   theology.                              |
       14 c. | More than 600 books and 170 service      | _Chron. Abb. Ram._,
             |   books in Ramsey Abbey. Aristotle,      |   356 (Rolls Ser.).
             |   Plato (_Timaeus_), Greek Psalters,     |
             |   _Ars Loquendi Linguam Graecam_, Greek  |
             |   and Latin Psalter; Virgil, Ovid,       |
             |   Martial, Terence, Lucan, Prudentius,   |
             |   Seneca; French Bible, three Hebrew     |
             |   books, Hebrew Psalter, two parts of    |
             |   Hebrew Bible, _Liber expositionum      |
             |   dictionum Hebraicum_, glossary of      |
             |   Hebrew Bible, _Expositio nominum       |
             |   Hebraeorum_, _Interpretationes         |
             |   Hebraicorum_, _Ars loquendi  et        |
             |   intelligendi in Lingua Hebraica_.      |
       14 c. | Small and unimportant collection at St.  | Oliver, _Mon. D.
             |   Andrews Priory, Tywardreath.           |   Exon._, 36.
       14 c. | Richard of Stowe gave to St. Peter’s,    | _B. M. Harl. MS._,
             |   Gloucester, 7 vols., including         |   627, fo. 8 a.
             |   Boëthius _de Consolatione P._          |
       14 c. | John de Bruges wrote 33 books, ordinary  | Hearne, _Hist. and
             |   in character, for Coventry Priory.     |   Ant. Glast._, App.
             |   Incl. Palladius, _de Agricultura_.     |   291-93 (1722);
             |                                          |   Dugdale, iii. 186.
       14 c. | 23 books at Deeping Priory,              | Dugdale, iv. 167.
             |   Lincolnshire: including _Gesta         |
             |   Britonum_.                             |
       14 c. | About 350 vols. at Peterboro’: including | Gunton, _Hist. of Ch.
             |   Aristotle, Cicero, Virgil, Ovid,       |   of Peterboro’_
             |   Seneca, Sallust; a good deal in French.|   (1686), 173-224.
        1300 | Bp. Bek had a number of books which he   | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
             |   refused to return to the Prior of      |   121-22.
             |   Durham; included _Historia Anglorum_,  |
             |   and _Liber qui vocatur Liber S.        |
             |   Cuthberti, in quo secreta Domus        |
             |   scribuntur_.                           |
        1313 | 15 works, chiefly theological, beq. by   | _Hist. MSS._,  9th Rep.,
             |   Bp. Baldock to St. Paul’s Cathedral.   |   Pt. i. 46a.
        1315 | Church books and Bibles in Christ        | Dart, _Cath. of Cant._
             |   Church, Canterbury (list).             |   (1726), App. vi.,
             |                                          |    xv.-xvii.
        1315 | Guy de Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, left  | Todd, _Ill. of Lives of
             |   books to Bordesley Abbey: French       |   Gower and Chaucer_
             |   romances, etc.                         |   (1810), 161, 162;
             |                                          |   Merryweather, 193-4;
             |                                          |   Edwards, i. 375-6.
        1315 | Some 40 volumes at Durham College,       | _O. H. S._, 32,
             |   Oxford; sent from Durham. Chiefly      |   _Collect._ 36.
             |   theology; Aristotle.                   |
        1321 | Abbot Godfrey de Croyland left about     | Dugdale, i. 358-59.
             |   a dozen books to Peterborough.         |
             |   Theology, law, etc.                    |
        1322 | Abbot Walter of Taunton gave 7 volumes   | Williams, 81.
             |   to Glastonbury.                        |
        1325 | A small collection of church books at    | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 22.
             |   St. Edmund’s Hospital, Gateshead.      |
        1327 | Abingdon Abbey had 100 Psalters, 100     | _Ibid._, vii. xxxiii.
             |   Graduals, 40 Missals; 22 codices,      |
             |   probably not church books.             |
        1327 | About 230 volumes at Exeter. Civil and   | Oliver, _Lives of Bps. of
             |   canon law, theology.                   |   E._, 301-10.
        1327 | Bp. Cobham bequeathed his books and      | _Mun. Acad._, i. 227.
             |   350 marks to found common library at   |
             |   Oxford.                                |
        1331 | Prior Henry Eastry bequeathed 80 books   | James, 143.
             |   to Christ Church, Canterbury--26       |
             |   theology, 29 canon law, 14 civil law,  |
             |   11 church books.                       |
        1335 | Abbot Adam de Sodbury gave 7 vols. to    | _Joh. Glaston. Hist._, ed.
             |   Glastonbury.                           |   Hearne (1726), 265.
        1335 | 4 books given and 32 sold to Richard of  | _Gesta ... S. Alb._, ii.
             |   Bury from S. Albans Abbey.             |   200.
     1335-49 |Books given to S. Albans by Abbot         | _Ibid._, ii. 363.
             |  Michael.                                |
      1336   |Bp. Stephen Gravesend bequeathed books    | Lyte, 181.
             |  to four colleges, Merton, University,   |
             |  Balliol, Oriel.                         |
      1337   |93 books missing at Christ Church,        | James, 146.
             |  Canterbury. Many books of offices;      |
             |  includes _Brutus_ in French.            |
      1338   |Abbot Adam de Botheby left about a        | Dugdale, i. 360.
             |  dozen books on canon law, theology,     |
             |  and liturgical books to Peterborough.   |
      1343   |Hinton Priory lent about 23 books to      | Hunter, 17;
             |  another house--Gospels, homilies, lives |   _Surtees Soc._,
             |  of saints, etc.                         |   vii. xxxviii.
    1345 (6) |Over 50 volumes in Lichfield Cathedral    | _W. Salt Arch. S._
             |-all church books, except 2 martyrologies,|   vi., pt. 2,
             | 4 quires of lives of saints, and         |   Sacrist’s roll,
             | _De gestis Anglorum_. St. Chad’s Gospels.|   211.
     1349-96 |Abbot Thomas’ study or library at St.     | _Gest a ... S.
             |  Albans enlarged; many books added.      |   Alb ._, iii, 389;
             |                                          |   cf.  ii. 399.
      1350   |Trinity Hall, Cambridge, receives 84      | _C. A . S._ (1864),
             |  vols. from founder, Dr. Bateman:        |   ii.  73-78; Clark,
             |  Canon law (32), civil law (10), theology|   138 .
             |   (28), chapel books (14).               |
      1353   | Abbot de Morcote left some 11 books to   | Dugdale, i. 360.
             |  Peterborough: Canon law, a _Catholicon_.|
      1355   | Elizabeth de Clare bequeathed to Clare   | Edwards, i. 374.
             |   Hall, a few books: including Hugutio.  |
      1358   | John Trevaur, Bp. of St. Asaph. Chiefly  | B. M. Add. MS.
             |   ecclesiastical books.                  |   25459, fo. 291.
      1358   | Thomas de la Mare, wealthy canon of      | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   York, owned some six law books.        |   iv. 69.
      1360   | Bp. Grandisson of Exeter appears to have |
             |   owned a good library. He gave 4        |
             |   books to Exeter; Aquinas’ works to     |
             |   Black Friars of Exeter; 1 to Windsor   |
             |   Chapel; remainder to his Chapter, to   |
             |   the collegiate churches of Ottery,     |
             |   Crediton, and Boseham, and Exeter      |
             |   College, Oxford. His copy of Anselm’s  |
             |   _Letters_ is now in Brit. Mus.         |
      1361   | Peterborough received 7 books from       | Dugdale, i. 361.
             |   Abbot Robt. Ramsey. Canon law.         |
      1362   | A small collection, nearly all church    | _Surtees Soc._, xii.,
             |   books, at Coldingham Priory.           |   App. xl.
      1368   | Simon of Bredon bequeathed books to six  | _Hist. MSS._, 9th
             |   Oxford Colleges.                       |   Rept., pt. i., 46.
      1370   | A Chaplain (Adam de Stanton) left 4      | _Cam. Soc._, Bury
             |   books, including one of romance.       |   wills (1850), 1.
      1372   | At York the Friars Eremites of S.        | _Fasciculus J. W.
             |   Augustine owned 646 books. Bibles      |   Clark dicatus_,
             |   and glossed books of Bible, Greek      |   2-96.
             |   Psalter, patristic and later church    |
             |   writers (91), logic and philosophy     |
             |   (100), astronomy and astrology (36),   |
             |   civil law (14), canon law (35),        |
             |   grammar and  Latin poets (50),         |
             |   medicine (22), sermons (42),           |
             |   arithmetic, music, geometry,           |
             |   perspective.                           |
      1374   | Archbp. W. Whittlesey bequeathed  his    | Hook, _Archbps._, iv.
             |   library to Peterhouse.                 |   242-43.
      1375   | Nearly 100 volumes at Oriel College,     | _O. H. S._ 5,
             |   Oxford; half the collection theology   |   _Collect._, i. 66.
             |   and philosophy; translations of        |
      1376   | 116 books bequeathed to Westminster      | Robinson, 5-7.
             |   Abbey by Simon Langham, Archbp.        |
             |   of Canterbury. Valued at 1121 francs   |
             |   and 14 shillings. Chiefly theology.    |
             |   Aristotle.                             |
   1377-1400 | In the Royal Chapel of Windsor Castle    | Dugdale, vi., pt. 3,
             |   34 books were chained up, incl.        |   1362.
             |   _Catholicon_, Hugutio, Legenda Aurea,  |
             |   French romances, one “Romaunce de      |
             |   two la Rose, et alius difficilis       |
             |   materiae.” Also liturgical and         |
             |   Scriptural books.                      |
      1378   | Sir John de Foxle left a large missal    | _Archæol. Cantiana_,
             |   and a few service books.               |   iii. 267; _Archæol.
             |                                          |   Jour._, xv. (1858),
             |                                          |   267.
      1378   | Thos. de Farnylaw, Chancellor of York,   | _Surtees Soc._, iv.
             |   left Bible and concordances to St.     |   102-03.
             |   Nicholas’ Church, Newcastle; a book    |
             |   of sermons to Embleton Church; other   |
             |   books to Vicar of Waghen; others to    |
             |   Merton and Balliol.                    |
      1379   | Wm. de Feriby, canon of York, archd.     | _Ibid._, iv. 103-04.
             |   of Cleveland. “Item lego ad novam      |
             |   fabricam Ecclesiae Ebor. xx marcas et  |
             |   omnes libros, qui fuerint domini mei   |
             |   domini Willielmi de Melton.” Several   |
             |   law books specifically mentioned.      |
   _c._ 1380 | Bp. Reed left many manuscripts to        | _O. H. S._, 32,
             |   Merton College.                        |   _Collect._ 214.
      1387   | William of Wykeham furnished New         | _Ibid._, 223.
             |   College with over 240 books--135       |
             |   (138) theology, 28 philosophy, 41 canon|
             |   law, 36 civil law.                     |
   _c._ 1387 | 52 books added to New College by somebody| _Ibid._, 223.
             |   unnamed: 37 medicine.                  |
   _c._ 1387 | 63 books given to New College by Bp.     | _Ibid._, 223.
             |   Reed: 58 theology, 2 philosophy, 3     |
             |   canon law.                             |
      1387   | Sir Simon Burley owned a few romances.   | B. M. Add. MS.
             |                                          |   25459, fo. 206.
      1387   | Hy. Whitefield left books and money to   | _O. H. S._, 27,
             |   buy books for Exeter College, and      |   Boase, 7.
             |   Burley on logic and Aristotle’s _Ethica|
             |   and _Topica_ were bought and chained   |
             |   up in library.                         |
      1389   | 450 volumes at S. Martin’s Priory,       | James, xc. 407.
             |  Dover--Bibles, theology, civil and canon|
             |  law, logic, philosophy, rhetoric,       |
             |  medicine, chronicles, romances (_le     |
             |  Romonse du roy Charles_, _le Romonse de |
             |  Athys_, _le Romonse de la Rose_, etc.), |
             |  grammar, dictionaries. Plato, Aristotle,|
             |  poetry, Horace, Statius, Ovid, Virgil,  |
             |  Juvenal, Terence, Lucan.                |
   1389-1435 | John, Duke of Bedford, bought portion of | Delisle, _Le Cabinet
             |   French Royal Library.                  |   des manuscrits_.
   _c._ 1390 | 14 books given to Evesham Abbey by       | _Chron. Abb. de E._
             |   John de Brymesgrave, sacrist.          |   (Rolls Ser.),
             |                                          |   xxii n.; Dugdale,
             |                                          |   ii. 7 n.
   _c._ 1390 | 96 books given to Evesham Abbey by       | _Chron. Abb. de E._
             |   Prior Nich. Herford; not the Lollard   |   (Rolls Ser.),
             |   of this name.                          |   xxii n.
      1391   | Peterborough received 8 books, incl.     | Dugdale, i. 361.
             |   _Catholicon_, from Abbot Henry de      |
             |   Overton.                               |
      1391   | 508 volumes in common case within        | _Surtees Soc._,
             |  spendiment and in inner room of         |   vii. 10-39.
             |  spendiment at Durham Priory--Bibles,    |
             |  theology, logic, philosophy, medicine,  |
             |  grammar, law. Seneca, Cicero,           |
             |  Quintilian, Valerius Maximus, Palladius |
             |  (_de Agricultura_), A. Gellius, Juvenal,|
             |  Terence, Virgil, Ovid, Aristotle.       |
      1391   | The Rector of Adell Church, Thos. de     | _Ibid._, iv. 156.
             |   Halton, left 5 books of canon law.     |
      1391   | John Percyhay of Swynton left small      | _Ibid._, iv. 164.
             |   collection of books, incl. _Brut_ in   |
             |   French.                                |
      1392   | Robert de Roos, a soldier, left church   | _Ibid._, iv. 178.
             |   books, and several volumes in French:  |
             |   incl. _Roumans de Sydrach_ (a curious  |
             |  medley of medieval mystery and science, |
             |   in prose).                             |
      1394   | King’s Hall, Cambridge, had a library of | Willis, _Arch.
             |   87 volumes.                            |   Hist. of Camb._,
             |                                          |   ii. 442.
      1394   |John Hopton, a chaplain, left a few books,| _Surtees Soc._,
             |   four mentioned: incl. Gospels in       |   iv. 196.
             |   English. (? Wyclif’s).                 |
      1394   | John de Pykering, rector of S. Mary’s,   | _Ibid._, iv. 194.
             |   Castlegate, York, left small collection|
             |   of church books.                       |
      1395   | Thomas of England, an Augustinian,       | Gherardi, _Statuti
             |   bought MSS. in Italy.                  |   della Univ. e
             |                                          |   Studio
             |                                          |   Fiorentino_,
             |                                          |   364; Einstein,
             |                                          |   15; Sandys, ii.
             |                                          |   220.
      1395   | 411 volumes in common library, for       | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   refectory, and in case of novices at   |   vii. 46-84.
             |   Durham Priory. Theology, law, history; |
             |   Seneca, Aristotle, Galen, Hippocrates. |
      1395   | John de Scardeburgh, rector of Tichmarsh,| _Ibid._, xlv. 6.
             |   left over 26 books: incl. _Brut_ in    |
             |   French, Mannedevile “in paupiro” in    |
             |   French.                                |
   _c._ 1395 | 79 volumes at Hulne. Theology, history,  | _Ibid._, vii.
             |   grammar, logic, law, church books.     |   131-35.
      1396   | Walter de Bragge, canon of York, left    | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   small collection of theology and       |   iv. 207.
             |   service books: incl. _Piers Plowman_   |
             |   and _Catholicon_.                      |
      1396   | Abbot Nich. Elmstow left liturgical and  | Dugdale, i. 361.
             |   law books to Peterborough.             |
      1397   | Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of             | B. M. Add. 25459,
             |   Gloucester, left a collection of       |   fo. 212-16.
             |   books, theological and French.         |
      1399   | Eleanor of Gloucester, left about 15     | Nicolas,
             |   mostly in French; richly bound.        |   _Testamenta
             |                                          |   vetusta_, i.
             |                                          |   146; Edwards, i.
             |                                          |    385.
14 and 15 c. | 158 titles given to Pembroke College,    | _C. A. S._, ii.
             |   Cambridge, by various donors.          |   (8vo ser.)
             |   Aristotle, Seneca, Aulus Gellius,      |   13-21;
             |   Ovid.                                  |   James^{10},
             |                                          |   xiii.-xvii.
    15 c.    | Robert de Wycliff, rector of Hutton      | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   Rudby in Cleveland, left 5 books:      |   ii. 66; iv. 405.
             |   incl. _Catholicon_.                    |
    1400     | 326 volumes at Titchfield Abbey. 102     | Madan, 78-79.
             |   liturgical volumes. Theology, canon    |
             |   and civil law, English law, medicine,  |
             |   grammar, logic and philosophy. 18      |
             |   French books.                          |
  _c._ 1400  | Meaux Abbey had nearly 350 books, not    | _Chron. mon. de
             |   counting church books: incl.           |   Melsa_ (Rolls
             |   _Historia Anglorum_, Martial, Seneca,  |   Ser.) iii.
             |   Ovid, Plato, Suetonius, Cicero.        |   lxxxiii.
    1400     | Thos. de Dalby, archdeacon of Richmond,  | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   left a few church books; Decretals,    |   xlv. 13.
             |   _Catholicon_.                          |
    1403     | John de Scarle, Lord Chancellor, left a  | _Ibid._, xlv. 22.
             |   few books: Bible, missal, psalter,     |
             |   breviary, _Speculum Sacerdotum_.       |
    1404     | Bp. Skirlaw of Durham gave 6 books to    | _Ibid._, vii. 127;
             |   University College, Oxford, where he   |   iv. 319.
             |   had endowed Fellowships. Left 13       |
             |   church books when he died.             |
    1409     | Wessington sent 20 books--Bible,         | _Ibid._, vii.
             |   commentaries, etc.--to Durham          |   39-41; cp.
             |   College, Oxford; 19 books bought in    |   _O. H. S._, 32,
             |   their stead.                           |   _Collect._
             |                                          |   39-40.
  _c._ 1410  | Robert Rygge, Chancellor of the          | _O. H. S._, 27,
             |   University of Oxford, left books to    |   Boase, 11.
             |   Exeter College, Oxford.                |
        1411 | 34 books added to Christ Church,         | _Lit. Cant._ (Rolls
             |   Canterbury, during time of Prior       |   Ser.), iii. 121; James,
             |   Chillenden: all canon and civil law.   |   150-51.
        1412 | Roger de Kyrkby, vicar of Gainford, left | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 54.
             |   a few books: _Legenda Aurea_, _Gemma   |
             |   Ecclesiae_, and others not named.      |
        1413 | N. de Lyra chained in chancel of St.     | _Mun. Acad._, 270.
             |   Mary’s Church, Oxford.                 |
        1414 | Archbp. Arundel left many books:         | Hook, _Lives of Abps._,
             |   “ornamenta oratorii” and books valued  |   iv. 527.
             |   at over £352.                          |
        1416 | Catalogue of Durham library bears this   | _Surtees Soc._, vii.
             |   date, but it is either the foundation  |   85-116.
             |   of the catalogue of 1391 or a copy of  |
             |   it. This inventory has been used to    |
             |   take stock.                            |
        1416 | William de Waltham, canon of York, left  | _Surtees Soc._, xlv.
             |   a collection of books, only a few of   |   57-59.
             |   which are mentioned. Chiefly           |
             |   law-books.                             |
        1416 | St. Mary Redclyffe Church, Bristol, had  | Cox and Harvey, _Eng.
             |   2 books of canon law.                  |   Ch. Furniture_, 331.
        1418 | Stephen Scrope, Archdeacon of Richmond,  | _Surtees Soc._, iv. 385.
             |   Chancellor of Cambridge University,    |
             |   left a few books of canon law; also    |
             |   _Catholicon_.                          |
        1418 | John de Newton left books to Church of   | Hunter, _Notes of Wills
             |   York, and to Peterhouse, Cambridge.    |   in Registers of York_,
             |   Bibles, commentaries, theology: incl.  |   15; Edwards, i. 386.
             |   Richd. Hampole, Petrarch’s _de         |
             |   Remediis utriusque fortunae_, Seneca,  |
             |   Valerius Maximus.                      |
        1418 | 380 volumes now at Peterhouse. Theology  | James^{3}, 3-26; Mullinger,
             |   (124), natural and moral philosophy    |   324; Clark, 139-41;
             |   and metaphysics (53), canon and civil  |   cf. _Camb. Lit._, ii.
             |   law (66), grammar and poetry (23),     |   362-67.
             |   logic (20), medicine (18), astronomy   |
             |   (13), alchemy, arithmetic, music,      |
             |   geometry, rhetoric. Aristotle, Plato,  |
             |   Cicero, Ovid, Lucan, Statius, Sallust, |
             |   Quintilian, Seneca, Virgil, Petrarch’s |
             |   _Epistles_.                            |
        1419 | Wm. Cawod, canon of York, left 13        | _Surtees Soc._, iv.
             |   books, uninteresting in character.     |   395-96.
   1420-40   | 49 volumes added to S. Albans in Abbot   | _Ann. mon. S. Alb.
             |   Whethamstede’s time: incl. some books  |   a J. Amund._, ii.
             |   for the choir, and other books of the  |   268-71.
             |   Abbot’s own compilation.               |
   1420-60   | The library of Winchester College was a  | _Archæol. Jour._, xv.
             |   large collection of liturgical books;  |   (1858), 62-74.
             |   philosophy, chronicles, canon and      |
             |   civil law, grammar.                    |
     1421    | Thos. Greenwood, canon of York, left     | _Surtees Soc._, xlv.
             |   books valued at £31, 4s. Canon and     |   64.
             |   civil law.                             |
     1422    | Roger Whelpdale, Bp. of Carlisle, left   | _Ibid._, xlv. 67.
             |   a small number of books to Balliol     |
             |   College, Oxford.                       |
     1422    | 9 books sent from Durham to cell of      | _Ibid._, vii. 116.
             |   Stamford, which was in control of      |
             |   Durham.                                |
     1423    | Henry Bowet, Archbp. of York, left 33    | _Ibid._, xlv. 76;
             |   books, worth £33. Bible, theology,     |   _Historians of York_
             |   law.                                   |   (Rolls Ser.), iii.
             |                                          |   314.
   _c._ 1424 | 10 volumes given to Wells Cathedral by   | _Hist. MSS._, 3rd
             |   Bp. Stafford. Canon law, etc.          |   Rep., App. 363;
             |                                          |   _Archæologia_, lvii.
             |                                          |   208.
   1424-40   | 122 volumes in Cambridge University      | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii.
             |   Library. Theology (69), natural and    |   242-57; Bradshaw,
             |   moral philosophy (17), canon law       |   19-34.
             |   (23), medicine, logic, poetry,         |
             |   grammar, history.                      |
     1425    | Sheriff Wm. Chichele bequeathed £10 for  | _L. A. R._, x. 382.
             |   books to Guildhall Library.            |
     1430    | Robert Ragenhill, advocate of court of   | _Surtees Soc._, xlv.
             |   York, left 5 law books and N. de Lyra  |   89.
             |   to Church of York.                     |
     1432    | George Darell de Seszay left 5 books:    | _Ibid._, xxx. 27, 28.
             |   incl. Mandeville.                      |
     1432    | John Raventhorpe, a chaplain, left       | _Ibid._, xxx. 28-29.
             |   service books and grammatical books;   |
             |   also  _Liber Angliae de Fabulis et     |
             |   Narracionibus_.                        |
     1432    | Robert Wolveden, treasurer of Church of  | _Ibid._, xlv. 91.
             |   York, left theological books to        |
             |   Church of York. Cato glossed and       |
             |   _Golden Legend_ also left.             |
       1432  | Dr. Thos. Gascoigne gave  6  books  to   | Clark, _Lincoln College_.
             |   Lincoln College, valued £17, 10_s._    |
       1432  | Robert Semer, sub-treasurer of Church of | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   York, left 5 books, unimportant.       |   xlv. 91 n.
       1434  | J. de Manthorp, vicar of Hayton, left a  | _Ibid._, xxx. 36.
             |   few church books.                      |
       1435  | Æneas Sylvius saw Latin translation of   | Creighton,
             |   Thucydides in S. Paul’s Cathedral.     |   _Papacy_, iii.
             |                                          |   53 n.
       1435  | T. Hebbeden, dean of Collegiate Church   | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   of  Auckland, left  a  few  books;  6  |   ii. 82.
             |   mentioned, incl. Guido delle Colonne,  |
             |   _Lancelot_ in French.                  |
     1435-36 | Robert Fitzhugh, Bp. of London, left 13  | Simpson, W.S.,
             | books, incl. Textus moralis philosophiae.|   _Registrum ...
             |                                          |   Eccl. Cath. S.
             |                                          |   Pauli_ (1873),
             |                                          |   399.
       1436  | Thomas Langley, Bp. of Durham, left over | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   40 books. Theology, civil and canon    |   vii. 119.
             |   law, N. de Lyra.                       |
       1438  | Thomas Cooper of Brasenose Hall left 6   | _Mun. Acad._, 515.
             |   books:   incl.   Boëthius, book on     |
             |   geometry, Ovid’s _Remedia Amoris_.     |
       1439  | Thomas Markaunt,  presented to Corpus    | C. C. C. MS., 232;
             |   Christi College, Cambridge, 76 books,  |   _C. A. S. Misc.
             |   worth about £104.                      |   comm._, 4to
             |                                          |   ser., No. 14,
             |                                          |   pt. 1, 16-20.
       1439  | Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, gave 129    | _Mun. Acad._,
             |   books to Oxford University Library.    |   758-65.
             |   See p. 140.                            |
       1440  | 23 books given to All Souls’ College by  | B. M. Add. MS.,
             |   Henry VI. Civil and canon law,         |   4608; Vickers,
             |   theology, philosophy.                  |   _H. Duke of
             |                                          |   Gloucester_,
             |                                          |   404.
       1440  | Robert Alne, an officer in the           | _Surtees Soc._,
             | ecclesiastical court of York, left about |   xxx. 78-79.
             | a dozen books. Canon law, etc.; Petrarch,|
             |   _de Remediis utriusque fortunae_.      |
       1441  | Andrew Holes, political agent of Henry   | Sandys, ii. 222.
             |   VI, bought many manuscripts in Italy.  |
       1443  | Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester, gave 135    | _Mun. Acad._,
             |   volumes to Oxford University Library.  |   765-72
             |   See p. 142.                            |
        1443 | John Carpenter bequeathed books to       | _L. A. R._, x.
             |   Guildhall Library, London.             |   382.
        1443 | John Brette,  student at Oxford, owned   | _Mun. Acad._, 531.
             |   1 book, _de Formd dictandi_, and a     |
             |   pamphlet, worth together 1_s._ 11_d._  |
        1445 | Jas. Hedyan, Bachelor of canon and civil | _Ibid._, 544.
             |   law, principal of Eagle Hall, Oxford,  |
             |   owned 8 books of law.                  |
        1447 | Reginald Mertherderwa, a rector, owned 6 | _Ibid._, 559-61.
             |   books: grammar, book of civil law, etc.|
        1448 | Ralph Dreff, of Broadgates Hall, Oxford, | _Ibid._, 582.
             |   owned 23 books. Bible, law.            |
        1448 | At the Hospital of S. Mary within        | B. M. Cott. Roll.,
             |   Cripplegate, called Elsingspital,      |   xiii. 10;
             |   London, there were 63 volumes. Bible,  |   Malcolm,
             |   theology, canon law; Hippocrates,      |   _Londinium
             |   Galen.                                 |   Redivivum_
             |                                          |   (1807), i. 27;
             |                                          |   _Vict. Hist. of
             |                                          |   London_, i. 536.
        1449 | Thomas Morton, canon of York, left a     | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   small number of church books.          |   xlv. 110.
        1450 | 107 volumes at Lincoln Cathedral at this | Clark, III.
             |   time.                                  |
        1450 | Robert Hoskyn, rector, left a small      | _Mun. Acad._,
             |   collection. Church books, canon law.   |   605-06.
        1451 | Henry Caldey, vicar of Cookfield, left 25| _Ibid._, 609.
             |   books. Theology, law. Seneca, _ad      |
             |   Lucilium_, Martial, Plato. Value       |
             |   £5, 0_s._ 6_d._                        |
        1451 | John Moreton, chaplain, left 6 physical  | _Ibid._, 613.
             |   books.                                 |
        1452 | Richard Browne or Cordone, Archdeacon of | _Ibid._, 639-53.
             |    Rochester, left more than 30 books.   |
             |   Theology and law.                      |
        1452 | Wm. Duffield, canon of York, left 40     | _Surtees Soc._,
             |   volumes, worth £46, 16_s._ Theology,   |   xlv. 132-33.
             |   law; _Catholicon_.                     |
     1453    |King’s College, Cambridge, had a          | James^{2}, 72-83.
             |  library of 174 volumes: philosophy,     |
             |  theology, medicine, astrology,          |
             |  mathematics, canon law, grammar,        |
             |  classical and general literature,       |
             |  inclu. Aristotle, Plato, Cicero,        |
             |  Seneca, Sallust, Cæsar, Ovid, Virgil,   |
             |  etc.                                    |
     1454    |Richard Plane, rector, left a few church  | _Surtees Soc._,
             |  books.                                  |   xxx. 180.
     1454    |Cardinal John Kempe left books worth      | Hook, _Lives of Abps._, v. 267.
             |  £263, 8_s._ 10_d._ Theology, canon and  |
             |  civil law, etc.                         |
     1454    |Wm. Brownyng, canon of Exeter, left       | _O. H. S._, 27,
             |  books to be chained in library of       |   Boase, xxxvii. n.
             |  Exeter College.                         |
     1455    |John Lassehowe, a scholar, left six       | _Mun. Acad._, 663.
             |   books: grammar, sermons, breviary.     |
     1455    |Thomas Spray, chaplain, left 2 books:     | _Ibid._, 660.
             |  _Liber Sermonum Magdalenae_, _Manipulus |
             |  curatorum_.                             |
     1457    |Thomas Aleby, rector of Kirkby in         | _Surtees Soc._,
             |  Cleveland, left 6 church books.         |   xxx. 210.
     1457    |John Edlyngton, rector of Kirkby          | _Ibid._, xxvi. 2, 3.
             |  Ravensworth, left small collection.     |
             |  Bible, liturgical books, _Legenda       |
             |  Aurea_, _Polichronicon_, etc.           |
     1457    |John Seggefyld, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln   | _Mun. Acad._, 666.
             |  College, left two books, Boëthius _de   |
             |  Consol. philos._ in English, one of     |
             |  Richard Rolle’s works.                  |
     1457    |Doctor Thos. Gascoigne, Chancellor of     | _Mun. Acad._, 671;
             |  Oxford, left books and “quires”         |   Bateson, xxv.
             |  written on paper to Syon Monastery,     |
             |  Isleworth.                              |
     1457    |John Baringham, treasurer of York, left a | _Surtees Soc._,
             |  small number of liturgical books.       |   xxx. 203.
   _c._ 1458 |John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, bought   | _O. H. S._, 36,
             |  many manuscripts in Italy.              |   Anstey, ii. 354,
             |                                          |   390.
     1458   1| 71 books at S. Paul’s Cathedral.         | Dugdale, _Hist. of S.
             |  Grammar (6), philosophy (5), classics   |   Paul’s_ (1818), 392-98.
             |  (7), medicine (6), history (8), canon   |
             |  law (21), remainder Bible commentaries, |
             |  theology. Cicero, Virgil, Seneca,       |
             |  Suetonius, Hippocrates, Galen.          |
     1458    |Nicholas Holme, canon of the collegiate   | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 219.
             |Church of Ripon, left 15 books.           |
             | Liturgical, Richard Rolle of Hampole, 1  |
             |  book of medicine.                       |
     1458    |Wm. Port gave books to New College,       | _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._
             |  Oxford.                                 |   232-33.
     1463    | John Baret, lay officer in Bury Abbey, left| _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills,
             |  3 books, _Disce mori_, “book of ynglych |   35, 41, 246.
             |  and latyn with diuerse maters of good   |
             |  exortacons, wretyn in papir,” Lydgate’s |
             |  _Story of Thebes_.                      |
     1464    | Wm. Downham, chaplain of York, left a    | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 268.
             |  few books.                              |
     1464    | St. Mary’s Church, Warwick, had 5        | _Notices of Churches of Warwickshire_, i. 15-16.
             |   books. Bible versified, _Pharetra de   |
             |   Auctoritatibus_, etc.                  |
      1464   | Books bequeathed by John Rowe to Exeter  | _O. H. S._ 27, Boase.
             |   College, Oxford; also Ralph Morewell.  |
    1464-67  | William Selling, Benedictine monk,       | James, li.; Sandys, ii.
             | collected Greek and Latin books in Italy.|   225.
      1466   | John Fernell, chaplain, left a few       | _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 275.
             |  grammatical and other books.            |
      1466   | At Ewelme Almshouse, Oxford, were        | _Hist. M.S.S._, 8th Rept.,
             |delivered  some liturgical books, 4 French|   pt. i. 629 a.
             |   books, a “boke of English, in paper, of|
             |   ye pilgrymage, translated by dom John  |
             |   Lydgate out of frensh,” and other      |
             |   books.                                 |
      1468   | Elizabeth Sywardby left 8 books, several | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 163.
             |   in English.                            |
      1469   | Sir Richard Willoughby of Woollaton,     | _Ibid._, xlv. 171.
             |   left to parish church of Woollaton     |
             |   liturgical books and _Crede mihi_.     |
      1469   | Sir Edward Bethum gave books for chaining| _Ibid._, vii. 126.
             |   in church of Lytham Cell, Lancs.       |
    1471-72  | Wm. Hawk, rector of Berwick in Elmet,    | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220 n.
             |   left 1 psalter.                        |
    1472-73  | Queens’ College, Cambridge, had 224      | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii.
             |   volumes in the library. Theology, law. |   (1864) 165-81.
             |   Aristotle. _Catholicon._               |
      1472   | John Hamundson, master of grammar        | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 198-99.
             |   school attached to York Minster, left  |
             |   book of Chronicles in English, Papias, |
             |   a book called _Horsehede_.             |
      1473   | Cambridge University Library comprised   | _C. A. S. Comm._, ii.
             |   330 volumes. Lucan, Ovid, Aristotle,   |   (1864) 258-76.
             |   Seneca, Cicero. Petrarch, _de Remediis_|
      1473   | 68 books, mostly Scriptural commentaries,| Carr, _Univ. Coll._
             |   given to University College, Oxford, by|   (1902), 68.
             |   an old Fellow, Wm. Aspylon.            |
    1470-75  | Thomas Rotherham gave many books to      | Willis, _Camb._, iii. 25.
             |   the University Library, Cambridge.     |
    1474-75  | Robert Est, possibly chantry-priest in   | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 159.
             |   York Minster, left to parish church of |
             |   Brigsley, Lincs., a small collection:  |
             |   incl. _Legenda Sanctorum_, _liber de   |
             |  Gestis Romanorum cum aliis fabulis Isopi|
             |  et multis narrationibus_.               |
    1475-76  | Thos. Worthington, vicar of Sherburn in  | _Ibid._, xlv. 220 n.
             | Elmet, left 3 volumes to Balliol College,|
             |   Oxford; unimportant.                   |
    1475-76  | Robt. Echard, rector of East Bridgeford, | _Ibid._, xlv. 219.
             |   left 10 books, several liturgical, the |
             |  rest unimportant.                       |
       1475  | 104 volumes in library at S. Catharine’s | _C. A. S._, i. (1840) 1-11.
             |  College, Cambridge. Plato, Aristotle    |
             |(_Ethica_ and _Politica_), Cicero, Petrarch,|
             |_de Remediis_ (2 copies), Boccaccio, _de  |
             |Casis virorum illustrium_, in English.    |
      1476   | John Hurte, vicar of S. Mary’s,          | _Surtees Soc._, xiv.
             |Nottingham, left 21 books. Liturgical books,|   220-22.
             |   theology, astronomy, Guido delle       |
             |   Colonne’s Troy book.                   |
      1478   | Bp. William Grey gave 200 books to       | Coxe, _Cat. Cod. Oxon.-Balliol_;
             |Balliol College, Oxford. Nearly all       |   Mullinger,
             |were collected in Italy. Plato (_Timaeus_ |   _Hist. of Univ. of Camb._, 397.
             |and _Euthyphro_, new translations), the   |
             |Golden Verses of Pythagoras, Cicero,      |
             |incl. some hitherto unknown speeches,     |
             |Quintilian, Seneca. Petrarch’s _Letters_, |
             | orations of Poggio Bracciolini, Leonardo |
             | Bruni, and Guarino da Verona.            |
      1479   | Thomas Pynchebek of York left 4 books:   | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 199n.
             |   incl. Richard Rolle of Hampole.        |
    1479-80  | Robt. Lythe, chaplain, left 6 books, and | _Ibid._, xlv. 199 and n.
             |   John Burn, another chaplain,           |
             |   5--unimportant.                        |
    _c._ 1480| Bishop John Shirwood of Durham owned     | _E. H. R._, xxv. 455.
             |   a good library, including a fair       |
             |  collection of the classics, and Theodore|
             |   Gaza’s Greek grammar.                  |
      1481   | William of Waynflete gave 800 books to   | Warren, _Magd. Coll._,
             |   Magdalen College, Oxford.              |   18.
      1481   | Sir Thos. Lyttleton left a _Catholicon_, | _Library_, i. 411.
             |   _Constitutiones Provinciales_, and     |
             | _Gesta   Romanorum_ to Halesowen Church, |
             |   Worcester.                             |
      1482   | Dr. John Warkworth gave 55 books to      | James^{3}, 23-26.
             |   Peterhouse. Terence, Statius: Liber    |
             |   Cronic’ in Anglicis, Liber in Gallicis;|
             |   much theology.                         |
      1482   | At Leicester Abbey there were over 350   | Nichols, _Hist. of Leicester_
             | books in the library. Bibles and         |   (1815), i. pt. 2,
             |commentaries, medieval schoolmen, grammar,|   App. 102-08.
             |sermons, Lucan, Ovid, Horace,             |
             |Virgil, Cicero, Plato, French books,      |
             |Mandevile, Gower; logic, astronomy,       |
             |physics.                                  |
      1483   | Robert Flemming left books, which he     | Einstein, 23.
             |   had collected in Italy, to Lincoln     |
             |   College, Oxford.                       |
      1486   | Church of S. Christopher le Stocks,      | _Archæologia_, xlv. (1880)
             |   London, had a collection of church     |   118.
             |   books only.                            |
      1486   | At this time only 52 volumes were in St. | Dugdale, _Hist. of S.
             |   Paul’s Cathedral; chiefly liturgical.  |   Paul’s_, 399.
      1486   |John Lese of Pontefract left 5 theological| _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220-21 n.
             |   books.                                 |
      1488   | 31 books presented to Oxford University  |
             |   Library by an old scholar.             |
      1489   |128 volumes presented to Oxford University| _Mun. Acad._, 357.
             |   Library by Dr. Litchfield, archdeacon  |
             |  of Middlesex.                           |
    1489-94  | John Auckland, Prior, presented to       | Rudd, _Codd. MSS.
             |   Durham Priory, some 33 books; ordinary |   Eccles. Cath. Dun.
             |   medieval character.                    |   Catal._, 1825, _passim_.
      1491   | Richard Lovet, vicar of Ruddington, left | _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 221 n.
             |   a few theological books.               |
      1491   | Thomas Symson of York left 7 theological | _Ibid._, xlv. 160 n.
             |   books.                                 |
      1491   | Over 40 books given to All Souls College,| Robertson, _All Souls_
             |   Oxford, by John Stokys, Warden.        |   (Coll. Hist.), 33.
      1493   | Roger Drury left “ij Ingyshe bocks, called| _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills,
             |   Bochas, of Lydgat’s makyng.”           |   246.
   _c._ 1497 | St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury,       | James, lvii. 173.
             | contained  1837 books. Scriptures, theology,|
             |   natural history, history, philosophy,     |
             |   music, geometry, astronomy, medicine,     |
             |   logic, grammar, poetry, alchemy, canon    |
             |   law. Plato (_Timaeus_), Aristotle (a great|
             |   deal: _Metaphysica_, _Physica_, _Rhetorica_, |
             |   _Ethica_, _Politica_, new trans. of _Historia|
             |   naturalium_), Terence, Cicero, Horace,    |
             |   Virgil (_Aeneid_, _Georgics_, _Bucolics_),|
             |   Ovid, Lucan, Seneca (incl. _Tragedies_),  |
             |   Juvenal, Quintilian, Statius; French      |
             |   books--_Charlemagne_, _Historia Britonum_,|
             |   _Guy of Warwick_, _Lancelot_, _Perceval   |
             |   of Galles_, _Holy Graal_, _Guillaume      |
             |   le Maréchal_, etc.                        |
      1498   | Collegiate Church of Auckland possessed     | _Surtees Soc._, ii. 101-03.
             |   some 40 volumes. Bible, theological       |
             |   and liturgical books, canon law;          |
             |   Cicero’s _Letters_.                       |
      1498   | John Gunthorpe, Dean of Wells, bequeathed   | James^{16}, 13.
             |   to Jesus College, Cambridge,              |
             |   some manuscripts collected in Italy.      |
      1499   | William Holcombe left books to Exeter       | Oliver, _Mon. D. Exon._,
             |   College and to friends: including         |   278.
             |   Hugutio, _Gesta Alexandri_.               |
      1500   | Archbp. Rotherham left to Jesus College,    | James^{13}, 5-8.
             |   Rotherham, some hundred volumes.          |
             |   Chiefly theology. Terence, Cicero’s       |
             |   _Orations_, _ad Familiares_, Horace,      |
             |  Sallust’s _Catilina_ and _Jugurtha_, Ovid’s|
             |  _Metamorphoses_, _Ars amandi_, _Remedia    |
             |Amoris_, etc., Petrarch (_de Vita solitaria_,|
             |_de Remediis utriusque fortunae_).           |
      1506   | 363 volumes in Exeter Cathedral.            | Oliver, 366-75.
      1508   | 306 books repaired at Christ Church,        | James, 152.
             |   Canterbury. Theological, homiletic        |
             |   and law books. Livy, _Liber grecorum_.    |
      1508   | Abp. Warham gave books to New College.      | _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._
             |                                             |   232-33.
      1509   | Christ’s College, Cambridge, received 57    | _C. A. S._, iii. (N.S.,
             |   liturgical books bequeathed by the        |   8vo), 361.
             |   Lady Margaret.                            |
    1519-20  | William Grocyn’s Library comprised 105      | Leland, ii. 317; _O. H. S._
             |   printed books and 17 manuscripts.         |   16, _Collect._ 319-23.
             |   Much theology; leading Latin classics.    |
             |   Greek and Latin New Testament.            |
             |   Petrarch, Boccaccio, Ficino, Filelfo,     |
             |   Lorenzo della Valle, Aeneas Sylvius,      |
             |   Perotti. _Adagia_ of Erasmus.             |
      1519   | Robert Same, chaplain, bequeathed 1         | _Cam. Soc._, Bury Wills,
             |   book to Wetheringsett Church.             |   253.
      1524   | 292 books at Canterbury College, Oxford,    | James, 165.
             |   theology, law, philosophy. Aristotle      |
             |   (incl. _Ethica_ newly translated); Cicero,|
             |   Horace, Virgil, Lucan; Boccaccio,         |
             |   Lorenzo della Valle.                      |
    1504-26  | At least 1421 volumes in Syon Monastery,    | Bateson, _passim_.
             |   Isleworth. Of the rough classification    |
             |   Miss Bateson wrote: “Generally speaking   |
             |   A includes grammar and classics (77       |
             |   volumes); B, medicine, astrology, a few   |
             |   classics (55); C, philosophy (46); D,     |
             |   commentaries on the Sentences (128);      |
             |   E, Bibles and concordances (75); F-I,     |
             |   commentaries on the Old and New           |
             |   Testament (232); K, History (65); L,      |
             |   dictionaries (58); M, Lives of the Saints |
             |   (121); N, Fathers (88); O, devotional     |
             |   tracts (98); P to S, chiefly sermons,     |
             |   over 70 books in each class; T, canon     |
             |   law (104); V, civil law (21),”--p. vii.   |
             |   Of Latin Renascence literature there      |
             |   are works by Coluccio Salutati, Leonardo  |
             |   Bruni, Poggio, Bessarion, Platina,        |
             |   Poliziano, Pico della Mirandola; and      |
             |   translations from the Greek by Hermolaus  |
             |   Barbarus, Gaza, Erasmus, and              |
             |   others. Also Petrarch (_Psalmi poenitentiales_), |
             |   Boccaccio (_de geneal. deor.              |
             |   gent._), Savonarola (_de virtute fidei_), |
             |   Reuchlin. This catalogue is of the        |
             |   men’s library only: there was another     |
             |   library for women. Many of the books      |
             |   were printed; nearly 400 editions have    |
             |   been identified.                          |



  ADAMNAN              Adamnan. Vita S. Columbae. Ed., Reeves. 1874.

  ALLEN                Allen, J. R. Celtic Art. 1904. Antiquary’s books.

  ARCHÆOLOGIA          Archæologia, various volumes; especially vol. xliii.
                         and vol. lvii. (Church, Rev. C. M., Library of Wells

  ARCHDALL             Archdall, M. Monasticon Hibernicum. 2 vols. 1786.

  *BATESON             Bateson, Mary, ed. Catalogue of the Library of Syon
                         Monastery, Isleworth. 1898.

  *BECKER              Becker, G. Catalogi Bibliothecarum antiqui. Bonn,

  *BIBLIO. SOC.        Bibliographical Society’s Transactions and Monographs.
                         Especially Monogr. 10 and 13, Strickland
                         Gibson, early Oxford bindings; and G. J. Gray,
                         earlier Cambridge stationers.

  BOTFIELD             Botfield, B. Notes on the Cathedral Libraries of
                         England. 1849.

  BRADLEY              Bradley, J. W. Dictionary of Miniaturists, Calligraphers,
                         and Copyists. 3 vols. 1887-9.

  BRADSHAW             Bradshaw, H. Collected papers. 1889.

  BRADSHAW SOC.        Henry Bradshaw Society. Customary of the Benedictine
                         Monasteries, Canterbury. 2 vols. 1902.

  B. M. COTT. CLAUD., E. iv.

  B. M. COTT. DOMIT., A. viii.

  B. M. COTT. GALBA, C. iv.

  B. M. COTT. NERO, D. vii.

  B. M. REG. 2, E. ix.

  B. M. REG. 13, D. iv.

  BRYCE                Bryce, W. M. Scottish Grey Friars. 2 vols. 1909.

  BURY                 Bury, J. B. Life of Saint Patrick. 1905.

  CAMBRIDGE STAT.      Documents relating to the University and Colleges.
                         3 vols. 1852.

  C. A. S.             Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Publications and
                         communications. Various volumes.

  CAM. SOC.            Camden Society Publications. Various volumes.

  CAMB. LIT.           Cambridge History of English Literature, vols. i.-iv.
                         1907-9. Especially vol. i. ch. ii., Runes and MSS.,
                         and ch. x., English Scholars of Paris and Franciscans
                         of Oxford; vol. ii. ch. xv., English and Scottish
                         Education; vol. iii. ch. i., Englishmen and the
                         Classical Renascence; vol. iv. ch. xix., Foundation
                         of Libraries. [And bibliographies to these chapters.]

  *CLARK               Clark, J. W. Care of Books: Essay on the Development
                         of Libraries and their Fittings. 1909. 2nd ed.

  COOPER               Cooper, C. H. Annals of Cambridge. 5 vols. 1842-{53}, 1908.

  DAVENPORT            Davenport, C. The Book: Its History and Development. 1907.

  DELISLE              Delisle, L. Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque
                         Impériale. 1868-74.

  D. C. B.             Dictionary of Christian Biography.

  D. N. B.             Dictionary of National Biography.

  *DUGDALE             Dugdale, Sir W. Monasticon Anglicanum. Ed.,
                         Caley, Ellis, and Bandinel. 9 vols. 1817-30.

  EDWARDS              Edwards, E. Memoirs of Libraries. 2 vols. 1859.

  EDWARDS^{2}            Edwards, E. Free Town Libraries. 1869.

  EDWARDS^{3}            Edwards, E. Libraries and Founders of Libraries.

  EINSTEIN             Einstein, L. Italian Renaissance in England. New
                         York, 1892.

  E. H. R.             English Historical Review.

  FLOYER               Floyer, Rev. J. K. Catalogue of MSS. preserved in
                         the Chapter House of Worcester Cathedral. 1906.

  FLOYER              Floyer, Rev. J. K. Thousand Years of a Cathedral
                         Library. _Reliquary_, Jan. 1901.

  GASQUET              Gasquet, F. A. English Monastic Life. 1905.
                         Antiquary’s Books.

  GASQUET^{2}            Gasquet, F. A. Eve of the Reformation. 1909.

  GASQUET^{3}            Gasquet, F. A. Last Abbot of Glastonbury, etc. 1908.

  GASQUET^{4}            Gasquet, F. A. Old English Bible and other Essays.

  *GOTTLIEB            Gottlieb, T. Ueber Mittelalterliche Bibliotheken.
                         Leipzig, 1890.

  GRACE B.             Grace Books Δ and I. Proctor’s Accounts and Other
                         Records of the University of Cambridge. Ed.,
                         Leathes and Bateson. 1897.

  HADDAN               Haddan, A. W. Remains. 1876.

  HARDY                Hardy, Sir T. D. Descriptive Catalogue of MSS.
                         relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland.
                         4 vols. Rolls Series.

  HEALY                Healy, J. Ireland’s Ancient Schools and Scholars.
                         4th ed. 1902.

  HIST. MSS.           Historical MSS. Commission Reports.

  HUNTER               Hunter, J. English Monastic Libraries. 1831.

  HYDE                 Hyde, D. Literary History of Ireland. 1899. Library
                         of Literary History.

  *JAMES               James, M. R. Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and
                         Dover. 1903.

  *JAMES^{1}             James, M. R. Abbey of St. Edmund at Bury. 1895.

  JAMES^{2}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of King’s College. 1895.

  *JAMES^{3}             James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Peterhouse. 1899.

  JAMES^{4}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
                         MSS. in the Library of Emmanuel College.

  JAMES^{5}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
                         MSS. in the Library of Christ’s College. 1905.

  JAMES^{6}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Trinity Hall. 1907.

  JAMES^{7}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
                         MSS. in the Library of Clare College. 1905.

  JAMES^{8}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Gonville and Caius College. 2 vols.

  JAMES^{9}              James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Jesus College. 1895.

  JAMES^{10}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Pembroke College, Cambridge. 1905.

  JAMES^{11}           James, M. R. The Western MSS. in the Library of
                         Trinity College: Descriptive Catalogue. 4 vols.

  JAMES^{12}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Western
                         MSS. in the Library of Queens’ College, Cambridge.

  JAMES^{13}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Sidney Sussex College. 1895.

  JAMES^{14}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Library of Eton College. 1895.

  JAMES^{15}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         the Fitzwilliam Museum. 1895.

  JAMES^{16}           James, M. R. Archbishop Parker’s MSS. 1899.

  JAMES^{17}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in
                         Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Part I. 1909.

  JAMES^{18}           James, M. R. Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts
                         in the College Library of Magdalene College,
                         Cambridge. 1909.

  JOYCE                Joyce, P. W. Social History of Ancient Ireland.
                         2 vols.

  LECOY DE LA MARCHE   Lecoy de la Marche, A. Les Manuscrits et la Miniature.
                         [1884.] Bibliothèque de l’Enseignement des

  LELAND               Leland, J. Collectanea. 6 vols. 1715.

  LELAND^{2}             Leland, J. Itinerary. Ed., Smith. 1907-8.

  LELAND^{3}              Leland, J. De Scriptoribus Britannicis. 1709.

  LIBRARY               The Library, vols. i.-x. New series, vols. i.-x.

  L. A. R.              Library Association Record, vol. i. to date.

  LYTE                  Lyte, H. C. Maxwell. History of the University of
                          Oxford to 1530. 1886.

  MACLEAN               Maclean, M. Literature of the Celts. 1902.

  MACRAY                Macray, W. D. Annals of the Bodleian Library. 1890.

  MADAN                 Madan, F. Books in Manuscript. 1893. Books
                          about Books.

  *MAITLAND             Maitland, S. R. The Dark Ages. 1844.

  MERRYWEATHER          Merryweather, F. S. Bibliomania in the Middle Ages.

  *MON. FR.             Monumenta Franciscana. Ed., Brewer. 1858. Rolls

  *MUN. ACAD.           Munimenta academica. Ed., Anstey. 2 vols. 1858.
                          Rolls series.

  MULLINGER             Mullinger, J. B. University of Cambridge to 1535.

  OXFORD STAT.          Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford. 3 vols. 1853.

  O. H. S., 27, BOASE   Oxford Historical Society, vol. xxvii. Boase, C. W.
                          Registrum Collegii Exoniensis.

  O. H. S., 35, 36,     O. H. S. Anstey, H. Epistolae academicae. 2 vols. ANSTEY 1898.

  O. H. S., 5, 16       O. H. S. Collectanea. Series 1-3. 1885, 1890, and 32, COLLECT. 1896.

  O. H. S., 20, LITTLE  O. H. S. Little, A. G. Grey Friars in Oxford. 1892.

  PIETAS                Pietas Oxoniensis in Memory of Sir Thomas Bodley. 1902.

  PUTNAM                Putnam, G. Books and their Makers in the Middle
                          Ages. 2 vols. 1896-7.

  RASHDALL              Rashdall, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle
                          Ages. 2 vols. 1895.

  R. DE B.              Richard of Bury. Philobiblon. Ed., Thomas. 1888.

  ROBINSON              Robinson, J. A., and James, M. R. The MSS. of
                          Westminster Abbey. 1909.

  ROGERS                Rogers, J. E. T. History of Agriculture and Prices.
                          6 vols. 1866-87.

  ROUVEYRE              Rouveyre, Edouard. Connaissances nécessaires à un
                          bibliophile. 10 vols. 1899.

  R. H. S.              Royal Historical Society. Transactions.

  *SANDYS               Sandys, J. E. History of Classical Scholarship.
                          Vols. i. (2nd ed., 1906) and ii.

  S. H. R.              Scottish Historical Review.

  STEVENSON             Stevenson, F. S. Robert Grosseteste. 1899.

  STOKES (G. T.)        Stokes, G. T. Ireland and the Celtic Church. 1886.

  STOKES (M.)           Stokes, Margt. Early Christian Art in Ireland. 1887.

  STOKES (M.)^{2}     Stokes, M. Six Months in the Apennines. 1892.

  STOKES (M.)^{3}         Stokes, M. Three Months in the Forests of France.

  STOKES (W.)         Stokes, W., ed. Tripartite Life. 2 vols. 1887.
                        Rolls series.

  STOW                Stow, J. Survey of London. Ed., C. L. Kingsford.
                        2 Vols. 1908.

  *SURTEES SOC.        Surtees Society Publications. Various volumes;
                        especially vol. vii., Catalogi veteres librorum.

  TAYLOR              Taylor, H. O. Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages.
                        New York, 1901.

  THOMPSON            Thompson, Sir E. M. Greek and Latin Palæography.
                        3rd ed. 1906.

  WARTON              Warton, T. History of English Poetry. 4 vols. 1871.

  WATTENBACH          Wattenbach, W. Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter.
                        3rd ed. Leipzig, 1896.

  WILLIAMS            Williams, J. W. Somerset Medieval Libraries.

  WORDSWORTH          Wordsworth, C., and Littlehales, H. Old Service
                        Books of the English Church. Antiquary’s Books.

  ZENTRALBLATT        Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen. Various volumes.

NOTE.--_Books marked with an asterisk * are important._


Abdy, Robert, 150-151

Abingdon Abbey, 33, 39, 41, 78, 87, 88, 97, 98, 269

Abyssinian libraries, 18

Academic libraries, 133 _seqq._;
  Cambridge, 155 _seqq._;
  Character of books in, 222 _seqq._;
  economy, 165 _seqq._;
  Oxford, 133 _seqq._

Acca, Bp., 34

Adam de Brome, 135

Aelfric, 44, 85

Aelfric, Abp., 44

Aelfward, Abbot, 44, 263

Aeneas Silvius, 120, 277

Aethelwold, 40-41, 263

Aidan, St., 30

Aileran, 8

Albinus, 25, 28

Alcuin, 9, 10, 35-36, 78, 80, 263

Aldfrith of Northumbria, 9, 31

Aldhelm, 8, 28-29, 31

Aleby, Thomas, 279

Alfred the Great, 37-39

All Souls College, 147, 149, 151, 153, 165, 166, 167, 168, 170, 186, 277, 283

Alne, Robert, 156, 277

Annalists, monastic, 231-232

Anselm, 83, 214

Antiphonaries, value of, 246

Antiphonary of Bangor, 11

Arabian works imported, 217-218

Aristotle, works introduced, 53, 217-222;
  influence, 240

Armagh, Book of, 14, 15, 16, 19, 20

Armagh monastery, 4, 9, 12

_Armaria_, 91

_Armarius_, 96-97

Arnoul of Metz, Gospels of, 20

Arundel, Abp., 139, 190, 275

Asser, 38

Assicus, Bp., 20, 21

Astronomical text-books, 225

Athelney monastery, 39

Athelstan, King, 263

Audit of books in monasteries, 102-103

Augustine, St., 14, 24

Augustine, Irish Monk, 8

Aumbries, 91, 92

Austin Friars’ libraries, 55, 56, 67-68, 103, 271

Bacon, Friar, 178, 216, 218-219, 220-221

Baldock, Ralph, 119-120, 269

Bale, John, 66-67

Balliol College, 54, 146, 148, 150, 153, 186, 192, 193, 281, 282

Balsham, Hugh of, 158

Bangor monastery, 7

Baret, John, 280

Baringham, John, 279

Barking nunnery, 33

Basil the Great, 2

Basingstoke, John of, 219-220, 267

Bateman, Bp. William, 158-159, 270

Battle Abbey, 62

Beauchamp, Guy de, 177, 269

Beaufort, Card., 188, 190

Beaufort, Sir Thomas, 162

Beaulieu Abbey, 93

Becket, Thomas à, 89

Beckford Cell, 47

Bede, 26 _n._, 27, 32-33;
  his library, 33 _n._;
  _Ecclesiastical History_, MSS., 15, 110;
  _Apocalypse_ MS., 110-111

Bedford, Duke of. _See_ John of Lancaster

Bedyll, Thomas, 68

Bek, Bp., 269

Bekynton, Bp., 123 _n._, 190

Benedict Biscop, 31-32, 33, 86

Benedictines, use of books among, 23-24, 49, 63

_Benedictional_ of Abp. Robert, 42

_Benedictional_ of Ethelwold, 42, 43

Bethum, Sir Edward, 280

Beverley Minster, 128

Bible, Latin, correcting text, 58;
  circulation, 239;
  prices of, 243-244

Biblical literature in monasteries, 210-212

Bicchieri, Guala, Card., 86-87

Bicester Priory, 175

Binding, 107-108;
  prices, 256-257

Birkenhead Priory, 73, 74

Bishop Auckland Church, 194, 277, 283

Black Death, 138, 138 _n._, 159

Black Friars’ books, 55

Bobio, 8, 10, 87

Bodleian Library, 113

Bohun, Eleanor, of Gloucester, 177

Bolton, S. Mary’s Church, 129

Boniface, 34

Book-boxes, 113-114, 123

Bookrooms, in colleges, 149-151, 164, 186;
  in churches, 112, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122-123, 124, 126, 128, 130, 186;
  in monasteries, 12, 63, 93-96

Books, care of, 97-98;
  extent of circulation, 232-241;
  destruction and dispersal, 59 _seqq._, 152-154, 157-158;
  prices of, 243 _seqq._

Booksellers, 199 _seqq._

Book-trade in Oxford, 133 _seqq._, 199 _seqq._;
  Cambridge, 155, 205 _seqq._;
  London, 207

Bordesley Abbey, 67, 67 _n._

Boston Church, 129

Boston, John, 59

Bowet, Abp., 123 _n._, 178, 189, 276

Bragge, Canon, 177, 274

Brantingham, Bp., 149, 150 _n._

Brasenose College, 168

Bredon, Simon de, 146, 271

Brensall-in-Craven, S. Wilfrid’s, 129

Breviaries, prices of, 244-245

Brigsley Church, 129

Bristol, S. Mary Redcliffe, 128, 275

Browne (Cordone), Archdeacon, 123, 129, 139, 189, 278

Brownyng, William, 279

Bubwith, Nicholas of, 123

Buckfast Abbey, 90

Burley, Sir S., 272

Burton-on-Trent Abbey, 264

Bury, R. de, 50, 58, 60-61, 170-172, 178 _seqq._, 267, 269

Bury St. Edmunds Abbey, 44, 49, 59, 61, 63, 68 _n._, 69, 71, 84, 86, 88, 90, 96, 162, 265

Caedmon, 30

_Calami_, 85

Caldey, Henry, 278

Calligraphy. _See_ Writing

Cambridge, book-trade, 155, 205 _seqq._;
  college libraries, 158 _seqq._;
  University Library, 70, 155 _seqq._, 164, 276, 281.
  _See_ also names of Colleges

Cambuskenneth monastery, 57

Candida Casa, 7

Canterbury (Christ Church), 46, 46 _n._, 49, 63, 64, 65, 70, 71, 76, 80, 89, 95, 100, 101, 102, 150, 177, 190, 196-197, 220, 239, 265, 267, 269, 270, 275, 284

Canterbury (S. Augustine’s), 9, 14, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 33, 40, 47, 49, 69, 70, 71, 83, 88, 89, 95, 96 _n._, 103, 104, 175, 178, 263, 283

Canterbury College, Oxford, 138 _n._, 150, 195, 284

_Capsae_, 19 _n._

Carilef, William de, 90, 264

Carmelite Friars’ libraries, 54, 55

Carpenter, Bp. John, 115

Carpenter, John, 187, 278

Carrells, 75-77, 92

Cathach Psalter. _See_ Columba’s Psalter

Catalogues of monastic books, 103-107

Cathedral libraries, 109 _seqq._

_Catholicon_, 132, 224

Cawod, William, 275

Ceadda (Chad), 30

Cedd, 30

Chace, Thomas, 150

Chad, St., 30;
  Gospels of, 14

Chained books, 109, 112, 117

Charles the Great, 35, 107

Charleton, Bp., 116

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 85, 174, 182-184, 240

Chaundler, Thomas, 190

Chertsey Abbey, 33

Chester, Richard, 160

Chester, S. Werburgh’s, 61, 76, 92

Chesterton Church, 87, 87 _n._

Chests for books, 91

Chichele, Abp. Henry, 95

Chichele, William, 187, 276

Christ Church, Oxford, 151 _n._

Christ’s College, Cambridge, 164, 284

Church, Canon C. M., 110, 121, 124 _n._

Church libraries, 109 _seqq._

Ciaran, St., 13, 22

Circulation of books, extent, 232-241

Clare College, 138 _n._, 158, 164

Clare, Elizabeth, 158, 177, 270

Clark, Dr. J. W., 92, 95, 113

Classical literature in monasteries, 212-215, 258 _seqq._

Clement, 10, 11

Clergy and books, 177-178

Clifford, J. de, 177

Clonard, 5

Cluni Abbey, 103

Cobham, Bp., 134-136, 269

Cockersand Abbey, 73

_Codex Exoniensis_, 87, 110, 113

_Codex Vercellensis_, 87, 87 _n._

Coldingham, 34, 271

College libraries, 145 _seqq._, 158 _seqq._

Columba, St., 5, 6, 17;
  Psalter, 6, 16, 17, 21

Columban, St., 7

_Coopertoria librorum_, 19 _n._

Corbie, 78, 89

Corpus Christi College, Camb., 70, 110, 113, 138 _n._, 159, 163, 164, 277

Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 70, 151 _n._, 154, 170, 227

_Correctoria_, 58, 85

Corvey, 89

Coventry Priory, 268

Cronan, St., 21, 22

Croucher, John, 156

Crowland, 33, 37

Culross, 56

Cumdachs, 4, 12, 19, 19 _n._

Cummian, St., 8

Cupboards for books, 91

Cuthbert, Abbot, 80

Cuthbert, St., 31

Dalby, T. de, 274

Daniel, Bp. of Winchester, 34

Darell, G., 276

Deeping Priory, 268

Derby, All Saints, 130

Despenser, Hugh le, elder, 177

Dicuil, 11

Dimma’s Book, 21, 22

Domnach Airgrid (S. Patrick’s Gospels), 17, 20

Donatus, 11

Dover, S. Martin’s Priory, 70, 71, 90, 105, 106, 272

Downham, W., 280

Dreff, Ralph, 189, 278

Drury, Roger, 283

Duffield, Canon W., 189, 278

Dungal, 10, 11

Dunstan, 40, 41, 41 _n._

Durham, Book of (Lindisfarne Gospels), 15, 17

Durham Hall, Oxford, 54, 148, 150, 170, 179, 269, 274

Durham Priory, 63, 73, 75, 80, 91, 103, 107, 162, 211, 217, 264, 269, 273, 275, 276, 283

Durrow, Book of, 16, 20

Eastern monachism, 1-3

Easton, Card., 90

Eastry Prior, 70, 89, 95, 216, 269

Ebesham, W., 207-208

Ecgberht, 9

Echard, R., 281

Edlyngton, J., 279

Edward II., 176

Eleanor of Gloucester, 274

_Electio librorum_, 166 _n._, 167

Eltisle, T. de, 159

Ely Priory (cathedral), 33, 86, 88, 101

Embleton Church, 128, 271

Emmanuel of Constantinople, 194-195

English monastic libraries, 23 _seqq._

English scholars in Ireland, 8, 9

Erghome, John, 56

Erigena, or Scotus, John, 11, 39

Ernulf of Rochester, 47

Est, R., 129, 281

Ethelwold, 40, 41, 263

Eton College, 144, 159-160, 161

Evesham Abbey, 33, 44, 47, 76, 88, 90, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 272

Exeter Book, 87, 110, 113

Exeter Cathedral, 44, 110-114, 186, 263, 269, 284

Exeter College, Oxford, 87, 111-112, 113 _n._, 146, 148, 149-150, 151, 166, 166 _n._, 168, 186, 272, 274, 279, 280, 284

Exeter, Grey Friars, 54, 267

_Explicitus_, 81-82

Fairs, selling books at, 200, 206-207

Farnylaw, T. de, 128, 271

Fastolf, Sir J., 188

Felton, Sir W. de, 146

Feriby, W. de, 124 _n._, 177, 272

Fernell, J., 280

Fiacc, 4, 13 _n._

Finnian of Moville, 5, 6, 17

Fitzhugh, Bp. R., 156, 277

Fitzralph, Abp., 57

Flemming, Robert, 147, 153, 193, 282

Fleury Abbey, 88

Flexley Abbey, 266

Floyer, Rev. J. K., 115

Foxe, Bp., 194

Foxle, Sir J. de, 271

Francis, St., 52-53

Franciscan libraries, 52 _seqq._

Free, John. 64, 192, 193

Friars, bibliographical work, 58-59;
  as book-collectors, 57-58;
  correction of texts, 58;
  libraries, 52 _seqq._

Furness Abbey, 94

Gascoigne, Dr. T., 54, 147, 148, 153, 277, 279

Gateshead, S. Edmund’s Hospital, 269

Gaul, Irish missionaries in, 7-8, 10

Gaul, monachism in, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8

Geoffrey of Monmouth, 240

Gerbert of Bobio, 78, 87

Germanus of Auxerre, 3

Gildas, 9

Glastonbury Abbey, 34, 39, 41, 45 _n._, 48, 63, 64, 263, 264, 266, 268, 269

Gloucester Abbey, 34, 48, 63, 76, 96, 264, 268

Gloucester, Duke of. _See_ Humfrey of Gloucester

Golden Book of Edgar, 42

Gonville and Caius College, 158, 159, 164

Gower, John, 182

Grammatical text-books, 223-224

Grandisson, Bp., 111, 111 _n._, 112, 113, 150, 270

Gravesend, Bp. R. de, 146, 178, 267

Gravesend, Bp. S. de, 270

Greek books imported, 194-198, 217-222;
  in monasteries, 26, 64

Greek, knowledge of, in monasteries, 7, 10, 11, 195-198, 217-222

Greeks in England, 194-195, 219-220

Greenwood, T., 178, 276

Gregory the Great’s books, 24

Grey Friars’ libraries, 52 _seqq._

Grey, Bp. William, 150, 153, 192-193, 282

Grimbald, 38

Grocyn, William, 198, 226-227, 284

Grosseteste, Robert, 53, 54, 57, 86, 220

Gunthorpe, Dean, 123 _n._, 192-193, 284

Hadley, Wm., 195

Hadrian, 26, 28, 29

Halesowen Church, 129

Halton, T. de, 273

Hamo, Chancellor, 118

Hamundson, John, 281

Harris, J., 156

Hawk, W., 281

Healy, Dr. John, 5

Hebbeden, T., 277

Hebrew books in Friars’ libraries, 54, 56;
  in Ramsey Abbey, 268

Hedyan, J., 278

Henry II., 176

Henry VI., 148, 159-160

Hereford Cathedral, 116-117, 162, 186, 266

Herrys, John, 156

Hiberno-Saxon writing, 15, 46

Hild, 30, 31

Hinton Priory, 101, 270

Holcombe, W., 284

Holes, Andrew, 192 _n._, 277

Holme, Canon N., 129, 280

Holme, Richard, 156

Hopton, J., 273

Hoskyn, Robert, 278

Hugh of Balsham, 158

Hugh of Leicester, 118, 264

Hulne, 273

Humfrey of Gloucester, 139-143, 144, 154, 160, 181, 190-191, 191 _n._, 192, 277

Hurte, John, 164, 281

Hyde Abbey. _See_ Winchester (New Minster)

Iceland, Irish in, 7

Illuminating, prices for, 255-256

Illumination, Irish, 15;
  Winchester, 42

Illuminators, 79, 199 _seqq._

Iona, 5, 7, 9, 30, 31

Ireland, English scholars in, 8, 9

Irish illumination, 15

Irish manuscripts on the Continent, 8 _n._, 11, 11 _n._

Irish missal, satchel of, 19

Irish missionaries, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10

Irish monasteries, use of books in, 1 _seqq._

Irish satchels, 17, 18, 19

Irish scribes, 12, 12 _n._

Irish writing, 13-15

Italian influence in England, 189 _seqq._

Italian scholars, 191

James, Dr. M. R., 46, 47, 49, 67, 70, 71, 89, 95, 102, 163, 195, 196

Jarrow, 31, 33, 37

Jerome, St., 2

Jesus College, 164, 284

John, King, 176, 266

John of Beverley, 30

John of Corvey, 38

John of Lancaster, Duke of Bedford, 139, 181, 188, 272

John of London, 89, 178, 221-222

John Scotus Erigena, 11, 39

Kells, Book of, 14, 15, 16, 20

Kelso Abbey, 99

Kempe, John, Card., 103, 145, 188, 279

King’s College, Camb., 144, 156, 159-161, 279

King’s Hall, Camb. _See_ Trinity College

King’s Norton Church, 129

Kirkstall Abbey, 94

Kyrkby, R. de, 275

Lacy, Bp., 150

Lane, Dr. T., 162

Lanfranc, 45, 46, 47, 85, 101, 213

Langham, Simon, 90, 178, 271

Langley, Bp. T., 277

Lanthony Priory, 68, 265

Lassehowe, J., 279

Lastingham, 30, 37

_Laudian Acts_, 26 _n._, 27

Law books in Middle Ages, 215-217, 226-227

Layton, Dr., 152

Leather, 107, cost of, 257

Leicester Abbey, 282

_Leicester Codex_, 195

Leland, John, 69, 131

Lending monastic books, 98, 101

Leofric, Bp., 44, 110-111, 113, 263

Leofric Missal, 111

Leominster church, 265

Lérins, 3, 31

Lese, J., 283

Librarian, University, 136, 137

Librarians, monastic, 12, 96-97

_Librarii_, 199

_Libri distribuendi_, 166, 169

Lichfield Cathedral, 126, 186, 270

Linacre, Thomas, 197-198

Lincoln Cathedral, 118-119, 186, 264, 278

Lincoln  College, 54, 147, 148, 149, 151, 153, 165, 166, 186, 193, 277

Lindau, Gospels of, 21, 108

Lindisfarne, 30, 31, 33, 37

Lindisfarne Gospels (Book of Durham), 15, 17

Litchfield, Dr., 145, 283

Logical text-books, 225

Lombard’s _Sentences_, 215, 239-240

London book-trade, 207

London, Friars’ libraries, 55-56

London, Guildhall Library, 186-187, 276, 278

London, S. Christopher-le-Stocks, 131, 282

London, S. Mary’s Hospital, Cripplegate, 278

London, St. Michael’s, Cornhill, 131

London, S. Peter’s, Cornhill, 131, 131 _n._

London, S. Paul’s, 119-120, 186, 266, 268, 269, 280, 282

London, S. Stephen Magnus, 268

Longarad legend, 6, 7 _n._, 12, 18 “Losinga,” Herbert, 86, 213

Lovet, Richard, 283

Lowe, Prior, 55

Lytham Cell, 280

Lythe, R., 282

Lyttleton, Sir T., 129, 282

MacRegol, Gospels of, 14, 15

Magdalen College, Oxford, 147, 149, 151, 154, 166, 168, 170, 175, 186, 282

Magdalene College, Cambridge, 164

Malmesbury Abbey, 29, 33, 66, 108

Manthorp, J. de, 277

Mare, Thomas de la, 270

Mare, William de la, 58

Marisco, Adam de, 53, 57, 85, 86

Markaunt, Thomas, 163, 163 _n._, 277

Marleberge, T. de, 90, 266

Marmoutier, 2, 3

Marshall, Dr. R., 162

Meaux Abbey, 63, 94, 274

_Medulla grammatice_, 132

Melrose Abbey, 31, 34, 37

Mendicants’ libraries, 52 _seqq._

Mertherderwa, R., 278

Merton College, 138, 146, 148, 149, 153, 166, 168, 170, 272

Michelham Priory, 62

Millyng, Thomas, 197

Minstrels, 173 _seqq._

Missals, prices of, 244

Molaise’s Gospels, 21

Moling, Book of St., 21

Molyneux, Adam de, 139, 190

Monachism, Eastern, 1

Monachism in England, progress, 48;
  decline, 59-60;
  dissolution, 65 _seqq._

Monachism in Ireland, 1 _seqq._

Monastic libraries, English, 45 _seqq._;
  economy, 73 _seqq._;
  decline and dispersal, 59 _seqq._, 100;
  saving books, 69 _seqq._;
  catalogues, 102-107

Monastic libraries, Irish, 5 _seqq._

Monte Cassino, 97, 217

Montford, Simon of, 176-177

Moreton, J., 278

Morley, Daniel of, 218

Morton, T., 278

Neville, Abp., 195

Newcastle, S. Nicholas’ Church, 128, 271

New College, 69, 138, 138 _n._, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 165, 166, 169, 175, 186, 197, 272, 280, 284

Newstead Priory (Notts), 100

Newton, J. de, 125, 162, 178, 275

Nicholas of Bubwith, Bp., 123

Nicholas the Greek, 219-220

Northumbria, learning in, 30, 31, 37

Norwich Priory, 62, 90

_Notarii_, 199

Nottingham, S. Mary’s Church, 129

Ordericus Vitalis, 80

Oriel College, 54, 135, 138, 146, 148, 151, 154, 166, 168, 169, 271

Osmund, Bp., 117, 263

Oswald of Northumbria, 9, 30, 31

Oxford, academic libraries, 133 _seqq._

Oxford, book-trade, 133, 199 _seqq._

Oxford, decrease of students at, 152

Oxford, Ewelme Almshouse, 280

Oxford, Friars’ libraries, 53, 54, 58, 75

Oxford, monastic libraries, 51

Oxford, St. Mary’s Church, 129, 133, 134, 153, 275

Oxford scholars’ libraries, 189, 236-237

Oxford University library, 133 _seqq._, 151-154, 186, 269, 283

Oxford. _See_ also under Names of Colleges

Pachomius, St., 2

Palladius, 3

Parchment, 84;
  cost of, 257

Parker Abp., 26, 70, 113

Paternoster Row, 207

Patrick, St., 3, 4, 5, 17;
  Gospels of (Domnach Airgrid), 17, 20

Pembroke College, Cambridge, 69, 103, 107, 158, 163, 164, 167, 168, 170, 186, 274

_Pennae_, 85

Percyhay, John, 177, 273

Peter of Gloucester, Abbot, 48, 264

Peterborough Abbey, 33, 37, 48, 216, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273

Peterhouse College, 100, 158, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167-168, 169, 186, 271, 275

_Philobiblon_, 179

_Piers Plowman_, 182, 240

Pius II. (Æneas Sylvius), 120, 277

Plane, Richard, 279

Plegmund, Abp., 38, 38 _n._

Poggio Bracciolini, 190, 191

_Polaires_, 9, 13, 13 _n._

Precentor’s duties, 80, 96, 97, 98

Prices of books, 243 _seqq._

Processionals, value of, 246

Psalters, value of, 245-246

Pudsey, Hugh, 90, 107

Pynchebek, Thomas, 282

Queen’s College, Oxford, 146, 148, 149, 151, 153, 166

Queens’ College, Cambridge, 162, 164, 186, 281

Ragenhill, R., 125, 276

Ralph de Diceto, 119, 266

Ralph of Maidstone, 116, 266

Ramsey Abbey, 54, 63, 68, 89, 220, 268

Raventhorpe, J., 276

Rayleigh, 131

Reading Abbey, 64, 176, 265, 266

Reading aloud, 173 _seqq._

Redmarshall Church, 129

Reed, Bp., 148, 149, 272

_Registrum librorum Angliae_, 58-59

Reichenau, monastery of, 8 _n._

Repyngton, Bp., 139

Rhetoric, books of, 224-225

Richard de Bury, 50, 58, 60-61, 170-172, 178 _seqq._, 267, 269

Richard de Wyche, bequests to friars, 54-55

Richard of Stowe, 268

Rievaulx, 265

Rochester Priory, 47, 99, 130, 266

Romance literature, 227-231

Roos, Sir R. de, 177, 273

Rotherham, Jesus College, 284

Rotherham, Thomas, 130, 157, 163, 281, 284

Rous, John, 127, 128 _n._

Ruddington Church, 130

Runes, 13

Rygge, R., 274

St. Albans Abbey and library, 44, 49 _seqq._, 63, 73, 78, 88, 91, 96, 98, 105, 108, 179, 219, 263, 264, 267, 269, 270, 276

St. Albans’ chroniclers, 50

St. Catherine’s Hall, 161, 164, 281

St. Gall, 8, 8 _n._, 10, 21, 73, 94, 97

St. John’s College, Cambridge, 151 _n._, 164, 186

Salisbury Cathedral, 117-118, 186, 263

Same, Robert, 284

Satchels, book, 6, 17, 18, 19

Scardeburgh, J. de, 273

Scarle, J. de, 274

Scot, Michael, 53, 218

Scotland, monachism in, 5, 7

Scotland, Friars’ libraries, 56-57

Scotus Erigena, John, 11, 39

Scribes, 199 _seqq._;
  monkish, 73 _seqq._;
  Irish, 12, 12 _n._;
  tools, 85

Scriptorium, 50, 51, 73-77, 80, 82, 88

Scrope, Archd. S., 125, 159, 275

Sedulius, 11

Seggefyld, J., 279

Selling, William of, 26, 64, 66, 66 _n._, 76, 95, 195-197, 280

Semer, R., 277

Servatus Lupus, 85, 87

Sherborne Hospital, 267

Skirwood, Bp., 194, 282

Shrines for books, 4, 12, 19, 19 _n._

Signs used for books, 82-83

Simon, Abbot, 50, 91

Skirlaw, Bp., 123 _n._, 148, 274

Smart, William, 69

Somersett, John, 139, 143

Spray, T., 279

Stafford, Bp. E. de, 150

Stafford, Bp. J. de, 123, 123 _n._, 276

Stamford Cell, 276

Stationers, 199 _seqq._

Stationers Co., 207

Stirling, Friars’ library, 56

Stokys, J., 283

Stow, John, 70

Stowe Missal, 20

Stratford, Abp. J., 177

Symson, Thomas, 283

Syon monastic library, 63, 83, 90 _n._, 104, 105, 106, 285

Sywardby, Elizabeth, 280

Talbot, R., 69

_Textus Roffensis_, 47

Theodore, 8, 26, 26 _n._, 28, 31

Theological books in monasteries, 210-212

Thomas, Abbot, 178

Thomas of England, 191, 273

Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, 274

Thompson, Mr. Yates, 107

Thoris, R. de, 54, 267

Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester, 139, 192, 279

Titchfield Abbey, 95, 105, 274

Tobias, Bp., 28

Trevaur, Bp., 270

Trinity College (King’s Hall), Cambridge, 159, 164, 273

Trinity College, Oxford, 150 _n._

Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 138 _n._, 158, 164, 169, 216, 270

Twyne, Brian, 70

Twyne, John, 69

Tynemouth, 37

Tywardreath Priory, 268

University College, Oxford, 138, 145-146, 148, 149, 165, 167, 168, 170, 186, 274, 281

University Hall, Cambridge. _See_ Clare College

University libraries. _See_ Oxford and Cambridge

Vellum, 84;
  cost of, 257

Vercelli Book, 87, 87 _n._

Vicario, 216

Vitelli, Cornelius, 197

Wallets, book, 17, 18, 19

Walter of Evesham, 47, 264

Waltham, William de, 275

Warham, Abp., 284

Warkworth, J., 162, 282

Warwick, S. Mary’s Church, 127, 280

Wax tablets, 9, 13, 13 _n._, 18, 83, 84

Wearmouth, 31, 33, 37

Wells Cathedral, 110, 121-124, 186, 276

Werfrith, Bp., 37, 38, 114

Westminster Abbey, 64, 71, 88, 90, 99, 112, 271

Wetheringsett Church, 130, 284

Whalley Abbey, 94

Whelpdale, Roger, 148, 276

Whethamstede, Abbot, 49, 51-52, 139, 153, 181

Whitby Abbey, 30, 37, 48, 88, 265

White Friars’ libraries, 54, 55

Whitherne (Candida Casa), 7

Whittington, Richard, 55, 186-187

Whittlesey, Abp., 271

Wigmore Abbey, 62

Wilfrid, St., 31

William of Waynflete, 143, 147, 282

William of Wykeham, 147, 272

Willibrord, St., 9

Willoughby, Sir R., 129, 280

Wimborne nunnery, 33

Winchelsey, Dr. T., 56

Winchester College, 175, 276

Winchester (Hyde Abbey, New Minster), 38, 42, 86, 174

Winchester (S. Swithin’s, Old Minster), 42, 88, 96, 175

Winchester illumination, 42

Windsor Collegiate Church, 126, 271

Wodelarke, Dr. R., 162

Wolveden, R., 125, 276

Woollaton Church, 129

Worcester College, 51

Worcester Priory (Cathedral), 76, 92, 96, 114-116, 162, 234

Worthington, T., 281

Writing: Irish, 13;
  Hiberno-Saxon, 15, 46;
  payments for, 254-255

Writing-rooms, 50, 51, 73-77, 80, 82, 88

Wyche, R. de, 54-55, 267

Wymondham Abbey, 62

York Abbey and Cathedral, 33, 35, 36, 124-125, 186, 263

York, All Saints, Peseholme, 129

York, Austin Friars’ library, 56, 67, 68, 103, 271

York, Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, 128

York, S. Mary’s, Castlegate, 128, 273

            _Printed by MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED, Edinburgh_

       *       *       *       *       *








  General Literature                                                   1
    Ancient Cities                                                    15
    Antiquary’s Books                                                 15
    Arden Shakespeare                                                 15
    Classics of Art                                                   16
    “Complete” Series                                                 16
    Connoisseur’s Library                                             16
    Handbooks of English Church History                               17
    Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books            17
    Leaders of Religion                                               18
    Library of Devotion                                               18
    Little Books on Art                                               19
    Little Galleries                                                  19
    Little Guides                                                     19
    Little Library                                                    20
    Little Quarto Shakespeare                                         21
    Miniature Library                                                 21
    New Library of Medicine                                           21
    New Library of Music                                              22
    Oxford Biographies                                                22
    Romantic History                                                  22
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  Fiction                                                             23
    Books for Boys and Girls                                          28
    Novels of Alexandre Dumas                                         29
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     =Bagot (Richard).= A ROMAN MYSTERY.



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     A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated.







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     =Doyle (A. Conan).= ROUND THE RED LAMP.

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     =Gallon (Tom).= RICKERBY’S FOLLY.

     =Gaskell (Mrs.).= CRANFORD.



     =Gerard (Dorothea).= HOLY MATRIMONY.



     =Gissing (G.).= THE TOWN TRAVELLER.


     =Glanville (Ernest).= THE INCA’S TREASURE.


     =Gleig (Charles).= BUNTER’S CRUISE.

     =Grimm (The Brothers).= GRIMM’S FAIRY TALES.

     =Hope (Anthony).= A MAN OF MARK.





     =Hornung (E. W.).= DEAD MEN TELL NO TALES.

     =Ingraham (J. H.).= THE THRONE OF DAVID.


     =Levett-Yeats (S. K.).= THE TRAITOR’S WAY.



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     =Marchmont (A. W.).= MISER HOADLEY’S SECRET.


     =Marryat (Captain).= PETER SIMPLE.


     =March (Richard).= A METAMORPHOSIS.



     THE JOSS.

     =Mason (A. E. W.).= CLEMENTINA.

     =Mathers (Helen).= HONEY.




     =Meade (Mrs. L. T.).= DRIFT.

     =Miller (Esther).= LIVING LIES.

     =Mitford (Bertram).= THE SIGN OF THE SPIDER.

     =Montresor (F. F.).= THE ALIEN.

     =Morrison (Arthur).= THE HOLE IN THE WALL.

     =Nesbit (E.).= THE RED HOUSE.

     =Norris (W. E.).= HIS GRACE.






     =Oliphant (Mrs.).= THE LADY’S WALK.




     =Oppenheim (E. P.).= MASTER OF MEN.

     =Parker (Gilbert).= THE POMP OF THE LAVILETTES.



     =Pemberton (Max).= THE FOOTSTEPS OF A THRONE.


     =Phillpotts (Eden).= THE HUMAN BOY.




     =‘Q’ (A. T. Quiller Couch).= THE WHITE WOLF.

     =Ridge (W. Pett).= A SON OF THE STATE.




     =Russell (W. Clark).= ABANDONED.




     =Sergeant (Adeline).= THE MASTER OF BEECHWOOD.




     =Sidgwick (Mrs. Alfred).= THE KINSMAN.

     =Surtees (R. S.).= HANDLEY CROSS.



     =Walford (Mrs. L. B.).= MR. SMITH.




     =Wallace (General Lew).= BEN-HUR.


     =Watson (H. B. Marriott).= THE ADVENTURERS.


     =Weekes (A. B.).= PRISONERS OF WAR.

     =Wells (H. G.).= THE SEA LADY.

     =White (Percy).= A PASSIONATE PILGRIM.

                              PRINTED BY


                          LONDON AND BECCLES.

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

not of sufficent worth and importance=> not of sufficient worth and
importance {pg 170}

and made Nìccolò Perotti=> and made Niccolò Perotti {pg 192}


 [1] Healy, 46.

 [2] Healy, 50.

 [3] Sandys, i. 245.

 [4] On the connection between Eastern and Celtic monachism, see Stokes

 [5] Stokes (W.), _T. L._, i. 30; ii. 446.

 [6] _Ib._ ii. 421; ii 475.

 [7] _D. N. B._, xliv. 39; Stokes (W.), _T. L._, i. 191.

 [8] _Abgitorium, abgatorium; elementa, elimenta._ Stokes (W.), _T.
 L._, i. cliii.; also i. 111, 113, 139, 191, 308, 320, 322, 326, 327,

 [9] In 536, fifty monks from the Continent landed at
 Cork.--Montalembert, ii. 248n. Migrations from Gaul were frequent
 about this time.

 [10] Bury, 217; cp. 220.

 [11] Joyce, i. 478.

 [12] Adamnan, lib. ii. c. 29, iii. c. 15 and c. 23.

 [13] Dr. Skene says the Psalter incident “bears the stamp of spurious
 tradition”; so does the Longarad story; but it is curious how often
 sacred books play a part in these tales.

 [14] Henderson, _Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland_, 5-6.

 [15] Moore, _Hist. of Ireland_, i. 266.

 [16] Healy, 379; Stokes (M.)^{2}, 118. Ergo quotidie jejunandum est,
 sicut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laborandum, quotidie est legendum.

 [17] A ninth century catalogue of St. Gall mentions thirty-one
 volumes and pamphlets in the Irish tongue--Prof. Pflugk-Harttung,
 in _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 92. Becker names only thirty, p. 43. At
 Reichenau, a monastery near St. Gall, also famous for its library,
 there were “Irish education, manuscripts, and occasionally also Irish
 monks.” “One of the most ancient monuments of the German tongue, the
 vocabulary of St. Gall, dating from about 780, is written in the Irish

 [18] _D.C.B._ _sub nom._

 [19] Stokes (G. T.), 221.

 [20] _Ib._ 220.

 [21] Haddan, 267.

 [22] Hyde, 221.

 [23] Joyce, _Short Hist. of I._, 165.

 [24] Bede, _H. E._, iii. 27; Healy, 101; Stokes (G. T.), 230.

 [25] _Camb. Lit._, i. 66.

 [26] Healy, 272.

 [27] Alcuin, _Willibrord_, c. 4.

 [28] See full account, _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 75.

 [29] Sandys, i. 480.

 [30] _R. H. S._ (N. S.), v. 90.

 [31] Sandys, i. 480; Stokes (M.)^{2}, 210.


    “Sancte Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola Dungal
     Tradidit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur.
     Qui leges ergo Deus pretium sit muneris, oro.”--Healy, 392.

 [33] Stokes (M.)^{2}, 206-7, 247.

 [34] Sandys, i. 463.

 [35] Moore, _Hist. of I._, i. 299; _Boll. Iul._ _t._ vii. 222.

 [36] The following, among others, are still on the Continent: Gospels
 of Willibrord (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 9389, 739), Gospel of St. John (Cod. 60
 St. Gall _c._ 750-800); Book of Fragments (No. 1395, St. Gall, _c._
 750-800); The Golden Gospels (Royal library, Stockholm, 871); Gospels
 of St. Arnoul, Metz (Nuremberg Museum, 7th c.).--Cp. Maclean, 207-8;
 Hyde, 267.

 [37] Adamnan, 365n.

 [38] Hyde, 220; Stokes (M.), 10, “Connachtach, an Abbot of Iona
 who died in 802, is called in the Irish annals ‘a scribe most
 choice.’”--Trenholme, _Iona_, 32.

 [39] _Tech-screptra; domus scripturarum._

 [40] _Leabhar coimedach._ Adamnan, 359, note m.

 [41] Joyce, i. 483.

 [42] At vero hoc audiens Colcius tempus et horam _in tabula_
 describens.--Adamnan, 66. Columba is said to have blessed one hundred
 pólaires or tablets (_Leabhar Breac_, fo. 16-60; Stokes (M.), 51).
 The boy Benen, who followed Patrick, bore tablets on his back
 (_folaire_, corrupt for _pólaire_).--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 47. Patrick
 gave to Fiacc a case containing a tablet. _Ib._ 344. An example of
 a waxed tablet, with a case for it, is in the Museum of the Royal
 Irish Academy. The case is a wooden cover, divided into hollowed-out
 compartments for holding the styles. This specimen dates from the
 thirteenth or fourteenth century. Slates and pencils were also in use
 for temporary purposes.--Joyce, i. 483.

 [43] See Thompson, 236, where Irish calligraphy is fully dealt with;
 _Camb. Lit._, i. 13.

 [44] _Trans. R. I. Acad._, vol. xviii. 1838.

 [45] Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 75. The terms used for satchels are
 _sacculi_ (Lat.), and _tiag_, or _tiag liubhair_ or _teig liubair_
 (Ir.). There has been some confusion between _pólaire_ and _tiag_, the
 former being regarded as a leather case for a single book, the latter
 a satchel for several books. This distinction is made in connection
 with the ancient Irish life of Columba, which is therefore made to
 read that the saint used to make _cases_ and _satchels_ for books
 (_pólaire ocus tiaga_), _v._ Adamnan, 115. Cf. Petrie, _Round Towers_,
 336-7. But the late Dr. Whitley Stokes makes _pólaire_ or _pōlire_,
 or the corruption _folaire_, derive from _pugillares_ = writing
 tablets.--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, cliii. and 655. This interpretation
 of the word gives us the much more likely reading that Columba made
 _tablets_, and _satchels_ for books.

 [46] Stokes (M.), 50.

 [47] Curzon, _Monasteries of the Levant_, 66.

 [48] Mr. Allen, in his admirable volume on _Celtic Art_, p. 208,
 in this series, says cumdachs were peculiar to Ireland. But they
 were made and used elsewhere, and were variously known as _capsae_,
 _librorum coopertoria_ (_e.g._ ... librorumque coopertoria; quædam
 horum nuda, quædam vero alia auro atque argento gemmisque pretiosis
 circumtecta.--_Acta SS._, _Aug._ iii. 659c), and _thecae_. Some of
 these cases were no doubt as beautifully decorated as the Irish
 cumdachs. William of Malmesbury asserts that twenty pounds and sixty
 marks of gold were used to make the coopertoria librorum Evangelii for
 King Ina’s chapel. At the Abbey of St. Riquier was an “Evangelium auro
 Scriptum unum, cum capsa argentea gemmis et lapidibus fabricata. Aliae
 capsae evangeliorum duae ex auro et argento paratae.”--Maitland, 212.
 In 1295 St. Paul’s Cathedral possessed a copy of the Gospels in a case
 (capsa) adorned with gilding and relics.--Putnam, i. 105-6.

 [49] _Leborchometa chethrochori_, and _bibliothecae
 quadratae_.--Stokes (W.), _T. L._, 96 and 313.

 [50] Stokes (M.), 90.

 [51] Stokes (M.), 92-3.

 [52] See _La Bibliofilia_, xi. 165.

 [53] _Acta SS. Ap._, iii. 581c.

 [54] Healy, 524.

 [55] Other instances are cited in Adamnan, book ii., chap. 8.

 [56] _Hist. mon. S. Augustini, Cant._, 96-99, “Et haec sunt primitiae
 librorum totius ecclesiae Anglicanae,” 99.

 [57] _H. E._, i. 29.

 [58] Stanley, _Hist. Mem. of C._ (1868), 42.

 [59] _Hist. mon. S. Aug._, xxv.

 [60] B. M. Reg. I. E. vi. may be a part of the Gregorian Bible, or the
 second copy of the Gospels mentioned above, if this second copy is not
 Corpus Christi, Camb. 286. Corpus C. 286 is a seventh century book,
 certainly from St. Augustine’s; it was probably brought to England in
 the time of Theodore, and though it may be one of the books referred
 to above, is, therefore, not Augustinian. The Psalter bearing the
 silver images is “most likely” Cott. Vesp. A. 1, an eighth century
 manuscript; it is, therefore, not Augustinian, although it may be a
 copy of the original Psalter given by Gregory.--James, lxvi.

 [61] Known as Codex E, or the Laudian Acts (Laud. Gr. 35). Bede refers
 to a Greek manuscript of the Acts in his _Retractationes_; possibly
 this is the actual copy. The last page of the book bears the signature
 “Theodore”; did Archbishop Theodore bring the volume to England? “It
 is at least safe to say that the presence of such a book in England
 in Bede’s time can hardly be entirely independent of the influence of
 Theodore or of Abbot Hadrian.”--James (M. R.), xxiii.

 [62] _H. E._, iv. 2, _tr._ Sellar.

 [63] _Ib._ v. 20.

 [64] _Ib._ v. 23.

 [65] This copy was still at Malmesbury in the twelfth century.--W. of
 Malmesbury, _Ang. Sacr._, ii. 21.

 [66] Sandys, i. 466; _Camb. Eng. Lit._, i. 75.

 [67] _Camb. Eng. Lit._, i. 45.

 [68] These foundations were regarded as one house, the inmates being
 bound together by “a common and perpetual affection and intimacy.”

 [69] “Innumerabilem librorum omnis generis copiam apportavit.”--_Vitae
 Abbatum_, § 4.

 [70] “Copiosissima et nobilissima bibliotheca.”--_Ib._ § 11.

 [71] Lanciani, _Anc. Rome_, 201.

 [72] Ceolfrid, Benedict Biscop’s successor, added a number of books
 to the library, among them three copies of the Vulgate, and one of
 the older version. One copy of the Vulgate Ceolfrid took with him to
 Rome (716) to give to the Pope. He died on the way. The codex did not
 go to Rome; now, it is in the Laurentian Library, Florence, where it
 is known as the Codex Amiatinus. The writing is Italian, or at any
 rate foreign, so it must have been imported, or written at Jarrow by
 foreign scribes. This volume is the chief authority for the text of
 Jerome’s translation of the Scriptures.

 [73] _H. E._, v. 24.

 [74] Bede frequently quotes Cicero, Virgil, and Horace; usually
 selecting some telling phrase, _e.g._ “caeco carpitur igni” (_H.
 E._ ii. 12). In his _De Natura rerum_ he owes a good deal to Pliny
 and Isidore. In his commentaries on the Scriptures he displays
 an extent of reading which we have no space to give any idea of.
 His chronologies were based on Jerome’s edition of Eusebius, on
 Augustine and Isidore. In his _H. E._ he uses “Pliny, Solinus,
 Orosius, Eutropius, Marcellinus Comes, Gildas, probably the _Historia
 Brittonum_, a _Passion of St. Alban_, and the _Life of Germanus of
 Auxerre_ by Constantius”; while he refers to lives of St. Fursa, St.
 Ethelburg, and to Adamnan’s work on the Holy Places. Cf. Sandys, i.
 468; _Camb. Lit._, i. 80-81. Bede also got first-hand knowledge:
 the Lindisfarne records provided him with material on Cuthbert;
 information came to him from Canterbury about Southern affairs and
 from Lastingham about Mercian affairs. Nothelm got material from the
 archives at Rome for him.

 [75] Tr. in Morley, _Eng. Writers_, ii. 160.

 [76] Tr. in West, _Alcuin_, 34-35.

 [77] Tr. in _King’s Letters_, ed. Steele (1903), 1. Cf. Bodl. _MS.
 Hatton_, 20; _Cott. MS. Otho_ B 2; Corpus C. C., Camb. MS. 12.

 [78] _MS. Cott. Tib._ B xi.--a copy of Alfred’s version of the _Cura_,
 or what is left of it--has been connected with Archbishop Plegmund,
 the evidence being a Saxon inscription on the manuscript. Wanley,
 however, doubted the conclusiveness of this evidence, which, together
 with most of the text, was lost in the fire of 1731.--James, xxiii-iv.

 [79] Sandys, i. 484.

 [80] Hunt, _Hist. of Eng. Church_, i. 326.

 [81] Strutt, _Saxon Antiq._, i. 105, pl. xviii. The picture is in a
 large volume containing part of a grammar and certain other pieces
 used at Glastonbury.--_MS. Auct._ F. iv. 32. Over the picture is the
 inscription: _Pictura et scriptura hujus paginae subtus visa est de
 propria manu Sci. Dunstani._

 [82] Stubbs, _Mem. of Dunstan_, cx.-cxii.

 [83] _Chron. Mon. de Abingdon_, ii. 263.

 [84] _Ibid._, ii. 265.

 [85] _Archaeologia_, xxiv. 19.

 [86] _B. M. Cott. Vesp._, A. viii., written 966.

 [87] Hook, _Archbishops_, i. 453 (1st ed.).

 [88] _Chron. Abb. de E._, 83.

 [89] James^{1}, 5-6.

 [90] Most old English poems are preserved in unique manuscripts,
 sometimes not complete, but in fragments; two fragments, for example,
 were found in the bindings of other books.--Warton, ii. 7. In 1248,
 only four books in English were at Glastonbury, and they are described
 as old and useless.--John of G., 435; Ritson, i. 43. About fifty
 years later only seventeen such books were in the big library at
 Canterbury.--James (M. R.), 51. A striking illustration of the disuse
 of the vernacular among the religious is found in an Anglo-Saxon
 Gregory’s _Pastoral Care_, which is copiously glossed in Latin, in
 two or three hands. This manuscript, now in Corpus Christi College,
 Cambridge, No. 12, came from Worcester Priory.--James^{17}, 33.

 [91] Becker, 199, 257.

 [92] In an eleventh century manuscript in Trinity College Library,
 Cambridge (MS. B. 16, 44), is an inscription, perhaps by Lanfranc
 himself, recording that he brought it from Bec and gave it to Christ

 [93] At the end of the manuscript of Cassian is written: “Hucusque ego
 Lanfrancus correxi.”--_Hist. Litt. de la France_, vii. 117. At the end
 of the Ambrose (_Hexaemeron_) the note reads, “Lanfrancus ego correxi.”

 [94] James (M. R.), xxx.

 [95] _Chron. Abb. de Evesham_, 97.

 [96] Library of Ste. Geneviève, Paris, MS. E. l. 17, in 40, fol. 61.
 The note reads: Quia autem apud Bequefort victualium copia erat,
 scriptores etiam ibi habebantur quorum opera ad nos in Normaniam
 mittebantur.--_Library_, v. 2 (1893).

 [97] Stevenson, _Grosseteste_, 149.

 [98] _Gesta R. Angl._, lib. v.; _Camb. Lit._, i. 159-60.

 [99] _Surtees S._, lxix. 341.

 [100] Merryweather, 96-7.

 [101] Joh. Glaston, _Chronica_, ed. Hearne (1726), ii. 423-44;
 Merryweather, 140.

 [102] Librariam fecit optimum pulcherrimum et copiosum.--Holmes,
 _Wells and Glastonbury_, 229.

 [103] _MS. Twyne_, Bodl. L., 8, 272.

 [104] James, and James^{1}.

 [105] In the fine MS. Cott. Claud. E. iv. (_Gesta Abbatum_) is a
 series of portrait miniatures of the abbots, and in most cases they
 are represented as reading or carrying books, or with books about them.

 [106] Fecit etiam scribi libros plurimos, quos longum esset enarrare.

 [107] Some of the books were restored, others were resold to the abbey.

 [108] A lot of forty-nine, with prices attached, is given in _Annales
 a J. Amund._, ii. 268 _et seq._

 [109] Gloucester House, now Worcester College.

 [110] Dugdale, iv. 405.

 [111] For St. Albans see _Gesta Abbatum_, i. 58, 70, 94, 106, 179,
 184; ii. 200, 306, 363; iii. 389, 393.

 [112] _Mon. Fr._, ii. lviii.

 [113] Bryce, i. 440 n., 29.

 [114] Clark, 62.

 [115] These works would be Latin translations based upon Arabic
 versions. _Opus Majus_, iii. 66; _Camb. Lit._, i. 199; Gasquet^{3},

 [116] Close roll, 10 Hen. III, m. 6 (3rd Sep.); Trivet,
 _Annales_, 243; _Mon. Fr._, i. 185; Stevenson, 76; _O. H. S._, Little,

 [117] Wood, _Hist. Ant. U. Ox._ (1792), i. 329.

 [118] There is an imperfect catalogue of their library in Leland, iii.

 [119] Leland^{3}, 286.

 [120] Oliver, _Mon. Dioc. Exon._, 332, 333.

 [121] _Sussex Archaeol. Collections_, i. (1848), 168-187.

 [122] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 18.

 [123] _Cal. of Pap. Letters_, iv. 42-43.

 [124] Leland, iii. 53.

 [125] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i., 597.

 [126] For date see Stow (Kingsford’s ed.), i. 108; i. 318; _Mon. Fr._
 i. 519.

 [127] Stow, i. 318.

 [128] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 591

 [129] The catalogue is edited by Dr. M. R. James in _Fasciculus Ioanni
 Willis Clark dicatus_, 2-96.

 [130] Bryce, i. 369.

 [131] _Mon. Fr._, i. 391.

 [132] _Ibid._ i. 366.

 [133] But see _O. H. S._, Little, 56; _Mon. Fr._, ii. 91--Libri
 fratrum decedentium....

 [134] _Mon. Fr._, i. 114.

 [135] _Bodl. MS. Twyne_, xxiii. 488; _O. H. S._, Little, 60.

 [136] R. Armachanus, _Defensorium Curatorum_; cf. Wyclif’ English
 _Works_, ed. Matthew, 128, 221.

 [137] _R. de B._, Thomas’ ed. 203.

 [138] Stevenson, 87.

 [139] Gasquet^{3}, 140, _q.v._ for full description of these

 [140] _MS. Bodl._ Tanner, 165.

 [141] _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 592; James, xlix.

 [142] _Hist. et Cart. Mon. Glouc._, iii. lxxiv.

 [143] _R. de B._, _c. v._ 183.

 [144] Whitaker, _Hist. of Craven_, (1805), 330; another computus,
 discovered later, does not refer to books (ed. 1878).

 [145] Morris, _Chester during Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns_, 128-129.

 [146] James, M. R.^{1}, 109-110.

 [147] Bateson, _Med. Eng._, 339.

 [148] Gasquet^{4}, 49.

 [149] _E. H. R._, xxv. 122.

 [150] Bateson, vii.

 [151] _Synesius de laude Calvitii_, MS. Bodl. 80.

 [152] Gasquet^{2}, 36-37.

 [153] Sandys., ii. 225; and see _post_, p. 195.

 [154] Gasquet^{2}, 37; Rashdall and Rait, _New Coll._ (1901), 251.

 [155] A few volumes escaped: a copy of Basil’s Commentary on
 Isaiah, presumably in Greek, and some others. “Among them must in
 all probability be reckoned the first copy of Homer whose presence
 can be definitely traced in England since the days of Theodore of
 Tarsus.”--_Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 598. Cp. James, li.

 [156] Aubrey, _Lett. of Em. Per. from the Bod._, i. 278.

 [157] _Laboryouse Journey and Serche of Johann Leylande for Englandes
 Antiquitees_, by Bale, 1549. Cf. Strype, _Parker_ (1711), 528.

 [158] Accounts of John Scudamore (kings receiver), detailing proceeds
 of sale of goods from Bordesley Abbey, and other monasteries.--_Cam.
 Soc._, xxvi. 269, 271, 275.

 [159] _Fasciculus I. W. Clark dicatus_, 16, and cf. 96.

 [160] _Fasciculus I. W. Clark dicatus_, 16, 17.

 [161] _C. A. S. 8vo. Publ._, No. 33 (1900), Dr. James on MSS. in the
 Library of Lambeth Palace, pp. 1, 2, 6.

 [162] See Dr. James’ view of the dispersion of Bury Abbey
 Library.--James^{1}, 9-10.

 [163] Monasticon, Dugdale, ii. 586-587.

 [164] _Ath. Ox._ (1721), 82, 83.

 [165] James (M. R.), lxxxi.

 [166] Leland, _Itinerary_ (1907), i. xxxviii.

 [167] James (M. R.)^{1}, 11.

 [168] _Notes and Q._, 2. i. 485; James (M. R.), lvii, lxxxii.

 [169] Strype, _Parker_ (1711), 528.

 [170] James (M. R.), _Sources of Archbishop Parker’s MSS_. (Camb.
 Antiq. Soc.).

 [171] James (M. R.), 505-534.

 [172] James (M. R.)^{1}, 42; _ibid._ xciv. But later Dr. James was
 less certain of some of his identifications. See James (M. R.)^{10},

 [173] Robinson.

 [174] See also Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_.

 [175] Maitland, 404-405.

 [176] _Stat. selecta Cap. Gen. O. Cisterc._, A.D. 1278, Martène, iv.
 1462; Maitland, 406.

 [177] _O. H. S._, Little, 55.

 [178] _Surtees Soc._, xv., Durham Rites, 70-71.

 [179] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 301.

 [180] James (M. R.), li.; Cox, _Canterbury_, 199.

 [181] Windle, _Chester_, 171-172; _Library_, ii. 285.

 [182] Géraud, _Essai sur les livres_, 181.

 [183] Sandys, i. 266.

 [184] Cp. Du Cange, _Gloss_. art. _Scriptores_; citation from Const.
 of Carthusians.

 [185] Maitland, 56.

 [186] _Chron. mon. de Abingd_., ii. 371.

 [187] _Gesta abb. m. S. Albani_, i. 57-58.

 [188] From the Porkington MS.; this treatise has been printed in
 _Early English Miscellanies_, ed. J. O. Halliwell, for the Warton
 Club (1855), p. 72. Other treatises are in Mrs. Merrifield’s _Arts of
 Painting_ (1849).

 [189] Madan, 37.

 [190] Pez, _Thesaurus_, i. xx.

 [191] Bede, _Works_, ed. Plummer, xx.

 [192] _O. V._, pars II. lib. iv.

 [193] Hardy, iii. xiii.

 [194] _Surtees Soc._, vii. xxv.

 [195] Lecoq de la Marche, 103.

 [196] In a MS. of Joh. Andreas, _Super Decretales_, Peterhouse,
 Camb.--James^{3}, 29.

 [197] MS. on surgery, Peterhouse, Camb.--James^{3}, 137.

 [198] Du Cange, _Gloss._, art., _Scriptorium_.

 [199] Martène, _De Ant. Mon. Ritibus_, v. c. 18, § 4.

 [200] _E. H. R._, xxv. 121.

 [201] Thompson, pp. 19 ff., 322.

 [202] _Customary of St. A._ (H. Brads. Soc.), i. 401. These tablets
 were called _ceratae tabellae_, _tabellae cerae_, or simply _cerae_.
 The name of a book, _caudex_, _codex_, was first given to these
 tabellae when they were strung together to form a square “book.”--_V.
 Antiquary_, xii. 277.

 [203] James^{1}, 7; _ibid._^{17}, 3.

 [204] _Works_, ed. Skeat, i. 379.

 [205] _Mon. Fr._, i. 359.

 [206] _Epp._, 8. 69; Sandys, i. 487-488.

 [207] James (M. R.)^{10}.

 [208] Stevenson, _Suppl. to Bentham’s Ch. of Ely_.

 [209] Warton, i. 213.

 [210] _Mon. Fr._, i. 206.

 [211] _O. H. S._, Little, 135; best account of Adam in this book.

 [212] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo ser. vii. 187 (1909). The story of the
 connexion between Chesterton and Vercelli is most interesting. A
 list of the books is in Lampugnani, _Sulla Vita di Guala Bicchieri,
 Vercelli_ (1842), 125 _et seq._; but I have not been able to see the
 book. See further Bekynton’s _Correspondence_, ii. 344 (Rolls Ser.);
 and Kennedy, _Poems of Cynewulf_ (1910), 6.

 [213] _O. H. S._, 27 Boase, xxxvii n.

 [214] Sandys, i. 486-489, _q.v._ for other interesting facts about
 this abbot.

 [215] _Gesta Abbatum_, i. 57.

 [216] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 153. A list of the precentor’s
 rents, applied to expenses of the writing-room and the organ, will be
 found in ii. 328.

 [217] _H. Mon. S. A._, 392.

 [218] Stewart, _Ely Cath._, 280; _Surtees Soc._, lxix. 15-20;
 Robinson, I.

 [219] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 208-210.

 [220] Full document in Edwards, i. 283.

 [221] _Chron. abb. Rameseiensis_, 356.

 [222] James, 535-544.

 [223] _Chron. abb. de Evesham_, 267.

 [224] Robinson, 4.

 [225] _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, 19.

 [226] Rymer, _Foedera_, viii. 501; cf. James^{17}, 153.

 [227] Cam. Soc., _Bury Wills_ (1850), 105. Many of the gifts to Syon
 monastery came from priests.--Bateson, xxiii-xxvii. Cf. also lists of
 donors in James (M. R.), 535 _et seq._

 [228] Cf. James (M. R.), lxxii n.

 [229] _Customary of Barnwell_ (Harl. MS. 3061).

 [230] _Surtees Soc._ xv., Durham Rites, 70-71. The library would be
 that built by Wessington in 1446.

 [231] But see Robinson, 3.

 [232] Sandys, i. 266.

 [233] _Archæol. Jour._ (1848), v. 85.

 [234] _Lancs. and Ches. Hist. Soc._, xix. 106.

 [235] _Chron. mon. de Melsa_, iii. lxxxiii.

 [236] James (M. R.), xliv.

 [237] _Anglia Sacra_, i. 145-6; James (M. R.), l-li.

 [238] MS. Arundel 57, Brit. Mus. See James (M. R.), lxxvii. “This
 boc is dan Michelis of Northgate, y-write an englis of his ozene
 hand. thet hatte: Ayenbyte of Inwyt. And is of the bochouse of Saynt
 Austines of Canterberi. mid the letters _CC_.” “Ymende, thet this boc
 is volveld ine the eve of the holy apostles Symon an Judas, of ane
 brother of the cloystre of Sauynt Austin of Canterberi, ine the yeare
 of oure lhordes beringe (birth) 1340.”

 [239] _Surtees Soc._, xv., Durham Rites, 26.

 [240] _C._ 1429-45. Most likely over the cloister. The books seem
 to have been arranged flat on sloping desks, to which they were
 chained.--James (M. R.)^{1}, 41.

 [241] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 373.

 [242] Hardy, iii. xiii.

 [243] _Chron. mon. de Abingd._, ii. 371; _Customary of St. August._,
 _Cant._ (H. Brads. Soc.), introd.

 [244] _Customary of St. August._, i. 96; ii. 36.

 [245] _Panni, camisiae librorum._

 [246] _Stat. ant. ord. Carthus._, _c._ xvi. § 9.

 [247] MS. Lat. 12296, Bibl. Nat., Paris.

 [248] _Bibl. Cluniacensis_, lib. i.; Maitland, 440.

 [249] James (M. R.)^{10}, 171.

 [250] B. M. MS. Reg. 12 G. ii.; Warton, i. 182.

 [251] Harl. MS. 2798.

 [252] See anathema in Trin. Coll. Camb. MS. B. S. 17.

 [253] James^{17}, 126.

 [254] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 41.

 [255] Bryce, i. 27.

 [256] _Hist. MSS._, 6th Rept. 296_b_.

 [257] _Records of the Borough of Nottingham_, i. 335.

 [258] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. 397.

 [259] See particularly James (M. R.), xlv-xlvi, 146-149.

 [260] Delisle, _Bibl. de l’École des chartes_, iii^{e} ser. i. 225.

 [261] _Hist. MSS._ 6th Rept. 296_a_.

 [262] _Literae Cantuarienses_, ii. 146.

 [263] _Mon. Fr._, ii. 91.

 [264] _Literae Cantuarienses_, ii. 146; James (M. R.), 146.

 [265] James (M. R.), xlv, 502-503; Camb. Univ. Lib. MS., Ff. 4. 40,
 last fol.

 [266] Clark, 133.

 [267] _Surtees Soc._, vii. 85.

 [268] See also Bateson, vi-vii.

 [269] Bateson, vii.

 [270] Pemb. Coll., Camb., MS. 180.

 [271] Madan, 7, 8.

 [272] Bateson, 202. Ut scilicet prima particula de numero et
 perfecta voluminum cognicione loci precentorem informet, secunda
 ad solicitam leccionis frequenciam ffratres studiosos provocet, et
 tercia de singulorum tractatuum repercione festina scolaribus itinera
 manifestet.--James, 407.

 [273] James (M. R.), 410. For further information on monastic
 catalogues consult _Surtees Soc._, vii; Becker; James (M. R.);
 Bateson; _Zentralblatt_; Gottlieb.

 [274] Bateson, _Med. Eng._, 86.

 [275] Now in Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s library. Illustrated in _La
 Bibliofilia_, xi. 169.

 [276] Cf. _Register of S. Osmund_, ii. 127. Textus unus aureus magnus
 continens saphiros xx., et smaragdos [emeralds] vi., et thopasios
 viii., et alemandinas [? carbuncle or ruby] xviii., et gernettas
 [garnets] viii., et perlas xii. Also i. 276; ii. 43. Jerome, _Ad
 Eustoch_, Ep. 18.

 [277] _MS._, 41; James^{17}, 81.

 [278] _C. A. S._, 8vo. publ. No. 33 (1900), 25.

 [279] _MS. Bodl._, Auct. D. 2. 16 fo. 1ª; Dugdale, ii. 527; _Oxford
 Philol. Soc. Trans._, 1881-83, p. 2.

 [280] Full inventory in Oliver, _Lives of the Bps._, 301-310.

 [281] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo. ser. iv. 311.

 [282] Ego I. de G. Exon., do Eccle. Exon librum istum cum pari suo,
 in festo Annuntiationis Dominice. Manu mea, anno consecrationis mee
 xxxix.--Oliver, _Lives of the Bps._, 85.

 [283] Lego eisdem libros meos episcopales, majorem et minorem, quos
 ego compilavi.--_Ibid._ 86.

 [284] In 1329 he wrote to Richard de Ratforde from Chudleigh:
 “Regraciamur vobis quod Librum Sermonum Beati Augustini pro nobis,
 prout Magister Ricardus filius Radulphi, ex parte nostra, vos rogavit,
 retinuistis, nobisque et condiciones ejusdem significastis et precium.
 Et, quia ipsum Librum habere volumus, lx solidos sterlingorum Magistro
 Johanni de Sovenaisshe [Sevenashe], Magistro Scolarum nostre Civitatis
 Exoniensis, pro ipso Libro tradi fecimus, ut nobis eundem, quamcicius
 nuncii securitas affuerit, transmittatis. Libros, eciam, Theologicos
 Originales, veteres saltem et raros, ac Sermones antiquos, eciam sine
 Divisionibus Thematum, pro nostris usibus exploretis; scribentes nobis
 condiciones et precium eorundem.”--_O.H.S._, 27 Boase, 2.

 [285] Robinson, 63.

 [286] Building accounts in _C. A. S._ (N.S.), 8vo. ser. iv. 296.

 [287] Oliver, 366-375.

 [288] Between 1385 and 1425 the bishops giving books to Exeter
 College, Oxford.

 [289] Oliver, 359, 360, 366-375.

 [290] List in Oliver, _Lives_, 376; _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 306 (8vo.

 [291] Oliver, 376.

 [292] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iv. 312.

 [293] I have to thank my friend Mr. Tapley Soper, F.R.Hist.S., for his
 willing help in sending me information about this library.

 Our account of church libraries will appear inadequate if it is not
 borne in mind that we do not propose to go beyond the manuscript age.
 An excellent account of modern church libraries is given in _English
 Church Furniture_, in this series. Also see Clark, 257.

 [294] _Reliquary_, vii. 11 (Floyer).

 [295] _Reliquary_, vii. 14 (Floyer).

 [296] _Ibid._, 17.

 [297] The best account of Worcester Cathedral Library is in
 _Reliquary_, vii. 11, by the Rev. J. K. Floyer, M.A.

 [298] Havergal, _Fasti Heref._ (1869), 181-182.

 [299] W. of Malmesbury, _Gesta Pont._, 184.

 [300] _Register of St. Osmund_, i. 8, 214.

 [301] _Register of St. Osmund_, i. 224.

 [302] Cox and Harvey, _English Church Furniture_, 331.

 [303]See list in Giraldus Cambrensis, vii. 165-166.

 [304] _Archaeologia_, l. 496.

 [305] _Hist. MSS., 9th Rept._, App. 46a.

 [306] _Ep._, 126; Creighton, _Papacy_, iii. 53n.

 [307] Stow, i. 328.

 [308] Dugdale, _Hist. of St. Paul’s_, 392-398.

 [309] _Ibid._, 399.

 [310] Stow, i. 328.

 [311] _Ibid._, ii. 346; Simpson, _Reg. S. Pauli_, 13, 78, 133, 173,

 [312] Pp. 1, 325-327.

 [313] In the fifteenth century the bishops of Wells were good friends
 of learning: Skirlaw gave books to University College, Oxford; Bowet
 left a large library; Stafford gave books; Bekynton was the companion
 of the most cultivated men of his time. Dean Gunthorpe is well known
 as a pilgrim to Italy, who returned laden with manuscripts (see p.

 [314] _Hist. MSS. Rept._ 3, App. 363a.

 [315] _Mun. Acad._, 649.

 [316] _Mun. Acad._, 652-653.

 [317] _L. A. R._, viii. 372; Canon Church’s account of the library, in
 _Archaeologia_, lvii. pt. 2, is very full and interesting.

 [318] _Surtees Soc._, xxxv. 36-40.

 [319] Hunter, _Notes of Wills in Registers of York_, 15.

 [320] _Surtees Soc._, xxxv., 45-46.

 [321] _Ibid._, iv. 385; xlv. 89, 91.

 [322] _W. Salt Arch. Soc._, vi. pt. 2, 211.

 [323] _Capit. Acts_, v. 3.

 [324] Harwood, _Hist. and Antiq. of the Ch.... of Lichfield_ (1806),

 [325] _Vict. County Hist. of Berkshire_, ii. 109.

 [326] _Vict. Hist. Warwickshire_, ii. 127 b.

 [327] _Ibid._, ii. 128 a.

 [328] Johannes Rous, capellanus Cantariae de Guy-Cliffe, qui
 super porticum australem librariam construxit, et libris
 ornavit.--_Gentleman’s Magazine_ (N.S.), xxv. 37. The chapel of Guy’s
 Cliffe was erected by Richard Beauchamp for the repose of the soul of
 his “ancestor,” Guy of Warwick, the hero of romance.

 [329] Mr. W. T. Carter of the Warwick Public Library, has kindly given
 me much information about St. Mary’s Church library.

 [330] _Arch. Inst. City of York_ (1846), 10-11; _Surtees Soc._, iv.
 102-103, 196; xlv. 57-59, 159, 171, 220-222, 221n.; xxvi. 2-3; xxx.
 219, 275; Cox and Harvey, _English Church Furniture_, 331; _Mun.
 Acad._, 648-649; _Library_, i. 411; Cam. Soc., _Bury Wills_, 253.

 [331] Cox, J. C., and Hope, W. H. St. John, _Chronicles of the Colleg.
 Ch. of All Saints, Derby_ (1881), 175-177.

 [332] _Ibid._, 157.

 [333] _Library_, i. 417.

 [334] Stow, i. 194. Leland, iv. 48, has a note of four MSS. “in
 bibliotheca Petrina Londini.” Possibly this library was formed by
 Rector Hugh Damlet, who was a learned man, and gave several books to
 Pembroke College, Cambridge.--James^{10}, 184.

 [335] _Archaeologia_, xlv. 118, 120.

 [336] _R. H. S._, vi. 205.

 [337] Sandys, i. 606; Le Clerc, _Hist. Litt._ (2nd ed.), 430.

 [338] N. Bishop’s Collectanea, now at Cambridge; Wood, _Hist. and
 Antiq. U. of O._, ed. Gutch, 1796^{2}, vol. ii. pt. 2, 910.

 [339] _Mun. Acad._, 270.

 [340] Clark, 144; _Pietas O._, 5; Lyte, 97; Oriel document.

 [341] _O. H. S._ 5 _Collect._, i. 62-65.

 [342] _Univ. Arch. W. P. G._, 4-6.

 [343] _Mun. Acad._, 226-228.

 [344] _Ibid._, 267.

 [345] _Mun. Acad._, 265.

 [346] _Ibid._, 261 _et seq._

 [347] After the Black Death, Trinity Hall, Cambridge, possibly Corpus
 Christi, Cambridge, Canterbury College and New College, Oxford, were
 founded, and University (Clare) Hall, Cambridge, was enlarged, partly,
 at any rate, to repair the ravages the plague had made among the
 clergy.--_Camb. Lit._, ii. 354; cf. _Hist. MSS._, 5th Rep., 450.

 [348] _Mun. Acad._, 267.

 [349] _Ibid._, 266; _O. H. S._ 35-36, Ansley, 222, 229, 279, 313, 373,
 382, 397.

 [350] _Mun. Acad._, 266.

 [351] The indenture in which the books are catalogued mentions nine
 books received before: possibly these were the gift of 1435.--_Mun.
 Acad._, 758; _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 177.

 [352] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 184-90.

 [353] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 184.

 [354] _Mun. Acad._, 758.

 [355] _O. H. S._ 35, Ansley, 246.

 [356] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 187-89; _Mun. Acad._, 326-29.

 [357] _Athenæum_, Nov. 17, ’88, p. 664; Hulton, _Clerk of Oxford in
 Fiction_, 35.

 [358] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 197, 204.

 [359] See lists of Gloucester’s books in _Mun. Acad._, 758-65; _O. H.
 S._, Anstey, 179, 183, 232.

 [360] He also owned some French manuscripts: what he gave to Oxford
 formed part of a much larger private library.

 [361] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 294-95.

 [362] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 285-86, 300-1, 318.

 [363] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 9, 46.

 [364] _O. H. S._ 35, Anstey, 245-46.

 [365] _O. H. S._ 35-36, Anstey, 326, 439.

 [366] The plan resembled that of the old library built by Adam de
 Brome. For notes on the architectural history of this library, see
 _Pietas O._

 [367] _Mun. Acad._, 58, 59; cf. Smith, _Annals of U.C._, 37-39.

 [368] _Commiss. Docts., Oxford_, i., Statutes, p. 24.

 [369] Lyte, 181.

 [370] Paravicini, _Ball. Coll._, 169, 173.

 [371] _O. H. S._ 5, _Collect._, i. 66.

 [372] _Hist. MSS._, ix. 1, 46.

 [373] _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._, iii. 225; cf. _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep.,
 App. 135a; Walcott, _W. of Wykeham_, 285.

 [374] _Hist. MSS._ 9th Rep., i. 46; _Reg. Abp. Whittlesey_, fo. 122,
 cited by Lyte, 181.

 [375] Rogers, _Agric. and Prices_, iv. 599-600.

 [376] _O. H. S._ 32, _Collect._, 223, 214-15.

 [377] See the gifts to Exeter College, _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, _passim_.

 [378] _Mun. Acad._, ii. 706.

 [379] _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., 140a.

 [380] _Hist. MSS._ App. 2nd Rep., 129; _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, xlvii.

 [381] Brantingham gave £20 towards the building; More, £10. Account
 of building expenses, amounting to £57, 13s. 5½d., is given in _O. H.
 S._, 27, Boase, 345; see p. liii.

 [382] _O. H. S._ 27, Boase, xlviii. In 1392 “iiii_s_ pro ligacione
 septem librorum et I_d_ pro cervisia in eisdem
 ligatoribus, VI_d_ erario pro labore suo circa eosdem
 libros, et II_d_ Johanni Lokyer pro impositione
 eorundem librorum in descis.”

 [383] _Ibid._, xlviii.

 [384] The building, which is still standing as a part of Trinity
 College, cost £42; fittings, £6, 16s. 8d. Blakiston, _Trin. Coll._, 26.

 [385] James, xlvii.

 [386] Cf. Willis, _Arch. Hist. Camb._, ii. 410.

 [387] Willis, iii. 410.

 [388] _Hist. MSS._ 2nd Rep., 141a

 [389] _O. H. S._ 27, Boase; _O. H. S._ 5, _Collect._, 62. At C. C.,
 Christ Church, and St. John’s Colleges the least useful books could be
 sold if the libraries became too large.--Oxford Stat.

 [390] _Camb. Lit._, iii. 50.

 [391] _Cam. Soc._, xxvi. 71.

 [392] _I.e._ for practically nothing, a mere song.

 [393] Wood (Gutch), 918-19.

 [394] With Bodley’s noble work this book has no concern. The story has
 been told briefly in Mr. Nicholson’s _Pietas Oxoniensis_, and with
 more detail in Dr. Macray’s _Annals of the Bodleian_.

 [395] _MS. français_, I. 1.

 [396] Delisle, _Le Cabinet des MSS._, i. 152.

 [397] Cooper, i. 128, 152, 224.

 [398] _Surtees Soc._, xxx. 78-79.

 [399] Bradshaw, 19-34; Willis, iii. 404.

 [400] Cooper, i. 170; _Rotuli Parl._, iv. 321.

 [401] Willis, _Arch. Hist. Camb._, iii. 11.

 [402] _Ibid._, iii. 12.

 [403] _Ibid._, iii. 5.

 [404] Bradshaw, 35-53; _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 258.

 [405] Willis, iii. 25.

 [406] Mullinger, ii. 50.

 [407] Willis, iii. 25.

 [408] _Ibid._, iii. 25-26n.

 [409] _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 73; Willis, iii. 402.

 [410] _Surtees Soc._, iv. 385.

 [411] Willis, i. 370.

 [412] Willis, i. 537.

 [413] Lyte, _Eton_, 28-29.

 [414] James^{2}, 72-83.

 [415] James^{2}, 70-71; and see p. 144.

 [416] Willis, i. 356.

 [417] Lyte, _Eton_, 37; Willis, i. 393.

 [418] Willis, i. 414.

 [419] Lyte, _Eton_, 101.

 [420] James^{14}, viii.

 [421] Lyte, _Eton_, 29.

 [422] _C. A. S. Comm._, ii. 165.

 [423] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. (8vo. ser.) 398.

 [424] _Ibid._, 399.

 [425] _C. A. S._ (N.S.), iii. (8vo. ser.), 399.

 [426] James (M. R.)^{10}, xiii.-xvii.; _C. A. S._, ii. (8vo. ser.
 1864), 13-21.

 [427] MS. 232, in the library, contains his will, a list of his books
 with their prices, another catalogue, and a register of the borrowers
 of the books from 1440 to 1516.

 [428] _Surtees Soc._, xlv. 220-22.

 [429] Willis, i. 200, 226; iii. 411.

 [430] Clark, 140.

 [431] In winter 1382 “vii_d._ _ob_ pro ligatura cuiusdam textus
 philosophie de eleccione Johannis Mattecote.” Winter 1405, “i_d._
 _ob_ pro pergameno empto pro novo registro faciendo pro eleccione
 librorum”; winter 1457, “iiii_d._ More stacionario pro labore
 suo duobus diebus appreciando libros collegii qui traduntur in
 eleccionibus sociorum.” Autumn 1488, “ii_s._ i_d._ pro redempcione
 librorum quondam eleccionis domini Ricardi Symon.”--_O. H. S._ 27,
 _Boase_, xlix.

 [432] P.R.O., _Anc. Deeds_, c. 1782.

 [433] See further, _Documents relating to the University and Colleges
 of Cambridge_ (3v. 1852); _Statutes of the College of Oxford_ (3v.
 1853), especially i. 54, 97; ii. 60, 89; and _Mun. Acad._ Cf. Willis,
 _Camb._, iii. 387.

 [434] Lyte, 81.

 [435] _Ibid._, 84.

 [436] _R. de B._, ed. Thomas, pp. 246-48.

 [437] _Piers Plowman._

 [438] _Hous of Fame_, l. 1198.

 [439] _Troilus_, Bk. v. ll. 1797-98.

 [440] Furnivall’s ed., _Rolls S._, pt. 1, p. 1.

 [441] MS. _Reg._ 17, C. viii. f. 2; cited in Skeat’s Chaucer, v. 194.

 [442] Warton, 96-99; Rashdall and Rait, _New Coll._, 60.

 [443] Stubbs, _Lect. on Med. Hist._, 137.

 [444] James (M. R.), 148.

 [445] Coulton, _Chaucer and his England_, 99.

 [446] James (M. R.), lxxii.; this number is probably correct, but
 owing to confusion between three Abbots of this name it is not
 certainly right.

 [447] _Ibid._, lxxiv.

 [448] Robinson, 4-7.

 [449] _O. H. S._, 32, _Collect._ 36-40; also 9.

 [450] Blakiston, _Trin. Coll._ 5, 7; A. de Murimuth, 171.

 [451] R. de B., 197-199.

 [452] “R. de Bury ... qui ipsum episcopatum et omnia sua beneficia
 prius habita per preces magnatum et ambitionis vitium adquisivit,
 et ideo toto tempore suo inopia laboravit et prodigus exstitit in
 expensis.”--Murimuth, 171.

 [453] “Volens tamen magnus clericus reputari.”--Murimuth, 171.

 [454] Skeat’s Chaucer, vi. 381.

 [455] _Hous of Fame_, Works, iii. bk. ii. l. 656-58.

 [456] _Book of the Duchesse_, 44.

 [457] _Legend of Good Women_, prol. 30ff.

 [458] Valerie: possibly _Epistola Valerii ad Rufinum de uxore non
 ducenda_, attributed to Walter Mapes; it is a short treatise of about
 eight folios; it is printed in _Cam. Soc._ xvi. 77. Theofraste:
 _Aureolus liber de Nuptiis_, by one Theophrastus.

 [459] Ll. 669-85.

 [460] _Troilus_, ii. 81-105.

 [461] It seems to be Chaucer’s own; only about a third of the poem
 comes from Boccaccio’s _Filostrato_. Chaucer had a copy of _Thebais_
 of Statius.--_Troilus_, v. l. 1484.

 [462] _Letter-book_ K, fo. 39, July 4, 1426.

 [463] From schedule of the possessions of the Guildhall College, July
 24, 1549.--_L. A. R._, x. 381.

 [464] Chichele Register, pt. 1, fo. 392b, Lamb. Pal.; _L. A. R._, x.

 [465] _Conf. of Librarians_ (1877), 216; _L. A. R._, x. 382.

 [466] _Hist. MSS., 8th Rept._, pt. 1, 268a.

 [467] Gasquet^{2}, 20; Sandys, ii. 220; Legrand, _Bibliographie
 Hellénique_, i. (1885) xxiv., where the date is 1405-6.

 [468] _Epp._ (ed. Tonelli, 1832-61), i. 43, 70, 74.

 [469] “Cest livre est a moy Homfrey Duc de Glocestre, lequel je fis
 translater de Grec en Latin par un de mes secretaires, Antoyne de
 Beccariane de Verone.”--Cam. Soc. 1843, Ellis, _Letters_, 357.

 [470] Gherardi, _Statuti della Univ. e Studio Fiorentino_, 364;
 Sandys, ii. 220; Einstein, 15.

 [471] _O.H.S._, 35, Anstey, 17, 45.

 [472] “Messer Andrea Ols” in Italian authority; identified by Dr.

 [473] _O.H.S._, 36, Anstey, ii. 389-91; Sandys, ii. 221-26; Einstein,

 [474] _MS._ 587 _Bodl._

 [475] Leland^{3}, 463; Leland, iii. 13; Einstein, 23, 54-5; _C.A.S._,
 8vo ser., No. 32 (1899), 13.

 [476] _E. H. R._, xxv. 449.

 [477] Rymer, _Foedera_, xii. 214, 216; _E. H. R._, xxv. 450.

 [478] Now _MS._ li. 4, 16, at Cambridge University Library.

 [479] On Shirwood’s books see _E. H. R._, xxv. 449-53.

 [480] Leiden, _Voss. MSS. Graec._, 56.

 [481] On this group see Harris, Jas. Rendel, _The Leicester Codex._

 [482] _E. H. R._, xxv. 446-7; James.

 [483] _Literae Cant._ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 239; cf. Campbell, _Matls for
 Hist. of H. VII._, ii. 85, 114, 224.

 [484] Leland^{3}, 482. The Obit in _Christ Church MS._ D. 12 refers to
 Selling as “Sacrae Theologiae Doctor. Hic in divinis agendis multum
 devotus et lingua Graeca et Latina valde eruditus.”--Gasquet^{2}, 24.

 [485] Gasquet^{2}, 24; James, li.

 [486] Homer and Euripides are in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge;
 the others are in Trinity College, Cambridge.--James^{16}, 9;
 Gasquet^{2}, 30.

 [487] Gasquet^{2}, 37.

 [488] The point is disputed; cf. Einstein, 32; Lyte, 386; _Camb.
 Lit._, iii. 5, 6; Rashdall and Rait, _New. Coll._, 93; Dr. Sandys does
 not mention Vitelli.

 [489] Rashdall, ii. 343.

 [490] _Biblio. Soc. Monogr._ x. (S. Gibson), 43-6.

 [491] _Ibid._, p. 1; _O.H.S._, 29; Madan, 267, contains long list of

 [492] _O. H. S._, 27, Boase, xxxvi.

 [493] Cf. _Grace B._ Δ ix, xlii, xliii.; _O.H.S._, 29, Madan, _Early
 Oxf. Press_, 266; _Mun. Acad._, 532, 544, 579.

 [494] _Mun. Acad._, 52.

 [495] _Ibid._, 174, 346.

 [496] _Ibid._, xxxviii.

 [497] _Mun. Acad._, xl.-xlii.

 [498] _Ibid._, 253.

 [499] _Mun. Acad._, 383-7.

 [500] _Ibid._, 233-4.

 [501] R. de B., 205.

 [502] _Mun. Acad._, 550.

 [503] Bodl. MS. Rawlinson, 34, fo. 21, _Stat. Coll. S. Mariae pro
 Oseney: De Libraria_.

 [504] Cooper, i. 57, 104, 141, 262; cf. _Biblio. Soc. Monogr._ 13, p.

 [505] 3 H. vii., cap. 9, 10, _Stat. of the Realm_, ii. 518.

 [506] _Donnée des comptes des Roys de France, au 14^{e} siècle_
 (1852), 227; Putnam, i. 312; _Library_, v. 3-4.

 [507] Gairdner, _Paston letters_, v. 1-4, where the whole bill is

 [508] Cited in _Gasquet_^{2}, 17.

 [509] Martène, _Thesaurus_, i. 511.

 [510] _Opera_, fo. 1523. Fo. xlvii. 7, _Doctrinale juvenum_, c. v.

 [511] _Ibid._, c. iv.

 [512] Maitland, 200.

 [513] _Surtees Soc._, vii. 80.

 [514] V. Catalogues in _Becker_; James (M. R.); Bateson; _Surtees
 Soc._, vii.; etc.

 [515] Sandys, i. 638; and see Jerome, _Ep._ xxii., ed. 1734, i. 114.

 [516] Sandys i. 618.

 [517] Comparetti, _Vergil in the M. A._, 77.

 [518] Taylor, _Classical Heritage_, 37.

 [519] Sandys, i. 638-39; see what is said about use of Ovid at

 [520] On the use of classics in the Middle Ages see Sandys, i. 630
 (Plautus and Terence), 631 (Lucretius), 633 (Catullus and Virgil), 635
 (Horace), 638 (Ovid), 641 (Lucan), 642 (Statius), 643 (Martial), 644
 (Juvenal), 645 (Persius), 648 (Cicero), 653 (Seneca), 654 (Pliny), 655
 (Quintilian), etc.

 [521] Rashdall, i. 42.

 [522] Lyte, 88-89; Einstein, 180.

 [523] Bacon, _Op. ined_., 84, 148.

 [524] Mullinger, 211.

 [525] Rashdall, i. 77-8.

 [526] Becker, 244.

 [527] Cf. Becker, index.

 [528] On Michael, see Bacon, _Op. maj._, 36, 37; Dante, _Inferno_, xx.
 116; Boccaccio, 8 day, 9 novel; Scott, _Lay_, II. xi.; Brown, _Life
 and Legend of M. S._ (1897).

 [529] Bacon, _Op. ined., Comp. stud._, 472 (Rolls Series).

 [530] In Peterhouse Library, Cambridge, is a manuscript of Aristotle’s
 _Metaphysica_, with Latin translations from the Arabic and the Greek
 in parallel columns: the one being called the old translation, the
 other the new. The manuscript is of the thirteenth or fourteenth
 century.--James^{3}, 43.

 [531] Gasquet^{3}, 143-44; see other instances, _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i.

 [532] Jourdain, _Recherches ... traductions Latines d’A._, 187;
 Gasquet^{3}, 148.

 [533] Paris, _Chron. Maj._, iv. 232-3; cp. Bacon, _Op. ined._, 91, 434.

 [534] Stevenson, 224, 227; _Camb. Mod. Hist._, i. 586; James, lxxxvi.

 [535] MS. Ff. i. 24; Paris, _C.M._ iv. 232; cf. v. 285.

 [536] Sandys, i. 576.

 [537] Now Canon. gr. 35 Bodleian; James, lxxxvi. This may be the
 _Liber grecorum_ in the list of books repaired in 1508.--James,
 lxxxvi., 163.

 [538] James^{16}, 10.

 [539] _Op. Maj._, 46.

 [540] _Op. Tertium_, p. 55, 56.

 [541] James (M. R.), lxxiv.

 [542] _Mun. Acad._, 86, 430, 444; cf. Lyte, 235. Donatus came to
 be regarded as a synonymous term for grammar. In _Piers Plowman_ a
 grammatical lesson or text-book is called “Donet.” A Greek grammar was
 called a “Donatus Graecorum.”

 [543] _Mun. Acad._, 441.

 [544] In the right-hand doorway of the west front of Chartres
 Cathedral are figures of the Seven Arts, Grammar being associated
 with Priscian, Logic with Aristotle, Rhetoric with Cicero, Music with
 Pythagoras, Arithmetic with Nicomachus, Geometry with Euclid, and
 Astronomy with Ptolemy. Cf. Marriage, _Sculp. of Chartres Cath._,
 71-73 (1909).

 [545] On medieval studies see further _Mun. Acad._, 34, 242-43, 285,
 412-13; Sandys, i. 670.

 [546] _Oxford Stat._, _c._ 21.

 [547] _Toxophilus_, Arber’s ed., p. 19.

 [548] _Camb. Eng. Lit._, iii. 364.

 [549] Cf. Warton, ii. 95.

 [550] By Jehan de Tuim, _c._ 1240.

 [551] Wace or Layamon.

 [552] _Amadas et Idoine_, an anonymous Norman French poem of the
 twelfth century.

 [553] Sir Beves of Hamtoun (Fr. 13 cent., Eng. 14 cent.).

 [554] Character in romance of _Tristrem_, by Thomas the Rymer.

 [555] _Haveloke._ For other metrical catalogues see first and second
 prologues to _Richard Cœur de Lion_.--Ritson, _Anc,. Eng. Metr.
 Romances_, i. 55.

 [556] Gladly, blithely.

 [557] From beginning of _Handlyng Synne_, by Robert Mannying of Brunne.

 [558] Bateson x.; Gasquet^{4}, 30-31; James (M.R.), 148.

 [559] Written at the end of the manuscript, which is in the Douce
 collection.--Warton, i. 182-83.

 [560] MS. Burney, 11; James (M.R.), 515.

 [561] _B.M. MS. Reg._, 9 B ix. 1.

 [562] Lyte, 135.

 [563] _Mun. Acad._, 665. Cf. p. 661.

 [564] _Mun. Acad._, ci.

 [565] _Mun. Acad._, lxxvii.

 [566] _Lyte_, 93.

 [567] Lounsbury, _Studies in Chaucer_, ii. 265.

 [568] _Wife of Bath’s Prologue_, ll. 673-81.

 [569] _E. H. R._, xxv. 453.

 [570] _Camb. Lit._, i. 262.

 [571] _Piers Plowman_, 186.

 [572] “Quendam libru’ meu’ de Cant^{rbury} Tales.”--_N. & Q._, 11 ser.
 ii. 26.

 [573] _Camb. Lit._, i. 262.

 [574] Jusserand, _Piers_, 13.

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