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Title: The great probability of a North West Passage
- deduced from observations on the letter of Admiral de Fonte
Author: Jefferys, Thomas
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The great probability of a North West Passage
- deduced from observations on the letter of Admiral de Fonte" ***
THE
GREAT PROBABILITY
OF A
NORTH WEST PASSAGE.
[Illustration:
_A_
General Map
_OF_
_the DISCOVERIES of_
ADMIRAL DE FONTE,
Exhibiting
_the great Probability of a_
North-west Passage
BY
Thomas Jefferys,
_Geographer to the KING._
]
THE
GREAT PROBABILITY
OF A
NORTH WEST PASSAGE:
DEDUCED FROM
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
Letter of Admiral DE FONTE,
Who sailed from the _Callao_ of _Lima_ on the Discovery of a
Communication
BETWEEN THE
SOUTH SEA and the ATLANTIC OCEAN;
And to intercept some Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_,
whom he met with,
Then in Search of a NORTH WEST PASSAGE.
PROVING THE
AUTHENTICITY of the Admiral's LETTER.
With Three Explanatory MAPS.
1st. A Copy of an authentic _Spanish_ Map of _America_, published
in 1608.
2d. The Discoveries made in _Hudson_'s Bay, by Capt. _Smith_, in
1746 and 1747.
3d. A General Map of the Discoveries of Admiral _de Fonte_.
By THOMAS JEFFERYS, Geographer to the King.
WITH
AN APPENDIX.
Containing the Account of a Discovery of Part of the Coast and Inland
Country of LABRADOR, made in 1753.
The Whole intended for
The Advancement of TRADE and COMMERCE.
LONDON:
Printed for THOMAS JEFFERYS, at Charing Cross.
MDCCLXVIII.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
WILLS EARL OF HILLSBOROUGH,
_&c._ _&c._ _&c._
ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE,
FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS,
ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE
PRIVY COUNCIL, AND F.R.S.
The Discovery of a North-west Passage having deserved the particular
Attention of that great Minister of State Sir _Francis Walsingham_,
with the Approbation of the greatest Princess of that Age, I presumed
to ask the Permission to inscribe the following Sheets, on the same
Subject, to your Lordship, wrote with no View of setting any further
Expeditions on Foot, or with respect to any particular System, but as a
candid and impartial Enquiry, to shew the great Probability there is of
a North-west Passage. The Importance of the Subject, treated with the
greatest Regard to Truth, are the only Pretensions I have to merit your
Patronage.
Your Lordship will appear, to the latest Posterity, in the amiable
Light of being zealous for the Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of
the Nation, for promoting the commercial Interests, the Happiness
of his Majesty's Subjects in general, and of those in _America_
in particular. I therefore have the most grateful Sense of your
Benevolence and Humanity in condescending to grant me this Favour, as
it will be known for Part of that Time that I had the Honour to be
YOUR LORDSHIP'S
MOST HUMBLE AND
OBEDIENT SERVANT,
THE AUTHOR.
THE PREFACE.
The Opinion of there being a North-west Passage between the _Atlantic_
and _Southern Ocean_ hath continued for more than two Centuries;
and though the Attempts made to discover this Passage have not been
attended with the desired Success, yet in Consequence of such Attempts
great Advantages have been received, not by the Merchant only but by
the Men of Science. It must be a Satisfaction to the Adventurer, though
disappointed in his principal Design, that his Labours have contributed
to the Improvement of Science, and the Advancement of Commerce.
There was a Generosity with respect to the Discovery of a North-west
Passage, or a Respect to the great Abilities of those who promoted
the various Undertakings for making such Discovery, to the Crown
which patronized them, and the Estates of the Kingdom who promised a
most munificent Reward to such who should compleat such Discovery,
that those who were of a contrary Opinion treated the Subject with
a becoming Decency. But the Censures that have been of late made by
our Countrymen, and more particularly by Foreigners, our Ancestors
have been treated as so many Fools, or infatuated Persons, busied to
compleat an impracticable and a merely chimerical Project, and are
accused by a foreign Geographer to have proceeded so far as to forge a
fictitious Account under the Title of a Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_.
That the Iniquity of the _English_ Writers is not such (neither was
ever known to be such) nor, was it in their Inclination, could they so
easily deceive the World; and the Falshood of this Assertion could be
no otherway made apparent than by considering such Letter with a just
Criticism, and examining the Circumstances relating thereto. Though the
present Age may not pay much Regard to these Censures, yet if they are
passed unnoticed, might hereafter be considered as Truths unanswerable
at the Time those Censures were made. Therefore to do Justice to the
Character of our Ancestors, to the present Age in which such great
Encouragement hath been given to these Undertakings, and that Posterity
might not be deceived, were Motives (had they been duly considered
without a Regard to the Importance of the Subject) which might incite
an abler Pen to have undertaken to vindicate the Authenticity of _de
Fonte_'s Letter. As for a long Time nothing of this Kind appeared, nor
could I hear that any Thing was undertaken of this Sort, by any Person
to whom I could freely communicate my Sentiments, and the Informations
which I had collected on this Subject, as the Discovery of a North-west
Passage hath been the Object of my Attention for some Years, considered
myself under the disagreeable Necessity of becoming an Author in an
Age of such refined Sentiments, expressed in the greatest Purity of
Language: But if I have succeeded in the greater Matters, I hope to be
excused in the lesser.
I have inserted the Letter of _de Fonte_, as first published in the
_Monthly Miscellany_, or _Memoirs of the Curious_, in _April_ and
_June_ 1708, very scarce or in very few Hands; not only as I thought
it consistent with my Work, but that the Curious would be glad to have
a Copy of such Letter exactly in the same Manner in which it was first
published, to keep in their Collections.
As to the Observations respecting the Circumstances of the Letter of
_de Fonte_, the Manner by which it was attained, its being a Copy
of such Letter which the Editors procured to be translated from the
_Spanish_, and as to such Matters as are to be collected from the Title
of such Letter, and from the Letter in Support of its Authenticity,
I submit those Observations to superior Judgments: If confuted, and
it appears I have misapprehended the Matter, am not tenacious of my
Opinion, but shall receive the Conviction with Pleasure, being entirely
consistent with my Design, which is, That the Truth may be discovered,
whether this Account is authentick or not.
In my Remarks of the Letter I have endeavoured to distinguish what was
genuine, from what hath been since added by other Hands; have made an
exact Calculation of the Courses; have considered the Circumstances of
such Letter, giving the Reasons of the Conduct that was used in the
various Parts of the Voyage, and shewing the Regularity and Consistency
there is through the Whole, and without Anachronisms or Contradictions
as hath been objected, part of which I was the better enabled to do
from some Experience which I have had in Affairs of this Sort. I must
observe, the Calculations were made without any Regard had to the
Situation of _Hudson_'s or _Baffin_'s Bay; but begun at the _Callao_
of _Lima_, and pursued as the Account directs from the Westward: And
it was an agreeable Surprize to find what an Agreement there was as to
the Parts which, by such Courses, it appeared that the Admiral and his
Captain were in, consistent with the Purpose they were sent on, and the
Proximity of where they were to _Hudson_'s and _Baffin_'s Bay.
To state particularly all the Objections which have been made to this
Account, I thought would have greatly increased the Bulk of the Work.
There is no material Objection which I have any where met with, but
is here considered. Also to have added all the Authorities which I
have collected and made Use of, would have made it more prolix; so
have contented myself with only giving such Quotations as appeared
absolutely necessary to insert and then to mention the Authors
particularly. I think I have not perverted the Meaning, or forced the
Sense, of any Author made Use of, to serve my Purpose.
To shew the Probability of a Passage, have traced the Opinions
relating to it from the Time such Opinions were first received; and
also determined where it was always supposed to be or in what Part
such Passage was: Have considered the various Evidence that there is
relating to such Passage; and proposed what appears to be the properest
Method at present for prosecuting the Discovery.
There are three Maps, all of which appeared necessary for the better
understanding this Account. The one contains Part of _Asia_ and the
_Russian_ Discoveries on the Coast of _America_; the Expedition of _de
Fonte_, and clears up that seeming Inconsistency of the _Tartarian_ and
_Southern Ocean_ being contiguous in that Part of _America_, from the
Authority of the _Japanese_ Map of _Kempfer_, which must be of some
Repute, as it is so agreeable to the _Russian_ Discoveries: If true
in that Part, there is no Reason to suppose but it is in like Manner
true as to the other Part which is introduced into this Map. This Map
exhibits the Streight that _de Fuca_ went up, the Communication which
there may be supposed agreeable to the Lights which the Accounts afford
us between the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay with that Bay, or with
the _North Sea_ by _Hudson_'s Streights, or through _Cumberland_ Isles.
There is also added a second Map, to shew what Expectations may be had
of a Passage from _Hudson_'s Bay, according to the Discoveries made
in the Year 1747. The third Map is an exact Copy from that published
in the _Monarquia Indiana de Torquemada_, in which the Sea Coast of
_America_ is exhibited in a different Manner from what it usually was
in the Maps of that Time, compleated by the Cosmographers of _Philip_
the Third. The Work itself is in few Hands, and the Map, as far as
appears, hath been only published in that Book, is now again published,
as it illustrates this Work, and may be otherwise agreeable to the
Curious; having a Desire not to omit any Thing which would render the
Work compleat, or that would be acceptable to the Publick.
I have used uncommon Pains to be informed as to what could be any way
serviceable to render this Work more compleat; and must make this
publick Acknowledgement, as to the Gentlemen of the _British Museum_,
who, with great Politeness and Affability, gave me all the Assistances
in their Power to find if the Copy from which the Translation was
made was in their Possession, which after an accurate Search for some
Weeks it did not appear to be, and also their Assistance as to any
other Matters which I Supposed would be of Service. I cannot pass by
Mr. _Jefferys_'s Care and Exactness in executing the Maps, whose Care
and Fidelity to the Publick not to impose any Thing that is spurious,
but what he hath an apparent and real Authority for, is perhaps not
sufficiently known.
The Voyage, an Extract from which is added by Way of Appendix, was
made from _Philadelphia_, in a Schooner of about sixty Tons, and
fifteen Persons aboard, fitted out on a Subscription of the Merchants
of _Maryland_, _Pennsylvania_, _New York_, and _Boston_, on a generous
Plan, agreeable to Proposals made them, with no View of any Monopoly
which they opposed, not to interfere with the _Hudson_'s Bay Trade, or
to carry on a clandestine Trade with the Natives of _Greenland_, but
to discover a North-west Passage, and explore the _Labrador_ Coast, at
that Time supposed to be locked up under a pretended Right, and not
frequented by the Subjects of _England_, but a successful Trade carried
on by the _French_; to open a Trade there, to improve the Fishery and
the Whaling on these Coasts, cultivate a Friendship with the Natives,
and make them serviceable in a political Way: Which Design of theirs of
a publick Nature, open and generous, was in a great Measure defeated by
private Persons interfering, whose Views were more contracted.
They did not succeed the first Year as to their Attempt in discovering
a North-west Passage, as it was a great Year for Ice; that it would
be late in the Year before the Western Part of _Hudson_'s Bay could be
attained to, and then impossible to explore the _Labrador_ that Year,
therefore the first Part of the Design was dropped, and the _Labrador_
was explored. The next Year a second Attempt was made as to a Passage;
but three of the People who went beyond the Place appointed by their
Orders, and inadvertently to look for a Mine, Samples of which had been
carried home the Year before, and this at the Instigation of a private
Person before they set out from home, without the Privity of the
Commander, were killed by the _Eskemaux_, and the Boat taken from them.
After which Accident, with some disagreeable Circumstances consequent
thereon amongst the Schooner's Company, and after an Experiment made
of their Disinclination to proceed on any further Discovery, it was
thought most prudent to return. This short Account is given by the
Person who commanded in this Affair, to prevent any Misrepresentation
hereafter of what was done on these Voyages.
CONTENTS.
Page
Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_ as published in _April_ 1708 1
---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- _June_ 6
OBSERVATIONS _on the Title affixed_, &c. 11
The Reason of this Work.
The Translation made from a Copy of the Letter. Title and the
Copy of the Letter wrote in the _Spanish_ Language.
Copiest assured there was such an Expedition as this of Admiral
_de Fonte_ 12
An Account of this Expedition not published in _Spain_.
The Consequence of such Expedition not being published 14
The Knowledge or Certainty of this Expedition from Journals only 15
Mons. _de Lisle_ his Account of a Journal.
This Account by Mons. _de Lisle_ defended 17
This Translation of _de Fonte_'s Letter how considered when
first published.
Don _Francisco Seyxas y Lovera_ his Account of a Voyage of
_Thomas Peche_ 18
Observations on that Account 19
The Tradition of there being a Passage between the _Atlantic_
and _Southern Ocean_ credible 20
Accounts received from various Persons relating thereto not to be
discredited.
_Indians_, their Account of the Situation of such Streight
how to be considered 21
The Reasons why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to
the original Letter of _de Fonte_ 22
Evidence relating to this Account of _de Fonte_, which Distance
of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains 24
No authenticated Account of the Equipment of the Fleet to be
expected from _New Spain_ 25
This Account of _de Fonte_ authentick, and no Forgery.
The Editors published this Account as authentick 26
The Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of some
_Englishman_ obviated 27
The Design in publishing this Translation.
The Purpose of _de Fonte_'s writing this Letter not understood
by the Editors 28
The Editors unjustly reproached with a Want of Integrity.
The Censures as to the Inauthenticity of this Account of _de Fonte_
not founded on Facts.
Invalidity of the Objection that no Original hath been produced.
The Suspicion of the Account being a Deceit or Forgery from
whence.
The original Letter was in the _Spanish_ Language 29
Observations as to the Name _Bartholomew de Fonte_ 30
_De Fonte_ was a Man of Family 31
The _Spanish_ Marine not in so low a Condition as they were
under a Necessity to apply to _Portugal_ for Sea Officers to
supply the principal Posts.
What is to be understood of _de Fonte_ being President of
_Chili_ 31
REMARKS _on the Letter of Admiral_ de Fonte.
The Advice of the Attempt from _Boston_, in what Manner transmitted
from _Old Spain_ to the Viceroys.
The Appellation of industrious Navigators conformable to the
Characters of the Persons concerned.
The Court of _Spain_ knew that the Attempt was to be by _Hudson_'s
Bay.
This Attempt particularly commanded the Attention of the Court
of _Spain_ 34
As to the Computation by the Years of the Reign of King _Charles_.
The Times mentioned in the Letter do not refer to the Times the
Voyage was set out on.
There was sufficient Time to equip the four Ships 35
How the Design of this Attempt might come to the Knowledge of
the Court of _Spain_.
Reasons why both Viceroys should be informed 36
_De Fonte_ received his Orders from _Old Spain_.
Wrote his Letter to the Court of _Spain_.
_De Fonte_ and the Viceroys did not receive their Orders from the
same Persons 37
What is the Purpose of the introductory Part of this Letter.
The Names of the Ships agreeable to the _Spanish_ Manner.
_From_ Callao _to_ St. Helena.
Observations as to the Computation of Course and Distance in the
Voyage of _de Fonte_ 38
From whence _de Fonte_ takes his Departure.
As to the Distance between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St. Helena_, no
Fault in the Impression.
An Account of the Latitude and Longitude made Use of, which
agrees with _de Fonte_'s Voyage.
Remarks as to the Expression, anchored in the Port of
_St. Helena_ within the Cape 39
An Interpolation of what is not in the original Letter.
Observations as to the taking the Betumen aboard.
An Error as to Latitude corrected 40
An Error as to the Course corrected.
_From_ St. Helena _to the River_ St. Jago.
Observations as to _de Fonte_ taking fresh Provision aboard at
the River _St. Jago_ 41
A Comment or spurious Interpolation.
The Course _de Fonte_ sailed from the River _St. Jago_.
_From_ St. Jago _to_ Realejo.
A Proof that Glosses and Comments have been added to the original
Text 42
The Latitude not mentioned in the original Letter of _de Fonte_.
The Times that _de Fonte_ is sailing between the respective Ports
from the _Callao_ to _Realejo_ no Objection to the Authenticity
of this Account.
Boats provided for _de Fonte_ before he arrived at _Realejo_ 43
_From_ Realejo _to the Port of_ Salagua.
Observations as to the Islands of _Chiametla_.
---- ---- ---- Port of _Salagua_.
---- ---- ---- Master and Mariners 44
An Interpolation or Comment added.
The Translator not exact as to his Translation.
Remark as to the Information _de Fonte_ received as to the Tide
at the Head of the Bay of _California_ 45
_Pennelossa_ appointed to discover whether _California_ was
an Island.
The Account given of _Pennelossa_, as to his Descent, not in
the original Letter.
_From the Port of_ Salagua _to the_ Archipelagus _of_ St. Lazarus
_and_ Rio Los Reyes.
_De Fonte_ leaves _Pennelossa_ within the Shoals of _Chiametla_ 46
Course corrected.
Remark as to Cape _Abel_.
---- as to the Weather and the Time he was running eight Hundred
and sixty Leagues 47
A Neglect as to inserting a Course.
Computation of Longitude altered 48
The Course _de Fonte_ steered, he accounts as to the Land being
in a Latitude and Longitude agreeable to the late _Russian_
Discoveries. Acts with great Judgment as a Seaman.
The Agreement of the Table of Latitude and Longitude with the
_Russian_ Discoveries. And the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_
not laid down on a vague Calculation 49
Former Authorities for it.
So named by the _Spaniards_.
A superior Entrance to that of _Martin Aguilar_ and of _de Fuca_.
The _Archipelago_ of _St. Lazarus_, properly so named by
_de Fonte_.
A North-east Part of the _South Sea_ that _de Fonte_ passed up 50
His Instructions were to fall in with the Islands which formed
the _Archipelago_, and not the main Land.
_Rio los Reyes_, in what Longitude.
A further Proof that his Course was to the Eastward 51
_Proceedings of Admiral_ de Fonte _after his Arrival at_ Rio
de los Reyes.
The Translation very inaccurate in this Part.
The Date of the 22d of _June_ an Error.
_De Fonte_ dispatches one of his Captains to _Bernarda_ with
Orders.
Jesuits had been in those Parts, from whose Accounts the
Instructions were formed 52
Remarks as to the Orders sent _Bernarda_.
De Fonte _sails up_ Rio de los Reyes.
_De Fonte_ sets out on his Part of the Expedition 53
Was at the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ the 14th of _June_.
Observed the Tides in _Los Reyes_ and _Haro_.
Precaution to be used in going up the River.
An additional Note as to the Jesuits.
Observations as to the Jesuits.
Knew not of a Streight 54
Could not publish their Mission without Leave.
De Fonte _arrives at_ Conosset.
Receives a Letter from _Bernarda_ dated 27th of _June_ 55
The 22d of _June_ was not the Time _Bernarda_ received his Dispatches.
The Letter is an Answer to the Dispatches he received from _de Fonte_.
Remarks on the Letter.
Alters the Course directed by _de Fonte_.
Assures _de Fonte_ he will do what was possible, and is under
no Apprehension as to a Want of Provisions 56
The Name of _Haro_, and of the Lake _Velasco_, a particular
Compliment.
This Letter of _de Fonte_ wrote in _Spanish_.
_Description of_ Rio de los Reyes _and Lake_ Belle.
_De Fonte_ not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of _June_ 57
Very particular in his Account.
Shews how far the Tides came to from Westward.
De Fonte _leaves his Ships before the Town of_ Conosset.
The Time _de Fonte_ had staid at _Conosset_ 58
Was before acquainted with the Practicability of _Bernarda_ sending
a Letter.
How the Letter from _Bernarda_ was sent.
_De Fonte_ waited to receive the Letter before he proceeded.
_Parmentiers_, whom he was.
_Frenchmen_ were admitted into _Peru_.
Reasons for the Jesuits coming into these Parts without passing
the intermediate Country 59
_Parmentiers_ had been before in these Parts.
His Motive for going into those Parts, and surveying the River
_Parmentiers_ 60
The People Captain _Tchinkow_ met with, no Objection to the
Character of the _Indians_ in these Parts.
_Parmentiers_ not a general Interpreter 61
Voyages had been made to these Parts.
An Omission in the Translator.
_A Description of the River_ Parmentiers, _Lake_ de Fonte,
_and the adjacent Country._
The Form of the Letter again observed by the Translator 62
Lake _de Fonte_, so named in Compliment to the Family he was of.
Lake _de Fonte_ a Salt Water Lake.
A Comparison of the Country with other Parts.
Why _de Fonte_ stopped at the Island South of the Lake 63
De Fonte _sails out of the East North-east End of the Lake_
de Fonte, _and passes the Streight of_ Ronquillo.
An additional Comment.
_De Fonte_'s Observation as to the Country altering for the worse.
A purposed Silence as to the Part come into after passing the Streight
of _Ronquillo_.
De Fonte _arrives at the_ Indian _Town, and receives an Account
of the Ship._
A further Instance of _Parmentiers_ having been in these Parts 64
_De Fonte_ had been on the Inquiry.
_The Proceedings of_ de Fonte _after meeting with the Ship._
The Reason of the Ship's Company retiring to the Woods 65
_De Fonte_ had particularly provided himself with some _Englishmen_.
_Shapley_, the Navigator of the Ship, first waits on the Admiral.
Particulars as to _Shapley_.
A Disappointment of the Intelligence the Author hoped to attain 66
A Tradition amongst the antient People of there having been such
a Voyage.
_Major Gibbons_, an Account of him 67
_Seimar Gibbons_, a Mistake of the Translator 68
_Massachusets_, the largest Colony in _New England_ at that Time.
The Ship fitted out from _Boston_.
Remarks on _de Fonte_'s Address to _Major Gibbons_, and Conduct
on this Occasion.
_De Fonte_ only mentions what is immediately necessary for the
Court to know 70
The _Boston_ Ship returned before _de Fonte_ left those Parts.
A remarkable Anecdote from the Ecclesiastical History of _New
England_.
The Circumstances of which Account agree with this Voyage 72
A further Tradition as to _Major Gibbons_.
That the Persons met by _Groseliers_ were not _Major Gibbons_
and his Company.
De Fonte _returns to_ Conosset.
The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ from _Rio de los Reyes_
to the Sea to the Eastward of _Ronquillo_ 73
The prudent Conduct observed in the Absence of the Admiral 74
De Fonte _receives a Letter from_ Bernarda.
The Latitude and Longitude of _Conibasset_, &c. 75
Observations as to the Messenger who carried the first Letter from
_Bernarda_.
Observations as to the Messenger with the second Letter 76
The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ that _Bernarda_ went.
The Probability of sending a Seaman over Land to _Baffin_'s Bay.
Remarks on the Report made by the Seaman 77
_Bernarda_ going up the _Tartarian Sea_ is agreeable to the
_Japanese_ Map.
A Parallel drawn between _Conosset_ and Port _Nelson_.
The physical Obstacles considered 78
_Bernarda_'s Observations as to the Parts he had been in.
Whether the Parts about _Baffin_'s Bay were inhabited 79
An Objection as to the Affability of the Inhabitants further
considered.
As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses.
_Bernarda_ directed by the Jesuits as to the Harbour where he meets
_de Fonte_.
_De Fonte_ sent a Chart with his Letter 80
_Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, his Observation as to the
Account of _de Fonte_'s Voyage, _&c._
The Design with which his Work was published.
Arguments for putting into immediate Execution what he
recommends 81
_Don Cortez_ informs the King of _Spain_ that there is a Streight
on the Coast of the _Baccaloos_.
Attempts made by _Cortez_ 82
What is comprehended under the Name of _Florida_.
King of _Portugal_ sends _Gasper Corterealis_ on Discovery.
The Name _Labrador_, what it means.
_Promonterum Cortereale_, what Part so named.
_Hudson_'s Streights named the River of _Three Brothers_ or _Anian_.
When the finding a Streight to Northward became a Matter of
particular Attention of the _Spaniards_ 83
Undertaken by the Emperor.
By _Philip_ the Second.
By _Philip_ the Third, and the Reasons 84
The Opinions of _Geographers_ as to the North Part of _America_.
How the Maps were constructed at that Time 85
Unacquainted with what _Cortez_ knew of the Streight 86
Instanced by the Voyage of _Alarcon_ that the Land was thought to
extend farther to Northward than afterwards supposed by the
Voyage of _Juan Roderique de Cabrillo_ 87
_Vizcaino_, his Voyage, and the Discovery of _Aguilar_.
_Spaniards_ never meant by the Streights of _Anian_,
_Beerings_ Streight 88
Remarks on the Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records.
Uncertainty of attaining any Evidence from such Records.
Father _Kimo_'s Map of _California_ altered by Geographers 90
The Objection of _Venegas_ as to the Authenticity of
_de Fonte_'s Account considered 91
Misrepresents the Title of the Letter 92
Doth not deny but that there was such a Person as _de Fonte_.
The _Jesuits_ and _Parmentiers_ having been before in these
Parts not improbable 93
Master and Mariners mentioned by _de Fonte_, a probable Account.
Whence the Tide came at the Head of the Gulph of _California_ 94
_De Fonte_ retires, Command taken by Admiral _Cassanate_.
_Seyxas y Lovera_, the Authority of his Account defended 95
_Venegas_ omits some Accounts for Want of necessary Authenticity.
Most of the Discoveries are reported to be made by Ships from
the _Moluccas_ 96
What Ships from the _Moluccas_ or _Philippines_ were forced to do
in case of bad Weather.
The Probability of a Discovery made by a Ship from the _Philippines_
or _Moluccas_.
The People of the _Philippine_ Islands those who most talked of a
Passage.
_Salvatierra_, his Account of a North-west Passage discovered 97
This Account gained Credit 98
Was the Foundation of _Frobisher_'s Expedition.
_Thomas Cowles_, his Account defended 99
_Juan de Fuca_, his Account 100
Remarks on that Account 101
Expeditions which the Court of _Spain_ order correspond in Time
with the Attempts for Discovery from _England_ 103
The Discovery of the Coast of _California_ for a Harbour for the
_Aquapulco_ Ship not the Sole Design 104
Reasons that induced _Aguilar_ to think the Opening where he was
was the Streight of _Anian_ 105
Observation on the preceding Accounts.
Have no certain Account of what Expeditions were in those Parts 106
An exact Survey of those Coasts not known to have been made
until the Year 1745.
The Streight of _Anian_ at present acknowledged 107
The first Discoverers gave faithful Accounts.
Reasons for _de Fonte_'s Account being true 108
Accounts of Voyages not being to be obtained no just Objection
to their Authenticity.
As to the Inference in _de Fonte_'s Letter of there being no
North-west Passage 109
The Proximity of the _Western Ocean_ supposed by all
Discoverers 111
Observations on the Northern Parts of _America_ being intermixed
with Waters.
The Objection as to the Distance between the _Ocean_ and the
_Sea_ at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay 112
Reasons why a Passage hath not been discovered.
A great Channel to Westward by which the Ice and Land Waters
are vented.
Accounts of _de Fonte_, _de Fuca_, and _Chacke_, agree 113
_Indians_ mentioned by _de Fonte_ and those by _de Fuca_ not
the same.
Why _de Fonte_ did not pass up the North-east Part of the
_South Sea_ 114
The Persons who were in those Parts got no Information of a
Streight 115
The Representation of the _Jesuits_ the Foundation of _de Fonte_'s
Instructions.
The Court of _Spain_ not of the same Opinion with _de Fonte_
or the Jesuits on his Return 116
There is a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay 117
_Joseph le France_, his Account considered 118
Agrees with the Account of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_ 119
Improbability of the _Tete Plat_ inhabiting near the Ocean 120
Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made the Passage, uncertain.
Whether through _Hudson_'s Bay 122
Observations as to _Chesterfield_'s Inlet.
As to _Pistol_ Bay and _Cumberland_ Isles 123
A Quotation from _Seyxas y Lovera_.
Observations thereon 124
Observations as to its having been the constant Opinion that
there was a North-west Passage 125
The great Degree of Credibility there is from the Circumstances
of _de Fonte_'s Voyage.
What Foundation those who argue against a North-west Passage
have for their Argument 126
Where the Passage is supposed, and an Explanation of the Map 127
Remarks as to Expeditions to be made purposely for the Discovery.
The Inconveniencies which attended on former Expeditions.
Prevented for the future by a Discovery of the Coast of _Labrador_.
The advantageous Consequences of that Attempt 128
Method to be pursued in making the Discovery.
APPENDIX.
Fall in with the Coast of _Labrador_ 131
Stand more to Southward.
Tokens of the Land 132
Meet with the _Eskemaux_.
Enter a Harbour 133
The Country described.
People sent to the Head of the Harbour report they had seen a
House 134
A more particular Account.
The Report of Persons sent to survey the Country.
Proceed on a further Discovery 136
Enter up an Inlet.
Prevented proceeding in the Schooner by Falls 137
Proceed in a Boat, meet with Falls.
Description of the Country.
Sail out of the Inlet and go to Northward 139
See Smokes and go in Pursuit of the Natives 140
Proceed up a third Inlet.
See Smokes again.
Enter a fourth Inlet.
Meet with a _Snow_ from _England_ 143
The Captain of the _Snow_, his Account and other Particulars.
Observations as to the _Eskemaux_ 145
_Snow_ had joined Company with a _Sloop_ from _Rhode Island_.
An Account of where the _Eskemaux_ trade 147
_Eskemaux_ come along-side 147
_Schooner_ leaves the _Snow_.
_Eskemaux_ come aboard the Schooner 148
Mate of _Snow_ comes aboard the _Schooner_, and his Account 150
Why mentioned 151
The Trade in these Parts could only be established by the
Regulations of the _Government_.
_Eskemaux_ coming to trade with the Schooner intercepted.
The Inlet searched 152
Pass into three other Inlets.
An Account of them and the Country.
Reasons for leaving off the Discovery 153
_Fishing Bank_ sought for and discovered.
An Island of Ice of a surprising Magnitude and Depth.
MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: April 1708.]
_A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral of_ New
Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili; _giving an Account of the
most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of_ Lima
_in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries, to find out if there was any North
West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South and Tartarian
Sea._
The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having advice from the Court
of _Spain_, that the several Attempts of the _English_, both in the
Reigns of Queen _Elizabeth_, King _James_, and of Capt. _Hudson_ and
Capt. _James_, in the 2d, 3d and 4th Years of King _Charles_, was in
the 14th Year of the said King _Charles_, A. D. 1639, undertaken from
some Industrious Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_, upon which
I Admiral _de Fonte_ received Orders from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to
Equip four Ships of Force, and being ready we put to Sea the 3d of
_April_ 1640, from the Calo of _Lima_, I Admiral _Bartholomew de Fonte_
in the Ship _St Spiritus_, the Vice-Admiral _Don Diego Pennelossa_,
in the Ship _St Lucia_, _Pedro de Bonardæ_, in the Ship _Rosaria_,
_Philip de Ronquillo_ in the _King Philip_. The 7th of _April_ at 5 in
the Afternoon, we had the length of _St Helen_, two hundred Leagues on
the _North_ side of the Bay of _Guajaquil_, in 2 Degrees of _South_
Lat. and anchored in the Port _St Helena_, within the Cape, where
each Ship's Company took in a quantity of _Betumen_, called vulgarly
_Tar_, of a dark colour with a cast of Green, an excellent Remedy
against the Scurvy and Dropsie, and is used as Tar for Shipping, but
we took it in for Medicine; it Boils out of the Earth, and is there
plenty. The _10th_ we pass'd the Equinoctial by Cape _del Passao_,
the _11th_ Cape _St Francisco_, in one Degree and seven Minutes of
Latitude North from the Equator, and anchor'd in the Mouth of the
[1]River _St Jago_, where with a Sea-Net we catch'd abundance of good
Fish; and several of each Ship's Company went ashoar, and kill'd
some Goats and Swine, which are there wild and in plenty; and others
bought of some Natives, 20 dozen of _Turkey_ Cocks and Hens, Ducks,
and much excellent Fruit, at a Village two _Spanish_ Leagues, six Mile
and a half, up the River _St Jago_, on the Larboard side or the Left
hand. The River is Navigable for small Vessels from the Sea, about 14
_Spanish_ Leagues _South East_, about half way to the fair City of
_Quita_, in 22 Minutes of _South_ Latitude, a City that is very Rich.
The _16th_ of _April_ we sailed from the River _St Jago_ to the Port
and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, in about
11 Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St Miguel_ on the
Larboard side, and Point _Cazamina_ on the Starboard side. The Port
of _Raleo_ is a safe Port, is covered from the Sea by the Islands
_Ampallo_ and _Mangreza_, both well inhabited with Native _Indians_,
and 3 other small Islands. [2]_Raleo_ is but 4 Miles over Land from
the head of the Lake _Nigaragua_, that falls into the North Sea in 12
Degrees of North Latitude, near the Corn or Pearl Islands. Here at the
Town of _Raleo_, where is abundance of excellent close grain'd Timber,
a reddish Cedar, and all Materials for building Shipping; we bought
4 long well sail'd Shallops, built express for sailing and riding at
Anchor and rowing, about 12 Tuns each, of 32 foot Keel. The _26th_, we
sailed from _Raleo_ for the Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_,
within the Islands and Shoals of _Chamily_, and the Port is often
call'd by the _Spaniards_ after that Name; in 17 Degrees 31 Minutes of
North Latitude, 480 Leagues North West and by West, a little Westerly
from _Raleo_. From the Town of _Saragua_, a little East of _Chamily_ at
_Saragua_, and from _Compostilo_ in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we
took in a Master and six Mariners accustomed to Trade with the Natives
on the East side of _California_ for Pearl; the Natives catch'd on a
Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the _Baxos St Juan_, in 24
Degrees of North Latitude 20 Leagues N. N. E. from Cape St _Lucas_,
the South East point of _California_. The Master Admiral _de Fonte_
had hir'd, with his Vessel and Mariners, who had informed the Admiral,
that 200 Leagues North from Cape St _Lucas_, a Flood from the North,
met the South Flood, and that he was sure it must be an Island, and
_Don Diego Pennelossa_ (Sisters Son of [3]_Don Lewis de Haro_) a young
Nobleman of great Knowledge and Address in Cosmography and Navigation,
and undertook to discover whether _California_ was an Island or not;
for before it was not known whether it was an Island or a _Peninsula_;
with his Ship and the 4 Shallops they brought at _Raleo_, and the
Master and Mariners they hir'd at _Salagua_, but Admiral _de Fonte_
with the other 3 Ships sailed from them within the Islands _Chamily_
the _10th_ of _May_ 1640. and having the length of Cape _Abel_, on the
W. S. W. side of _California_ in 26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues
N. W. and W. from the Isles _Chamily_; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E.
a steady Gale, that from the _26th_ of _May_ to the _14th_ of _June_,
he had sail'd to the River _los Reyes_ in 53 Degrees of N. Latitude,
not having occasion to lower a Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N.
W. 410 Leagues from Port _Abel_ to Cape Blanco, 456 Leagues to _Rio
los Reyes_, all the time most pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260
Leagues in crooked Channels, amongst Islands named the [4]_Archipelagus
de St Lazarus_; where his Ships Boats sail'd a mile a head, sounding
to see what Water, Rocks and Sands there was. The 22d of _June_,
Admiral _Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de Barnarda_,
to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream and deep Water, went first
N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Islands, and one
very large _Peninsula_ full of Inhabitants, a Friendly honest People
in this Lake; he named Lake _Valasco_, where Captain _Barnarda_ left
his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 Fathom
Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, and very
large white Pearch, some of two foot long; and with 3 large _Indian_
Boats, by them called _Periagos_, made of two large Trees 50 and 60
foot long. Capt. _Barnarda_ first sailed from his Ships in the Lake
_Valasco_, one hundred and forty Leagues West, and then 436 E. N. E.
to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatch'd
Captain _Barnarda_ on the Discovery of the North and East part of the
_Tartarian_ Sea, the Admiral sail'd up a very Navigable River, which
he named _Rio los Reyes_, that run nearest North East, but on several
Points of the Compass 60 Leagues at low Water, in a fair Navigable
Channel, not less than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flow'd in both Rivers
near the same Water, in the River _los Reyes_, 24 foot Full and Change
of the Moon; a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flow'd in the River
_de Haro_ 22 foot and a half Full and Change. They had two [5]Jesuits
with them that had been on their Mission to the 66 Degrees of North
Latitude, and had made curious Observations. The Admiral _de Fonte_
received a Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_,
1640. that he had left his Ship in the Lake _Valasco_, betwixt the
Island _Barnarda_ and the Peninsula _Conibasset_, a very safe Port; it
went down a River from the Lake, 3 falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the
_Tartarian_ Sea in 61 Degrees, with the Pater Jesuits and 36 Natives
in three of their Boats, and 20 of his _Spanish_ Seamen; that the Land
trended away North East; that they should want no Provisions, the
Country abounding with Venison of 3 sorts, and the Sea and Rivers with
excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oyl and Brandy they carry'd with them)
that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he received
the Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_ Town
called _Conosset_, on the South-side the Lake _Belle_, where the two
Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place.
The Admiral with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of _June_,
an Hour before high Water, and there was no Fall or Catract, and 4 or
5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 generally in the Lake _Belle_, there is a
little fall of Water till half Flood, and an Hour and quarter before
high Water the Flood begins to set gently into the Lake _Belle_; the
River is fresh at 20 Leagues distance from the Mouth, or Entrance
of the River _los Reyes_. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon,
Salmon-Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other sorts of Fish
peculiar to that River, admirable good, and Lake _Belle_; also abounds
with all those sorts of Fish large and delicate: And Admiral _de Fonte_
says, the Mullets catch'd in _Rios Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, are much
delicater than are to be found, he believes, in any part of the World.
The rest shall be incerted in our next.
[1] _Eighty Leagues N. N. W. and 25 Leagues E. and by S._
[2] _The great Ships that are built in_ New Spain _are built in_ Raleo.
[3] Don Lewis de Haro _was great Minister of_ Spain.
[4] _So named by_ de Fonte, _he being the first that made that
Discovery._
[5] _One of those that went with Capt._ Barnarda _on his Discovery._
MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: June 1708.]
_The Remainder of Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte'_s Letter; giving an
Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from
the Calo of_ Lima _in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries to find out if there
was any North West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South
and Tartarian Sea; which for want of Room we could not possibly avoid
postponing._
[Sidenote: _See the Memoirs for April 1708, and you'll find the
beginning of this Curious Discovery._]
We concluded with giving an Account of a Letter from Capt. _Barnarda_,
dated the 27th of _June_, 1640. on his Discovery in the Lake _Valasco_.
The first of _July_ 1640, Admiral _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest
of his Ships in the Lake _Belle_, in a good Port cover'd by a fine
Island, before the Town _Conosset_ from thence to a River I named
_Parmentiers_, in honour of my Industrious Judicious Comrade, Mr
_Parmentiers_, who had most exactly mark'd every thing in and about
that River; we pass'd 8 Falls, in all 32 foot, perpendicular from
its Sourse out of _Belle_; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake
_de Fonte_, at which place we arrived the 6th of _July_. This Lake
is 160 Leagues long and 60 broad, the length is E. N. E. and W. S.
W. to 20 or 30, in some places 60 Fathom deep; the Lake abounds with
excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed, there are several
very large Islands and 10 small ones; they are covered with shrubby
Woods, the Moss grows 6 or 7 foot long, with which the Moose, a very
large sort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lesser Deer,
as Fallow, _&c._ There are abundance of wild Cherries, Strawberries,
Hurtleberries, and wild Currants, and also of wild Fowl Heath Cocks and
Hens, likewise Partridges and Turkeys, and Sea Fowl in great plenty on
the South side: The Lake is a very large fruitful Island, had a great
many Inhabitants, and very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and
Fur-Trees, very large and tall.
The 14th of _July_ we sailed out of the E. N. E. end of the Lake _de
Fonte_, and pass'd a Lake I named _Estricho de Ronquillo_, 34 Leagues
long, 2 or 3 Leagues broad, 20, 26, and 28 Fathom of Water; we pass'd
this strait in 10 hours, having a stout Gale of Wind and whole Ebb. As
we sailed more Easterly, the Country grew very sensibly worse, as it
is in the North and South parts of _America_, from 36 to the extream
Parts North or South, the West differs not only in Fertility but in
Temperature of Air, at least 10 Degrees, and it is warmer on the West
side than on the East, as the best _Spanish_ Discoverers found it,
whose business it was in the time of the Emperor _Charles_ the V. to
_Philip_ the III. as is noted by _Aloares_ and a _Costa_ and _Mariana_,
&c.
The 17th we came to an _Indian_ Town, and the _Indians_ told our
Interpreter Mr _Parmentiers_, that a little way from us lay a great
Ship where there had never been one before; we sailed to them, and
found only one Man advanced in years, and a Youth; the Man was the
greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks I had ever
met with; my second Mate was an _English_ Man, an excellent Seaman,
as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at _Campechy_, as well
as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of _New England_, from
a Town called _Boston_. The Owner and the whole Ships Company came on
board the 30th, and the Navigator of the Ship, Capt. _Shapley_, told
me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman, and Major General of the largest
Colony in _New England_, called the _Maltechusets_; so I received him
like a Gentleman, and told him, my Commission was to make Prize of
any People seeking a North West or West Passage into the South Sea
but I would look upon them as Merchants trading with the Natives for
Bevers, Otters, and other Furs and Skins, and so for a small Present
of Provisions I had no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which
cost me 1200 Pieces of Eight, (which the modest Gentleman received
with difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator, Capt. _Shapley_
for his fine Charts and Journals, 1000 Pieces of Eight, and the Owner
of the Ship, _Seimor Gibbons_ a quarter Cask of good _Peruan_ Wine,
and the 10 Seamen each 20 Pieces of Eight, the 6th of _August_, with
as much Wind as we could fly before, and a Currant, we arrived at
the first Fall of the River _Parmentiers_, the 11th of _August_, 86
Leagues, and was on the South side of the Lake _Belle_ on board our
Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where
we found all things well; and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had
in our absence treated our People with great humanity, and Capt. _de
Ronquillo_ answer'd their Civility and Justice.
The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_ on
the Lake _Belle_, from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated the 11th of _August_,
where he sent me word he was returned from his Cold Expedition, and
did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or
_Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Strait; for the Natives had conducted one
of his Seamen to the head of _Davis_ Strait, which terminated in a
fresh Lake of about 30 Mile in circumference, in the 80th Degree of
North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it,
besides the North West from that Lake, the Ice was so fix'd, that from
the Shore to 100 Fathom Water, for ought he knew from the Creation;
for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near
the North and South Poles; he writ further, that he had sailed from
_Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by
East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and then the Land trended North,
and the Ice rested on the Land. I received afterwards a second Letter
from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated from _Minhanset_, informing me, that he
made the Port of _Arena_, 20 Leagues up the River _los Reyes_ on the
29th of _August_, where he waited my Commands. I having store of good
Salt Provisions, of Venison and Fish, that Capt. _de Ronquillo_ had
salted (by my order) in my absence, and 100 Hogsheads of _Indian_
Wheat or Mais, sailed the 2d of _September_ 1640. accompanied with many
of the honest Natives of _Conosset_, and the 5th of _September_ in the
Morning about 8, was at an Anchor betwixt _Arena_ and _Mynhanset_, in
the River _los Reyes_, sailing down that River to the North East part
of the South Sea; after that returned home, having found that there was
no Passage into the South Sea by that they call the North West Passage.
The Chart will make this much more demonstrable.
_Tho the Style of the foregoing Piece is not altogether so Polite,
(being writ like a Man, whose livelihood depended on another way) but
with abundance of Experience and a Traveller, yet there are so many
Curious, and hitherto unknown Discoveries, that it was thought worthy
a place in these_ Memoirs; _and 'tis humbly presum'd it will not be
unacceptable to those who have either been in those Parts, or will give
themselves the trouble of reviewing the Chart._
OBSERVATIONS
ON
_The Title affixed, and on other Circumstances relating to the Letter
of Admiral_ de Fonte, _shewing the Authenticity of that Letter, and of
the Account therein contained._
Observations have been made by several Geographers of different Nations
on the Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_, to shew that such Letter is not
deserving of Credit, is to be thought of as a mere Fiction or Romance,
and is a Forgery composed by some Person to serve a particular Purpose.
But it will appear, as we proceed in a more particular Consideration
of the Title and Circumstances relative to the Letter of Admiral _de
Fonte_ than hath been hitherto used, and from the following Remarks
on the Subject of such Letter[6], That those Observations made by the
Geographers have many of them no just Foundation, the rest afford not a
sufficient Evidence to invalidate the Authenticity of that Letter, and
of the Account it contains.
[6] Memoires et Observations Geographiques et Critiques sur la
Situation de Pays Septientrionaux, &c. a Lausanne, 1765.--Pa. 115, &c.
It is only from a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ that the Translation
hath been made, which is now published, as is plain from a Title being
affixed, _A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral
of_ New Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili. As _Prince_
is never used in this Sense with us, it is apparently a literal
Translation of the _Spanish_ Word _Principe_, consequently this
Title was wrote in the _Spanish_ Language, and we cannot otherwise
conclude but in the same Language with the Letter. From this and other
Defects of the like Sort, which will be noticed as we proceed in our
Observations, the Translator must be acquitted from all Suspicion of
being any way concerned in this pretended Forgery.
By the Copiest affixing this Title, it is evident he was well assured
that there had been such an Expedition.
The Anecdotes, as to the Vice-admiral _Pennelossa_, in the Body of the
Letter, what is therein mentioned as to the Jesuits, evidence that a
minute and particular Inquiry was made by the Copiest; that he had
thoroughly informed himself of every Particular of this Affair; that he
was assured that the Account by him copied contained the most material
Transactions in a Journal of _de Fonte_'s, and that _de Fonte_ was
then, probably from his advanced Age, in the Service of the Government
in another Station.
This Expedition not being solely to intercept the Navigators from
_Boston_, but also to discover whether there was a Passage in those
Parts thro' which the _English_ expected to make a Passage, _viz._ by
the back Part of _Virginia_, by _Hudson_'s or by _Baffin_'s Bay; it was
an Undertaking which required that the Person who had the conducting
of it should not only be a Man of good Understanding, but a judicious
and experienced Seaman. The Time required to attain such Qualifications
implies, that _de Fonte_ must have been of a mature Age when he went
on this Command; and _de Fonte_ being alive at the Time that the Copy
was taken, it must have been taken within twenty Years, or in a less
Time after such Expedition, as the Copiest speaks of _Pennelossa_ as a
young Nobleman. The Copiest therefore could not be imposed on, as his
Inquiries were made in such a Time, either with respect to the Persons
concerned, or with respect to the Letter not being a genuine Account of
the Voyage.
A Person might be so circumstanced as to attain the Favour of copying
such Letter, induced by some private Motive, without an Intention of
making it publick, as Publications were not at that Time so frequent as
of late Days; neither is it less probable that a Copy so taken may, in
Process of Time, come into other Hands and then be published.
Mr. _Gage_ observes, in his Dedication to Lord _Fairfax_, 'The Reason
of his publishing a New Survey of the _West Indies_ to be, because
that nothing had been written of these Parts for these hundred Years
last past, which is almost ever since from the first Conquest thereof
by the _Spaniards_, who are contented to lose the Honour of that
Wealth and Felicity, which they have since purchased by their great
Endeavours, so that they may enjoy the Safety of retaining what they
have formerly gotten in Peace and Security.' And though _de Fonte_
declares that there was no North-west Passage, yet that there should
be no Publication of the Account of the Voyage is consistent with this
established Maxim.
The North-west Passage he mentions is not to be understood, in an
unlimited Sense, for a Passage between the _Atlantick_ and Western
Ocean to the Northward, but the Meaning is confined to that Passage
expected by _Hudson_'s Bay: For _de Fonte_ says, that he was to make
a Prize of _any seeking a North-west or West Passage_[7]; by the
latter he meant where _Pennelossa_ was sent to search; and _Bernarda_
says, there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_
Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; and there was an Extent of Coast which _de
Fonte_ only ran along, and had, but at Times, a distant View of; and
as to the Jesuits, by whatever Means they got into those Parts, it
is evident they had not seen all the intermediate Country. Therefore
tho' the Court of _Spain_ was satisfied that the Passage was not
where _de Fonte_ had searched; yet there might be a Passage where he
had not searched, and publishing this Account of the Voyage would
be an Assistance to the Adventurers, as it would confine them in
their Searches to those other Parts which were cursorily passed by
_de Fonte_, and where perhaps they might succeed: Or this Account
particularly describing the Northern and Western Part of _America_,
not hitherto known, would be of great Service to Rovers, who had
already found their Way into those Seas, by directing them to the
Coast and Harbours, and giving them an Account of a Country where they
could retire to with tolerable Security from any Interruption from
the _Spaniards_, a good Climate, hospitable People, and a Plenty of
Provisions to be had; Circumstances which might enable them to continue
their cruizing in those Seas much longer than without such Lights as
they would receive from this Account they would be enabled to do.
[7] Vide Letter.
It is well known that the _Spaniards_ claimed all to the Northward
as their Dominion, which they intended in due Time to acquire the
Possession of, and the Publication might give an Insight to the
_English_; Settlers in _America_ to be beforehand with them in
attaining a Settlement in those Parts.
Their Attempt to intercept the _English_ Subjects, when made Publick
to the World, would have given Umbrage to the Court and People
of _England_, which the _Spaniards_ would not unnecessarily, and
especially at a Time when they had their Hands full of a War with the
_French_, who had also incited the _Catalonians_ to rebel, and had
joined them with their Troops. The _Spaniards_ were, at the same Time,
endeavouring to recover the Dominions of _Portugal_. And _de Fonte_ had
respect to the critical Situation their Affairs were in, even before he
set out on his Voyage, hence his political Behaviour when he met with
the Navigators from _Boston_, committed no Act of Hostility, yet made
Use of the most effective Means to prevent their proceeding further.
As no Publication was permitted of this Expedition, this therefore
could come but to the Knowledge only of a very few Persons in _Old
Spain_. Such a singular Transaction being soon, from their Attention
to other Matters, and their Ministry soon after entirely changed, no
more talked of, unless it should have been revived by something of the
like Nature again happening on the Part of the _English_. As no Attempt
was made by the _English_ for almost a Century, this Transaction, in
that Time, fell into Oblivion. At the Time such Attempt was renewed,
then the _Spaniards_ were better acquainted with the Purpose of our
settling in _America_, they had altered their Designs of extending
their own Possessions, there was also another Power who might pretend
that such Passage, if made, was Part in their Dominion, so obstruct our
free proceeding and interrupt our settling; the _Spaniards_ therefore
having no immediate Occasion for any Researches back to the Records
to acquaint themselves as to the Practicability or Impracticability
of our Attempts, or to take Directions for their own Proceedings, the
Remembrance of this Expedition continued dormant.
In _New Spain_, the fitting four Ships to go on Discovery, as
such Undertakings had been very frequent, it would not engage any
extraordinary Attention of the Publick there; it often happened that
what was done on such Voyages was kept a Secret. The more curious
and inquisitive Persons would attain but an imperfect Account, by
Inquiry from the People on board the Ships, as the Ships were divided,
and they would receive no satisfactory Information of what was most
material, and the principal Object of their Inquiry by those who went
in the Boats, as Seamen delighting in Stories often tell what they
neither heard or saw. The Consequences of the Voyage not known, because
not understood, a weak Tradition of this Expedition would remain to
Posterity; and the only Knowledge or Certainty to be acquired, as to
this Expedition, would be from Journals accidentally preserved, of some
Persons who had gone the Voyage.
Mons. _de Lisle_ gives us an Extract of a Letter from Mons. _Antonio de
Ulloa_, wrote from _Aranguer_ the 19th of _June_ in the Year 1753[8],
to Mons. _Bouguer e le Mounier_, to answer the Queries they had made
on the Subject of the Letter of Admiral _de Fuente_. That curious and
able _Spanish_ Officer sent them in Answer, That in the Year 1742 he
commanded a Ship of War the _Rose_, in the South Sea; he had on board
him a Lieutenant of the Vessel named _Don Manuel Morel_, an antient
Seaman, who shewed him a Manuscript; _Mons. Ulloa_ forgot the Author's
Name, but believes it to be _Barthelemi de Fuentes_, the Author in
that Manuscript reported, that in Consequence of an Order which he
had received from the then Viceroy of _Peru_, that he had been to the
Northward of _California_, to discover whether there was a Passage by
which there was a Communication between the North and South Sea; but
having reached a certain Northern Latitude, which _Mons. Ulloa_ did not
recollect, and having found nothing that indicated such Passage, he
returned to the Port of _Callao_, &c. _Mons. Ulloa_ adds, he had a Copy
of such Relation, but he lost it when he was taken by the _English_ on
his return from _America_.
[8] Novelles Cartes des Decovertes de L'Amiral de Fonte, et autres
Navigateurs, &c. Par de Lisle. Paris 1753.--P. 30.
It is evident, from this Account being seen in 1742, it is not the
same from which the Translation is made which we now have, that being
published in 1708. And as _Mons. de Lisle_ asserts, that the Letter is
conformable with what _Mons. Ulloa_ said at _Paris_ three Years before,
with this Difference only, that he said positively at that Time, that
the Relation which he had seen at _Peru_, and of which he had taken a
Copy, was of Admiral _de Fonte_, this Manuscript, which contained the
Account of the Voyage, may rather be supposed to be a Relation, or
Journal kept by some Person, who was aboard Admiral _de Fonte_'s Ship,
a Friend or Ancestor of _Morel_, than a Copy the same with this Letter,
as it only mentioned the Purport of the Voyage, seems not to have the
particular Circumstances as to intercepting the _Boston_ Men. This
Account is an Evidence so far in Favour of this Letter, as it proves
that this Letter is not the only Account that there is of this Voyage,
and that another Account was seen and copied at _Peru_ many Years after
this Letter was published in _England_. But if it be supposed that it
is one and the same Account, and that from the _English_, it would not
have been accepted of and kept by _Morel_, and shewed as a Curiosity,
unless he was satisfied that it was a true genuine Account of such
Voyage, and as to which he would naturally inquire, being on the Spot,
where he might probably be informed, and unless he was at a Certainty
that what that Account contained was true, would he have produced the
Manuscript, or permitted his Captain to take a Copy of it as genuine;
yet we may with greater Probability suppose, that this Manuscript
which _Morel_ had was no Translation from the _English_, but in itself
an Original. Mons. _Ulloa_ speaking of _Morel_ as an antient Seaman,
cannot mean that he was in the Expedition of _de Fonte_, only implies
his being acquainted with some one who was, with whom, from his Course
of Years, he might have sailed, and attained this Journal.
What is said in the Letter of Mons. _Ulloa_, that he forgot the Name
of the Author of the Manuscript, but believes it was _Bartelemi de
Fuentes_, that the Author of that Manuscript gave an Account of. It
must be considered, that when Mons. _Ulloa_ wrote he was in _Old
Spain_, many Years after he had seen the Account, and three Years
after he was at _Paris_; and though he genteelly answers the Inquiries
sent him, agreeable to his Conversation at _Paris_, yet does not
express himself so positively as when at _Paris_, as in the Letter
he only believes it to be _Bartelemi de Fonte_. _Mons. Ulloa_ would
sooner not have answered the Letter than deny what he had formerly
said; and if Mons. _de Lisle_ had advanced that for which he had no
proper Authority, both as a Gentleman and an Officer he would not have
submitted to such a Falshood: But from Mons. _Ulloa_ being tender
in the Account, being of a Matter which might not make any great
Impression on him at the Time he received it, ten Years since, out of
his Hands, and three Years after he was at _Paris_, this Account is
more worthy of Credit, and he might be more cautious, now he was to
give it under his Hand, to soften the Reproach of his Countrymen for
his not acting like a true _Spaniard_, in being so communicative in
this Matter. The Account which Mons. _de Lisle_ hath given, was with
a Permission of Mons. _Ulloa_ to make Use of his Name, as the Letter
Mons. _Ulloa_ sent testifies. Where Mons. _de Lisle_ hath not the
Liberty to mention the Name of his Author, he only says, that there was
a Person equally curious, and as well instructed in the Affair as Mons.
_de Ulloa_, who assured him positively that there was such a Relation.
Though Mons. _de Lisle_ had a particular System to support, yet, at
the same Time, he had a great publick Character to preserve. Mons.
_Bougier_, _Mounier_, and _Ulloa_, were living at the Time he gave this
Account to the Publick; they would be asked as to what they knew of
the Affair; and a more particular Inquiry would be made of Mons. _de
Lisle_, as to the Information he received from the nameless Person; and
as there were several of his Countrymen who did not adopt his System,
a Trip in this Affair, as to the Evidence he brings in Support of the
Authority of this Account of _de Fonte_, would have given them an
Advantage which they would not have neglected, and have done Justice
to the Publick, by letting them know there was little of Truth in
this Account; but as no Reflections have appeared, we have no Reason
to question the Veracity of Mons. _de Lisle_ in this Relation, on
any Surmises of Strangers, on no better Authority than meer Opinion,
without a single Reason produced in Support of what they insinuate.
This Letter, when published in 1708, was considered only as an
Account that was curious; was looked on as of no Importance, and
did not engage the Attention of the Publick until the Discovery of
the North-west Passage became the Topick of common Conversation, and
would have lain, without having any further Notice taken of it, had
not the Attempts to discover a North-west Passage been revived. It is
from their being produced in a proper Season, that Accounts of this
Sort become permanent, assisting in some favourite Design, being thus
useful they are preserved from Obscurity and Oblivion. We have an
Account, the Author Captain _Don Francisco de Seixas_, a Captain in
the _Spanish_ Navy, and is frequently quoted by the _Spanish_ Writers,
though he is little known amongst us.--He says, P. 71. '_Thomas Peche_,
an _Englishman_, having been at Sea twenty-eight Years, and made
eight Voyages to the _East-Indies_ and _China_ during sixteen Years
of that Time, spent the other twelve in Trading and Piracies in the
_West-Indies_, from whence he returned to _England_ in 1669; and, after
continuing there four Years, in 1673, with other Companions, fitted out
at the Port of _Bristol_ one Ship of five hundred Tons, with forty-four
Guns, and two light Frigates of one hundred and fifty Tons, and in
each eighteen Guns, giving out that he was bound on a trading Voyage
to the _Canaries_; whence they bore away with the three Vessels, and
went through the Streight _Le Maire_, with two hundred and seventy Men,
which he carried directly to trade at the _Moluccas_ and _Philippinas_.
'And after continuing in those Parts twenty-six Months and some Days,
it appearing to the said _Thomas Peche_ that from the _Philippinas_ he
could return to _England_ in a shorter Time by the Streight of _Anian_
than by the East or Streight _Magellan_, he determined to pass this
Rout with his large Ship, and one small one, the other having lost
Company by bad Weather, or worse Design in those who commanded it.
'And having, as he says, sailed one hundred and twenty Leagues within
the Streights of _Anian_, relates, that as the Month of _October_ was
far advanced, in which the northerly Winds reign much, and drove the
Waters from the North to the South, that the Currents of the said
Streight of _Anian_ were such, and so strong, that had they continued
longer they must, without Doubt, have been lost; wherefore, finding
it necessary to return back, sailing along the Coast of _California_
(after having sailed out of the Channel of _Anian_) and those of _New
Spain_ and _Peru_, he went through the Streight of _Magellan_ into the
North Sea in sixteen Hundred and seventy-seven, with the Vessels and
much Riches, great Part whereof was of a _Spanish_ Vessel which they
took on the Coast of _Lugan_.'
Wherefore passing over all the rest of what the Author says in his
Voyage, only mentioning what regarded the Currents, he relates, that
when he entered into the Streight of _Anian_ he found, from Cape
_Mendocino_ in _California_, for above twenty Leagues within the
Channel, the Currents set to the N. E. all which and much more the
Curious will find in the Voyage of the said _Thomas Peche_, which in
sixteen Hundred and seventy-nine was printed in _French_ and _English_,
in many Parts of _Holland_, _France_, and _England_, in less than
twenty Sheets Quarto: And (he adds) further I can affirm, that I have
seen the Author many Times in the Year eighty-two, three and four in
_Holland_, who had along with him a _Spanish_ Mestize born in the
_Philippinas_, together with a _Chinese_.
It can scarce be imagined the Whole is without Foundation, though
no such Voyage is at present to be come at, _Seyxas_ publishing his
Work soon after the Publication by _Peche_, to which he particularly
refers, seems to obviate all Doubt of his Sincerity; and there are
too many Circumstances, which are collateral Evidence, mentioned,
to imagine he could be entirely deceived. He published his Work at
_Madrid_ in sixteen Hundred and eighty-eight, dedicated to the King,
as President in his Royal Council of the _Indies_, and to the Marquis
_de les Velez_; the Work intituled, _Theatro Naval Hydrographico de Los
Fluxos_, &c. This Account was received as a true and faithful Relation
of a Voyage performed, as it was published in various Languages; yet
the Want of this Account is a Particular, some Reason for Exception
with us, that we cannot receive it as a Certainty. And we are more
suspicious as to the Truth of any Accounts that we have received
relating to the North-west Part of _America_, than to any other Part
of the Globe. Our Opinion being in a great Measure influenced by the
System we embrace, as, Whether there is a North-west Passage, or not?
And for this Reason only, no Part of the Globe hath more engaged the
Attention of the Geographers, and with respect to which they had
more different Opinions. Those whose Opinion it was that _Asia_ and
_America_ were contiguous, had, for many Years, their Opinion rejected,
but now confirmed to be true by the _Russian_ Discoveries; and we may
conclude they had a good Authority for what they advanced, which was
not transmitted down to us, as they had such an Assurance of what they
had advanced, as they supposed there could never be the least Doubt of
it. Those who advanced that there was Passage between the _Atlantick_
and Southern Ocean, by a Streight in the Northern and Western Parts
of _America_, and very likely on a good Authority, have their Opinion
opposed, all Accounts of Voyagers treated as fabulous, and for the same
Reason that the Opinion of _Asia_ and _America_ being contiguous was
rejected, as they could produce nothing further for it than Tradition,
and as to which the Tradition now appears to have had its Foundation
in Truth. Soon after _America_ was discovered, and the _Spaniards_
had settled in _New Spain_, the Report of there being a Streight
prevailed, the Truth of this Report hath not been disproved, and we
have no just Reason to reject this Tradition for positive Assertions
which are produced without any Evidence, but that our Attempts have not
succeeded. Which is an Inference deduced from a false Principle, for
our not having had the expected Success hitherto, doth not imply that
we may not succeed hereafter, as we proceed in our future Attempts;
and all that hath been said, as to there being no North-west Passage,
is not adequate to the Tradition of there being such a Passage. This
Tradition is also supported by a few Accounts, which we reject too
absolutely. These Accounts are given by various Persons, at different
Times, without any Concern, Connection, or even Acquaintance the one
with the other; which Accounts shew that the Opinion of their being
such a Streight prevailed. These Accounts were given by Foreigners; we
could not receive them from any other, as we did not frequent those
Seas, and at present have no ready Access to them. And as it was but
occasionally that any Persons went into those Parts, it is but by a
few Persons only we could receive any Information respecting thereto.
Nor could we attain such Information as we have in another Manner,
than from what our own Countrymen accidentally picked up, as a regular
Publication of such Account was not permitted, and as some thought
themselves interested to keep the most material Part a Secret, in hopes
to turn it to Advantage, by being employed, or receiving a Gratuity
for their Discovery. And Allowances should be made, without declaring
a Person immediately too credulous, who reports what he hears only in
Conversation from another; he may, in such Conversation, omit many
Circumstances which it would have been necessary for him to be informed
of, in order to give that Satisfaction to others to whom he reports
this Information, which he himself received of the Truth of what was
related to him at the Time of the Conversation. And we have no Reason
to censure those as too credulous who have published these Accounts,
until we get a more perfect Information as to the North-west Parts of
_America_, which at present remain unknown. A Dispute arises as to
the Situation of such a Streight; and Accounts given by _Indians_ are
produced to prove that the Streight cannot be in such a Part, where
it is supposed to be so far to the Southward as to have its Entrance
from the South Sea, in Latitude 51; whereas, on a little Examination,
it would appear that those _Indians_, whose Accounts are produced, are
almost equal Strangers as to those Parts with the _Europeans_. They
do not seek inhospitable Countries, where there is little Produce, no
Plenty of Fuel, great and frequent Waters, Mountains and Swamps, having
no Inducement from Trade or on Account of War, as they would not go
into those Parts to seek their Enemy, whom, with less Hazard and a
greater Certainty of finding them, they could attack when returned from
their Summer hunting and fishing to their Retirements, where they live
more comfortably than in those Parts into which, by Necessity, they
are obliged to go on Account of the Chace, as they could not otherwise
subsist themselves and Families. And on due Examination it will appear
all the Accounts we have from the _Indians_ are erroneously made use
of, to evince that there is no Streight in the Part that is contended
for. Instead of too severe a Censure on the Credulity of others,
we should be cautious that our Diffidence does not lead us into an
unreasonable Incredulity, and prevent our using such Testimony as is
presented to us so candidly as we ought to do, and prevent our getting
a true Insight into an Affair of such Importance; and the utmost that
can be said of it is, that it is a Point yet undetermined, whether
there is a North-west Passage or not.
As to the original Letter of _de Fonte_, we interest ourselves in the
important Matter it contains, and therefore become more suspicious and
diffident, as to its Authenticity, than upon a due Use of our Reason it
will appear that we ought to be. As we have no Reason, as is apparent
from what hath been said, that the original Letter should ever come to
our Hands; and if it appear, as we proceed, that it is rather to be
attributed to inevitable Accidents, than there not having been such a
Letter, that we cannot attain any particular Information respecting
thereto. If it is considered that we have a Publication of such Letter,
the Deficiencies in which are not, as it will appear, any other than
the Errors of the Translator and Printer. That there are a great many
concurring Circumstances in Support of and conformable with what the
Letter contains. And the Account is composed of such Particulars as
exceed the Industry and Ingenuity of those who employ their Fancy in
composing ingenious Fictions. These various Branches of Evidence cannot
be rejected, if we make a fair Judgment in this Matter: There must be a
Prepossession from common Fame, a Prejudice from a prior Opinion, or an
Interest and Design to support a particular System, that prevents our
accepting of it, as a Probability next to a Certainty, of this being a
true Account; and there is only wanting, to our receiving it absolutely
as such, that the Copy be produced from which the Translation was made,
or a full and compleat Evidence as to what is become of such Copy.
Why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to the original Letter
of _de Fonte_, appears from the Account, which shews that the Court
of _Spain_ had a secret Intelligence of this Undertaking. And as that
Court would not openly declare that they had such an Information,
or how they intended to defeat the Design, the Orders sent, and
consequently the Account of the Execution of those Orders, and whatever
related thereto, would be _secret_ Papers, and as such kept in a Manner
that few Persons would have a free Access; and by those few who had, as
the publick Business did not require it, might never be taken in Hand,
unless they accidentally catched the Eye of some who was particularly
curious. Thus neglected, in a Century of Time it might not be known, if
the Subject was revived, where they were deposited, and being so few in
Number would take up but a small Space, which might make it difficult
to find them.
The Politeness and Civility which prevail in this Age, will not admit
of such a Complaisance to curious Inquirers as to gratify them in that,
which, in Policy, from good Reasons of State, might as well be omitted.
There are Instances of late Discoveries being made, as to the Whole of
which, from particular Views, as it is said, the Curious have not been
gratified. And if this Expedition of _de Fonte_ was remembered, and the
Papers relating thereto could be brought to light, it might immediately
encourage us to proceed on making a further Attempt for the Discovery
of a North-west Passage, therefore we can have no Reason to expect the
Court of _Spain_ would assist us with what might determine us to a
Proceeding at which they must take Umbrage, as we are now become the
only Power who share _North America_ with them, from the Advantages
that such a Discovery would give us in case of a future Rupture between
the two Crowns; though our present Intention is to increase our
Commerce, by opening a Trade to _Japan_, and carrying on a Trade in a
more advantageous Manner to _China_.
We cannot be assured, if full Permission was given to find these
Papers, and more particular Pains and Application used, than is
customary with People in publick Offices, when the Occasion of the
Search being to little other Purpose than satisfying Curiosity, whether
such Search might not be rendered unsuccessful, by such Papers being
burnt amongst many other State Papers, in the Fire in the _Escurial_,
the common Depository for State Papers at that Time.
If we consider the Changes that have happened, as to the Succession
to the Crown of _Spain_, the Changes in the Ministry, Foreigners
introduced into their Ministry, there must have been many Particulars,
not only of this but of other Kinds, which they are not at present
acquainted with, the Ministry having no Occasion to give themselves
any Concern about them. _Don Olivarez_, who was the Minister at this
Time, was known to do his Business by Juntos of particular People, as
the Resolutions of Government thereby remained an inviolable Secret,
which was not always the Case when the Business was managed by publick
Councils. They also gave their Advice in a particular Manner, by
written Billets, which were handed to the King, that every Thing was
conducted in a very mysterious Manner during the Time that he was in
the Ministry, contrary to the former Practice, and which was also
disused afterwards.
If Inquiry hath been made by the most intelligent amongst the
_Spaniards_ as to this Expedition, and the Commands of the Monarch
to make Discovery of these Papers, and the Orders relating thereto,
have been duly executed, but they cannot be found. The Reasons are
apparent, the Voyage being scarce spoke of at the Time, went soon out
of Remembrance, and whatever may be in private Hands relating thereto,
is not immediately recollected by the Possessors, and the Originals,
if not secreted or mislaid, are burnt in the _Escurial_ in the Year
1671, the usual Residence of the Court, and therefore where this Letter
may be supposed to be received and lodged. For the Evidence relative
to this Account, which the Distance of Time or other Accidents could
not deface, yet remains. If _de Fonte_ was Governor or President of
_Chili_, from the Nature of his Office it must appear, amongst some
Records or Instruments of Writing, and we accordingly are informed,
that there was a Person in that Office named _Fuente_, which is
synonymous. That we have not more minute Particulars, is by reason
that the Account is from those Parts where we have not a free and
ready Access to make our Enquiries, and from a People, excepting a few
Individuals, who are not very communicative to Foreigners. But where
we have not laboured under the like Disadvantage, we have found that
there was one _Gibbons_, also _Shapley_, Persons exactly circumstanced
as the Letter mentions, upon the Authority of Records, the Tradition
of antient Men, in those Parts where they had lived, and also other
Accounts, supporting the Authenticity of this Letter, as will be shewn
when we proceed to consider of the Subject of the Letter. There is
therefore just Reason to conclude, was it possible to have the like
Pains taken in _New Spain_ or _Peru_, we might meet with Particulars
respecting this Matter, which would put the Truth of this Account out
of all Doubt; and any Failure in the Inquiries there, may be owing to
their not having been made with an equal Industry, and which it is not
in our Power to procure in those Parts so distant and inaccessable.
The Circumstances of the Inhabitants of _Boston_, and the neighbouring
Provinces, during this Period of Time since the Expedition of _de
Fonte_, have been very different, they have not been subjected
to the like fatal Accidents with the People of _Lima_, and that
Neighbourhood, who several Times have had their City laid in Ruins, and
almost entirely depopulated by Earthquakes, particularly in _April_
1687, and in the Year 1746. The Buildings becoming an entire Heap of
Ruins, and many People perishing, must lessen the Force of Tradition,
and affect, in some sort, the publick Records; and if the Marine
Office was at the _Calloa_ of _Lima_, the _Calloa_ having been twice
overwhelmed by the Sea, then there is no Reason to expect from _New
Spain_ an authenticated Account of the Equipment of this Fleet under
the Command of Admiral _de Fonte_.
Those who argue against the Authenticity of this Account, must admit
that he was a Person of Capacity and Abilities who composed it, and
should assign us some Reason, if a Fiction, why a sensible Person
should undertake it, as there could be no Inducement either in Point
of Reputation or Profit: For, if a Fiction, it is neither entertaining
or instructive. Neither can any political Motive be urged for this
Undertaking, as the Subject must then have been treated in a Manner
entirely different; so managed as to shew that a North-west Passage
was absolutely impracticable, and to let nothing be introduced that
would afford the least Incitement to Adventurers to come into those
Parts. But it is apparent, that in this Account the Facts are related
in a plain and simple Manner, without any Violation of Truth, as they
are related without any Consideration of their Consequences. The
Representations made, as to the Tides, as to the different Sorts of
Fish that came into the Waters from Westward and Eastward, would have
been an Encouragement to a further Trial as to a North-west Passage,
had such Account been published; and if the Phænomena as to the Tides,
and the Difference as to the Fish, was not from its communicating with
the _South Sea_, and the Attempt had proved successless as to the
Discovery of a North-west Passage, yet to countervail, in some Measure,
that Disappointment, there was a Prospect of a lucrative Trade, in all
Appearance to be carried on in those Western Parts where _de Fonte_ is
represented to have been in, with greater Convenience than that which
had been carried on by the _Boston_ People from the East before and at
this Time in _Hudson_'s Bay, and the _English_ might be invited, if
successful in their Trading, to make a Settlement, an Event which the
_Spaniards_ were apprehensive of, and earnestly desirous to prevent.
These are Defects which the Capacity and Abilities of the Author would
not permit him to run into, if he was writing a fictitious Account, as
he must easily see that such Representations to destroy the Notion of
a North-west Passage, and prevent the _English_ settling there, were
absolutely contrary to his Purpose. To give a greater Plausibility to a
fictitious Tale, the Scene may be laid in distant Parts, by this Means
introducing, more securely, Names and Characters of Persons as real
who never were; and though this Account mentions Persons who lived at
a great Distance, and in an obscure Part, yet there were such Persons
as the Account mentions. Also the Period of Time when this Voyage was
performed, so corresponds with their Transactions, as the Author could
fix on no other Period so agreeing with the Circumstance of Major
_Gibbons_ being so long, and at that very Time, absent from home; and
his Absence can be attributed to no other Cause than his being out
on a Voyage. Here is more Plainness and Consistency than is usual in
Fiction, with such a Variety of Particulars, and so circumstanced, as
would perplex the most pregnant Fancy to invent, which can be no Way
so naturally accounted for as by admitting that the Letter contains a
genuine Account of a Voyage made by Admiral _de Fonte_, not a Forgery
to support political Views; or that it is the Production of a sporting
Fancy to contrast some other Performance, or in order to expose the
Credulous to publick Ridicule.
The Editors of this Letter, whose Business it was to know whether
this Account was authentick, gave an entire Credit to it as being
authentick, not only as they assured the Publick in a general Way,
and with respect to all their Pieces that they should publish, that
they would only exhibit such as were of unquestionable Authority,
but by their annexing an Advertisement to the Letter, have given
us a particular Assurance of the Account being authentick; and we
have just Reason to conclude they _could_ have given us that further
Satisfaction we now desire; but what they have done was thought by them
sufficient, as they had no Idea of the _Importance_ of the Subject.
They comprehended not further of this Account, _Than that it contained
many curious and unknown Discoveries; and they humbly presumed_, being
Strangers to any further Merit that it had, _that it would not, on
that Account, be unacceptable to the Publick_. Had this Letter been
published at a Time a North-west Passage was under Consideration of
the Publick, there might be some Suspicion that the Editors had some
further Design. But as to a North-west Passage after the Voyage of
Captain _James_, and after the Discovery was entrusted to a Company,
and no Success consequent, it was generally received, many Years before
this Letter was published, that to find such a Passage was a Thing
impracticable. The Opinion of there being such a Passage was treated
as a Chimera: And the Affair of a North-west Passage lay in a State
of Silence and Oblivion near thirty Years after the Publication was
made. We may observe, that there is no Art in the Composition of this
Advertisement; it was inserted by Men of Honour and Veracity, who had
no other Intention in publishing these Memoirs than the Advancement of
Science; who, from their general Knowledge, could not be imposed on,
and cannot, from their known Characters, be supposed to have a Design
to impose on others. And what further or other Evidence than that which
they have given could be expected from the Editors, unless they had
been acquainted with the Importance which the Letter now appears to be
of? It was all that was at that Time necessary, as they did not expect
that there would be any invidious Imputation of Forgery, for then
they would have vindicated it from all Suspicion in a more particular
Manner than they have done. They thought it a sufficient Proof of its
Authenticity their receiving it into their Collection. As to that
mean Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of some _Englishman_,
it is thoroughly obviated if we consider on what a Foundation such
a Supposition must be grounded, which is, That some _Englishman_
composed this Account, translated it into _Spanish_, though there were
but few and very indifferent Linguists at that Time in _England_, to
be again translated by the Editors, the better to impose on them and
the Publick. The Publick is a Name which comprehends many Persons of
Curiosity and Sagacity, for whom chiefly these Memoirs were published;
and by these Persons, as well as by all others, the Account was
received at that Time as genuine, without the least Suspicion of there
being any Fraud or Imposture.
The principal Object or Design of the Publication was, that the Account
contained a Discovery made of those Parts, as to the Knowledge of which
the Geographers were at that Time very deficient; and the Editors
being satisfied as to the Authenticity, all they thought necessary was
to give a Translation of the Letter. And, from their Avocations to
their own private Affairs, did not consider it in so minute a Manner
as it required, as is plain from their Apology made as to the Stile
of the Letter, not being _altogether so polite, being wrote like a
Man whose Livelihood depended on another Way, and with an Abundance
of Experience_. Whereas the Politeness of Stile would have been an
absolute Objection as to the Authenticity of the Account. That as
it was a Letter wrote by Admiral _de Fonte_ to lay before the Court
of _Spain_, what had passed in the Course of the Voyage, though _de
Fonte_ might express himself in proper and well chosen Terms, yet he
was to use a Stile that was natural and simple. On the several Lights
in which the Editors have been considered, as to the Part which they
undertook, it must appear that they are unjustly reproached with Want
of Integrity; they acted consistently, having no Occasion to say more
with respect to this Account than they have done. Their Neglect was not
from Want of Penetration or Design. Their genuine Characters were such
as they could not suppose it would be ever suspected, that they could
have any Inducement to impose a spurious Account on the Publick.
Those who censure this Account of _de Fonte_ as a Cheat and a Forgery
imposed by some one on the World, have produced no Evidence from Facts,
or urged any Thing to shew the Improbability of this Account; as to
the Argument they so strongly insist on that the Original was never
produced, it is highly improbable that the Original ever should be
produced in these Parts; and there is a Uniformity in the Circumstance
that a Copy only came to the Hands of the Editors, which turns the
Argument against the Objectors. The Suspicion of there being any
Deceit or Forgery, hath arose from there having been different Systems
advanced by Geographers respecting these Parts: Those in whose System
this Account is not adopted have been the Occasion of such Suspicions
being raised, and have given some Countenance to such their Suspicions
from the imperfect Manner in which this Account hath been exhibited;
though that is not to be attributed to the Account in its genuine
Dress, but as broken and disfigured by the Translator and Printer.
The Glosses and Comments added by the Person who took the Copy, and
those added by the Translator in Explanation of the Text, are inserted
in the same Character, and without any Distinction from the Text,
and those by the Translator ignorantly introduced. Marginal Notes are
inserted as Part of the Narration; Courses are omitted; others mistaken
from the Translator's Inattention to the _Spanish_ Compass; Dates
misplaced by the Printer: The Translator also deviates from the Mode
of Expression, and renders, in an inaccurate, confused and obscure
Manner, a very material Part in this Account. Many of these Faults we
may attribute to Precipitation, from the Translator wanting due Time
to study the Letter, occasioned by a Persecution of the Printer, who
pressed him to finish that the Printer might compleat his monthly
Number, and, from the same Necessity, the immediate Publication, it
may be that the Faults of the Press are so many. Such numerous Defects
make it evident that this Account could never have been originally
constructed in this Manner; and it is on these Defects only that they
rely, or from which their principal Arguments are drawn to invalidate
the Authenticity of this Account. They might have perceived that a
Relation, so mutilated and impaired, must have had a more uniform or
regular Shape at one Time or other: And the Editors, in their Index,
when the Year's Numbers were compleated, stile it _an original and
very entertaining Letter of Admiral de Fonte_, by which they mean
for the Curious; and by stiling it an Original, they are not only
to be understood that it was never before published, but also that
it was wrote by _de Fonte_; which implies that they had a _Spanish_
Account, and of which, as being consistent with their Purpose, they
gave only a Translation: Also the Impression of the first Part, being
so uncorrect and full of Faults, the second Part more correct, and the
Mode of Expression resumed, shews that the first Composition is not
their own, but that it is a Translation which the Editors have given
us. The Defects and Imperfections of which being pointed out, we shall
comprehend what little Reason there is to dispute the Authenticity of
this Account, from the Disfigurements which have prevented our seeing
it in its proper Shape, and for suspecting those Persons to be Authors
of the Fiction who meant well; but their Fault consisted in their
Inattention to the Translator, who did not therefore give a successful
Conclusion to their good Design, as by rendering the Account obscure
and unintelligible, he afforded Matter for Cavil and Dispute as to
this Account of the Voyage, whether credible or not, and which a just
Translation would have confirmed to be true.
As to the Name _Bartholomew de Fonte_, we may observe that when the
Translator can render the Names in the _Spanish_ by _English_ Names
which are answerable thereto, he doth not insert the _Spanish_ Names,
but the _English_. Thus, as to the Ships, he calls one the King
_Philip_; but when they cannot be rendered by a resembling Denomination
in the _English_, and the Name hath its Original from the _Latin_,
he passes by the new Name, or as it is wrote in the _Spanish_, and
gives us the antient Name, or according to the Latin _St. Spiritus_,
_St. Lucia_, _Rosaria_, for _de Espiritu Santo_, _Santa Lucia_,
_del Rosaria_. Hath rendered _Bartholomew de Fonte_, _Philip de
Ronquillo_ both in _English_ and _Latin_. From which Management of the
Translator, in giving the Name according to the _Latin_ and not giving
it as it hath been transformed or changed agreeable to the _Spanish_
Orthography, there is just Reason to conclude the Name which is here
rendered _Fonte_, was _Fuente_ or _Fuentes_ in the Original. But if
it was wrote _Fonte_, it was in the provincial Dialect, different
from the Manner of writing the good Writers introduced, which did not
immediately prevail in all Parts alike, but was gradually received. For
Instance, they wrote _Fuenterabia_ in _Castile_, when the _Biscayners_
continued to write _Fonterabia_; and it is as often spelt the one Way
as the other in our Books and Maps.
_Fuente_ and _Fuentes_ are not of one Termination. _Fonte_ or _Fuente_,
in the Titles of the _Marquis Aguila de Fuente_, so in _de Fuente
de Almexi_, is of the singular Number, or the Title is taken from
the Water of _Almexi_. But _Fuentes_, in the Titles of the _Marquis
de Fuentes_, and in _Conde Fuentes de Valde Pero_, or of _Don Pedro
Enriques Conde de Fuentes_, expresses a plural Number, which the
Translator, through his Indifference as to the Subject which he was
employed to translate, might not observe.
_Don Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuentes_ was raised to the Honour of
being a Grandee by _Philip_ the Third, in the Year 1615, in respect
to his great Services in the Wars; was descended from a Branch of
that illustrious Family the _Enriques_. Nine of which Family were
successively Admirals of _Castile_; and the ninth, _Don Joan Alonso
Enriques_, was in that high Post at the Time of this Expedition. There
were Intermarriages between the Families of _Enriques_ and _Valasco_;
and _Don Pedro_ was succeeded in his Estate and Title by _Don Luis
de Haro_, of the principal House of _Valasco_, and Son-in-Law to
_Don Olivarez_. These Circumstances considered, we have a further
Reason to suspect that the Name _de Fonte_ is not duly rendered by
the Translator, as there is a Consistency in a Relation of the _Conde
de Fuentes_ being advanced to be Admiral of _New Spain_ and _Peru_,
which coincides with what is reported from _New Spain_, of the Name
being _Fuentes_ of the Person who was President of _Chili_. It was
also apparent that _de Fonte_ was a Man of Family, from those who
took the respective Commands under him. _Pennelossa_, of whom more
particular mention is made in the Letter: _Philip de Ronquillo_,
seemingly allied to _John de Ronquillo_, who did considerable Service
in the Year 1617, and was Governor of the _Philippine_ Islands. There
was also _Ronquillo_ a Judge, sent to reduce the Insurgents at the
City of _Segovia_, in the Time of the Civil Wars in _Spain_. _Pedro
de Bonardæ_, who is afterwards called Captain _Barnarda_: Of him we
must have the least to say; and we could not expect to be any Way
successful in our Inquiries from this Inaccuracy. He seems not to have
had so distinguished an Alliance as the others, and employed on this
Expedition on the Account of his Abilities, being allotted to a Service
not like that of _Pennelossa_, or _Ronquillo_, disagreeable in respect
to the Climate, fatiguing and hazardous. That he was a Gentleman by his
Descent, is evident from his being named _de Bonardæ_.
The _Spanish_ Fleet was but in a mean Condition at the Conclusion of
the Ministry of the Duke of _Lerma_; but when an Expedition was set
out to recover _St. Salvador_ in the Year 1626, was much improved;
the _Portuguese_ had twenty-six Sail, but the _Spanish_ Fleet were
now numerous. It doth not appear that the Fleets from _Lisbon_, when
_Portugal_ was under the Crown of _Spain_, were sent otherwhere than
to the _East Indies_, _Brazil_, and the Perlieus; and those from _Old
Spain_, that sailed from _Cadiz_, went to _New Spain_, and the Islands
under that Dominion. In the Year 1596, when Sir _Francis Drake_ took
_Cadiz_, he burnt the Fleet that was lying there bound for _Mexico_;
and Mr. _Gage_, in the Year 1625, sailed with a Fleet of sixteen Sail,
all for _Mexico_, and to the _West Indies_ seventeen Sail, besides
eight Galleons for a Convoy, all under two _Spanish_ Admirals.
The Inconsistency that _de Fonte_, a _Portugueze_, should be in such a
Post as _Admiral of New Spain_, a great Objection to the Authenticity
of this Account, is removed by the Observations that have been made
as to the Name _de Fonte_, by which it appears that he was not a
_Portugueze_, and their having Sea Commanders, _Spaniards_ by Birth,
with whom they could supply the principal Posts in the Marine, without
being under the Necessity of applying to _Portugal_ for Persons
qualified to fill those Stations.
As to _de Fonte_ being afterwards President of _Chili_, it is meant of
the _Audience of Chili_, subordinate to the _Viceroy of Peru_.
REMARKS
ON
The LETTER of Admiral DE FONTE.
The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having Advice from the Court
of _Spain_, and not from _the Court_ and the _Council of Spain_; which
latter is the common Form of Expression used in any Matter which had
been under the Consideration of the _Supreme Council of the Indies_,
implies that such Advice must have proceeded from the Secret Council,
or from the King through his Minister, that the Design of the Equipment
of the four Ships, and the Attempt of the Industrious Navigators from
_Boston_ might remain a Secret.
The Appellation of Industrious Navigators was conformable to the
Characters of _Gibbons_ and _Shapley_. Sir _Thomas Button_, in the
Extract which there is from his Journal, gives _Gibbons_ a great
Eulogium as to his being an able Navigator; and this was the Character
of _Shapley_ amongst his Cotemporaries.
The Court of _Spain_ knew that this Attempt to discover a Passage
between the _Atlantick_ and the _Western Ocean_, was intended by the
Northward and Westward; and though they allude to all the Attempts to
make such Discovery which had been at any Time made, by mentioning the
several Reigns in which any such Attempts were made, yet they hint more
particularly, that they expect this Attempt will be by _Hudson_'s Bay,
as they mention expresly in their Advice the two Voyages of _Hudson_
and _James_. For what is here said, _That the several Attempts_, &c. is
a Recital from the Advice sent by the Court to the Viceroys, or from
the Orders that _de Fonte_ received.
This Expedition from _Boston_ particularly commanded the Attention of
the Court of _Spain_, as Captain _James_ had not absolutely denied
there was a North-west Passage; and _Fox_, though not mentioned here,
had published an Account in 1635, by which he had positively declared
that there was a North-west Passage; and Sir _Thomas Button_, who kept
his Journal a Secret, was very confident of a Passage, and is said to
have satisfied King _James_ the First. The Death of his Patron _Prince
Henry_ prevented his being fitted out again. _Gibbons_, his Intimate,
had made the Voyage with him: Afterwards had made a second Attempt by
himself, but lost his Season by being detained in the Ice. And now,
though a married Man, had a Family, a Person in Trust and Power where
he resided, engages in a third Attempt from _Boston_.
_The second, third, and fourth Year of the Reign of King Charles_
refers solely to the Voyage of Captain _James_; to the Time he was
engaging Friends to fit him out; and the Time when such Voyage was
concluded on. As the _English_ used the _Julian_, and the _Spaniards_
the _Gregorian_ Account, these Transactions which refer to Captain
_James_'s Expedition, could not be made to coalesce as to the Time,
from the Difference there was between these two Computations, in any
other Manner than by putting the Year of the King of _England_'s Reign.
As King _Charles_ began his Reign the 27th of _March_ 1625, two Days
after the Commencement of the Year, according to the _Julian_ Account,
and the second Year of his Reign would not begin until the 27th of
_March_ 1626, two Days also after that Year commenced, but according to
the _Gregorian_ Account, the Year 1626 began in _January_; from the 1st
of _January_ to the 27th of _March_, the Year 1626, according to the
_Gregorian_ Account, would correspond with the first Year of the Reign
of King _Charles_. As to this Expedition from _Boston_, it is mentioned
to be in the Year 1639, and in the fourteenth Year of the Reign of King
_Charles_; but the Year 1639, according to the _Julian_ Account, is the
fifteenth Year of that King's Reign; but according to the _Gregorian_
Account, the Year 1639 corresponds from _January_ to _March_ with the
fourteenth Year of that King's Reign.
The Times mentioned in this Letter do not refer to the Times when the
Voyages were actually set out on, but when undertaken or resolved on,
as it is expressed in the Letter, _undertaken_ by some industrious
Navigators from _Boston_. Captain _James_ did not sail until the
Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-one, not getting the King's
Protection early enough in one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty, to
proceed that Year, or in the fourth Year of the King's Reign. That is,
he did not get it early enough in Spring to be ready by the latter End
of _March_, as he must have been to proceed that Year; so the fourth
Year of the King well agrees with this Proceeding. And _de Fonte_
did not sail until one Thousand six Hundred and Forty, which was a
Year after the Court of _Spain_ had received Intelligence of such
Undertaking from _Boston_. Which they would use the first Opportunity
to transmit to _New Spain_; _de Fonte_ therefore had at least six
Months for the Equipment of the four Ships to go on this Expedition;
a Time sufficient, in so fine a Climate, and every Thing that was
necessary to be done was enforced by Orders of the Crown. Had this
Equipment been executed in a much smaller Space of Time, there would
have been nothing so admirable in it: Therefore the Objection, as to
the Impossibility that Ships should be fitted between the Time the
Court received this Information, and their sailing, drops to the Ground.
It is not any way strange that this Design, as it appears to have been,
was made known to the Court of _Spain_ the Year before that it was
set out on; as that Court entertained a continual Jealousy of these
Undertakings, as is apparent from their sending Vessels to intercept
_Davis_; their having Informations as to Captain _James_'s Voyage also,
and the Consequences of it, as may be collected from this Letter.
Major General _Gibbons_, if he had not the King's Protection, yet he
had Friends at the Court of _England_ who made Application for him to
be Captain of the Fort at _Boston_, and one of the Council, the latter
End of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-eight, or in the
Beginning of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-nine. That
the most secret Affairs of the Court were at that Time betrayed, I
believe will be admitted, and the Secret of his designed Attempt might
be known, by his applying for Leave of Absence from his Post during the
Time that he should be engaged in this Undertaking. Or the Persons with
whom he corresponded in _England_ might be apprized of his intended
Voyage, as he could not, at that Time of Day, be supplied with every
Thing that was necessary thereto in _America_; and as he intended to
trade, he would be for procuring his Goods from _England_. By some
of these Means probably his Design perspired, and was secretly and
unexpectedly, transmitted to the Court of _Spain_.
There are several Reasons to be assigned why both Viceroys should
be informed, not only the Viceroy of _Peru_, in whose District the
Ships were to be fitted, but the Viceroy of _New Spain_ also. That if
a Passage was made by any other Way than where the Ships were to be
stationed to intercept the _Boston_ Men, or they accidentally passed
such Ships, the Viceroys might order a Look-out also to be kept. And
such a Provision being made, it would be scarce possible, if a Passage
was obtained, that the _Boston_ People should get clear out of those
Seas, and not fall into the Hands of the _Spaniards_. Another Reason
is, that such Particulars as _de Fonte_ was to put in for on the Coast
of _Mexico_ might be ready, that _de Fonte_ might not meet with the
least Delay, as such Delay might occasion the Disappointment of his
Design.
The Letter proceeds, 'Upon which, I Admiral _de Fonte_, received Orders
from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to equip four Ships of Force.' These
Words, _upon which_, I understand not to allude to the Advice given the
Viceroys, but refer to the Attempt intended from _Boston_, and as to
which he had received his Orders from _Spain_. But from the Viceroys he
received Orders only as to the Equipment of the four Ships, as Orders
of that Nature would regularly proceed from them. If it was otherwise,
and he had also received his Orders from them, containing Instructions
as to the Conduct of his Voyage, he would have made his Report to the
Viceroys as to the Manner in which he had conducted his Voyage, and
they would have reported it to the Court.
_De Fonte_ mentioning the Viceroys so simply and plainly, without any
respectful or distinguishing Additions, is an Instance that this Letter
was wrote to the Court of _Spain_, it not being proper, in a Letter so
addressed, to mention the Viceroys in any other Manner; and as it is
also evident from the Expression, _I Admiral de Fonte_, that he did
not write this Letter in his private Capacity, but as an Admiral,
therefore this Letter could not be otherwhere addressed than to such
Court, to transmit an Account how he had executed these Orders, which
he had received immediately from _Spain_.
_De Fonte_ mentioning that the Advice which the Viceroys received
was from the Court of _Spain_, and that the Orders he received were
from _Spain_, carries a Distinction with it as though the Advice and
the Orders were not transmitted from the same Persons. Those who
transmitted the Advice to the Viceroys were not seemingly in the
Secret, as to the particular Orders or Instructions which were sent to
_de Fonte_, as to the Manner in which he was to conduct his Voyage. It
was the Province of the Admiral of _Castile_, who was stiled Captain
General of the Sea, who was subject to no Controul but the King's,
to issue all Orders relative to maritime Affairs, and therefore _de
Fonte_'s Orders might come from him. Or otherwise these Orders were
immediately transmitted by the _Conde de Olivarez_, who was on ill
Terms with the Admiral, and regarded no Forms, under the Sanction of
the Favour he had with the King, whom he influenced to authorize all
his Measures. It is also consistent with the Conduct of _Don Olivarez_
that this Affair should be managed in this Manner, who was always
mysterious, confided in his own Judgment, singular in his Manners, and
therefore was called a Lover of Projects, and supposed a meer Visionary
in some of them. He did not want for Persons of the greatest Abilities
to assist him, and the Accuracy with which the Orders are composed that
were sent to _de Fonte_, (as may be collected from the Manner in which
the Voyage is conducted, and in which it cannot be supposed _de Fonte_
was left to his Discretion) is an Instance there had been no Want
of the Assistance of able, sagacious and experienced Persons in the
composing of such Orders and Instructions.
The Design of this introductory Part is to shew the Proceedings in this
Affair previous to his Voyage; that the Advice was received, and the
Orders subsequent were obeyed; and it is drawn with peculiar Care and
a Conciseness which would be censured in a Voyage Writer, but is used
with the greatest Propriety on this Occasion.
The Names of the Ships are agreeable to the Manner that the _Spaniards_
name theirs; and by Ships of Force is not meant either their Caracks or
Galeons, but Country Ships, which the Equipment seems to imply, made
defensible against any Attacks of the Natives, and to have nothing to
fear from the _Boston_ Men, and these Ends could be obtained in Vessels
which had no great Draught of Water, as the Rivers they were to pass
up and the Lakes required, and of a Tonnage suitable to those Northern
Seas, therefore _de Fonte_ only expresses their Names, and their
Commanders, says nothing of their Rates.
_De Fonte_, in his Course from the _Callao_ of _Lima_, and in all his
subsequent Courses through the Voyage, computes his Distance after the
Marine Manner, from that Land from where he takes his Departure to the
Land made when he enters a Harbour, or the Termination of the Land
which makes such Harbour to Seaward; and here takes his Departure from
the extreme Part of the _Callao_ of _Lima_, which is in the Latitude
11° 5´ S. Longitude 80° 39´ W. and from which to _St. Helena_, being
North of the Bay of _Guiaguil_, in Lat. 2° 5´ S. Long. 84° 6´ W. is
two hundred Leagues; and there is no Fault in the Impression, as hath
been supposed. Though these Words, _on the North Side of the Bay_ of
_Guiaguil_ seem to be an Interpolation.
The Distance said to be run between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St.
Helena_ is not reconcileable with the Accounts published by _Dampier_,
_Wood Rogers_, or the Accounts in general, excepting with a Copy of a
_Spanish_ Manuscript, of the Latitudes and Longitudes of the most noted
Places in the _South Seas_, corrected from the latest Observations, by
_Manuel Monz. Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, whose Computation
of Longitude is from the Meridian of _Paris_; but he fixes _Lima_ at
full eighty Degrees. I use _Prieto_'s Tables in this, and principally
in all my subsequent Computations, though _de Fonte_ no where mentions
the Longitude in this Letter, as he only regards the Difference of
the Meridian of _Lima_. And it by no Means invalidates but favours
the Authenticity of this Account, that _de Fonte_ differs in his
Computation from the _English_ and _French_ Accounts at, and after
those Times, which also differ from each other, as they only ranged
along the Coasts of those Seas, judged of their Distances according
to their Journals, and must have made many vague Observations, as to
the Latitude of Places, by Inspection of the Land from Sea, and which
Land they might not certainly know. Their best Directions they got from
Manuscript Journals, or Sea Waggoners, composed for their own Use by
Coasters. But the navigating of the King's Ships were better provided
for in this respect; and we may well suppose that _de Fonte_ was not,
on this Occasion, deficient in Artists well versed in the Theory as
well as the Practice of Navigation, and under this Character of an
Artist we may consider _Parmentiers_. The Truth, as to the Latitude,
once fixed is not variable by Time; and in this respect _de Fonte_
and _Prieto_ must agree, though a Century between the Time of their
Computations.
The Expression, 'anchored in the Port of _St. Helena_ (in _Spanish_,
_Santa Elena_) _within the Cape_,' hath something more particular in
it than appears on a transient View. The Point of _St. Helena_ is thus
described in the sailing Directions in the _Atlas Maritimus_, published
in 1728. 'The Point itself is high, but as you come nearer in there
is a lower Point runs out sharpening towards the Sea. And there are
two distinct Anchorages within this Port, one within the lower Point,
here Vessels ride without Shelter, and amongst Banks and Shoals. Under
the high Land, there is the other Anchorage, deep Water, and secure
riding.' Under this high Land, being called the Port within the Cape,
is a Distinction which I do not find made by the Voyage Writers, or in
any other of the sailing Directions for these Parts that I have seen;
and _de Fonte_ particularly mentions, as it may be supposed, being in
Conformity with his Instructions.
_De Fonte_ taking in the _Betumen_ must have been in pursuance of his
Instructions, and there provided for him by Order of the Viceroy.
That which follows, called vulgarly Tar, _&c._ seems to be an
Interpolation, or additional Comment, though not distinguished as such;
and it may be observed here is a different Mode of Expression, and a
Want of that Conciseness which apparently precedes. If with these Words
took _a Quantity of Betumen_, we connect _on the 10th we passed the
Equinoctial_, then that Conciseness and Simplicity of the Narration is
preserved. It is inconsistent that _de Fonte_ should inform the Court,
that it was not for Want of Tar that he put into this Port, and that
he did not procure this _Betumen_ to use instead of Tar, but to make
Use of it as Medicine. The taking the _Betumen_ aboard sufficiently
intimated his Compliance with his Instructions. The Expression, _we
took it in for Medicine_, hath something particular in it, seems to
be a Note or Memorandum added by some Person who made the Voyage, to
instruct a Friend for whom he made, or to whom he gave, a Copy of this
Letter.
The one Degree seven Minutes of Latitude is misplaced, Cape _St.
Francisco_ being by no Geographers or Voyage Writers placed in that
Latitude; the one Degree seven Minutes is the Latitude of the River
_St. Jago_, and which _Prieto_ lays down in one Degree eight Minutes.
As to the Courses and Distances eighty Leagues N. N. W. and twenty-five
Leagues E. and by S. which were placed in the Margin in the first
Edition, but are since crept into the Text. N. N. W. is a Course
entirely contrary, and instead of one there is two Courses, North and
North East, and which two Courses are consistent with the E. and by S.
Course twenty-five Leagues, as that Course will then terminate in the
Latitude and Longitude of the River _Jago_. This Error of North West
for North East may be accounted for by remarking, that in the _Spanish_
Compass North East and North West are rendered _Nord Este_ and _Nord
Oeste_: The Omission of the _O_ in _este_ is a Fault which may be
committed even by a careful Transcriber, or may be a Mistake in the
Translator, for Want of due Attention to the Compass.
In the Passage from _St. Helena_ he would keep the Coast aboard, for
the Benefit of a fair and fresh Wind, and which he would have without
any Interruption from the Land Breezes, and by standing N. W. to clear
the Islands of _Solango_ and _Paita_, and then stand North Easterly
would form a North Course of one Hundred and Thirty-two Miles, or
forty-four Leagues, and then be off Cape _Passao_, in N. Lat. 8´. Long.
83° 59´ W. and well in with such Cape, as it is evident he was from the
Expression in the Letter by the Cape _del Passao_ with a North East
Course, thirty-six Leagues, they would be in Lat. 1° 23´ North, Long.
82° 50´, and so have passed Cape _Francisco_, N. Lat. 50´, Long. 82°
55´, and with an East and by South Course twenty-five Leagues, would
be in the Lat. 1° 8´, Long. 81° 36´, the Latitude and Longitude of the
River _St. Jago_.
There was not such a Provision Country, it appears from later Accounts,
on any Part of the Coast between this and _Lima_; nor could the Ships
be any where brought up with greater Safety: _St. Helena_ is described
as a poor and barren Part of the Country.
The Health of his People, liable to scorbutick Disorders in the
northern Climates whither he was going, was an Object that must be
attended to, in order that the Voyage should meet with the desired
Success. Therefore after the _Betumen_, he recruits what he had
consumed of his fresh Provision in his run from _Lima_, and lays in
a great additional Store, as is apparent if we consider that their
Consumption in this respect is not proportionable to ours, from their
Mode of dressing it. And we may judge from having so great a Quantity
of Fowl ready, with Goats and Hogs, the People had received Orders to
be thus provided against the Ships Arrival; the Sailors would be a
great Assistance in curing the Provisions, the Flesh as well as the
Fish, and would do it in the most suitable Manner for the Sea Service;
a Number of Hands, gave an Expedition so as the Provisions would not be
spoiled by the Heat of the Sun; and his Victualling detained _de Fonte_
four Days.
_Six Miles and a half, or the Left Hand the River is navigable for
small Vessels_, and all that follows seems by Way of Comment, and to be
a spurious Interpolation, as also, _which are there wild and in plenty_.
'The 16th of _April_ we sailed from the River of _St. Jago_ to the Port
and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little westerly, in about 11
Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St. Miguel_, &c.'
The Point of _Yeaxos_, or the _Sandy Strand_, in Lat. 11° 58´, Long.
93° 31´, which covers the Port of _Raleo_ (or _Realejo_) is three
Hundred and twenty Leagues from the River _St. Jago_; but the Course
N. 47° 30´ W. or N. W. almost a Quarter West, and by the Expression
_a little_ Westerly, the W. N. W. seems to mean, he steered first
West from the River _St. Jago_, until he made the high Land, and then
North-west, a little Westerly.
Between Mount _Miguel_ and Point _Cazarnina_ (rightly _Caravina_) is
the Entrance in the Bay of _Amapalla_, which is to the Northward of
the Port of _Realejo_; therefore the leaving Mount _St. Miguel_ on the
Larboard, _&c._ being an absolute Contradiction to _de Fonte_ entering
the Port of _Realejo_, is an Interpolation and not inserted by the
Person who wrote the Letter, but a Comment very injudiciously added by
Way of Explanation. From this Circumstance the Truth of my Assertion
appears, as to there being Glosses and Comments added to the original
Text, and that I had good Reason to believe several Places in the
preceding Part of this Account to be Interpolations added by Way of
Comment.
The great Ships that are built in _New Spain_ are built in _Raleo_ is
disposed in the Margin in the first Edition; but in all the subsequent
Editions hath crept into the Text. We may suppose the W. N. W. Course
hath crept into the Text in the first Edition to make room for this
Comment, as may be judged from the Course between _St. Helena_ and
_St. Jago_ being placed in the Margin: And there is an apparent Reason
for the Course and Distances being so placed, for when inserted in the
Text, they interrupt the Attention; and as the Courses and Distances
were all that was necessary to be mentioned, the Latitudes have been
since added by some injudicious Person.--The Latitude of _Passao_, of
Cape _St. Francisco_, is not mentioned, and the Latitude of _Raleo_ is
wrong, which the Course and Distance shews, and its Latitude is in most
Maps agreeable to the Course and Distance here given. The Run, allowing
_de Fonte_ eight Days, would be but one hundred Miles in twenty-four
Hours, which is very moderate going. Nor can there be any Objection, as
to the Truth of this Account, from the Time that _de Fonte_ is sailing
between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ to _St. Helena_, from _St. Helena_ to
_St. Jago_.
All that belongs to the original Letter I take to be this, The 16th
of _April_ we sailed from the River _St. Jago_ to the Port and Town
of _Raleo_; here we bought (which probably might as well be rendered
procured) four long well-sailed Shallops, built express for sailing,
riding at Anchor, _&c._ The 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, I
suppose to have been placed in the Margin.
It cannot be supposed that Boats so fitted, and four of them, could be
procured in so small a Time as _de Fonte_ staid here, it implies they
were previously provided before that he arrived, to be ready at the
Arrival of the Ships.
'The _26th_ we sailed from _Raleo_ for the Port of _Saragua_, or
rather of _Salagua_, within the Islands and Shoals of _Chamily_, 480
Leagues N. W. and by West, a little Westerly from _Raleo_. From the
Town of _Saragua_, a little East of _Chamily_ at _Saragua_, and from
_Compostilo_ in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Master and
six Mariners accustomed to trade with the Natives for Pearl the Natives
catched on a Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the _Baxos_ of
_St. Juan_ in 24 Degrees of North Latitude, 20 Leagues N. N. E. from
Cape _Saint Lucas_, the South-east Point of _California_.'
The Point of _Yeaxos_ is laid down in Lat. 11 Deg. 58 Min. Long.
93 Deg. 31 Min. and with a Course North-west and by West, a little
Westerly, Distance four Hundred and eighty Leagues, _de Fonte_ would be
at the Islands of _Chiametlas_, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. Long. 114 Deg.
29 Min.
The Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_ (which is properly
_Zuelagua_) is thus described. 'The Mount of _Sant Jago_ is in the
Port of _Zuelagua_. There are two very good Harbours which have good
anchoring Ground, and will hold a great many Ships, by reason they are
great and are called the _Calletas_. On the North-west Side of the
said Bay is another very good Port, which is called likewise the Port
of _Zuelagua_. You will find in it a River of fresh Water, and several
Plantations. At the Sea Side is a Pathway that leads to the Town of
_Zuelagua_, being four and a half Miles from the Port within Land.
Between the Port of _Zuelagua_ and the white Ferrelon (or Rock) is a
very good Port, in which you are Land-locked from all Winds.'
From this Description it is easy to comprehend what is _de Fonte_'s
Meaning as to the Port of _Zuelagua_, where he took in his Master and
Mariners on the North-west Side of the Bay, and which he expresses by,
at _Saragua_ a little East of _Chamily_; and which Master and Mariners
were not promiscuously taken, but were chosen Men, as they were taken
both from _Zuelagua_ and _Compostilo_, in the Neighbourhood of the
Port. _Zuelagua_ seems originally the City which was called _Xalisco_;
but from its unhealthy Situation, _Compostilo_ was built more within
Land; yet the former continuing to be a Port, some Inhabitants remained
there.
The Islands and Shoals of _Chiametla_, which the Translation renders
_Chamily_, which is a Name given to Islands South of Cape _Corientes_.
But the Distinction is the Islands to Northward of Cape _Corientes_
are called _Chiametla_, those to Southward _Chametla_ and _Camilli_.
_Prieto_ agrees with _de Fonte_'s Account first mentioning the Islands of
_Chiametlas_ in Lat. 22. 10. Long. 114. 29. and then _El mal Pays y mal
outradu_.
This Master and Mariners were accustomed to trade with the Natives
for Pearl, which the Natives catched on a Bank in nineteen Degrees of
Latitude, being North from the _Baxos of St. Juan_, or the Bank of
_St. John_, which is in twenty-four Degrees of North Latitude, and
twenty Leagues North North-east from Cape _Saint Lucas_, the South-east
Point of _California_; and this Account _de Fonte_ had either from
themselves, or the Character that was sent with them, to shew the most
proper Persons had been provided to answer the Purpose for which they
were procured. And all that belongs to the Text is, which the Natives
catched on a Bank North from the _Baxos St. Juan_, twenty Leagues N. N.
E. from Cape _St. Lucas_.
'The Master Admiral _de Fonte_ had hired, with his Vessel and Mariners,
who had informed the Admiral that, 200 Leagues North from Cape _St.
Lucas_, a Flood from the North met the South Flood, and that he was
sure it must be an Island, and _Don Diego Pennelossa_ undertook to
discover whether it was an Island or not, with his Ship and the four
Shallops they bought at _Raleo_, and the Master and Mariners they hired
at _Zuelagua_.'
Here the Thread of the Letter is broke, and the Translator proceeds
as with a common Narrative of a Voyage. The Master might be easily
deceived as to the Tide, as Time hath shewn in many Instances as to
other Persons having been deceived in like Manner in other Parts.
That we have no Account of what was the Event of this Expedition
_Pennelossa_, who had undertaken the Charge, being no more to join _de
Fonte_, as it was unnecessary and to no Purpose, _Pennelossa_ would
return first and send his Account to Court. _De Fonte_ could in this
Case do no further than shew he had sent him on this Service, it must
be supposed, agreeable to his Instructions. Which, from the Boats
brought from _Realejo_, (and must be of a particular Constructure,
the like of which were not to be any where else on the Coast) and the
Master and Mariners hired here, it is evident, was before proposed,
that _Pennelossa_ should go on this Part of the Expedition, not on the
Master's declaring that there was a Tide from the Northward, and so
_California_ an Island. This was only mentioned by _de Fonte_, to shew
what Intelligence he had got in this Affair.
The Account given of _Pennelossa_ could be evidently no Part of the
Letter. What is said as to his Descent, his being a Nobleman, his
Address to Cosmography, and the Undertaking of this Discovery, must
evidence as already said, whoever inserted the Account was satisfied
as to their being such a Person so accomplished, and who aspired to
undertake this Part of the Expedition. A Discovery of these Parts
would carry, at this Time particularly, great Reputation and Honour
with it, and by this Opportunity to intercept Persons on a Design so
prejudicial to the Interests of the Court of _Spain_ in those Parts,
as it was then thought, had _Pennelossa_ succeeded; he would have had
no small Share of Merit; or if he did not succeed, the Merit of the
Attempt would be accounted of, and not unjustly, it would be a Means
of his Promotion through the Connections he had, as they would urge he
did not pursue those Sciences for Speculation only, but to carry them
into Practice for the Service of his Country. And according to the
Regulations Don _Olivarez_ had made, there was no Preferment but what
was in consequence of Service.
Sister's Son of _Don Lewis de Haro_, and a young Nobleman, expresses
as of the Time present, when the Copy was taken from which we have the
Publication; and _Don Haro, Prime Minister of Spain_, was a Gloss added
by another Hand. Neither is _Don Luis de Haro_ the Person here meant,
for he does not seem to have been of an Age to have had a Sister who
could be Mother to _Don Pennelossa_; but _Don Lopez de Haro_ is the
Person meant, _Marquis de Carpio_, the Father of _Don Luis_, who was at
that Time Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and afterwards Prime
Minister, and must be understood the Son of his Wife's Sister, who was
a Daughter of _Olivarez_, married to the _Marquis de Valderiabano_.
'But Admiral _de Fonte_, with the other three Ships, sailed from them
within the Islands of _Chamilly_ the 10th _May_ 1640, and having
the Length of Cape _Abel_ on the W. S. W. Side of _California_, in
26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Isles
_Chamilly_; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E. a steady Gale, that from the
_26th_ of _May_ to the _14th_ of _June_ he had sailed to the River _Los
Reys_, in 53 Degrees of North Latitude, not having Occasion to lower a
Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N. W. 410 Leagues from Port _Abel_
to Cape _Blanco_, 456 Leagues to _Rio los Reyes_, all the Time most
pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260 Leagues in crooked Channels,
amongst Islands named the _Archipelagus de St. Lazarus_; where his
Ships Boats always sailed a Mile a-head, sounding to see what Water,
Rocks, and Sands, there was.'
_De Fonte_ and _Pennelossa_ both put out to Sea together; but as their
Courses were various, one to the Westward of _California_, and the
other to enter the Gulf. They parted within the Shoals of _Chiametla_
the tenth of _May_ 1640; and _de Fonte_ attaining the Length of _Cape
Abel_ in Latitude 26, one Hundred and sixty Leagues North North-west
and West from the Isles of _Chiametla_, he then meets with a fair Wind
from South South-east. By the Latitude of Cape _Abel_, and the Distance
run, it is apparent that the Islands _Chiametla_ mentioned, are the
Islands here meant.
_De Fonte_, after running one Hundred and sixty Leagues from the Isles
of _Chiametla_, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. and Long. 114 Deg. 29 Min.
attaining the Length of Cape _Abel_ in Latitude 26, his Course could
not be North-west and West, but North-west by West westerly, or 61°
22´. _and_, instead of, _by_, may be supposed an Error of the Press.
Dr. _Heylin_ mentions a convenient Haven named _St. Abad_, who wrote
near these Times. But it is _Christabel_, or _Christeval_, the Name
of a Cape the Extremity of the Land, which forms a Harbour or Port
of the same Name _Christabel_. _Prieto_ mentions no Place on the main
Land but the three Islands of _Casonas_, which lie off at Sea, so more
to Westward than this Cape. They are in Lat. 26 Deg. Long. 122 Deg. 24
Min. the Longitude of Cape _Abel_ I make in 122 Deg. 11 Min. and he
lays down the Point of _Madelena_ in 26 Deg. 30 Min. and the Long. 123
Deg. 24 Min. which seems to be the northermost Land of such Harbour.
By _de Fonte_ mentioning the Latitude of this Cape, and not any other,
he may be supposed to take from hence a new Departure, as was usual
with the _Spaniards_ when they came to this Length in these Seas, so
_Prieto_ mentions _Las Bajas de los Abraja, Primier Meridiano_. Lat.
25° 15´. Long. 121 Deg. 54 Min. from _Lima_.
_De Fonte_ in his Run from _Chiametla_ met with contrary Winds;
but when the Length of Cape _Abel_, he had Wind and Weather rather
unexpected in those Parts; and the Spring not being much advanced, he
rather expected to have been, at Times, under his Courses, which is
meant by the Expression afterwards used, that he never had occasion to
lower a Topsail, and is conformable with its being a steady Gale, or
did not overblow. As the Run to _Los Reys_ terminated the fourteenth
of _June_, _de Fonte_, for the whole eight Hundred and sixty Leagues,
sailed after the Rate of forty-five Leagues in twenty-four Hours, which
is consistent with and agreeable to the Seamens common Experience, when
favoured with such Wind and Weather. Amongst the Islands would have the
Assistance of the Floods, and Wind enough to stem the Ebbs.
The Computation of the eight Hundred and sixty-six Leagues is four
Hundred and ten Leagues to Cape _Blanquial_, to which there is a Course
assigned North North-west; and as to four Hundred and fifty-six Leagues
to _Rio los Reys_, no Courses are added, which we may assign to the
Courses being originally in the Margin, when one was introduced into
the Copy the other was neglected. And we have just Reason to suspect
the Carelessness here, as it is first called _Cape Abel_, then _Port
Abel_, and the River _Los Reys_ in 53 Degrees, and afterwards _Rio
los Reys_, as tho' they were distinct and separate. With the N. N. W.
Course _Rio los Reys_ could not be in the Latitude _de Fonte_ mentions.
_Port Abel_, Latitude 26, Long. 122° 11´, and the _Callao_ of _Lima_,
being laid down Longitude 60 West from the first Meridian of _Fero_,
and hitherto we have carried on our Computation of Longitude 80 from
_Paris_, we shall hereafter compute from _Fero_ and _London_; and Cape
_Christabel_ we compute 102° 11´ from the Meridian of _Fero_, or 119°
46´ from the Meridian of _London_.
The Course four Hundred and ten Leagues North North-west, _de Fonte_
made Cape _Blanquial_ in Latitude 45, Longitude from _London_ 129°
28´, from the Meridian of _Fero_ 111° 53´, to Northward and Westward
of the Entrance of _Martin Aquilar_. Sufficient Observations have not
been made to determine by the Geographers as to the true Latitudes
and Longitudes of these Places, and, until they attain more perfect
Informations, must disagree.
The Course from _Blanquial_ is not inserted, but is to be determined by
the Distance two Hundred and sixty Leagues, ending in Latitude 53 at
_Rio los Reys_. _De Fonte_ had, during the whole Time between _Abel_
and _Los Reys_, the Wind in his Favour. Therefore his Course must
have been to the Northward of the East; and if he run two Hundred and
sixty Leagues, with a Course East 52° North, he would make 2 Deg. 1
Min. Latitude, and 20 Deg. 24 Min. Longitude. To correspond with which
_de Fonte_ must, for the one Hundred and ninety-six Leagues, made his
Course North 52 Deg. West, which would determine in Latitude 50 Deg.
59 Min. and in Long. 141 Deg. 12 Min. from _London_, in 123 Deg. 27
Min. West from _Fero_. _De Fonte_ would then be about thirty Leagues
from the Land, agreeable to the _Russian_ Discoveries, tho' this
Voyage was made so many Years before that Attempt; a great Evidence
of the Authenticity of this Account. His Conduct also in this Case
was necessary, consistent with the Character of a good Seaman, not to
make the Coast direct, or immediately engage with this _Archipelago_,
to which he was a Stranger, and in Parts unknown, or where he had no
sailing Directions but to form such Course as gradually to fall in with
the Land, and, as the Wind was, if he saw Occasion, could at any Time
stand off.
_De Fonte_ by this Course, agreeable to the Latitude of the _Suesta
del Estrech D'Anian_, which is laid down by _Prieto_ in Latitude 51,
would be to the Southern Part of the Entrance into such _Archipelago_,
had he been Northward, as the Wind was, he would have regained it with
great Difficulty and Loss of Time.
As this Table of _Prieto_ was composed before the _Russian_
Discoveries, and this Land, the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_, is
computed in Longitude 141 Deg. 47 Min. computing _Lima_ at 80 Deg.
answerable to 238 Deg. 13 Min. East Longitude from _Fero_, it is a
little singular that these Accounts should agree so well, as to the
Longitude of this Part of _America_; is an Instance that _Prieto_ did
not proceed upon vague Calculations; had acquired a more exact Account
than could be even supposed in these unfrequented Parts, and in his
Care and Exactness, as to the more known Parts, we have no Reason to
doubt but he hath laid down the Latitude and Longitude of the _Suesta
del Estrech de Anian_, with the greatest Certainty that he could attain
to.
I shall not controvert it whether these are the proper Streights of
_Anian_. This Entrance was commonly called amongst the Navigators into
those Parts by that Name, as is evident from former Accounts; and
_Hornius_, from his Maps, which may be seen in _Purchase_, lays it down
in the same Manner. My Intention is answered in producing an Authority
from the _Spaniards_ of _New Spain_, that there is an Entrance here
agreeable to the Account in this Letter; also, in all Appearance,
a superior Entrance to that of _Martin Aguilar_, which _Prieto_
doth not expresly mention; neither could he properly; but inserts
Cape _Escondido_ in Lat. 43, and Cape _Blanquial_ in Lat. 45, an
intermediate Distance of one Hundred and twenty Miles. Again mentions
the Port of _Salagua_ in Lat. 46, and then the Port of _Salado_ in Lat.
48; in which Interspace the Entrance of _de Fuca_ is supposed to be.
By the Name _Archipelago_, _de Fonte_, who would give the Name with
Propriety, expresses it to be a Sea; and on his Return says, he sailed
down the River _Los Reys_ to the North-east _Part_ of the _South Sea_;
after that returned home. Where the Word _Part_, properly speaking, or
to use the Word as it really imports, can be no otherwise understood
than as an Arm or Branch of the _South Sea_. Had he steered eight
Hundred and sixty-six Leagues North North-west, he must necessarily
have traversed the Courses of those brave Discoverers Capt. _Beering_
and _Tschirikow_, which were from Lat. 45 in _Asia_, to Lat. 56 and 58
in _America_, and who were not interrupted by any such Islands. Capt.
_Tschirikow_ positively says, the Coast was without Islands where he
was in Lat. 56; by Capt. _Beering_'s Account in Lat. 58, the Islands
lay only _along_ the Coast; and _de Fonte_ in his Account mentions,
that he sailed in crooked Channels, amongst Islands. These various
Descriptions shew that these Accounts relate to various Parts. As _de
Fonte_ could not, in the whole Extent between _Asia_ and _America_,
meet with such Islands, and yet was under a Necessity to pass up
crooked Channels, with no small Hazard, as the Boats being a-head
express, his Course must have been to the Eastward of where Captain
_Tschirikow_ fell in with the Land, and for the Distance of the two
Hundred and thirty Leagues before _de Fonte_ came to a River, to _Los
Reyes_, was then passing up the North-east Part of the _South Sea_,
as he terms it, and in some Part of which there were Islands, which
he names the _Archipelagus of St. Lazarus_. There is a Singularity
of Expression in the Letter, _where_ his Boats always sailed a-head,
the Word _where_ limits the Islands to a certain Space, and that they
were not extended the whole two Hundred and thirty Leagues, which is
consistent with the Expedition he made, as otherwise the Ships must
have often shortened sail, and it could not be avoided, and must have
frequently brought up at Night.
As _de Fonte_ did neither make the South or North Shore of this
Streight, the most comprehensive Way of expressing himself was to
say, he passed up these Islands, by which those who had composed his
Instructions well knew the Parts he meant. It must be considered
_de Fonte_ was not as to this Part on Discovery, the Whole would be
pointed out to him by his Instructions, which being to fall in with the
Islands, or Entrance in such a Latitude, to mention either the North
or South Limit of the Entrance would be improper; whereas the contrary
was the Case as to Cape _St. Helena_, _Francisco_, _Passao_, and Cape
_Abel_, as his Instructions were express, as to the making these Lands.
As _de Fonte_ made a true Course East 81° North, subtract the Longitude
20 Deg. 24 Min. from the Longitude 141 Deg. 12 Min. from _London_, and
from the 123 Deg. 27 Min. from _Fero_. The Entrance to the River _Los
Reys_ lies in Lat. 53 Deg. Long. 120 Deg. 48 Min. from _London_, and
103 Deg. 3 Min. West from _Fero_. And that his Course was now Easterly
is plain from the subsequent Words of the Letter, _as they sailed more
Easterly_. It was also confident with the Purpose they were sent on, to
meet a Vessel from _Boston_.
'The 22d of _June_ Admiral _de Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains
to _Pedro de Barnarda_, to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream, and
deep Water, went first N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake
full of Islands, and one very large _Peninsula_ full of Inhabitants,
a friendly honest People in this Lake, he named Lake _Valasco_, where
Captain _Barnarda_ left his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4,
5, 6, 7, and 8 Fathom Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with
Salmon Trouts, and very large white Perch, some of two Foot long; and
with three large _Indian_ Boats, by them called _Periagos_, made of two
large Trees 50 or 60 Foot long. Capt. _Barnarda_ first sailed from his
Ships in the Lake _Valasco_, one Hundred and forty Leagues West, and
then 436 E. N. E. to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral _de Fonte_, after
he had dispatched Capt. _Barnarda_ on the Discovery of the North and
East Part of the _Tartarian Sea_.'
We may suppose, from the Manner in which this Part was managed, that
there was a great Necessity to get the Translation finished in any
Manner. As the Difficulties of the Translation increased, the Design
of this Account being only Amusement, the Translator thought it would
answer the Purpose to give the Account in gross.
The Date, the 22d _June_, is an apparent Error, by reason _de Fonte_
did not enter into Lake _Belle_, as will be shewn hereafter, until that
Time.
Admiral _de Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de
Barnarda_, to sail up a fair River, gentle Stream, and deep Water.
Then the Translation breaks off abruptly, and the Translator renders
the following Part as an Account of _Bernarda_'s Voyage, not observing
how just a Connection there is with _de Fonte_ dispatching one of his
Captains to _Bernarda_; and what follows being the Orders sent by him,
and the Instructions for _Bernarda_; instead of being _Bernarda_'s
Account of his Expedition, and not observing how consistent it is with
being a summary Recital of those Instructions these Words are which
follow, Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatched Captain _Bernarda_
on the Discovery, _&c._
As to his dispatching one of his Captains, he must be supposed to have
besides the Captain of the Ship he was in, also one called an Admiral's
Captain. The Instructions were of such Consequence, that a less Person
might not be so properly employed, nor consistent with the Respect due
to _Bernarda_.
_De Fonte_ and _Bernarda_ were Strangers here; but these Parts had been
already discovered, as it is expresly said that _two Pater Jesuits_
had been here two Years, and made Observations as far as the Latitude
66. From their Discoveries we may conclude, that these Instructions
were formed which _Bernarda_ received, and those of the whole Course
of the Voyage; and it was necessary that _de Fonte_ should not only
mention that he had dispatched _Bernarda_, but should also, with the
Brevity due to a Letter, mention the Orders with which he dispatched
him. And further from what is expressed in those Orders, as to the
River, the Course and Soundings, what Fish were in the River and Lake,
the Road or Harbour which was to be found in the Lake, the Temper and
Disposition of the Inhabitants, it evidently appears that there had
been a prior Discovery of these Parts, and Observations made of every
Thing worthy of Consideration, and necessary also at this Time to be
mentioned to _Bernarda_. To let him know that his Ship could pass up
the River, would find a Harbour in the Lake, he had nothing to fear
from the Natives, and would meet with Provisions. There leaving his
Ship he might be furnished with _Periagos_ to proceed. And I understand
his Directions to steer first North and North-east, then North and
North-west, that he might make no Mistake by pursuing or entering into
any other Openings which might present themselves in his Course up, and
which from their Appearance might perplex him, as to which of them he
was to enter; no uncommon Thing, as those who have been to Northward on
like Undertakings will allow.
'The Admiral sailed up a very navigable River, which he named _Rio los
Reys_, that run nearest N. E. but on several Points of the Compass 60
Leagues, at low Water, in a fair navigable Channel, not less than 4
or 5 Fathom Water. It flowed on both Rivers near the same Water, in
the River _Los Reys_, 24 Feet Full and Change of the Moon; a S. S. E.
Moon made high Water. It flowed in the River _Haro_, 22 Feet and a
half Full and Change. They had two Jesuits with them, that had been on
their Mission to 66 Degrees of North Latitude, and had made curious
Observations.'
_De Fonte_, having dispatched _Bernarda_, sets out on his Part of the
Expedition, and proceeds up the River _Los Reys_, at the Entrance
of which he had arrived the fourteenth of _June_. During his Stay,
until _Bernarda_ was dispatched and sailed, he seems to have taken an
accurate Account of the Tides in both Rivers. The Distance up the River
was more than sixty Leagues, and though a good navigable Channel, yet
would require a great Precaution in his Proceeding with the two Ships;
Tide Times and the Night would make it necessary for him to bring too;
for had he touched the Ground with either of them, the Delay that might
have followed on such Accident, might have defeated this Part of the
Undertaking, and the most important, and which, therefore, was allotted
to him to execute.
Their having had two Jesuits with them seems an additional Note. That
two Jesuits should be sent into those Parts to make Observations,
is but consistent with the general Practice of the Jesuits to go
on Missions into all Parts of the Globe, engaged by a special Vow,
not injoined any other Order, to be always ready to go and preach
whithersoever they shall be sent.
These Jesuits are by no Means a singular Instance of the People of that
Order being great Adventurers, when we consider those who ventured to
the _Philippinas_ and _Japan_, enforced by the Vow, puffed up with
the Vanity of popular Applause, the Favour of the President, and the
Hope of being acceptable to the rest of the Order on their return
from such Mission, expecting by such Mission to add to the Wealth or
Reputation of the Order. The Effect of this Mission seems to have
been they had acquired the Favour of the Natives. Had made some
Observations of the Country, but principally to Northward, as to which
they seem not to have got a perfect Account; though they did a great
deal for the Time, the Unseasonableness of the Winter, and the melting
Weather in the Spring considered; nor is it strange they should not
get a perfect Account, in a Country so intermixed with Waters, which
hide themselves in their Courses between inaccessible Mountains; and
in many Places where they are to be come at, are deceitful in their
Appearance, as to what they really are, whether Lakes, Gulphs of the
Sea, or Inlets. As they proceeded to the Northward, they thought it the
Part that principally claimed their Observation. Were of Opinion as to
the Northward, that it was Part of the Continent of _New Spain_, or
they would not have lead _de Fonte_ to _Los Reys_, but caused him to
proceed up that Streight which separated the Part they had been in from
_New Spain_. As to this Mission not being known to the Publick, these
Jesuits must have been sent from _Europe_ into _New Spain_; and they
would so far regard their Obedience to the Pope, as to pay due Respect
to the King of _Spain_'s Authority, in observing the established Maxim
of the Time, as to keep their Discoveries a Secret from the Publick or
other Nations. And as to all Missionaries who went into _New Spain_,
the King of _Spain_ hath a Power to call them to Account, by the
Pope's Permission, though not permitted in _Old Spain_ to meddle with
ecclesiastical Affairs, or ecclesiastical Men.
'A Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_ 1740,
that he had left his Ship in the Lake _Valasco_, betwixt the Islands
_Barnarda_ and the Peninsula _Conibasset_, a very safe Port; it went
down the River from the Lake 3 Falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the
_Tartarian_ Sea in 61 Deg. with the Pater Jesuits, and 36 Natives,
in three of their Boats, and 20 of his _Spanish_ Seamen; that the
Land trended away North East; that they should want no Provision,
the Country abounding with Venison of three Sorts, and the Sea and
Rivers with excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oil, and Brandy they carried
with them) that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he
received the Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_
Town called _Conosset_, on the South Side Lake _Belle_, where the two
Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place.
The Admiral, with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of _June_.'
The Letter from _Bernarda_ being dated the 27th of _June_, it is
impossible he should finish all that Business in four Days, which he
gives _de Fonte_ an Account of: This also confirms its being a Mistake
as to the 22d of _June_, being the Time he received his Dispatches.
It might well take _Bernarda_ from the fourteenth of _June_ to the
twenty-seventh to receive his Dispatches, to pass up the River, and
to the Peninsula in Lake _Valasco_, procure the Natives, who were not
under his Command, get all Things fitted, and set out. And what this
Letter contains, makes it evident it could be no Account of his Voyage
that was before-mentioned.
This Letter is apparently an Answer to the Dispatches _Bernarda_
received from _de Fonte_. He mentions, that he had left his Ship,
agreeable to Orders, and in a safe Port; gives an Account how he was
equipped to proceed; the Number of the Persons he had with him; that he
had thirty-six of the Natives, which is conformable to the Character
given of them, a friendly honest People, and shews the Influence of the
Jesuits. These Natives, by joining in the Expedition, were Hostages for
the good Behaviour of the others towards his People left behind, and
an Assurance to _Bernarda_ for the Security of his Ship left at the
Port, were of great Use as Pilots as to the Coast, and also in sailing
and managing their _Periagos_. Their having these _Periagos_ implies
they had a Country abounding with Waters; and it was their usual Way
of passing from one Part to another, Time and Experience had made them
expert in the Management of them; and by shifting from one Part to the
other as the Seasons required for hunting or fishing, and by Excursions
out of their own Country either for War or Curiosity, as is the Nature
of _Indians_, they were become acquainted not only with the inland
Waters, but also the Sea Coasts.
_De Fonte_ had ordered Captain _Bernarda_ that he should sail one
Hundred and fifty Leagues West (but is rather to be believed a Mistake
from not understanding the Compass, _Oeste_ and _Este_ being so
similar) and then four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues East North East
to 77 Degrees of Latitude. In Answer to which _Bernarda_ here mentions,
that from the Lake _Valasco_ there was a River in which there was three
Falls, eighty Leagues in Distance, and fell into the _Tartarian Sea_,
in Latitude 61; that the Land trended away North East, and that he
would do what was possible. By which Expression it is plain, that he
did not pursue the exact Course that _de Fonte_ directed; probably that
Course was pointed out to _Bernarda_ by which the Jesuits had travelled
to Latitude 66, but pursued a Course more immediate and direct to
attain to Latitude 77, the Back of _Baffin_'s Bay, as to which the
Natives had informed him; and that though he did not pursue the Course
directed by _de Fonte_, which he found not to be so consistent with the
Design he was sent on, yet he would do all that was possible to answer
that Design. And the Expression also implies, that he was sensible he
should meet with Difficulties, which he might expect from the Climate,
the Ice, and the Fatigue; but as to the Article of Provisions, was in
no Fear on that Account. As to what is mentioned as to Venison of three
Sorts, they were the small Deer, the Moose, and the Elk, all which are
in the Northern Parts about _Hudson_'s Bay, and the _Labrador_ Coast.
The Name of _Haro_ given to the River is a particular Compliment to
_Don Haro_, who was the Head of the Houses of _Valasco_; and the Name
of _Valasco_, in Compliment to the other Houses, of that Family. Which
Respect shewn by _de Fonte_ seems to indicate a particular Connection
with, or his being related to that Family, as already mentioned.
_Valasco_, as here wrote, with a _va_, as those Families did write it
at that Time, and one of that Family, who was Constable of _Castile_,
in his Titles is named _John Ferdinandes de Vallasco_, Constable of
_Castilia_, &c. now Lord of the Houses of _Vallasco_, &c. and by the
Orthography in the Letter being so conformable with that which was used
at that Time, and not with a _ve_ as at present, we have very good
Reason to suppose, that the Letter was not only wrote in _Spanish_, but
also by _de Fonte_ on his return from his Voyage. Don _Ferdinandez_ was
living in 1610, and succeeded by his Son, in his Title and Honour of
Constable of _Castile_, _Don Bernardino_, who was living at the Time of
the Voyage.
'The Admiral entered the Lake an Hour before high Water, and there
was no Fall or Cataract, and 4 and 5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 Fathom
Water generally in the Lake _Belle_. There is a little Fall of Water
half Flood, and an Hour and Quarter before high Water the Flood begins
to set gently into Lake _Belle_: The River is fresh at 20 Leagues
Distance from the Mouth or Entrance of the River _Los Reyes_. The River
and Lake abounds with Salmon, Salmon Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets,
and two other Sorts of Fish peculiar to that River, admirable good;
and Lake _Belle_ also abounds with all those Sorts of Fish large and
delicate: And Admiral _de Fonte_ also says, the Mullets catched in
_Rios Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, are much delicater than are to be found,
he believes, in any Part of the World.'
_De Fonte_ was not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of _June_. Various
Courses, contrary Winds, waiting for the Tides at times; from the
Circumstance of the Tide as to Lake _Belle_, that there is a Fall until
half Flood, and it is an Hour and Quarter only before high Water that
the Flood makes in, evidences that there was a Current against him; and
it is further evident, as on his return he was but two Days running
from _Conosset_ to the Entrance of the River _Los Reyes_.
_De Fonte_ is very particular in his Account, being now to take a
Survey of the Parts through which a Passage was expected, and in which
Parts he now was. He mentions the Trial of the Tides at _Los Reyes_ and
_Haro_; gives a particular Account of the Navigation up _Los Reyes_,
and to Lake _Belle_; that it was fresh Water after they were sixty
Miles up the River; and what is no immaterial Circumstance in this
Affair, shews how far the Waters from Westward flowed up, which he
instances in the Account of the Fish. That such as came out of the Sea
into the Land or fresh Waters to spawn at those Seasons, and afterwards
return to the Sea, went no further than Lake _Belle_; for here he found
the Mother Fish, as he describes them, large and delicate, superior
to those in the River, and indulges his Fancy, so delicate as, he
believes, they are not to be exceeded in any other Part of the World.
_De Fonte_, in his Orders to _Bernarda_, shewed it was fresh Water
in Part of _Haro_, and in the Lake _Conibasset_, from the Salmon and
Perch, in which he means Sea Perch, which come into fresh Waters at
this Season of the Year.
'The first of _July_ 1640, Admiral _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest
of his Ships in the Lake _Belle_, in a good Port, covered by a fine
Island, before the Town of _Conosset_, from thence to a River I named
_Parmentiers_, in Honour of my industrious judicious Comrade Mr.
_Parmentiers_, who had most exactly marked every Thing in and about
that River.'
We now proceed to consider the Remainder of Admiral _de Fonte_'s
Letter, which was published in _June_ 1708.
Admiral _de Fonte_, when he received the Letter from Capt. _Bernarda_,
was arrived at an _Indian_ Town called _Conosset_, in the Lake _Belle_;
and as he entered such Lake the twenty-second, probably arrived at
the Town the same Day; staid eight Days, and then sailed the first
of _July_. That _Bernarda_ should write, as to the Situation of his
Affairs, must have been before concerted between them, they having been
informed by the Jesuits or _Parmentiers_, that it was practicable for
_Bernarda_ to send such Message, that the Admiral might know whether
_Bernarda_ had met with any Accident as to his Ship, or any other
Obstacle to his Proceeding, as he might assist him from those Ships
Companies then with the Admiral. How the Letter was conveyed is not
expressed; probably by a Seaman with an _Indian_ Guide (the Distance
between the Admiral and _Bernarda_, at this Time, will be considered
hereafter) who would use all possible Expedition both by Land and
Water: Had the Advantage of very short Nights. _De Fonte_ would not
proceed until he received this Account, though ready as soon as he
received it. As _de Fonte_ sailed on the first of _July_, that Account
must have come to his Hand the thirtieth of _June_.
The Ships being secure in a good Harbour, and the Command left with
_Ronquillo_, the Admiral proceeds to the River _Parmentiers_, so
named in Honour of Mons. _Parmentiers_, whom he stiles his Comrade,
and commends his Industry and Judgment in the Survey of such River,
and the Parts adjacent. From his being stiled his Comrade, he was
in no Command, as he could not have a Commission without having
been bred in the Service, and a Native of _Spain_. Therefore being
a Person immediately necessary for to have on this Occasion, he is
introduced under the Character of a Friend and Companion. Mr. _Gage_
mentions, Chap. xv. of his new Survey of the _West Indies_, one _Thomas
Rocalono_, a _Frenchman_, a Prior of the Cloister of _Cemitlan_, who,
with himself, was the only Stranger in that Country, by which he means
in that Part where he was; and it implies there being others in other
Parts, which falsifies the Assertion that no _Frenchman_ was ever
admitted in _Peru_.
The Countries of _Quivira_ and _Anian_ were represented, at that Time,
to be barren or desolate; as is also evident from the Description of
the Inhabitants eating raw Flesh, drinking Blood, and in all Respects
suitable to the Character of the _Eskemaux Indians_, who by Choice,
not Necessity, make Use of such Diet when out a hunting or travelling,
which expresses those Parts to be very inhospitable, and where the
_Indians_ only frequent at certain Seasons, in Pursuit of the wild
Game, and for fishing. And _Cibola_ is represented as a Country
which hath a Cultivation, where the _Indians_ constantly live, and
seem a different People from those of _Quivira_ and _Anian_. This is
agreeable to the Accounts given at that Time, which is sufficient
to shew that the Jesuits could not expect that they should be able,
or would undertake to pass through such a Country as _Quivira_ and
_Anian_ in Pursuit of their Discoveries to Northward; therefore must
have taken some Opportunity of being conveyed there, which could only
be by some Persons who had been on these Coasts, and had, through
Necessity, Interest, or Curiosity, passed up these Waters, and surveyed
the adjacent Country in Pursuit of something which might turn out to
their private Emolument: Nor were such Attempts unprecedented, even
on our Parts, though the Hazards were much greater. The private Trade
carried on by the People from _Boston_, in _Hudson_'s Bay, before there
was a Grant to the Company; which Trading might not have come to the
Knowledge of the People in _England_, or been known to the Publick for
a Series of Years, had it not been for an Accident which happened to
Captain _Gillam_, who thereupon made a Discovery of this Trade. Nor
is there the least Improbability but that _Parmentiers_ had, on some
Occasion, introduced himself into these Parts, had invited the Jesuits
to a Mission there, who, on other Missions, had undertaken what hath
been much more hazardous, and succeeded. There were sufficient Motives
for that Undertaking; the Northern Bounds were then unknown, so that
they could not affirm _America_ to be Continent, nor certainly to be an
Island distinguished from the old World. This is the Account Mr. _Gage_
gives us, Chap. xiii. and mentioning that he will not write, as many
do, by Relation and Hearsay, but by more sure Intelligence, Insight
and Experience. He says _Quivira_ is seated on the most Western Part
of _America_, just over against _Tartary_; from whence, being not much
distant, some suppose that the Inhabitants came into this new World.
The West Side of _America_, if it be not Continent with _Tartary_, it
yet disjoined by a small Streight. Here then was a sufficient Matter
to encourage a Mission of this Sort, and to keep a Progress to the
Eastward, or in _America_, with the Discoveries that were going on by
the Missionars sent to _Japan_; and there was a Propriety in this being
done, as the Coasts of both were supposed to be at no great Distance
from each other: And this was expresly the Purpose of their Mission, as
it is said they had been to Latitude 66, and made curious Observations,
on which Account they were with _Bernarda_. As _Parmentiers_ went to
the Eastward with _de Fonte_, who must have had a different Motive
from them for coming into those Parts, he must have had his own
private Emolument in view, his better Success in which depended on
his Secrecy, as he thereby prevented others from interfering; which
Consideration would prevail with him, as with all Traders, superior to
any Satisfaction the Publick might have from his Informations; and as
Trade would be carried on most successfully where the Inhabitants were
more numerous, we find he had found his Way to Eastward, apparently the
most populous, as the Jesuits had gone to the Northward and Westward,
principally as most consistent with their Plan; tho' _Conosset_ was
where the Jesuits had been first introduced, where their courteous
Behaviour and Management of the Natives, would be of Advantage to
_Parmentiers_. In searching for the most popular and inhabited Part of
the Country, he would become acquainted with the Geography of those
Parts necessarily, Depths of Water, Shoals, Tides, which his own
Preservation, and the better conducting of himself would naturally
lead him to observe; but there might be a more particular Reason for
his Observation of the River _Parmentiers_, and of all the Parts about
it; and therefore he had been so exact as to the Falls, which were the
Obstruction of the Ship Navigation through to the Eastern Sea, that lay
beyond the Streights of _Ronquillo_, for his own private Advantage; by
opening a new and extensive Trade, he would have greatly promoted it if
he had found this Communication practicable for Ships of Burthen.
The People that Captain _Tchirikow_ met with on the Coast is no
Objection to the Character given of those within Land in this Letter,
as it is from Experience known that the _Eskemaux_, who are along the
Coast of the _Labrador_, are cruel and thievish; but that _Indians_ of
a different Disposition live within Land.
As to _Parmentiers_ being the general Interpreter for all, he is not
said to be so. He would, for the Benefit it would be to him in his
Trade, endeavour to learn the Language, and would of course acquire
something of it unavoidably, as he frequented amongst the _Indians_:
And it must be observed, though there are many different Nations, and
there is a Difference in Dialect, yet there is a Language which all
those Nations will understand, called the Council Language.
That Voyages had been made to these Parts more than once is evident,
as the Jesuits staid there two Years, therefore did not return with
the same Opportunity by which they came there, but another; and it
is probable that there had been a Voyage prior to that, which had
encouraged them to undertake this Mission.
In what Manner _de Fonte_ proceeded, the Boats and Number of Persons
he had with him, the Translator hath omitted. It is mentioned, that
_de Fonte_ sailed from the rest of his Ships; the River _Parmentiers_
hath Falls of thirty-two Feet perpendicular Height from its Source
to where it issues into Lake _de Fonte_; so again, on the South Side
Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships; and had it been with his Ship, his
Inference that there was no North-west Passage would have been unjust,
as his meeting with this Ship the Vessel from _Boston_, would have
effectually proved the contrary.
'We passed eight Falls, in all 32 Foot, perpendicular from its Source
out of Lake _Belle_; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake _de
Fonte_, at which Place we arrived the 6th of _July_. This Lake is 160
Leagues long, and 60 broad; the Length is East North East, and West
South West, to twenty or thirty, in some Places sixty Fathom deep; the
Lake abounds with excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed;
there are several very large Islands, and ten small ones; they are
covered with shrubby Woods; the Moss grows six or seven Foot long,
with which the Moose, a very large Sort of Deer, are fat with in the
Winter, and other lesser Deer, as Fallow, _&c._ There are Abundance of
wild Cherries, Strawberries, Hurtleberries, and wild Currants; and also
of wild Fowls, Heath Cocks and Hens; likewise Partridges and Turkeys;
and Sea Fowl in great Plenty. On the South Side the Lake is a very
large fruitful Island, had a great many Inhabitants, and very excellent
Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and Fir Trees, very large and tall.'
We here again see the Form of the Letter, _de Fonte_ expressing
himself, as in the first Part of the Letter, _I named Parmentiers_, _my
industrious_; and there are other Instances.
The River _Parmentiers_, which is the Communication by which the Waters
of Lake _Belle_ are conveyed into the Lake _de Fonte_, so named we
may suppose not in Compliment to himself, which would be absurd, but
of his Family, as the Expression is, _I named Lake de Fonte_, though
it almost deserves the Name of a Mediterranean Sea; but from having a
superior Water near it, with which it communicated, _de Fonte_ calls it
a Lake. It is not a casual naming of Places, or Waters, as _Hudson_'s
Bay, given to that great Mediterranean Sea, and continued, but the
Names of the Waters he passed through, would be given with Exactness
and Propriety. In the Lake _de Fonte_ there was a great Depth of Water,
also Banks, as there is said to be in some Parts twenty or thirty
Fathom Water, as is also evident from the Cod and Ling there, and which
instance it to be a Salt Water Lake. It was the Season when these Fish
come to the Northward to spawn. The shrubby Wood on the Islands, the
Moss for the Subsistence of the Deer hanging on the Trees, the wild
Cherries and other Fruits ripening at that Season of the Year, are
all corresponding Tokens of his being advanced to the North-east Part
of _America_, is agreeable in all the above Respects to the Country
Northward and Westward in _Canada_, about the River _St. Lawrence_, to
the interior Parts of the Country of _Labrador_, in Lat. 56; but as you
proceed further to Northward, the high rocky Mountains, which in this
Part are only confined to the Coast, then extend more inland, increase
in their Height, and in Lat. 59° and 60°, the whole Country, as far as
_Baffin_'s Bay, seems to consist only of Ridges of barren Mountains,
interspersed with Waters; and the Progress of the Productions, as to
Trees and Plants, gradually decreases from a more flourishing to an
inferior Sort, as you proceed to Northward; in Lat. 59, on the Western
Side of _Hudson_'s Bay to the Northward of _Seal_ River, there is no
Wood, only Grass and a small Shrub of about a Foot in Heighth, which
continues, as far as it is known to Westward, and a thin Soil, with a
hard rocky Stone just below the Surface, and very frequently there are
large Ponds of standing Water.
_De Fonte_ seems to have made a Stop at the Island at the South of Lake
_de Fonte_, to take Refreshment, and make Inquiry as to the _Boston_
Ship, it being out of his Course, or on any other Account to go there.
'The 14th of _July_ we sailed out of the East North-east End of the
Lake _de Fonte_, and passed a Lake I named the _Estricho de Ronquillo_,
thirty-four Leagues long, two or three Leagues broad, twenty,
twenty-six and twenty-eight Fathom of Water; we passed this Streight in
ten Hours, having a stout Gale of Wind, and a whole Ebb. As we sailed
more Easterly the Country grew very sensibly worse.'
What follows, 'as it is in the North and South Parts of _America_,'
appears to me an additional Comment.
_De Fonte_ mentions, as he went more Easterly the Country grew worse;
from which it may be supposed he found the Alteration to begin when he
was come to the Eastern Part of the Lake, and more so, as he passed the
Streights of _Ronquillo_.
Where the Streight of _Ronquillo_ terminated _de Fonte_ makes no
mention; gives us no Account of the Soundings or Tides; but his Silence
here, and the preceding Circumstances, sufficiently prove that he
thought himself then in some Branch of the _Atlantick Ocean_. And it is
to be observed there is the same affected Silence here as to the Part
he was come into, as when he had left the Western Ocean and entered the
North-east Part of the _South Sea_ to pass up to _Los Reys_.
'The 17th we came to an _Indian_ Town, and the _Indians_ told our
Interpreter Mons. _Parmentiers_, that a little Way from us lay a great
Ship, where there never had been one before.'
The _Indian_ telling the Interpreter _Parmentiers_, which expresses a
Kind of Acquaintance made between them, and _de Fonte_'s passing out
of the Lake into the Sea, coming to a Town, and _Parmentiers_ knowing
the Language, is an Evidence of _Parmentiers_' having been there
before. And we may suppose, that from the Time they left the River
_Parmentiers_, _de Fonte_ had been on the Inquiry, it being now Time to
expect the People from _Boston_; and what the _Indian_ told him was in
pursuance of such Inquiry.
'We sailed to them, and found only one Man advanced in Years, and a
Youth; the Man was the greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the
Mathematicks, I had ever met with; my second Mate was an _Englishman_,
an excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at
_Campechy_, as well as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of
_New England_, from a Town called _Boston_. The Owner and the whole
Ship's Company came on board the thirtieth; and the Navigator of the
Ship, Captain _Shapley_, told me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman,
and _Major General_ of the largest Colony in _New England_, called
the _Maltechusets_; so I received him like a Gentleman, and told him
my Commission was to make a Prize of any People seeking a North-west
or West Passage into the _South Sea_; but I would look on them as
Merchants trading with the Natives for Bevers, Otters and other Furs
and Skins, and so for a small Present of Provisions I had no need
on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which cost me twelve Hundred Pieces
of Eight (which the modest Gentleman received with difficulty) and
having given the brave Navigator _Captain Shapley_, for his fine Charts
and Journals, a Thousand Pieces of Eight, and the Owner of the Ship,
_Seimor Gibbons_, a quarter Cask of good _Peruan_ Wine, and the ten
Seamen, each twenty Pieces of Eight, the sixth of _August_, with as
much Wind as we could fly before and a Current, we arrived at the first
Fall of the River _Parmentiers_.'
_De Fonte_ makes no Delay, but immediately proceeds as the Case
required; finds an old Man aboard, the Man (as being a great Mechanick
might be very useful on such an Expedition) and a Youth, might venture
to stay, their Age would plead as to any Severity that might be
intended by _de Fonte_; and through the Fear of which Severity the
others retired into the Woods, where they could manage without being
sensible of those Difficulties which _Europeans_ apprehend. To leave
the Ship without any one aboard, _de Fonte_ could of Course have
taken her as being deserted; and by their Retirement into the Woods,
his Pursuit of them there would have alarmed the _Indians_, and more
especially if he had attempted any Severity, it might have been fatal
to him and his Company, from the Resistance they might have met with,
not only from the _Boston_ People, but the _Indians_ assisting them,
as they would have considered it as an Insult, an Exercise of Power
which they would apprehend he had no Right to use in those Parts, as
to a People who were trading with them, and been the Occasion that the
_Spaniards_ would have been no more received as Friends in those Parts.
_De Fonte_ had particularly provided himself with some _Englishmen_,
who, by a friendly Converse with the People from _Boston_, might
endeavour to learn their Secrets, and prepare them the better by
what they would be instructed to tell them to come to a Compliance
with the Admiral's Intentions. The Result of this Affair _de Fonte_
only mentions; but they would not have staid away so long, would
have returned sooner aboard, had they only left the Ship on Account
of Trade. Trade was only a secondary Object, the Discovery was the
principal, and they would not have staid in one Place, at this Season,
had they not been necessitated through a Fear of _de Fonte_ so to do.
It may be supposed the _Englishmen_ who were with _de Fonte_, two of
whom were from _Campechy_, and the other become Catholick, as he was
married to the Master's Daughter, they would not act either with much
Sincerity or Truth as to their own Countrymen, but managed with the old
Man to bring the Owner, Navigator, and rest of the Crew aboard.
On their return the Navigator of the Ship was the first who waited on
the Admiral, and he calls him Captain _Shapley_, his Name _Nicholas
Shapley_, who was famous as a Navigator, for his Knowledge in the
Mathematicks and other Branches of Science, that the common People
supposed he dealt in the Magick Art, and had the Name given him of _Old
Nick_, not by the People of _Boston_, but by a Set of Libertines as
they termed them, and who had separated from the People of _Boston_,
and gone to live by themselves at _Piscatua_, where he was settled
at a Place called _Kittery_, in the Province of _Main_; the Name of
_Kittery_ given by his Brother _Alexander Shapley_, to a Tract of Land
he had settled on there; and they write the Name _Shapley_ exactly in
the Manner in which it is wrote in the Letter. The Brother _Alexander_
was a Cotemporary at _Oxford_ with Captain _James_, who went on
Discovery, and his Acquaintance. The Descendants of _Alexander_, a
genteel People, were not many Years since living at _Kittery_; but
_Nicholas Shapley_ retired to _New London_, where he had a Son that
was living in the Year one Thousand seven Hundred and fifty-two, a
Fisherman. The Family at _Kittery_ were very shy as to giving any
Information as to what they knew in this Affair, upon an Application by
the Author of these Observations, or looking into _Alexander_'s Papers,
as an officious Person had got beforehand, and discouraged them from
giving any Gratification of this Sort, under Pretence, if their Papers
were seen, it might give some Insight into a Lawsuit depending between
the Branches of the Family, or expected to be commenced; and that
there was a great Reward for the Discovery of a North-west Passage,
which, if the Account was attained from them they would be intitled to
a Part, which by this Means they would be deprived of. Jealousies of
this Kind raised by a pretended, at least an ignorant Friend, against
the Application of a Stranger, who assured them he was superior to any
Trick of that Sort, and would give them any Satisfaction in his Power
as they should propose, occasioned a Disappointment. The Son of Captain
_Nicholas_, upon an Application made by the Author likewise, had
nothing but his Father's Sea Chest, in which, there were once a great
many Papers, and which his Mother, the Wife of Captain _Nicholas_,
made a great Account of; but the Son being an illiterate Man, had made
Use of them in the Family as waste Paper. I have mentioned him as
illiterate, but he was a well meaning Man, and he had heard his Mother
talk something about such an Affair; but I shall not lay a Stress upon
the Account he gave, as he may be supposed prompted by the earnest
Manner of the Inquiry to give grateful Answers, in Expectation of a
Reward. The Number of Settlers in all _Piscatua_, the Province of
_Main_ included, did not at that Time exceed four Hundred People, but
is now become a well settled Country; yet there was amongst the antient
People about _Kittery_, a Tradition of Captain _Nicholas_ having been
on such a Voyage, and as to which, on proper Application to Persons
who have Influence, and will make due Inquiry, it appears to me the
Publick will receive a farther Satisfaction than they may at present
expect. A considerable Merchant who lived at _Falmouth_ in _Piscatua_,
a Man of Character, no Way biassed for or against a North-west Passage,
but as he is since dead, I may take the Liberty to say, married a
Daughter of his late Excellency Governor _Weymouth_, mentioned an
Anecdote respecting his Father, who was a very antient Man: That
when the Dispute was between the late Governor _Dobbs_ and Captain
_Middleton_, he said, Why do they make such a Fuzz about this Affair,
our _Old Nick_ (meaning Captain _Shapley_) was through there? And this
antient Gentleman had been an Intimate of Captain _Shapley_'s.
Early in the Year before this Voyage Major General _Gibbons_ went with
others over to _Piscatua_, to have a Conference about Church Matters;
and Mr. _Alexander Shapley_ was one on the Part of the Settlers in
_Piscatua_, and who had but returned from _England_ the Fall before. At
this Meeting, probably, they fixed on the Time and Manner of executing
the Design, which they had before concerted. This whole Affair was
concerted in an obscure Part, the Affair not known to the People of
_Boston_, as it was more to the Purpose of those who undertook it
to keep it a Secret; and probably Major _Gibbons_ was more inclined
it should be so, as he had before met with two Disappointments. The
Characters of the Persons were such, as by whom it is very reasonable
to suppose such an Expedition might be undertaken. Mr. _Alexander
Shapley_ was a Merchant, a lively, active, enterprising Man; sufficient
to this Purpose hath been said of his Brother: And we may add to the
Character of Major General _Gibbons_, it was said of him, that he
was much of a Gentleman, a brave, social and friendly Man, had the
latter End of the Year 1639 a Commission to be Captain of the Fort,
was one of the Council, also concerned in Church Matters, as appears
from Records. But during the Time that this Voyage was making, that
worthy Pastor of _Boston_ and great Antiquarian Mr. _Prince_, who,
from a generous Disposition to get at the Truth, used extraordinary
Industry in this Affair, by searching the Records in the old Church
there in the Year 1752, could not find his Hand set to any Thing, or
any Matters relating to Major General _Gibbons_, tho' he found Papers
signed by him frequently before, and other Transactions in which he is
mentioned to be concerned, also after the Time of this Voyage, and the
only Objection that he could find was, that the Wife of Major General
_Gibbons_ must have had a seven Months Child, if he went on such
Voyage, as it was a Custom in the Church of _Boston_, at that Time,
that the Child should be brought to be baptized the _Sunday_ after
it was born; and by the Register it appears that this was the Case,
according to the Time that it must be supposed he returned.
The Name was _Edward Gibbons_; and _Seimor_ is a Mistake of the
Translator, not observing that as _de Fonte_ respectfully stiles
_Shapley_ Captain, he would not mention the Owner by his Christian Name
only, a fine Gentleman and a Major General, but stiles him agreeable
thereto after the _Spanish_ Manner _Sennor_; and this Mistake of the
Translator, as to the Name, and not observing that the _Major General_
and the Owner were one and the same Person, shews that the Translator
and Editors knew nothing of the Persons mentioned.
What is said of the largest Colony in _New England_, called the
_Maltechusets_: The Dominions of _New England_ consisted, at that Time,
of the Colonies of _Plymouth_, _Massachusets_, and _Connecticut_, of
which _Massachusets_ was the largest, as _New Hampshire_, _Piscatua_,
and the Province of _Main_, were under its Jurisdiction: And it is a
little remarkable that the Admiral should call it the _Maltechusets_;
he apprehended it a Mistake, though so exact as to the Names _Shapley_
and _Gibbons_; seems to have given the Alteration agreeable to his own
Ideas, and that it must have Reference to _Malta_.
The old Man told them the Ship was of _New England_, from the Town
called _Boston_, which was the only Place where they could fit out
properly or conveniently, the Part where _Shapley_ lived consisting
only of a few scattered Houses, and as it was very frequent from
_Boston_ to make Voyages to the Northward, their true Design for
further Discoveries might remain a Secret to all but themselves.
_De Fonte_'s Address to _Gibbons_ as the Owner, represented so on
this Occasion to serve the Purpose, though the Vessel seems to have
been _Alexander Shapley_'s, implies that he understood, or took the
Advantage on finding they had been trading with the _Indians_, that
they had two Purposes in their Undertaking, to discover a Passage, and
to trade. As to the first, _de Fonte_ tells him he had an Order to
make a _Prize of any People seeking a West or North-west Passage_,
speaking in general Terms, not of them only, so concealing the Advice
he had received as to their particular undertaking of this Discovery;
nor could it be peculiarly understood as to the Subjects of _England_,
for the _Danes_ also, to their immortal Honour, had before attempted
the same Discovery; and in Consequence let him know that the Part he
was in was of the Dominions of the Crown of _Spain_, as his Commission
could be of no Force beyond the Extent of that Dominion. _De Fonte_'s
Address likewise implied, that as he would consider them only as
Traders, that he would not make Prisoners of them on that Account; but
expected after this Adventure that others would learn to keep nearer
home, for Fear of falling into a like Accident, and meeting not with
the same favourable Treatment. Nevertheless he takes effectual Measures
to embarrass them on their Return, and obliges them to stay no longer
in those Parts, as he takes from them what _de Fonte_ calls a small
Present of Provisions, which he had no Need on, but he knew they might,
and as to which, the Affair of Provisions, he gave such an Attention
to, through the Course of his Voyage; and though small what he accepted
in respect to the Subsistance of those he had with him, yet as the
Sequel will shew, was afterwards the Occasion of infinite Distress to
the _Boston_ People. The Gift in return, which is pompously mentioned
at twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight, when we consider the Price Things
bore of this Sort where he purchased it, in _Peru_, as he estimates by
Pieces of Eight, the Manner of Valuation in those Parts, would not be
to _Gibbons_ a Hundred Pounds Sterling; and the Present to the Seamen
must be considered as in lieu of these Provisions; and by this Means of
mutual Presents countenanced what was absolutely extorted by Force, as
was the Case with _Shapley_, as to his Charts and Journals, which he
would not have parted with, but constrained through Fear; and by his
_English_ Seamen _de Fonte_ could let them know that the Provisions,
Charts, and Journals would be acceptable. He executed his Design in
this Manner, that if the _Boston_ People returned there could be no
proper Foundation for the Court of _England_ to take Umbrage at his
Proceeding.
The Generosity of _de Fonte_ so exceeding what their Present and the
Charts and Journals could be worth, would be considered as to make
them some Satisfaction for their Disappointment; for the Fears they
had been put into, and their being detained there; the Gift of Wine,
might be from a Respect to _Major General Gibbons_, as an Officer,
whom _de Fonte_ stiles modest, tho' he might perceive it to be the
Effect of his Uneasiness on being thus intercepted. In all other
Respects, what he gave was a Debt which the Crown of _Spain_ would
pay, would be considered as Money advanced in their Service; a Sum of
no Consideration with them, as he had met with these People, procured
their Charts by which they got into the Secret, by what Way they had
advanced so far, and probably very particular Charts and Journals of
the other Voyagers whom _Gibbons_ was acquainted with; and he would
endeavour to be furnished with all Materials which he could probably
procure before that he set out. It would be greatly commended by the
Court of _Spain_ the artful Management of _de Fonte_ in distressing
these People, and not with a seeming Intention, and giving an absolute
Discouragement to other Adventurers, who would be afraid of falling
into the _Spaniards_ Hands, whom it would be supposed constantly
frequented those Parts.
_De Fonte_ only mentions the Issue of this Affair, what would be
immediately necessary for the Court to know; he mentions no intervening
Circumstances, nor what Time there was between their Examination and
the Presents, whether he or they sailed first, but it must be supposed
they were more than a Day together, and that _de Fonte_ would see them
out of those Parts, as, if they had staid longer, they might probably
have supplied themselves well with Provisions, and proceeded further;
but as they were circumstanced, they would be put under a Necessity to
set out for home, would be glad to leave him the first Opportunity; and
as _de Fonte_ seems to be waiting for a Wind, which he had the sixth of
_August_, and it had in the interim been fair for the _Boston_ People,
they were certainly gone before that _de Fonte_ set out on his Return.
In the Ecclesiastical History of _New England_, by the Reverend _Cotton
Mather_, published at _London_ in 1702, in Folio, in his Account of
wonderful Sea Deliverances, Book the sixth, is _The wonderful Story of
Major Gibbons_.
'Among remarkable _Sea Deliverances_, no less than three several
Writers have published that wherein Major _Edward Gibbons_ was
concerned. A Vessel bound from _Boston_ to some other Parts of
_America_, was, through the Continuance of contrary Winds, kept so
long at Sea, that the People aboard were in extreme straits for Want
of Provision, and seeing that nothing here below could afford them
any Relief, they looked upwards unto Heaven, in humble and fervent
Supplications. The Winds continuing still as they were, one of the
Company made a sorrowful Motion that they should, by a _Lot_, single
out _One_ to die, and by Death to satisfy the ravenous Hunger of the
rest. After many a doleful and fearful Debate upon this Motion, they
came to a Result, that _it must be done_! The _Lot_ is cast; one of
the Company is taken; but where is the Executioner that shall do the
terrible Office upon a poor Innocent? It is a Death now to think who
shall act this bloody Part in the Tragedy: But before they fall upon
this involuntary and unnatural Execution, they once more went unto
their zealous _Prayers_; and, behold, while they were calling upon
God, he answered them, for there leaped a mighty Fish into their Boat,
which, to their double Joy, not only quieted their outrageous Hunger,
but also gave them some Token of a further Deliverance: However, the
Fish is quickly eaten; the horrible _Famine_ returns, the horrible
Distress is renewed; a black Despair again seizes their Spirits: For
another Morsel they come to a second _Lot_, which fell upon another
Person; but still they cannot find an Executioner: They once again
fall to their importunate Prayers; and, behold, a second Answer from
above; a great Bird lights, and fixes itself on the mast; one of the
Men spies it, and there it stands until he took it by the Wing with
his Hand. This was a second _Life from the Dead_. This Fowl, with the
Omen of a further Deliverance in it, was a sweet Feast unto them. Still
their Disappointments follow them; they can see no Land; they know not
where they are: Irresistable Hunger once more pinches them: They have
no Hope to be saved but by _a third Miracle_: They return to another
_Lot_; but before they go to the Heart-breaking Talk of slaying the
Person under _Designation_, they repeat their Addresses unto the God of
Heaven, their former _Friend in Adversity_; and now they look and look
again, but there is nothing: Their Devotions are concluded, and nothing
appears; yet they hoped, yet they staid, yet they lingered: At last one
of them spies a Ship, which put a new Hope and Life into them all: They
bear up with their Ship; they man their Longboat; they go to board the
Vessel, and are admitted. It proves a _French_ Pyrate: Major _Gibbons_
Petitions for a little Bread, and offers all for it; but the Commander
was one who had formerly received considerable Kindnesses of Major
_Gibbons_ at _Boston_, and now replied chearfully, Major _Gibbons_, not
an Hair of you, or your Company, shall _perish if it lies in my Power
to_ preserve _you_. Accordingly he supplied their Necessities, and they
made a comfortable End of their Voyage.'
There are nine other Accounts, in each of which the Places the Persons
were bound to are particularly mentioned. In this Account (the Design
being only to shew the wonderful Deliverance of _Gibbons_) Dr. _Mather_
could not mention the Place to which the Voyage had been made in any
other Manner, than _to some other Parts of America_, which hath an
exact Correspondence with the Voyage in which Major _Gibbons_ was
intercepted by _de Fonte_; for that Voyage was properly to several
Parts, not being to one particular Part of _America_; which Parts were,
at that Time, nameless. It is said further, that their Misfortune
was occasioned by contrary Winds. _De Fonte_ had a fair Wind from
the sixth of _August_ to the fifth of _September_, and for a longer
Time, so contrary to the _Boston_ Ship; afterwards they had the Wind
again contrary, when they came into the Ocean, being North-west or to
Westward of it, as they could see no Land; the Land expected to be seen
may be supposed the Land of _Newfoundland_, or they were to Eastward
and Southward of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_: And which Account of the
Weather is agreeable to the Time of the Year that they were there,
the latter End of _September_, or Beginning of _October_, being the
Equinoctial Gales. Also as to the Fish which must have been a Sturgeon,
which Fish frequently jump into Boats; and shews, as the Boat was
out, that they had then moderate Weather, but contrary; though a hard
Gale succeeded, as one of the Birds of Passage, which are also then
going to Southward, was blown off the Coast and tired, rested on the
Mast. Far be it from me to reckon these as mere Accidents, and not the
Assistances of the Almighty, but a Relief which the Almighty sent them
by Contingencies which are natural: And as to the Ship, which was a
_French_ Pirate, she had probably come with a fresh Wind out of the
Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and Standing to Eastward of _Sables_ to clear
that Island and _Nautuchet_, for which she had a fair Wind; and it
is said the Commander had an Acquaintance with Major _Gibbons_, and
received Favours from him at _Boston_; but I must add an Anecdote, to
shew that there might also be another Reason assigned, which would not
be suitable to be published with that Account; _Alexander Shapley_ had
used to hold a Correspondence with these Kind of Gentry, as is evident
from a severe Censure on him on that Account, recorded in the Council
Book at _Boston_. It was a _Ship_ that Major _Gibbons_ was in when
intercepted by _de Fonte_; and this Account also mentions a Ship. After
the Death of _Major Gibbons_, his Family, according to the Account of a
very ancient Gentlewoman at _Boston_, removed to _Bermuda_; which Lady,
who was near ninety Years of Age, had some traditional Account of the
_Major_ having been such a Voyage to discover a new Way to the _East
Indies_, and suffered much from the Snow and Ice, went through a great
many Hardships, and, she said, she thought it was from _Boston_ that he
set out. The Persons discovered by Mons. _Groseliers_, at what he calls
an _English_ Settlement, near Port _Nelson_, as it is now termed, were
_Benjamin_ the Son of Captain _Zachary Gillam_, and some others, from
_Boston_, who were the same Year taken to _Canada_, whose Journal of
that Voyage the Author hath seen, and this Circumstance is mentioned
in it, which Persons have been mistaken for Major _Gibbons_ and his
Company.
'We arrived at the River _Parmentiers_ the 11th of _August_ 86 Leagues,
and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships the 16th of
_August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where we found all Things
well, and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had, in our Absence, treated
our People with great Humanity, and Capt. _de Ronquillo_ answered their
Civility and Justice.'
We have been before told, that the Admiral went sixty Leagues up _Los
Reyes_, which I take to be the whole Distance between the Entrance
of _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ in Lake _Belle_; and if we transpose
the above Words, 'arrived at _Parmentiers_ the eleventh of _August_,
and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ eighty-six Leagues on board
our Ships the sixteenth of _August_,' then we have the Distances
respecting every Part of _de Fonte_'s Course thro' Land, from _Los
Reyes_ to _Conosset_ sixty Leagues, from _Conosset_ to Lake _de
Fonte_ _eighty-six Leagues_, from the Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ to
the Streight of _Ronquillo_ one Hundred and sixty Leagues, from the
Entrance of the Streight of _Ronquillo_ to the Sea thirty-six Leagues.
The Time that _de Fonte_ was passing down the River of _Parmentiers_,
and the Time he took to return, are equal, which is plainly owing to
his being obliged to wait the Tides for getting over the Falls both
Ways. The sixth of _July_ they had entered the Lake _de Fonte_, and by
the fifteenth were through the Streights of _Ronquillo_, and at the
_Indian_ Town the seventeenth, so they were eleven Days from their
Entrance into the Lake _de Fonte_; but in their return the same Way
only five, favoured by a strong Current which the Wind occasioned to
set into the Lake, and having as much Wind as they could fly before,
and now came directly back; whereas in their Passage out they had
made some Delays. The Course to _Conosset_ being nearest North-east,
I compute it to be in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118° 2´ from _London_.
The Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ (supposing the Course of the River
_Parmentiers_ and from _Conosset_ East North East) in Lat. 59° 4´.
Long. 113°. The Entrance of the Streights of _Ronquillo_ East North
East, in Lat. 61 Deg. 8 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 48 Min. the Course through
the Streights to enter the Sea North by East, such Entrance to be
in Lat. 62 Deg. 48 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 2 Min. which Course must be
consistent with _de Fonte_'s Account that a strong Current set in,
as by this Course such Current must be accelerated, if it set to the
Southward, by the Wind from the Northward, or if it was from the
Southward, would be opposed in going to the Northward.
_De Fonte_ proceeds to give an Account of the good Estate in which
he found all Things on his Return; mentions the Honesty and Humanity
of the Natives, and the prudent Conduct of Captain _Ronquillo_, who
answered their Civility and Justice. For they had, during the Time of
_de Fonte_'s Absence, procured, by dealing with the Natives, Store of
good Provisions to salt, Venison, Fish; also one Hundred Hogsheads of
_Indian_ Maiz; besides the Service this would be of on their Return,
procured pursuant to _de Fonte_'s Order, it employed the People, with
the other necessary Work about the Ships after so long a Run, and kept
them from brangling with the Natives. The Natives were also employed to
their Interest, which preserved them in good Humour; and a Justice in
dealing preserved their Friendship.
'The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_, on
the Lake _Belle_, from Captain _Bernarda_, dated the 11th of _August_,
where he sent me Word he was returned from his cold Expedition, and
did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or
_Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; for the Natives had conducted one
of his Seamen to the Head of _Davis_ Streight, which terminated in a
fresh Lake, of about 30 Mile in Circumference, in the 80th Degree of
North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it,
besides the North-west from that Lake the Ice was so fixed, that from
the Shore to 100 Fathom of Water, for ought he knew from the Creation;
for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, near the North
and South Poles: He writ further, that he had sailed from _Basset_
Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by East, to
the 79th Degree of Latitude, and the Land trended North, and the Ice
rested on the Land.'
The Orders _Bernarda_ received were to sail up a River North and North
East, North and North West, which River I suppose to have emptied
itself near to _Los Reyes_ into the South-east Part of the _South
Sea_; and it is not uncommon, in _America_, that two great Rivers
should have their Entrances contiguous to each other; and I suppose
_Conabasset_, afterwards called _Basset_, to be in Lat. 58 Deg. 10 Min.
to the Westward of _Los Reyes_ in Long. 122 Deg. 9 Min. from _London_.
The Course up the River _Haro_ North 14 Deg. West; and as _Conosset_
is laid down in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118 Deg. 2 Min. the Distance from
_Basset_ to _Conosset_ is one Hundred and seventy-seven Miles; the
Course North 46 Deg. West. The Letter by the first Messenger was dated
the 27th of _June_, and is received the fourth Day, as he could not
come a direct Course, we may suppose he travelled fifty Miles a Day,
which is an extraordinary Allowance, the greatest Part by Water, and
Light most of the Night. We know he would go Part by Water in Lake
_Belle_, and Lake _Belle_ issuing its Waters both by _Los Reyes_ and
the River _Parmentiers_, must receive some considerable Influx of
Waters by which it is formed, as well as to give a constant Supply of
the Waters that issue from it, and which must be principally or only
from the Northward, for it cannot be supposed to receive its Waters
from the Southward, and discharge them there again, and which the
Messenger would make Use of as soon as possible, and come down Stream.
The second Messenger, who is expresly mentioned to be an _Indian_, is
nine Days a coming. But _Bernarda_ mentions nothing as to his Ship
or People in this Account, only says he is returned from his cold
Expedition, therefore probably he sent away the _Indian_ as soon as he
could after he entered the River, which ran into the _Tartarian_ Sea,
in Lat. 61. If this was the Case, we may suppose that the Waters which
came into the Lake _Belle_ head a great Way up in the Country.
_Bernarda_ had Directions, after he left Lake _Valasco_, to sail one
Hundred and forty Leagues West, and then four Hundred and thirty
Leagues North East by East to seventy-seven Degrees of Latitude.
_Bernarda_, in his Letter of the 27th of _June_ observes, there was a
River eighty Leagues in Length, not comprehended in his Instructions
or Orders, and emptied itself in the _Tartarian_ Sea; and says, in
his Letter of the 11th of _August_, that he sailed from the Island
_Basset_ North-east; with that Course, when he entered the _Tartarian_
Sea, in Latitude 61, his Longitude would be 116 Deg. he then begins
the Course _de Fonte_ directed him, one Hundred and forty Leagues East
North East; and he mentions on his Return he had steered that Course,
keeping the Land aboard. So that _West_ and the Land trending _North
East_, are Mistakes in the Publication in _April_; but the mentioning
how the Land trended, shews he was then entering the Sea; for to talk
of Land, with respect to a River, is absurd; and with the Course and
Distance he steered would be in Lat. 63 Deg. 39 Min. and Long. 110 Deg.
from _London_: Then he steers four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues North
East and by East, and that brings him into Latitude 79 Deg. Long. 87
Deg. from _London_. But the Land trending North, and with Ice, which
would be dangerous for the _Periagos_; and as the Land trended North,
where he was appearing to him to be the nearest Part he could attain
to to go to the Head of _Davis_ Streight; and as to the Distance over
Land, and the Propriety of sending a Messenger, the _Indians_ would
inform him; he sends a Seaman over with an _Indian_ to take a Survey
of the Head of such Streights, by us called _Baffin_'s Bay; which Name
was not at that Time generally received. Which Seaman reports, that
it terminated in the eightieth Degree of Latitude, in a Lake of about
thirty Miles in Circumference, with prodigious Mountains North of it,
which indeed formed that Lake, or is a Sound, as that of Sir _James
Lancaster_ and of _Alderman Jones_; and along the Shore, from the
Lake North-west, the Ice was fixed, lying a great Distance out, which
was very consistent with there being no Inlets there, the Waters from
which would have set it off. The Distance that the _Indian_ and Sailor
travelled would not exceed fifty Miles; and their mentioning the high
Mountains to Northward imply, that they were in a more level Country
where they were to take this View. Light all Night, the Snow off the
Ground, and the Heighth of Summer there. It is no vain Conjecture to
suppose that the Journey was practicable, even if performed all the
Way by Land, and much easier, which is not the least improbable, if
they had an Opportunity of making Part of it by Water. _Bernarda_
proceeding thus far in the _Tartarian_ Sea, and entering in Latitude
61, is no Way contradictory to the _Russian_ Discoveries; and by the
_Tartarian_ Sea is meant, the Sea which washes the Northern Coasts of
_Tartary_, and is supposed to extend round the Pole. Those Discoveries
are agreeable to the _Japanese_ Map, as to the North-east Parts of
_Asia_, and North-west Parts of _America_, brought over by _Kemper_,
and in which Map there is expressed a Branch of the _Tartarian_ Sea or
Gulph, extending to the Southward, agreeable to this Account of _de
Fonte_. Who calls it, with respect to _Asia_, the North and East Part
of the _Tartarian_ Sea. Which compared with what _de Fonte_ says, as
to sailing down the River to the North-east Part of the _South Sea_,
these Expressions cast a mutual Light on each other, and that the
_Archipelagus of Saint Lazarus_ is a Gulph or Branch of the Sea, in the
like Manner.
Places which are in one and the same Latitude, have not an equal Degree
of Heat or Cold, or are equally fertile or barren, the Difference in
these Respects chiefly consists in their Situation. The Country of
_Labrador_, which is to Eastward of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, in Latitude 56,
almost as high a Latitude as Port _Nelson_, is a Country capable of
being improved by Agriculture, and would supply all the Necessaries of
Life, though intermixed with rugged and craggy Mountains. The Winter's
not so severe as in the more Southern Parts of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, as
the Earth is not froze there, as it is in the same and lower Latitudes
about that Bay: Also People have wintered in the _Labrador_, wearing
only their usual Cloathing: Therefore drawing a Parallel between Port
_Nelson_ and _Conosset_, as to the Infertility of one, therefore the
other being in the same Latitude, could not produce Maiz to supply
_Ronquillo_, is an Objection which hath no Foundation in it. The higher
the Latitude the quicker is the Vegetation; and as _Indian Corn_ or
_Maiz_ may be planted and gathered in three Months in lower Latitudes,
it may be in an equal or less Time in higher Latitudes, in a good Soil.
As to Port _Nelson_, or _York Fort_, in _Hudson_'s _Bay_, it is a low
Country through which two large Rivers pass, with the Bay in Front, and
nothing is certainly known of the more inland Parts.
The physical Obstacles that are produced against our giving Credit
to this Account of _de Fonte_, from the Depth of the Falls at the
Entrance of Lake _Belle_ in the River _Parmentiers_, and from the River
_Bernarda_ passed up, are, from not understanding what is expressed by
the Word Falls amongst the _Americans_. They mean by a Fall wherever
there is the least Declivity of the Water; and the Fall of thirty-two
Feet in the River _Parmentiers_, doth not mean a perpendicular Fall, as
the Objector would have it understood, however ridiculous to suppose
it, but eight gradual Descents, from the Beginning of which to the
Extremity of the last there was a Difference of thirty-two Feet, and
which became level or even at the Time of high Water.
What _Bernarda_ says as to his cold Expedition, a Person used to the
Climate of _Peru_ might justly say so, of the Nights and Evenings and
Mornings, at that Time of the Year, in the Latitude of seventy-nine,
though temperate in Latitude fifty-six; and the whole Disposition of
the Country, the immense high Lands, their barren and desert Aspect,
in Places their Summits covered with perpetual Snow, the Ice fixed
to the Shores, Sheets of floating Ice in the Waters, the immense
Islands, frequently seeing Whales, Sea-horse, and a great Variety of
the Inhabitants of those Waters, which do not frequent the Southern
Parts: The Whole a Scene so different from the Verdure and Delights
of the Plains about _Lima_, and from the pleasing Views that present
themselves on running along the Coasts of _Peru_, _Bernarda_ might well
be affected with such Scene as to express himself, that Mankind knew
little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near the North and
the South Poles. But he was not so ignorant as to report, that he saw
Mountains of Ice on the Land, as well as in the Sea, though he might
see them forming between Points of Land, which jetted out into the
Sea; and such a Column of Ice would appear to him as something very
curious.
That these Parts were inhabited does not appear, for it was a Native
of _Conibasset_ that conducted the Seaman over the Land; and, at that
Season of the Year, the fresh Waters are thawed, no Snow on the low and
level Lands, only on the extreme Summits of the Hills.
What is objected as to the Affability of the Inhabitants, that it is
not consistent with the Character of the _Indians_. Hospitality is the
Characteristick of the _Indians_ towards Strangers, until such Time as
they are prejudiced from some ill Treatment; and by the Account given
by Sir _Francis Drake_, as to the _Indians_ of _California_, and by the
_Spaniards_ who surveyed the Western Coasts, and the Islands lying off,
they are represented in general as a kind, tractable People, and of a
docile Temper.
As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses, or their
Runners as they term them, to carry Messages from one Nation to
another, they will gird themselves up with the Rhind of Trees, and keep
going incessantly great Distances with a surprising Agility Night and
Day, taking little either of Sleep or other Refreshments, and keep a
direct Course, and in the Night steer either by the Moon or Stars. Nor
is there any Thing miraculous in these Journeys, which the Expresses
performed, either as to Distance or as to Time, especially as they
passed through a Country abounding with Waters, and which Country being
inhabited they could be supplied with Canoes, or they would find Floats
at the Places where they usually pass the Waters.
_Bernarda_ meeting _de Fonte_ at a Port up the River _Rio los Reyes_,
shews he had Persons aboard who could direct him there, therefore
must have been previously there; and they can be supposed to be no
other than the Jesuits, which is a further Proof of the Jesuits having
been before in these Parts. It was consistent that the Ships should
join and return home together. From where _Bernarda_ came to with
his Ship was one Hundred and twenty Miles to _Conosset_: His Letter
from thence was dated the 29th of _August_, and _de Fonte_ sailed the
second of _September_: It may be supposed the Letter came to Hand the
first of _September_, which is four Days, and the Express had now
all the Way by Water, and mostly against Stream. _De Fonte_, to shew
that he had preserved the Affection of the Natives, mentions that he
was accompanied with them; and they were of Assistance to him in the
Pilotage down the River. _De Fonte_ adds, he had sent a Chart with the
Letter, which is misunderstood, as if such Chart had come to the Hands
of the Editors; _which will make this much more demonstrative_, were
Words added by them; but it was usual in all the Naval Expeditions to
have Persons aboard whom they called _Cosmographers_, to take Draughts
of Places, and compose their Charts, and at that Time a very reputable
Employment.
_Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, published at _Madrid_ in 1758,
a Natural and Civil History of _California_; a Translation of which
was published in _London_ in 1759, in two Volumes; and Vol. i. P. 185,
says, 'To this Æra (the last Voyage he mentions was in 1636) belongs
the Contents of a Paper published at _London_, under the Title of the
Narrative of _Bartholomew de Fuentes_, Commander in Chief of the Navy
in _New Spain_ and _Peru_, and President of _Chili_, giving an Account
of the most remarkable Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage,
for the Discovery of a Passage from the _South Sea_, to that of the
North in the Northern Hemisphere, by Order of the Viceroy of _Peru_
in the Year 1640. This Writing contains several Accounts relating to
_California_; but without entering into long Disputes, let it suffice
to say, that little Credit is to be given to this Narrative. For the
same Reason we have before omitted the Accounts of Voyages made from
the _South Sea_ to the North round beyond _California_, and those of a
contrary Direction, of which an Account is given by Captain _Seixas_
and _Lobero_, in _Theatro Naval_, in _Spanish_ and _French_; and
particularly of that _Spaniard_ who is supposed, in three Months, to
have come from _Puerto de Navidad_ and _Cabo Corientes_ to _Lisbon_.
These and other Accounts dispersed in different Books, we designedly
omit, as they want the necessary Authenticity.'
This Work was published with a Design to induce the Court of _Spain_ to
a further Conquest of, an intire Reduction of, and the full settling
of _California_, as of the utmost Importance to Religion and the
State; and one of the Arguments is, for their immediate putting what
he recommends in Execution, the repeated Attempts of the _English_ to
find a Passage into the _South Sea_. And observes, 'Should they one
Day succeed in this, why may not the _English_ come down through their
Conquests, and even make themselves Masters of _New Mexico_, _&c._'
which implies, that he did not look on such an Attempt as void of all
Hopes of Success; and he again says, 'Whoever is acquainted with the
present Disposition of the _English_ Nation, and has heard with what
Zeal and Ardour the Project for a North-west Passage has been espoused
by many considerable Persons, will be convinced that the Scheme is
not romantick, and it would not be surprizing if the Execution of it
should one Day come under Deliberation.' Thus artfully hints, should
the Scheme come under Deliberation, the Event would be to be feared;
and though he ascribes his Opinion of its not being romantick, is, to
many considerable Persons having espoused the Scheme, yet he tacitly
applies to their own Knowledge, to what the Court of _Spain_ knows
as to this Passage. He then proceeds, 'If this should ever happen,'
the Deliberation, 'what would be the Condition of our Possessions?'
The Deliberation would, from Consequences that would follow on such a
Deliberation, endanger our Possessions.
_Don Cortez_ informed the King, by a Letter of the 15th of _October_
1524, that he was building two Ships, to get a Knowledge of the Coast
yet undiscovered between the River of _Panaco_ and _Florida_, and from
thence to the Northern Coast of the said Country of _Florida_, as far
as the _Baccaloo_, 'It being certain, as he expresses himself, that on
that Coast is a Streight running into the _South Sea_'--'God grant that
the Squadron may compass the End for which it is designed, namely, to
discover the Streight, which I am fully persuaded they will do, because
in the Royal Concerns of your Majesty nothing can be concealed; and no
Diligence or Necessaries shall be wanting in me to effect it.' Again,
'I hereby inform your Majesty, that by the Intelligence I have received
of the Countries on the upper Coast of the sending the Ships along,
it will be attended with great Advantage to me, and no less to your
Majesty. But acquainted as I am with your Majesty's Desire of knowing
this Streight, and likewise of the great Service it would be to your
Royal Crown.' Vol. i. P. 130.
Agreeable to this Letter several Attempts were made by Sea to discover
whether _Florida_ was Part of the Continent, or separated by a
Streight; but whether _Cortez_ pursued his Design by searching between
_Florida_ along the Coast of _Baccaloos_, _Newfoundland_, and the
_Terra de Labrador_, for a Streight, by which there was a Passage from
the _North_ to the _South Sea_ is uncertain. _Florida_ comprehended
the Country from the Cape of _Labrador_ to the Cape _de los Martires_,
or of _Martyrs_, opposite to the Island of _Cuba_. From thence to the
Streights of _Magellan_ was called _Peruan Part_.
The King of _Portugal_, with a View of finding a shorter Passage to
those Parts of the _Indies_, which he had discovered, than by the Cape
of _Good Hope_, sent, in the Year fifteen Hundred, _Gasper de Corte
Real_ to the North of _America_, who landed on the _Terra de Labrador_;
also gave his Name to a Promontory on that Coast which he called
_Promonterium Corteriale_. The Name of _Labrador_ implies a fertile
Country, and given in Distinction from the high barren mountainous
Country to Northward, which _Gasper_ discovered in Latitude sixty, and
to the Southward of it. But this Distinction seems to have been soon
lost, and the Name of _Labrador_ is now given to the whole Coast.
From the Knowledge we have of these Parts we may conclude, that the
_Promonterium Corteriale_ was what we at present name _Cape Chidley_,
and the Islands _de Demonios_, where _Gasper_ lost a Vessel, those
Islands now named _Button_'s Islands; and it was _Hudson_'s Streights
to which he gave the Name of the River of the _Three Brothers_, though
the Reason of his giving that Name is not known to us.
We may perceive from this Account of _Gasper_'s Voyage, who did not
proceed to Westward to make a Passage, but coasted down the main
Land, the Accounts of their being a _Portuguese_ who made a Voyage
through the Streights of _Anian_, calling a Promontory after his Name
_Promonterium Corteriale_, hath had some Foundation in Truth; and
in what is said by _Frisius_, an antient Geographer, calling it the
Streights of _Three Brothers_, or _Anian_ (which that Word imports)
because three Brothers had passed through a Streight from the _North_
to the _South Sea_. It is also apparent that the Name of _Anian_ was
first given by _Gasper Corterialis_ (for some particular Reason
unknown to us) to that Part, which is now _Hudson_'s Streights. Though
in Time this became a proper Name to express a Streight by which there
is a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_, and is contended
for to be the proper Name of the Streight that divides _Asia_ from
_America_, by which there is a Communication with the _Tartarian_ and
_Southern Ocean_. After a Discovery of these Coasts had been made to
Northward, the following Year the King of _Portugal_ sent _Americus
Vespusino_ to Southward, to discover the Land there.
_Cortez_'s Designs seem to have their Foundation in these Expeditions
of the _Portuguese_; but it was not until after the Year 1513, that
the _South Sea_ was discovered, and the _Portugueze_ had discovered
the _Moluccas_, that the finding a Streight to the Northward, by
which a Passage might be made to the _South Sea_, became a Matter
of particular Attention, and was the first and principal Object of
_Cortez_'s Attention after he had become Master of the Capital of
_Mexico_ in 1521; and this Opinion of a Passage to Northward continued
during the Reign of _Charles_ the Fifth. Who in the Year 1524 sent from
_Old Spain_ to discover a Passage to the _Moluccas_ by the North of
_America_, without Success; but _Esteven Gomez_, who was sent on that
Expedition, brought some _Indians_ home with him. Then in the Year 1526
_Charles_ the Fifth wrote to _Cortez_, in Answer to his Letters, and
orders him to send the Ships at _Zacapila_ to discover a Passage from
_New Spain_ to the _Moluccas_.
From this Time, the Year 1526, the Opinion of there being a Streight
was generally received, though on what Foundation does not appear.
It was certainly on some better Reason than _Gasper_'s Discoveries;
and a Consideration of the Importance such a Passage would be of to
the King of _Spain_ with respect to the _Spice_ Islands. It is not
consistent with the Characters of the Emperor _Charles_ the Fifth, and
of _Cortez_, when there were so many other solid Projects to pursue and
this was preferred, to suppose that they should go, at that Time, on a
meer visionary Scheme.
The same Opinion of a Passage to Northward prevailed in the Time
of _Philip_ the Second, and in the Year 1596 he sent Orders to the
Viceroy of _Mexico_ for discovering and making Settlements in proper
Parts of _California_, and one Reason assigned was, 'There was much
Talk about the Streight of _Anian_, through which the _South Sea_ was
said to communicate with that of the _North_, near _Newfoundland_; and
should the _English_ find out a practicable Passage on that Side, our
Dominions, which then included all _Portuguese India_, would be no
longer secure, all the Coast from _Acapulco_ to _Culiacan_ being quite
defenceless, and from _Culiacan_ Northward, not one single Settlement
was made on the whole Coast.' Hist. Cal. V. i. P. 163. That now not
only the Opinion of there being a Streight prevailed, but it was also
fixed as to the Part, and had the Name of _Anian_.
The Opinion of a Passage still existed in the Reign of _Philip_ the
Third; and the same political Motives induced him to order the Conquest
of _California_ to be undertaken with all possible Expedition; and
one Reason assigned is, 'His Majesty also found among other Papers a
Narrative delivered by some Foreigners to his Father, giving an Account
of many remarkable Particulars which they saw in that Country, when
driven thither by Stress of Weather from the Coast of _Newfoundland_;
adding, they had passed from the _North Sea_ to the _South_, by the
Streight of _Anian_, which lies beyond Cape _Mendocino_; and that they
had arrived at a populous and opulent City, walled and well fortified,
the Inhabitants living under a regular Policy, and were a sensible and
courteous People; with many other Particulars well worth a further
Enquiry.' It must be considered this is given us in the History of
_California_, V. ii. P. 239, from the _Monarchia Indiana_ of _Juan
Torquemada_, a learned _Franciscan_, published at _Madrid_ in 1613,
and republished in 1723, Vol. i. P. 629, That a Paper of this Sort was
found in the Cabinet of _Philip_ the Second, was thought deserving
the Attention of _Philip_ the Third. However the Matter of it is
represented here, for nothing could be published but what was first
perused and altered, so as to make it consistent with the Interest of
Holy Church, the State, or good Manners, before it was licensed, such
Paper must have contained some material Intelligence as to a Passage;
and if is said to have contained _some remarkable Particulars_. Neither
would the Work have been licensed, if what is related as to their
having been such a Paper, had not been true.
_Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 20, quotes _Francisco Lopez de Gomara_, deemed
a careful Writer, and Author of the History of the _Indies_. Who says
the Snowy Mountains are in forty Degrees, and the furthermost Land that
is laid down in our Maps; but the Coast runs to the Northward until
it comes to form an Island by the _Labrador_, or as separated from
_Greenland_; and this Extremity of the Land is five Hundred and ten
Leagues in Length.
As to what is said as to the Latitude of forty Degrees in this
Quotation from _Gomara_, _Torquemada_ hath prefixed a Map to his Work,
_agreeable_ to that formed by the King's Cosmographers, in which he
hath made the most Western and Northern Part of the Land in almost
forty-seven Degrees, and then the Land trends to the Eastward, and
the _Serras Nevadas_ are represented to extend a great Length along
the Coast, and to Latitude 57 Degrees. Mentions, Vol. i. P. 16, the
Royal Cosmographers do not insert any Thing in their Charts of the
Sea Coasts but what they have upon Oath, or from creditable Persons;
and 'They make a Supputation in the Northern Parts of Islands, which
do not lie near or contiguous to the Lands of _Europe_; as to which
Islands, not long since discovered, the one is called _Iceland_,
the other _Greenland_, which are the Bounds, Limits, or Marks,
that divide the Land of the _Indies_ from any other Part howsoever
situated or disposed;' afterwards observes, which Islands are not
far from the _Labrador_; from which it is plain he calls _America_
an Island. And this is agreeable to what _Acosta_ says, in the
Sense which I understand him, that _Quivira_ and _Anian_ extend to
the Western Extremity of _America_; and that the Extremity of the
Kingdom of _Anian_ to the North extends under the _Polar_ or _Artick_
Circle, and, if the Sea did not prevent it, would be found to join
the Countries of _Tartary_ and _China_; and the Streight of _Anian_
takes its Course through the Northern Region, under the Polar Circle,
towards _Greenland_, _Iceland_, _England_, and to the Northern Parts
of _Spain_. By _Greenland_ I understand the Land to Northward, which
is the North Part of _Hudson_'s Streights, and _Cumberland_ Isles;
and that this Streight should determine here is agreeable to what
_Cortez_ says he would send to search as far as the _Baccallaos_,
(which was a Name given by _Cabot_ in 1496) for the Streight by which
he expected a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_. By _Iceland_
is meant, as is apparent from a View of such Map hereunto annexed,
the Land to Northward of Cape _Farewel_, or the _Proper Greenland_.
_Gomara_ mentions these Islands had not been long discovered. It is
apparent from the Map, that they had a very imperfect Account of these
Discoveries, which were made by _Frobisher_ and _Davis_, who also were
far from being exact in their Computations of the Longitude.
In this Map prefixed to _Torquemada_'s Work, and here annexed, the
Southern Part of _Newfoundland_ is laid down in Lat. 55, nine Degrees
more to the Northward than it ought to be, for which Reason the
_Labrador_, _Greenland_, and _Iceland_, are placed much further to
Northward than they ought to be placed, and are made to extend beyond
the Polar Circle. It is from this Supposition of _Newfoundland_ being
in so high a Latitude that _Acosta_ says, _the Streight of Anian_ takes
its Course through the Northern Region under the Polar Circle towards
_Greenland_ and _Iceland_. In the same Map the extremest Point of
_California_, answerable to Cape _St. Lucas_, is laid down in Longitude
105 Degrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_, and the Extremity of the
Land to Westward a Cape to Northward of Cape _Fortunes_, but to which
no Name is given, and in Latitude 47, is placed in 135 Degrees from
the Meridian of _Ferro_; the Difference of Longitude is 30 Degrees.
This Map, published by _Torquemada_, was constructed before the Year
1612, therefore prior to a Map published in _Holland_ in 1619, under
the Title of _Nova Totius Orbis Descriptio_, prefixed to the Voyage
of _George Spilbergen_, in which the Errors of _Torquemada_'s Map, as
to the Situation of _Newfoundland_, and the Places to Northward are
corrected; yet great Errors are committed as to the Parts to Westward
of _America_, making eighty-five Degrees of Longitude between Cape
_St. Lucas_ and the Extremity of the Land to Westward and Northward
in Lat. 42; and ninety-five Degrees between Cape _St. Lucas_ and the
Extremity of the Land nearest to _Asia_. The Reason of this Difference
is plain, they both err with respect to those Parts, of which they had
not authenticated Accounts.
[Illustration: Map of the Americas.
_The_ Original _from which this_ Map _is copied was
published in 1608 by the authority of_ Philip IV. King of Spain, _in
the 1^(st) Edition of_ Torquemadas MONARQUIA INDIANA _Vol. 1._]
_Cortez_ wrote to the Emperor that he had sent People on Discovery,
both by Land and Water, it was not designed that their Discoveries
should be communicated, as _Cortez_ intended to turn them to his own
private Advantage. But when _Mendoza_ fitted out two Armaments, one
by Land under the Command of _Coronado_, and the other by Sea under
_Alarcon_; _Alarcon_ was ordered to Latitude 53, to join the Land
Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coast, and see if there was
a Passage or a Communication by Water through those Countries which
_Coronado_ was to discover and subdue, with the _South Sea_. As to
_Coronado_, the _Franciscans_ had been before in those Parts, and
they gave Information and Direction as to his Part of the Expedition;
but as to the Part that _Alarcon_ had, on what Information he was
ordered to go to Latitude 53, and what Probability there was that it
was possible for him to find such Passage, and join the Land Forces,
does not appear. But from his not finding such Passage, not joining
the Land Forces, and proceeding no further than the Lat. 36, though
his Reason for not going further is, that the Land then trended to
the Northward, which he supposed would put him further off from the
Army, whom he knew were in ten Days March of him, and the Excuse of
Sickness and ill Condition of his Vessels, occasioned him to return
before his Time; yet his Conduct threw the whole Disgrace of the ill
Success of that Expedition on _Alarcon_, both with the Emperor and the
Viceroy: And what he wrote to the Emperor was not attended to. He wrote
to the Emperor, 'That it was for him only, and not in Subordination
to the Viceroy, that he had conquered, discovered, and entered on the
_Californias_, and all those Lands on the Coasts of the _South Sea_;
that he had learnt that some of those Lands were not far from the
Coasts of _Grand China_; that there was but a small Navigation to the
_Spice_ Islands, which he knew was wished for at that Time; that it
engaged all his Thoughts, and was his most ardent Desire to undertake
such Navigation.' _Torquem._ Vol. i. P. 609.
On _Alarcon_'s Return _Juan Rodrique de Cabrillo_ was fitted out, who
went as far as Lat. 44. Sickness, Want of Provisions, and his Ships not
being of sufficient Strength for those Northern Seas, obliged him to
return, though he was designed to go further to Northward. The Ships
returning from the _Philippines_, which was also an Expedition in the
Time of Viceroyship of _Mendoza_, fell in with the Land in Lat. 42, and
found it all to be _Terra Firma_, from a Cape there, which they named
_Mendocino_ to the Port of _La Navidad_. In 1602 _Vizcaino_ went, and
then the Discovery was made by _Martin de Aguilar_; and _Torquemada_
tells us, Vol. i. Lib. 5. P. 725. That if there had not been, only
fourteen healthy Persons when they were at Cape _Blanco_, they were
resolved to pass thro' the Streight, which they named _Anian_, and
which Streight is said to be there; and P. 719, speaking of the
Entrance of _Martin Aguilar_, it is understood to be a River, by which
you may pass to a great City, which the _Hollanders_ discovered coming
through the Streight, which is the Streight of _Anian_, and which City,
he says, was named _Quivira_.
These Voyages, and we have Accounts of no others, could not have
furnished the Cosmographers the principal Materials for composing
their Map, and it must have been agreeable to those Materials, besides
the Accounts of these Voyages sent to _Old Spain_, that they set down
the utmost Limits of the Western Coast to be in the Longitude of 135
Decrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_. Therefore it was their Opinion
at that Time that one Hundred and thirty-five Degrees was near the
Difference of Longitude of the Entrance of the Streight of _Anian_ in
the _South Sea_, accounting the Longitude from the Meridian of _Ferro_.
For which Reason the _Spaniards_ can never be understood to mean by the
Streight of _Anian_ the Streight which separates _Asia_ and _America_,
now named _Beering_'s _Streight_, and by which there is a Communication
between the Sea of _Tartary_, or the _Frozen Ocean_, and the _South
Sea_.
It is something remarkable, and supports what hath been before said
as to Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records, what Jesuit _Venegas_,
the Author of the History of _California_, says, Vol. ii. P. 228,
'I was extremely desirous of finding Capt. _Sebastian Vizcaino_'s
Narrative, and the Representations of the Council to his Majesty
_Philip_ the Third, especially the Maps, Plans, Charts of his Voyage
and Discoveries, in order to communicate the Whole to the Publick.
Accordingly at my Request Search was made in the Secretary's Office of
the Council of the _Indies_: But in this Intention of being serviceable
to the Publick I have been disappointed.' And he again observes, on the
Governor of _Cinaloa_ being ordered to pass over and take a Survey of
the Coasts, Islands, Bays, Creeks, and the Disposition of the Ground
of _California_, in the Year 1642, Vol. i. P. 188, 'There would have
been little Occasion, says he, for this preparatory Survey, after so
many others which had been continually making for above a Century, had
the Reports, Narratives, Charts, Draughts and Maps, which were made, or
should have been made, by so many Discoveries still continued in being.
But these are the Effects of a Want of a proper Care in preserving
Papers, a Fault to be regretted by Persons in Power, to whom they would
be of Service in the Conduct of Affairs, and by private Persons, on
the Account of their Interest, or as Entertainments of a commendable
Curiosity.'--'But by the Loss of some Papers, either thro' a Change in
the Government, or Irregularity in the Records, the whole Advantage of
an Expedition is lost.'
From this Declaration by one who being a Jesuit, and of _Mexico_,
composing a Work entirely for the publick Service, under the Direction
of the Jesuits; by their Influence could attain the Sight of any Papers
which were thought interesting as to the Work he was composing; and his
last Reflection is not confined to the Records of _Old Spain_ only; it
is apparent what Uncertainty there is of attaining any Evidence from
such Records, as to the Discoveries made in the first Century after
the Conquest of _Mexico_, and for a long Time after. The Narrative
of _Vizcaino_'s Voyage, and every Thing thereto relating, as to any
remaining Records might have become disputable, had not _Torquemada_
collected it, and published it amongst other Accounts; yet what
_Torquemada_ hath preserved is but imperfect, as is apparent from a
Journal of that Voyage, preserved in a private Hand at _Manilla_, and a
Sight of large Extracts from which the Author hath been favoured by a
Gentleman in _London_. It is owing to what _Torquemada_ and some others
have collected of the Accounts which the Religious were the Authors of,
that the Publick have the Accounts of those Parts; but such Voyages
and Accounts as have not met with the same Means of being preserved,
the Publick, from such Neglect, know nothing of them. It is plain from
_Gomara_'s Account, also from _Acosta_'s, that great Discoveries had
been made in these Parts, but as to many of such Discoveries, by whom
is not known; and _Venegas_ says, Vol. i. P. 30, the River _Santo
Thome_ was discovered in the Year 1684; 'And tho' I do not find, says
he, in the Narratives of that Expedition (of Admiral _Otondo_) that
_Otondo_ ever went ashore only to visit the Harbours of the Eastern
Coast and the Gulph; yet from the ardent Curiosity of Father _Kino_,
and the great Concern he had in the Affairs of _California_, I cannot
think that he should be mistaken in any Particular relating to the
Discovery: That Father _Kino_, both in his large Manuscript Map, and
likewise in the lesser Impression, places the River of _Santo Thome_
as rising between the 26th and 27th Degrees of N. Latitude, and, after
crossing the whole Peninsula, discharging itself into the _South Sea_,
in the 26th Deg. and forming at its Mouth a large Harbour, which he
calls _Puerto de Anno Nuevo_, being discovered in the Year 1685. On
both Sides the River are Christian Villages, as is evident from their
Names; _Santiago_, _Santo Innocentes_, _&c._ yet, in the Accounts of
that Time, I do not meet with any Intelligence of this Discovery;
to which I must add, that in the subsequent Relations no mention is
made of any such River, Settlements or Harbours, though even little
Brooks, are taken Notice of.' And he observes many other Difficulties
occur about this Coast. This Harbour made by the River _Santo Thome_,
is evidently that which _de Fonte_ and others call _Christabel_.
Some Settlements had been made there, as these Names were given, but
either deserted from the Barrenness of the Country, or had been only
frequented by those who went out private Adventurers, in order to trade
with the Natives. But as to which River, Settlements and Harbour, were
not the Names preserved by Father _Kino_, it would not have been known
that any Persons had been in those interior Parts of _California_, or
that there were such River and Harbour. Father _Kino_ looked upon it
as a Thing so well known, as he had no Occasion to defend himself, by
giving the Reason of his inserting those Names to protect himself from
the Reproach of Posterity. And _Venegas_ before tells us, that as to
the Discoveries which had been made for a Century passed, the Papers
were lost.
Between the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, and the Time of
_Venegas_'s Publication, though in the Year sixteen Hundred and
eighty-five, it was well known that there was such a River as _St.
Thome_, this River is exploded out of the Maps by the Geographers,
on Account of the Uncertainty; not duly considering that there was
as full a Proof as could be required with respect to so unfrequented
a Part. The Account being from a Person whose Business it was to
make Observations there, who had been so laborious and accurate as
to discover, what had been so long desired to be known, whether
_California_ was an Island or not, as to which he was believed; and
the Truth hath been confirmed by later Observations of what he had
reported, That it was not an Island. Therefore there was no Foundation
for any Uncertainty in this Case, the same as with respect to the
Letter of _de Fonte_, owing to the Neglect of a proper Enquiry into
the Circumstances relating to it, by such an Inquiry the Uncertainty
would have been removed.
What hath been said is to shew that the Argument on which so great a
Stress is laid, that there is no Account of this Voyage amongst the
_Spanish_ Records, is an Argument of no Weight against the Authenticity
of this Account; and that as a Publication of this Voyage was not
permitted, an Account of such Voyage could not be perpetuated by the
Religious, the only probable Means at that Time of preferring it from
Oblivion. As it was intended what was the Effect of this Expedition
should be kept a Secret, it is not consistent there should be many
written Accounts of it; the Officers concerned would be cautious
of letting Transcripts be made from their Journals; and it may be
attributed to an extraordinary Accident, rather than to what could be
expected, that a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ should ever come into
the Possession of the _English_.
These Observations being previously made, we are better enabled to
consider, what we have before inserted, the Objection of _Venegas_ for
not inserting this Account of _de Fonte_, as being of little Credit;
but he seems rather to wish that we would be of his Opinion, than to
imagine that he could convince us by any Arguments; therefore excuses
himself as to the Length of the Dispute he might be engaged in. His
Manner of expressing himself with respect to this Disappointment in the
Secretary's Office, shews he hath a Manner of Address that his Words
will admit of a further constructive Meaning than what is set down. The
principal Object of his Writing is to incite the Court of _Spain_ to
prepare in Time against the ill Consequences of the _English_ making a
Discovery of a Passage; and he is to be understood, that it is not only
his Opinion that the finding of such a Passage is practicable, but he
apprehends it is of the Opinion of the Court also. Declares, that such
Opinion hath prevailed from the first settling of _Mexico_, and that
there really is a Passage in such a Manner as a Person who published an
Account of this Sort would be permitted to express himself, to have it
pass the Approbation of the Licenser; and does not desire to suppress
the Account of _de Fonte_, as it is an absolute Contradiction to what
he would infer, there being a Passage, and in such Letter it is
declared there is no North-west Passage. For he must have had further
and better Authorities for his Assertions of there being a Passage
than such, as that single Assertion would prevail against. But desired
to suppress this Account, as it was an Account which he knew it was
more consistent with the Designs of the Court, it should be continued
in Oblivion than revived. Mentions it therefore as the _Contents of
a_ Paper published in _London_, which contained a Narrative of little
Credit; and to give the better Authority to what he says, as he could
not trust to the Opinion that might be had of such Account on a fair
Representation of the Title; to support the Character he gave of it,
therefore uses Art, misrepresenting such Title; says it was _by Order
of the Viceroy of_ Peru, _in the Year_ 1640, and _giving an Account of
the most material Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage_. Was the
Letter so entituled, the _Transactions_ and _Adventures_ of a Commander
in Chief of the Navy, in _New Spain_, he would not be singular in his
Opinion, but it would be understood by every one as a Romance, and not
deserving of Credit.
This Misrepresentation is intentionally done; for if he never saw the
Letter, or had not a right Account of it, on what Authority could he
assert it was of little Credit; and that it would engage him in a long
Dispute, a Dispute which his Sagacity would point out to him how to
determine in a very few Lines, by proving that there was no such Person
as _de Fonte_, Admiral of _New Spain_; which it was in his Power to
do had it been the Case. But what he mentions is so far from a Denial
of there being such a Person Admiral of _New Spain_, that he gives us
the Name, and sets forth the Character _de Fonte_ was in, in a more
proper Manner than we have it expressed in the Title of the Letter.
_Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in New Spain
and Peru, and President of Chili_; and he is to be understood not to
mean that there was no such Person, but that the Narrative is not
credible as to any such Voyage having been made by Admiral _de Fonte_.
By a Schedule of the King of _Spain_ in 1606 to the Governor of the
_Philippines_, _Vizcaino_ was to be again fitted out to discover a
Harbour on the Western Coast of _California_, for the Reception of
the _Aquapulco_ Ship; but the Death of _Vizcaino_ prevented that
Design being carried into Execution; as the Court had found so many
Disappointments, and such ill Success in these Undertakings, they did
not think proper to entrust it to any other Person in the _Philippines_
or _New Spain_. And _Venegas_ says, Hist of _Cal._ Vol. i. P. 180.
'During the succeeding nine Years inconsiderable Voyages only were
made to _California_, and these rather to fish for Pearls, or procure
them by Barter, than to make any Settlement, and therefore they
have been thought below any separate Account, especially as in the
subsequent Royal Commissions they are only mentioned in general without
any Circumstances.' Though Commissions were given to go into these
Parts, without any Account remaining to whom, and on what particular
Occasion; it is not to be doubted as in all Commissions of this Nature
they would be under an Obligation to make a Report to the Court, and
it is not to be understood that these Commissions were continued for
nine Years only; and therefore what hath been said as to _Parmentiers_
and the Jesuits, their having been in these Parts, is not the least
improbable. By these Commissions they were not confined to the Gulph
of _California_, is evident from Father _Kino_, as already mentioned,
giving Names in his Map to Villages, or occasional Settlements rather,
on the River _Santo Thome_: And he says, P. 299, what made Father
_Kino_ desirous of discovering whether _California_ was an Island or
not, 'That all the Moderns had placed it as an Island, there being
extant also some Journals of Mariners, according to which they went
round _California_ through a Streight, and gave the Parts and Places
through which they passed their own Names.' It appears from this
Account they were permitted, by these Commissions, to rove about,
though not to make Settlements, induced by their private Advantage,
and the Advantage to the Government was from their Discoveries. Also
Vol. i. P. 182, he mentions, 'That a great many private Persons, from
the Coast of _Culiacan_ and _Chametla_, made Trips in small Boats to
the Coast of _California_, either to fish for Pearls, or purchase them
of the _Indians_;' which is agreeable to _de Fonte_'s Account of the
Master and Mariners he procured at _Zalagua_ and _Compostilo_. We may
also observe what the Missionaries say, as to the Tides at the Head
of the Bay, which still adds to the Authenticity of this Account.
'In those Parts the Tide shifts every six Hours; the Flood, with a
frightful Impetuosity, rises from three to seven Fathoms, overflowing
the flat Country for some Leagues, and the Ebb necessarily returns with
the same dangerous Violence.--However the Pilot went on Shore in the
Pinnace, at several Parts, in order to make a complete Drawing of it
for his Chart; was equally convinced that this Cape was the Extremity
of the Gulph of _California_, and that the Waters beyond it were those
of the River _Colorado_.' Therefore it was, from the exact Observation
of the Tide which this Pilot took so much Pains to make, an unsettled
Point from whence the Tide proceeded. Which, at the Time of _de
Fonte_'s Expedition, was said to come from the Northward, agreeable to
the then prevailing Opinion of _California_ being an Island. According
to the usual Practice, though the true Cause of a Phænomena is unknown,
to quote that Phænomena that favours a System which there is a Desire
to establish as a Truth, not only in support of but to confirm such
System, as to render the Truth of it unquestionable.
After _Vizcaino_'s Death, and though the Court of _Spain_ was
disappointed as to finding able and sufficient Persons in _New Spain_
whom they could intrust, yet Adventures were made by private Persons,
at their own Expence, both for Discovery and Settlements; yet these
could not be undertaken without the Permission of his Majesty,
who had taken it into his own Hand to grant such Commissions, and
mostly required a Voyage to _Old Spain_ to attain them; and the next
Expedition that was made, at the Crown's Expence, was conducted by an
Admiral from _Old Spain_, who arrived in _New Spain_ in 1643, Admiral
_Cassanate_, with full Power and Necessaries to equip a Fleet, and
make Settlements in _California_; and he sailed on such Expedition in
1644. By which it is apparent that there were Ships at that Time in
_New Spain_ proper for such Expeditions. As he came into these Parts
within three Years after _de Fonte_'s Expedition, and took the Command
as Admiral of _New Spain_ when he arrived, it is to be supposed the
Expedition _Cassanate_ was sent on was too fatiguing for _de Fonte_,
who was therefore retired to his Government of _Chili_. In the Year
1649 Admiral _Cassanate_, in Reward for his Services, being after the
same Manner promoted to the Government of _Chili_, _de Fonte_ must be
dead at that Time. This Circumstance fixes the Period in which the Copy
of this Letter was taken.
As what _Venegas_ says as to the Account (which Account hath been
before mentioned) given by _Seyxas y Lovera_, as to its wanting the
necessary Authenticity. Besides the usual Licences, wherein the
Licencers declare there is nothing contrary to good Manners, and
besides being dedicated to the King in his Royal and Supreme Council of
the _Indies_, _Seyxas_'s Book hath the Licence and Approbation of the
Professor of Divinity in the University of _Alcara_, Preacher to the
King, and Principal of a College of Jesuits in _Madrid_. Hath also the
Approbation and Licence of the Professor of Erudition and Mathematicks
in the Imperial College of the Company of the Jesuits at _Madrid_.
What unfavourable Opinion soever we may entertain of the Principles of
these Persons, we must have such an Opinion of their Prudence, that
they would not sign their Approbation to a Book while it contained an
unnecessary Lie, which could be easily expunged, or until they were
satisfied as to the Authenticity of this Account which _Seyxas_ gives
of _Peche_'s Voyage, having been published in various Places. And it is
indisputable from the Countenance his Book received, he was looked on
at that Time as a deserving honest Man.
_Venegas_ designedly omits other Accounts dispersed in various Books
for Want of necessary Authenticity; but it is not to be understood that
he absolutely denies that such Accounts are true. Neither is there so
great an Improbability in such Discoveries having been made, as some
of these Accounts mention, as is imagined, when such Accounts are duly
considered.
We have already mentioned one Account which engaged the Attention
of the King of _Spain_, therefore must have been of some Authority.
There is another Account (unless it be the same Account differently
represented) of a Ship that, to the Northward of Cape _Blanco_, on the
Coast of _California_, passed through the Streight into the _North
Sea_, and to _Old Spain_, which was also made known to the King of
_Spain_, mentioned by _Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 725.
Most of the Discoveries are reported to have been made by Ships coming
from the _Moluccas_, or from the _Philippine_ Islands to the Eastward,
and which have met with bad Weather. And what, in those Times, Ships
were necessitated to do, if there was a Continuance of hard Gales of
Wind, we may learn from the Schedule of _Philip_ the Third, History
of _California_, Vol. i. P. 175, after mentioning a Harbour found by
_Vizcaino_, on the Western Coast of _California_, adds, 'And lies very
convenient for Ships returning from the _Philippine_ Islands to put
into, and thus, in case of Storms, avoid the Necessity of making for
_Japan_, as they have several Times done, and expended great Sums of
Money. Besides, they usually have Sight of the Coast of _China_, which
is an additional Benefit, as knowing where they are, they will not as
formerly, in case of bad Weather, make for _Japan_, or those Islands,
as the same Winds which would carry them thither, bring them into this
Harbour. Again, P. 177, considering how much it concerns the Security
of Ships coming from those Islands, in a Voyage of no less than 2000
Leagues, on a wide and tempestuous Sea, that they should be provided
with a Port where they might put in and furnish themselves with Water,
Wood, and Provisions: That the said Port of _Monterey_ lies in 37
Degrees, nearly about half Way the Voyage.'
A Ship flying before the Wind, and the People steering her towards the
Coast of _America_, to avoid _Japan_ and the Islands, making a Cape
Land on the Coast of _California_, would run for what they supposed
a Harbour, and the bad Weather continuing might proceed up the Bay
or Opening they were then in, to meet with the Inhabitants, in order
to obtain Refreshments, and to learn where they were, by which Means
find a Passage. As Ships were distressed in hard Gales of Wind, in the
Manner the Schedule mentions, there is no Improbability of a Passage
being first accidentally discovered by a single Ship coming from Sea
with a leading Wind into a large Opening, in Expectation of a Harbour,
though such Discovery hath not been made by Ships intentionally sent
along Shore for that Purpose.
It is to be observed, the People of the _Philippine_ Islands are those
who most talked of a Passage: They informed _Peche_ and others; and it
is easily accounted for why they should do so: For if the _Portugueze_
made the Discovery in a Ship from the _Moluccas_, there was a constant
Intercourse between them and the People of the _Philippines_; and
whether the Discovery was made by the _Spaniards_ or _Portugueze_,
some of the Company who were aboard such Ship as had passed through
the Streight from the _South_ to the _North Sea_, would return to
the _Moluccas_ or the _Philippines_; and others would meet their
Acquaintance from thence in _Portugal_ or _Old Spain_; who would take
Pleasure in relating to them the Accounts of their Voyage, and which
they who heard those Accounts would be equally fond of communicating
to others, especially when they returned back to the _Indies_. By
which Means it would be known that there had been such a Discovery;
and it would be out of the Power of the King of _Spain_ or _Portugal_
to prevent its being so far known, but could prevent the Account of
such Discovery being published, or the Particulars communicated to
Foreigners.
In the Year 1568 _Salvatierra_, a Gentleman of _Spain_, who had
accidentally landed in _Ireland_ from the _West Indies_, gave an
Account of a Passage having been made by one _Andrew Urdanietta_, and
by the Circumstances of that Account it was about the Year 1556 or
1557. This _Urdanietta_ was a Friar, was with and greatly assisted
_Andrew Miguel Lopez de Legaspi_ in the Expedition to the _Philippine_
Islands in the Year 1564, and was called the celebrated Religious
_Andrew de Urdanietta_. His being thus employed, and so serviceable
in this Expedition to the _Philippine_ Islands, as he is said to have
been, implies, that he had a prior Knowledge of those Parts, and must
have been there before; and the Character that _Salvatierra_ gave
of him to Sir _Hugh Sydney_, then Lord Deputy of _Ireland_, and Sir
_Humphrey Gilbert_, was, that he was the greatest Discoverer by Sea
that was in that Age.
_Salvatierra_ said that _a North-west Passage_ was constantly believed
to be in _America_ navigable; and that _Urdanietta_ had shewed him
at _Mexico_ eight Years before _Salvatierra_ arrived in _Ireland_,
a Chart made from his own Observations in a Voyage in which he came
from _Mare del Zur_ into _Germany_, through this North-west Passage,
wherein such Passage was expressed, agreeing with _Ortelius_'s Map:
That _Urdanietta_ had told the King of _Portugal_ of it as he came
there from _Germany_ in his return home; but the King earnestly
intreated him not to discover this Secret to any Nation: _For that_
(said he) _if_ England _had once a Knowledge and Experience of it, it
would greatly hinder the King of_ Spain _and me_. And _Salvatierra_ was
himself persuaded of a Passage by the Friar _Urdanietta_, and by the
common Opinion of the _Spaniards_ inhabiting _America_.
It was this Account with some other that gained the Attention of the
greatest Men of that Age to pursue the Discovery of a North-west
Passage. Neither would _Dudley_, _Walsingham_, or Sir _Humphrey
Gilbert_, and other honourable Persons about the Court, be deceived
with fictitious Stories, and pursue a Phantom. Could the great
Abilities and Penetration of a _Walsingham_ be defective in this
Respect, which was so perfect in all other Respects, as to be the
Admiration of the present Age. Those who condemn this Account, and some
other Accounts of this Sort, have not considered, that upon a slight
Surmise or Suspicion only they put their Judgments in Competition with
and in Contradiction to the Judgments of those great Men, who embraced
no Opinion as to any Matter but what was founded in Reason, and all
the Circumstances relating to which they had first fully considered,
and which Opinion they adhered to. As to a North-west Passage, making
a Distinction between the Disappointments as to the effecting the
Discovery of a Passage, and the Probability there was of their being
such Passage. The King of _Spain_ was equally successless as to the
Execution, and at the same Time as much assured of the Practicability
of making it; for which Reason Secretary _Walsingham_ was concerned at
his Death, as the Attention of the Publick was drawn to a _North-east_
Passage, by which nothing more was proposed than a Trade to _Cathæy_ or
_China_, and that a North-west Passage was neglected on the Part of the
_English_.
It was an Opinion received in _England_ in the Year 1560, or earlier,
that there was such a Passage; and before the _Philippines_ were
settled by the _Spaniards_. Soon after the Discovery of _Urdanietta_,
_Frobisher_, who set out in 1576, is said to have projected his Design,
and made an Application for fifteen Years before. Did not succeed in
the City probably, as they might not see any certain Advantage; but
when he applied to the Court he succeeded. On what Plan he went is also
evident, to find an Entrance to Northward of the _Labrador_; for when
he fell in with the South-west Part of _Greenland_, it was supposed by
him to be the _Labrador_ Coast.
There is another Account on the Oath of _Thomas Cowles_ of _Bedmester_,
taken the 9th of _April_ 1579, at a Time when Oaths were considered
by all People as solemn and sacred Obligations to declare the Truth.
He says that six Years before, he heard a _Portugueze_ read a Book
which he set out six Years before in print in the _Portugal_ Tongue,
declaring that he, _Martin Chacke_, had found, now twelve Years past,
a Way from the _Portugal Indies_ through the Gulph of _Newfoundland_,
which he thought to be in Latitude 59° of the North Pole, by Means that
he being in the said _Indies_ with four Ships of great Burthen, and
he himself being in a small Ship of eighty Ton, far driven from the
Company of the other four Ships with a West Wind; after that he had
passed along by a great Number of Islands, which were in the Gulph of
the said _Newfoundland_, and after that he overshot the Gulph, he set
no more Sight on any other Land, until he fell in with the North-west
Part of _Ireland_; and from thence he took his Course homeward, and by
that Means came to _Lisbon_ four or five Weeks before the other Ships.
But the Books were afterwards called in by the King's Order.
This Passage was made about ten Years after that of _Urdanietta_; and
it is probable _Chacke_ was encouraged to proceed through such Passage,
from the Report or an Account which he had heard of such Passage having
been before made. It is evident he met with some Difficulties in such
Passage which delayed him, as the Ships were at _Lisbon_ so soon after
him, and as he expresses that he was far driven from the other four
Ships he left them in a low Latitude, and being got to the Northward,
without any Expectation of rejoining them, proceeded intentionally to
make his Voyage by the Passage; which he would not have done to the
Hazard of losing his Vessel and Cargo, for he was not on Discovery, but
returning to _Lisbon_ in Company with other loaden Vessels, from whom
he was separated, unless he had been assured that what he undertook was
practicable, and a Passage had been made by some Vessel before that
Time. This Account was received as a Truth by the principal People of
the Kingdom, who certainly made a due Enquiry as to the Character of
the Person who made the Affidavit with respect to his Capacity, there
would be a proper Precaution also, at the Time of administering such
Affidavit, that it was exact and only what he knew positively as to
this Matter, tho' there might be other Circumstances which he was not
so positive in. And as this Account was at that Time believed, it must
have been on better Reasons than can be at present urged by any one to
call the Veracity of this Account in Question.
_Juan de Fuca_ (the Account is from _Purchase_ and _North-west Fox_)
was an ancient Pilot, who had been in the _West India_ of _Spain_ for
near forty Years, and had sailed as Mariner and Pilot to many Places
thereof in Service of the _Spaniards_.
He was Pilot of three small Ships which the _Viceroy_ of _Mexico_
sent from thence, armed with a hundred Soldiers, under a _Spaniard_
Captain, to discover the Streights of _Anian_ along the Coast of the
_South Sea_, and to fortify in that Streight, to resist the Passage of
the _English_ Nation, but by Reason of a Mutiny which happened amongst
the Soldiers, for some ill Practices of the Captain, the Voyage was
overset, and they returned to _New Spain_.
The Viceroy sent _de Fuca_ out again in 1592, with a small Caravel
and Pinnace, armed with Mariners only, for the Discovery of the said
Streights. Finding the Land to trend North and North-east, with a
broad Inlet between 47 and 48, he entered it, and sailing therein more
than twenty Days, found the Land trending still, sometimes North-west,
sometimes North-east, and also South-eastward, far broader Sea than at
the said Entrance; and passed by diverse Islands in that Entrance.
He went upon Land in several Places, and saw some People on Land, clad
in Beasts Skins; and that the Land was very fruitful, and rich of Gold
and Silver, and Pearls, and other Things like _Nova Hispania_.
Being entered thus far in the said Streight, and come into the _North
Sea_ already, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be
about thirty or forty Leagues wide in the Streight where he entered; he
thought he had well discharged his Office, and done the Thing he was
sent to do; and that he not being armed to resist the Force of the
savage People, that might happen to assault him, therefore set sail
and returned to _Nova Hispania_, where he arrived at _Aquapulco, Anno
1592_, hoping to be well rewarded by the Viceroy for his Voyage so
performed.
The Viceroy received him kindly, and gave him Promises; but after an
Expectation of two Years the Viceroy wished him to go to _Spain_, where
the King would reward him; and he accordingly went.
He was well received at Court; but after long Suit could get no Reward
to his Content, so stole away and came to _Italy_, to live amongst
his Kindred in his own Country, being very old, a _Greek_ by Birth,
born in the Island of _Sepholonica_, and his proper Name _Apostollos
Valerianos_.
_De Fuca_ went first to _Leghorn_, then to _Florence_, where he met
one _John Dowlass_, an _Englishman_, a famous Mariner, ready coming
for _Venice_, to be a Pilot for a _Venetian_ Ship to _England_; they
went in Company to _Venice_. _Dowlass_ being acquainted with Mr.
_Lock_, at least a considerable Merchant if not a Consul there; gave
him an Account of this _de Fuca_, and introduced him to Mr. _Lock_, who
gave Mr. _Lock_ the preceding Account; and made a Proposal, if Queen
_Elizabeth_ would make up the Loss which he had sustained aboard the
_Aquapulco_ Ship taken by Captain _Cavendish_, which was to the Value
of sixty Thousand Ducats, he would go to _England_, and serve her
Majesty to discover the _North-west Passage_ into the _South Sea_, and
engage his Life for the Performance, with a Ship of forty Tons and a
Pinnace. They had two several Meetings on this Occasion; and _Lock_,
at _de Fuca_'s Request, wrote to the old Lord _Treasurer Cecil_, Sir
_Walter Rawleigh_, and Mr. _Richard Hackluit_, the Cosmographer,
desiring a Hundred Pounds for to pay his Passage to _England_. His
Friends wrote _Lock_ Word, the Action was very well liked, if the
Money could be procured. As no great Expectations were to be had from
this Answer, _de Fuca_ left _Venice_ in a Fortnight after, pursued his
Design of going to _Greece_, and there died.
There is nothing in this Relation but what is very natural and simple.
_De Fuca_'s Demand was excessive, for which Reason, probably, as a Man
who over-rated his Services, he was not rewarded by the _Viceroy_ or
the _King_; yet the _Viceroy_ availed himself of him, by sending him
to Court to give an Account of his Voyage, which he might be ordered
to do, as another Expedition was desired, and a Representation for
that Purpose made by the Viceroy _Luis Velasco_, as is mentioned in the
Schedule of the King. History of _California_, P. 173.
It did not appear that he could certainly perform what he undertook,
concluding he was in the _North Sea_, from such Sea returned back to
_New Spain_, therefore had not acquired a Knowledge of the Entrance
into the Streights from the Eastward; which was the Difficulty that
obstructed this Discovery on the Part of the _English_, and had been so
much sought after, but unsuccessfully. His Age was also a very material
Objection, that he would scarce be able to bear the Fatigue of such a
Voyage, his Desire to undertake which immediately proceeded from his
Avarice: Nor was it confident that the Hundred Pounds should be sent
over to bring him to _England_, if the other Part of the Terms could
not be complied with; which seems to be the Meaning of the Expression,
the Action is well liked of if the Money could be procured. And _de
Fuca_, whose Motive for proposing this Undertaking, was to be satisfied
for his Loss by Captain _Cavendish_, would not have altered his Design
of going into his own Country, and proceeded to _England_, unless he
was assured of his being so gratified on a Performance of what he
undertook.
_Dowlass_, who was a good Mariner, as he travelled with him, and kept
his Company, would have had particular and frequent Conversation with
_de Fuca_, and who, as a Mariner, was more capable of finding out if
his Account was true, and was thoroughly satisfied it was so, as he
spoke to Mr. _Lock_ about him. Neither _Lock_ nor _Dowlass_ could
have any sinister Views, but only animated by a publick Spirit to do
their Country so acceptable a Service, which it was thought to be in
_England_, as it is said the Action is well liked of.
As to _de Fuca_ being taken Prisoner by Captain _Cavendish_, and how
did he escape out of the Hands of the _English_? When the Ship was
taken all the People were put ashore on the Coast of _California_, the
Goods were taken out, and then the Ship was set a Fire, which burnt to
the Water Mark, the Wreck floated ashore, they erected Jury-masts in
her, and fortunately got to _Aquapulco_.
_De Fuca_ says, the Cause he thought of the ill Reward he had of
the _Spaniards_ was, that they understood very well the _English_
Nation had now given over all their Voyages for the Discovery of a
_North-west Passage_, wherefore they feared not them to come any more
that Way into the _South Sea_; and therefore they needed not his
Service therein any more: Which is so far agreeable to the Accounts
of those Times, that, after the Death of Sir _Francis Walsingham_,
the Discovery of a North-west Passage had no Patron at Court; and Sir
_Francis_ had particularly interested himself in procuring _Davis_
to go on his last Expedition. The Discovery was not re-assumed until
the Year 1602, by the _Muscovy_ Company, who had never engaged as a
Company in this Discovery; but having made some successless Attempts,
as to the North-east Passage, fitted out Capt. _George Weymouth_ for
the Discovery of a North-west Passage, which it is observable was the
same Year with _Vizcaino_'s Expedition. And it is observable the next
Expedition for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, was not until the
Year 1606, when Mr. _John Knight_ was fitted out; and the same Year the
King of _Spain_ orders _Vizcaino_ on a third Expedition, but _Vizcaino_
died, though in the interim _Vizcaino_ had been to _Old Spain_, to
make Application to make a fresh Attempt, at his own Expence, and he
could not obtain Permission of his Majesty. As the Expeditions which
the Court of _Spain_ order peremptorily to be undertaken, correspond
as to the Time with those from _England_, shews a Jealousy on the
Part of the King of _Spain_ that the _English_ might succeed as to
a Passage through the Streights. And though it is mentioned as the
principal Design in the Expeditions by Order of the King of _Spain_,
is the Discovery of a Harbour for the _Aquapulco_ Ship, the Publick
understood there was yet a farther Design, and as much may be collected
from the King of _Spain_'s Schedule in 1606. Count _de Monterey_, 'by
pursuing the Discovery intended by _Don Luis de Velasco_, wrote to me
concerning, and was of Opinion that small Vessels from the Harbour
of _Aquapulco_ were the fittest; and that in the Discovery might be
included the Coasts and Bays of the Gulph of _California_, and of the
Fishery, to which, in my Letter of the 27th of _September_ 1599, I
ordered to be answered, that the Discovery, and making Draughts, with
Observations of that Coast, and the Bays along it, having appeared to
me _highly convenient_, it was my Will he should immediately put it
in Execution, without troubling himself about _California_, unless
occasionally--And _Sebastian Vizcaino_ carefully informed himself of
these _Indians_, and many others, whom he discovered along the Coast
for above eight Hundred Leagues; and they all told him, that up the
Country there were large Towns, Silver, and Gold; whence he is inclined
to believe that great Riches may be discovered, especially as, in some
Parts of the Land, Veins of Metal are to be seen; and that the Time of
their Summer being known, a farther Discovery might be made of them
by _going within_ the Country, and that the Remainder of it may be
discovered along the Coast, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits
specified to the said _Sebastian Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Though
these Orders were received in _Mexico_ in 1599, no Voyage was set out
on until 1602, the Time that _Weymouth_ sailed, then probably enforced
by additional Orders from the Court of _Spain_. The Expedition which
was overturned by the Mutiny of the Soldiers, seems to have been about
the Time of Captain _Davis_'s Expedition; for _de Fuca_ says, after the
Voyage was so ill ended, the Viceroy set him out again in 1592, which
implies a Distance of Time between the first and second Voyage.
The Instructions _Vizcaino_ had in the first Voyage were given by the
Viceroy, for it was the Viceroy who appointed him, and were formed
according to the Opinion that the Land beyond forty-two Degrees took a
Course to Westward and Southward of West. And the Maps were constructed
agreeable thereto, therefore the King says, '_Vizcaino_ had represented
to him that the Coast, as far as 40 Degrees, lies North-west and
South-east, and that in the two other Degrees, which makes up the 42
Degrees, it lies North and South,' and, as before mentioned, says, 'and
that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coasts, as it
reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the said _Sebastian
Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Therefore when _Martin Aguilar_ got
to 43 Degrees and found an Opening, he concluded, as the Coast was
represented to be terminated to the Northward, by the Maps and Charts
in Use, that this must be the desired Streights; and therefore said on
their Return, 'they should have performed a great deal more, had their
Health not failed them; for it is certain that only fourteen Persons
enjoyed it at _Cape Blanco_. The General and those that were with him
had a mind to go through the Streight, which they call of _Anian_, and
is said to be thereabouts. It had been entered by the foreign Ship, who
gave Intelligence of it to the King, describing its Situation, and how
through that Passage one might reach the _North Sea_, and then sail
back to _Spain_, along _Newfoundland_ and the Islands of _Baccalaos_,
to bring an Account of the Whole to his Majesty.' _Torquemada_, Vol.
i. P. 725. But it is very plain the King had another Information of
this Matter, and as to the Extent of the Land to Northward. _Luis de
Velasco_ was the Viceroy in whose Time the Expedition of _de Fuca_ was;
and the Expedition of _Vizcaino_ was under the Direction of the Count
_de Monterey_, who was either not informed of what had been done by _de
Fuca_, or might not think _de Fuca_'s Account of sufficient Authority
to justify him, the Viceroy, in drawing his Instructions agreeable
thereto; contrary to the general Opinion of the Cosmographers at that
Time, and the Description they gave of the Coasts in their Maps.
It must appear from what hath been said that there are no such great
Improbabilities in the Accounts of _Salvatierre_, _Chacke_, or _de
Fuca_, as hath been represented. It is also evident that the _English_
had great Expectations of succeeding; and the Court of _Spain_ had
great Apprehensions we should meet with Success, and be enabled to
attain a Passage by the Streight of _Anian_ into the _South Sea_;
for which there must have been some reasonable Foundation both on
the Part of the one and the other. The _English_ were first induced
to attempt the Discovery of such a Passage, from the Accounts which
they had from _Spain_ of there being such a Passage. The Court of
_Spain_ entertained, as hath been shewn, an Opinion of there being
such a Passage from the Time they conquered _Mexico_; and, agreeable
to what _Torquemada_ says, had a certain Account of it, or at least an
Account which appeared to the King to be authentick. What that Account
really contained we do not know, nor was it consistent that it should
be made publick; therefore what is said as to the Particulars of it
are but Conjecture, and Representations upon Reports, for which the
Reporters could have no real Authority. As _Vizcaino_ regretted being
prevented, by the Sickness of his People that he could not go round
the World, and have carried home to _Old Spain_ his Account of his
Expedition. This firm Persuasion that he should have accomplished his
Passage to _Old Spain_, by the Streight of _Anian_, must have been
from some Information which he had received before he set out, that
such Passage was practicable: Neither is it mentioned as if he proposed
making a Discovery of it, but as of a Thing before done. It was the
Opinion of all those who were with him, that it was practicable; which
is agreeable to what _Salvatierra_ informed Sir _Hugh Sydney_, and
Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, That a _North-west Passage from us to_ Cathay
_was constantly believed in_ America _navigable_. _Vizcaino_, who
is represented as a Commander of great Conduct and Discretion (and
which the Account of his Voyage expresses him to have been) would not
have attempted to make a Passage thro' such Streights, to the Hazard,
perhaps entire Loss, of the King's Ships, and what he had before done
rendered of no Effect, unless he had a discretionary Power either to
pass to _Old Spain_ by these Streights, or return to _Aquapulco_.
After the Expedition of _Knight_ failed, and _Vizcaino_ died, we hear
of no other Expeditions at the Expence of or by the positive Order
of the Court of _Spain_ until that of Admiral _Cassanate_, who went
the third Year after the Expedition of _de Fonte_, to make a Survey
of the Coast of _California_; yet we have no Reason to conclude there
were no other Expeditions, but it is rather to be supposed that, after
the _English_ had proceeded in their Discoveries as far as _Hudson_'s
Bay, the Court of _Spain_ thought it necessary, and found an effectual
Way of keeping their Expeditions, both in respect to their Equipment
and what was done on such Expeditions a Secret, by sending Officers
from _Old Spain_ to conduct them, and as to which the Religious would
not think themselves at Liberty to make any Publication without the
Permission of the Court.
Having no Intercourse by Trade with those Parts, we cannot be
acquainted with what is transacted in those Parts, any further than
what the _Spanish_ Writers are permitted to inform us, and the
imperfect and uncertain Intelligence of those who have been cruizing
in those Seas. The _Spanish_ Nation have been particularly cautious
of keeping the Knowledge of their Coast secret: Neither was it known,
in the Year 1745, that an exact Survey was made of those Coasts until
_Pasco Thomas_ annexed to his Account of Lord _Anson_'s Expedition,
published in 1745, a Copy of a Manuscript, which Manuscript contained
an Account of the Latitudes and Longitudes of all the most noted
Places in the _South Sea_, corrected from the latest Observations by
_Manuel Monz Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, and are composed
with as much Precision and Exactness, as Tables of that Sort are
usually made; but when these Coasts were surveyed to the Northward, to
attain a Knowledge of which was formerly attended with such immense
Difficulty; and to what Purpose and what Trade is carried on there, we
are at present entire Strangers to. It is by Accident only that we have
this Account; and if the _Spanish_ Nation have used this Precaution,
with respect to the Knowledge of their Coasts, undoubtedly they would
use the same Caution with respect to giving us any Insight as to how we
might find a more ready Access to such Coasts by a _North-west_ Passage.
The Point of _Sueste del Estrech d'Anian_, inserted in such Tables,
shews the Opinion of the Streights is far from being exploded; but it
is acknowledged by the Geographers of _Peru_ and _New Spain_, at the
present Time, that there are such Streights. The naming the _South
Point_ of the _Streight_ implies there is Land to the Northward, as to
which it doth not seem to be consistent with the Purpose of the Person
who composed this Table to take any Notice, but that there is such Land
is confirmed by the _Russian_ Discoveries.
The Extent of _America_ to Northward and Westward, that _America_
and _Asia_ were contiguous and only separated by a Streight, that
_California_ was an Island, that a _Passage_ by the _North-east_ was
practicable, have been by later _Geographers_ treated as _Chimeras_,
contrary to the earliest Accounts, and the Reports of the first
Discoverers, and which, by later Accounts, the Consequence of actual
Observations are found to be true. There was a Simplicity and Honour
in the People of that Age; there was no Motive for telling the Lie,
that they faithfully reported the Discoveries they made, and if a
Falshood was discovered it might be dangerous in the Consequences;
their Voyages were not lucrative Jobs, in Hopes of a Repetition of
which they formed their Accounts accordingly. There was no particular
System to support, for the Parts they went to were entirely unknown,
that a Reward and Reputation should be procured through a prevailing
Interest to such as spoke in Favour of the System. While those to
whose Fidelity and Assiduity alone it would be owing that such
Discoveries were made, though repeated Endeavours were used to render
the Undertaking ineffectual; and through whose Means alone the Truth
would be made known to the Publick; should be ill spoken of, accused
of Bribery, discountenanced, and the whole Merit ascribed to, where it
would be least deserved, and, in Truth, where there could not be the
least Pretension. Nevertheless the Reward given would be an Instance of
a generous Regard in those who had Power to bestow of rewarding Merit,
though they were inevitably deceived as to the proper Persons to whom
such Reward should have been given.
No Authorities have been produced from Tradition or History which
oppose the Probability of there being a North-west Passage, or the
Reality of this Account of _de Fonte_, which the more we examine
the less there appears to be of a Falsity, the Circumstances of it
so consistent and united, and there are so many extra Circumstances
which concur with that Account, that we cannot but admit to be an
incontestable Truth. We have not had a full Account of the Voyages
and Expeditions of the _Spaniards_ in _New Spain_, as some of them
have not been permitted to be published. _Venegas_ particularly
mentions, Vol. i. P. 14, and in other Parts, There are also Accounts
of Voyages made to other Parts of the World, which are only preserved
in the Collections of the Curious, and it is known but to few Persons
that such Voyages were ever made. There are some Voyages which are
mentioned to have been made, but cannot, after the most diligent
Inquiries, be procured; yet it is no just Objection to the Authenticity
of such Voyages, or as to their not having been made. What the first
Discoverers represented as to the Extent of _America_, its being
contiguous to _Asia_, as to _California_, and as to a North-east
Passage, being in all Respects found to be true, there is the greatest
Reason to believe that there is a North-west Passage; and it is
consistent with that Precaution which the _Spanish_ Nation have made
Use of, that we should not have any authentick Accounts relating to
such Passage, which they were desirous of discovering as a shorter
Way to the _Spice_ Islands and the _Indies_. But when the King of
_Portugal_ and _Spain_ came to an Agreement as to the _Moluccas_, the
principal Reason for making such Discovery was determined, and it
became their mutual Interest that it should not be known that there was
such a Passage. Their continued Silence with respect to such Passage,
implies they are acquainted with there being such a Passage, though
not to an Exactness. It cannot imply they are dubious, when we consider
the Number of Circumstances there are already mentioned, which express
the contrary.
There are Circumstances in _de Fonte_'s Account which shew the
Inference of there being no _North-west Passage_ is not just, though
just as far as it appeared to _de Fonte_, as the River _Parmentiers_
was not navigable for Shipping. One Circumstance is, that in the River
_Haro_, and Lake _Velasco_, there were Salmon Trouts and large white
Perch; also in _Los Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, but in Lake _de Fonte_
excellent Cod and Ling; which are Fish that always abide in the Salt
Water, the others come out of the Salt Water into the fresh Waters
to spawn. Which _de Fonte_ would account for that they came into the
Lake _de Fonte_ from the _North Sea_, and when he passed the Streight
of _Ronquillo_, supposed himself to be in that Sea, or from the
Intelligence that he obtained from _Shapley_ that he was in a Gulph
or Branch of it. Another Circumstance, as it flowed in the River _Los
Reyes_ twenty-two Feet, and in _Haro_ twenty-four, and but a small
Tide went into Lake _Belle_, _de Fonte_ concluded that the Western
Tide terminated there, and that as the Waters rose to such a Heighth
at the Entrance of those Rivers, that it was a Gulph he was in which
confined these Waters and occasioned their rise at such Entrances of
the Rivers. That the Tides in _Parmentiers_, Lake _de Fonte_, and the
Streights of _Ronquillo_, were from the _North Sea_. But by later
Observations of the Rise of the Tides, a Tide cannot proceed from
_Hudson_'s Bay to that Sea where _Shapley_ was met by _de Fonte_, than
through the Streights of _Ronquillo_ into the great Lake of _de Fonte_,
and afterwards to rise so high in the River _Parmentiers_. Neither can
such a Tide proceed through the broken Land to Northwards of _Hudson_'s
Streights, named _Cumberland_ Isles (formerly _Estotland_) and which
extend as far as Latitude 70; for it is evident the Strength of such
Tides is spent in _Hudson_'s Bay and _Baffin_'s Bay: For at the Bottom
of _Hudson_'s Bay it flowed but two Feet, at the Bottom of _Fretum
Davis_ or _Baffin_'s Bay, but one Foot. Which is agreeable to the
Opinion of all the Discoverers of that Time, as to the Eastern Tide
from the Proportion that the great Spaces or Seas which were to receive
it bore to the Inlets by which it came in, that the Force of such Tide
must be consumed in such Seas, and therefore expected to meet with a
Tide from Westward, which counterchecked the Eastern Tide. On the other
Hand, if we consider this Tide to be from the Western Ocean, such Tide
forced through various Entrances up a Streight as that of _de Fuca_,
must enter the Sea where _Shapley_ was met, with great Impetuosity;
rise in Heighth proportionable to the Width in all Openings that there
are to receive it. As it is the Tide round _Greenland_, and that which
comes from the Southward along the Coast of _Labrador_, being both
received in those Indraughts of _Hudson_'s Streights, and the broken
Lands of _Cumberland_ Isles, which causes the Rise of the Tides there.
It may be supposed that the _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, and
the Streight of _de Fuca_, received the Tides which set to Eastward
along the Western Main from _Beering_'s Streights, and the Tide which
comes from the Southward along the Coast of _California_. That the Tide
is not from the _Tartarian Sea_, in Lake _de Fonte_, _&c._ is evident
from _Bernarda_'s Account, who shews there is no Communication with
that Sea and the Sea that _Shapley_ was met in.
As to the Cod and Ling in Lake _de Fonte_, or as to Salmon, it is not
known that there are either Cod, Ling or Salmon in _Hudson_'s Bay:
Neither have there been found Shoals or Banks to which the Cod could
repair; nor is it known that any Cod have been catched beyond Latitude
57; an Article to which _Davis_ was particularly attentive: Therefore
it is not probable that they should come from the _North Sea_ through
_Hudson_'s Bay to Lake _de Fonte_. _De Fonte_ mentions Shoals in
the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, which he passed up. And in
_Vizcaino_'s Voyage there is an Account that, off the Island _Geronymo_
on the Coast of _California_, the Ships Companies supplied themselves
with Cod and Ling; which shews there are Cod and Ling in those Seas.
It was reasonable for _de Fonte_ to suppose that the Cod and Ling came
from the Eastward from the _Baccaloos_, neither could he otherwise
suppose, as the contrary is only known from Observations made much
later than that Time.
_Fox_ had advanced in 1635, when he published the Account of his
Voyage, that there was a free and open Communication of the Western
Ocean with _Hudson_'s Bay: Which was looked on as an incontestable Fact
until the Voyage of Captain _Middleton_. What _Fox_ said was consistent
with the Opinion which all the Discoverers had of the Proximity of
the Western Ocean; who therefore judged of the Probability of their
Success in the Parts they went into, from the Course of the Tides,
which if there was no Western Tide there was no Passage. This probably
prevented that Success, as to a Discovery of a Passage, which through
their Assiduity might otherwise have been obtained, had they not paid
such a Regard to the Tides, but made a due Survey of the Inlets and
Openings of the Coast, which on their not finding that a Western Tide
came from thence they deserted, which was also the Case as to Captain
_Moor_ in the Search of _Pistol Bay_ as called, to Southward of Lord
_Southwell_'s Isles, there was no Western Tide; therefore a compleat
Discovery of that Part was not made.
It is to be considered that the Northern and Eastern Parts of
_America_, are more intermixed with Waters than the Parts to Southward
are, being a high mountainous Country. The Mountains chiefly consisting
of a brown rocky Substance, not penetrable by the melting Snows or
Spring Rains, which therefore run off into the Levels and Valleys, and
form inland Seas, great Lakes, and Inlets, which vent their Waters into
the Ocean, necessary for carrying off that great Quantity and vast
Bodies of Ice which are formed in the Winter in those Parts, not to be
dissolved, as the greater Part is which is formed to the Southward, by
the Influence of the Sun. The Northern and Westward Part of _America_
is also mountainous, and high Ridges of Mountains were seen from the
Head of _Wager_ Bay on the opposite Shore of what appeared to be a
Lake; therefore there must be Lakes and Seas to Westward, Reservoirs
for the melting Snows and Rains, also some Outlet or Channel to carry
off the great Quantities of Ice also formed in those Parts; and with
which _Barnarda_'s Account is consistent, and the greatest Reservoir
and Discharge seems to be to the Northward by that North-east Part
of the _Tartarian Sea_. The Lake _Velasco_, Lake _Belle_, Lake _de
Fonte_, may be all supposed to proceed from the same Cause, the melting
Snows and Rains, receive the Ice from the Waters which run into them,
which, from the Strength of the Currents and Tides, is soon shot from
the Shores of such Lakes, broken to Pieces and carried off into some
Passage or Inlet into the _South Sea_; and such a Vent or Channel to
carry off such Bodies of Ice must necessarily be, agreeable to what
is known by Observation in other Parts. The Objection of the great
Distance it is between the Ocean and the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s
Bay, and where _Shapley_ was met, will appear of no Validity when
we consider the Distance between the Streights of _Gibraltar_ and
the Northern Part of the _Black Sea_. Between the Entrance of the
_Sound_ to the Entrance of the _White Sea_, between which there is
Communication of Waters, or very nearly so. And from Point _Comfort_ in
_Hudson_'s Bay to Alderman _Smith_'s Sound in _Baffin_'s Bay, between
which there is a Communication of Waters without entering into the
_Ocean_ or _Davis_ Streights. From Lake _Superior_ to the Streights
of _Belle Isle_ at the Back of _Newfoundland_, or to _Cape Breton_,
is near forty Degrees of Longitude, or equal to 390 Leagues. And Lake
_Superior_ hath a Communication with _Hudson_'s Bay.
This great Afflux of Waters form such Meanders and Labyrinths, as it
is impossible to say whether there is a Communication of Waters, or
whether the Waters are divided by smaller or larger Tracts or Slips
of Land, without an absolute Survey. The Lands so double or fold one
within the other, that unless you get a proper Sight of such Lands so
as to distinguish this, to discover the Opening that is between them,
there is an Appearance of a Continuance of the Land, and consequently
of a Termination of the Waters. So long as the Tide Argument prevailed
it was not thought necessary to be so accurate in the Searches. A
Sight of the Land trending a Course contrary to that Course which the
Discoverers were to pursue to make a Passage, and the Tide coming from
the Eastward, rendered a Search any further in those Parts unnecessary:
and it may be owing to the great Impropriety of adopting a particular
System, more than to any other Cause, that the Discovery of a
North-west Passage was not made by those brave industrious Discoverers,
who in a Series succeeded each other from _Frobisher_ to _James_ and
_Fox_.
This seems to be certain, that there must be one great Channel, as
_Hudson_'s Streights are to Eastward, also to Westward though intricate
by which the Waters to Westward pass into the _South Sea_, and as that
to Northward, the North-east Part of the _Tartarian Sea_. We already
know there is not a Communication by _Hudson_'s Bay, thro' any Inlet
by which the Waters do come in there or sufficient for that Purpose;
neither round the Head of _Repulse_ Bay, for then the Current would
have been met coming from Westward. Therefore such Channel must be
to Southward and Westward, consistent with _de Fuca_'s Account of a
Streight, in some such Manner as is represented in the Map annexed.
Which Account also agreeable to that of _Peche_.
_De Fuca_ says, he sailed twenty-six Days up such Streight before he
entered the Sea; that the Streight grew wider before he entered the
Sea. If we allow him fifteen Leagues a Day, from the Entrance of such
Streights out of the _South Sea_ to where he entered the Sea, by him
supposed the _North Sea_, the Distance is 390 Leagues. As he mentions
that he found it wide enough every where, this Expression shews
that he did not suppose himself in the Ocean, but in a Gulph of the
Ocean. And _Martin Chacke_ expresses himself, that after he overshot
the _Gulph_, he set no more Sight on any other Land. Therefore the
Distance is agreeable to that Distance which _de Fuca_ must have gone
to come into that Sea where _de Fonte_ met _Shapley_; the Description
that he saw both Shores, makes a Consistency also in those Accounts.
Before _de Fonte_'s Expedition, _Hudson_'s Bay had been discovered,
yet that Discovery made no Alteration as to the Accounts of _de Fuca_
and _Chacke_, as _Fox_ said beyond Lat. 64, round that Land there
was incontestably a Communication with the Western Ocean. Here is an
Agreement in three Accounts, by separate Persons at a Distance of
Time, who had no Intelligence of what had been done by each other; for
_Chacke_ was a _Portugueze_; and as _de Fuca_ had made his Report to
the Viceroy of _New Spain_ of what he had done, and what he had done
seems to be mostly accounted of by himself, therefore no Regard might
be had to it in drawing _de Fonte_'s Instructions: All which three
Accounts agree in there being a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay.
_De Fuca_ mentions he was ashore; saw Marks of Gold and Silver;
Marquisates the same which was made such an Account of after
_Frobisher_'s return from his first Voyage, and from which it may be
inferred it was a barren mountainous Country which _de Fuca_ passed
through. He was afraid of the Natives, who were clad in Beast Skins;
and from whose Behaviour he must have had some Apprehension that they
would cut him off, as he mentions that he was not armed against them.
_De Fonte_ is very express as to the civil Behaviour of those _Indians_
he met with, so contrary to the Character of those whom _de Fuca_ saw.
Therefore those whom _de Fuca_ saw were the _Eskemaux_, who frequent
the mountainous and desolate Parts, and near to the Salt Waters where
they can catch Fish, also the Seal and the Whale, from which they get
many Conveniencies besides what is necessary for their Subsistance; who
are mentioned to be also on other Parts of the Coast of _California_;
are represented as a fierce and barbarous People, who hold no Treaty or
Amity with their Neighbours, who are always in Fear of them.
That _de Fonte_ should not pass up the North-east Part of the _South
Sea_, but go through Land, must have been, that the North-east Part
of the _South Sea_ was represented as a Gulph, not a Streight, from
some Observations made prior to that Expedition, as to which the
Observers might be deceived, by its taking a Southerly Course through
some Inlet or Opening obscured by Islands, or the Entrance narrow,
that they concluded it only to be some small Branch which soon
terminated; having, at the same Time, a large open Channel before
them, which they finding afterwards surrounded with Land, concluded
there was no Communication with any other Waters, but that they had
seen the Extremity of these Waters to Eastward. That these Waters took
a Course through that desert mountainous Country, until they joined
with the Waters of the Streights that _de Fuca_ came up, the People
of _Conosset_ might not be able to give a just Account of, as they
lived so far to Northward and Eastward. Though they, as the Natives
of _Conibasset_ also came occasionally into the North-east Part of
the _South Sea_; the one mostly frequented to Northward and Eastward,
the other to Northward and Westward, as is apparent from _de Fonte_'s
Account; where they had level and fruitful Tracts, as they produced
so much Maiz; a hunting Country, as there were three Sorts of Deer;
also Fish in their Waters. Whereas the Country on the opposite Shore
of the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, as is apparent from being
the Resort of the _Eskemaux_, would be rugged, rocky, and remarkably
barren, with little Intermixtures of level and fruitful Spots.
Therefore the People of _Conosset_, or _Conibasset_, would have no
Inducements to go into those Parts. May be supposed the opposite Coast
was the Limits of their Enemy's Country, with whom if they went to
War, and knew that the Waters of the North-east Part of the _South
Sea_ did communicate to Southward with other Waters; yet it cannot
be imagined that they went up those Waters so far in their Enemy's
Country of so wild a Disposition, where they were always in Danger of
being surprized, as to know whether those Waters joined with the Sea
in which _Shapley_ was met. Might also be jealous if the Jesuits, or
_Parmentiers_, or others who came there, were very particular in their
Enquiries, that they intended to go and reside amongst their Enemies,
which, as the Nature of _Indians_ is, would cause them to be on the
Reserve, and slack in their Informations, as to those Parts.
That those Persons who were in those Parts before this Expedition of
_de Fonte_, got no Information of this Streight, or of the Waters, as
to the Course of them to Southward, there must be a considerable main
Land to Southward of Lake _Belle_ and Lake _de Fonte_, as is expressed
in the Map, and as to the Sea to Eastward, that Part of it which was
to Southward of _Ronquillo_, no more would be apprehended of it, being
unacquainted as to the Streight, than that it was a Part of that Sea
contiguous to _Hudson_'s Bay; and it not being known at that Time but
the Tides came from the Eastward, would have no Reason to infer, from
the Sea running to Southward, that it communicated with a Streight
there.
To take away the Improbability of what is here advanced, we should
reflect what Assurances former Discoverers gave, that had but the
Season permitted to proceed, they should certainly have made a Passage;
though when an Attempt was again made they found their Mistake; and
from Observations then made, they saw good Reason to have a different
Opinion as to the Nature of the Passage from what they had before, and
very reasonable, as their Searches were made in Parts entirely unknown;
and as to the Appearance of the Land, the Course of the Waters, and the
Set of the Tides, the most judicious might be deceived.
The _Spanish_ Nation had not been able to make out a Passage by their
various Attempts, agreeable to the Accounts of private Persons, which
probably might give an Opportunity for the Representations of the
Jesuits to be attended to, who would urge every Argument in Behalf of
their Discovery, and endeavour to invalidate the former Accounts as to
a Passage; which by that Time, from the ill Success as to discovering
a Passage, might not be at that Time so much thought of; and as
Difference in Time produces a Change in Opinions, whatever makes for
the reigning Opinion is adopted, as every Thing that is contradictory
is depreciated. The Arguments for the Opinion which prevailed
before for a navigable Passage might be treated as fallacious and
insignificant, and the Instructions for the Expedition of _de Fonte_
might be drawn agreeable to the Jesuits Plan, whom it is evident knew
nothing of a Streight, but considered the Land of _America_ as one
continued Continent to Latitude 66. And whatever Weight this Conjecture
may have, it is apparent from the Consideration of _de Fonte_'s Letter,
that the Instructions were drawn from the Information of some who
had been before in those Parts: And by whom can it be supposed more
properly that the Court received the Information which they had than
from the Jesuits, whose Understanding and Character would admit them to
a free Converse with the Minister on a less Occasion than they would
now have, to give an Account of those Parts they had been in.
The _Court_ of _Spain_ does not seem, from the Proceedings, to be of
the same Opinion with the _Jesuits_, or _de Fonte_ after his return.
As the Governor of _Cinoloa_ is immediately ordered to take a Survey
of the Coasts and Harbours of _California_. And the next Year Admiral
_Cassanate_ is sent from _Old Spain_; and it is probable the Court was
not of the Opinion of the _Jesuits_ when they gave this Information,
but formed the Instructions for _de Fonte_ agreeable thereto. As the
most expedient Method, at that Time, for intercepting the People from
_Boston_, was to go the Way they gave an Account of with the Boats
through Land, as the Ships might meet with Difficulties and Delays in
passing up the Streights, also ran great Hazard; the _Boston_ Ship
might pass them unperceived. Whereas, on the Plan which was pursued,
if they heard by the Natives that the _Boston_ Ship had passed, and
taken her Course further to Southward or Westward, _de Fonte_ would
have repaired aboard his Ship, proceeded down _Los Reyes_, and with the
Diligence which he would have made Use of, fell in with the _Boston_
Ship either in such _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, or on the
Coast of _California_, leaving Orders for _Barnardo_ how to act in
this Respect on his return. From which Conduct, and the Look-out that
was kept on the Coast of _Mexico_ and _Peru_, it would have been also
impossible for the _Boston_ People, unacquainted with these Parts, and
not expecting such a Diligence was used to intercept them, to have made
a successful Voyage.
That there is a Sea to the Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay is reported by
the _Indians_, and is represented to have Ice in it like _Hudson_'s Bay.
Governor _Dobbs_, in his Account of the Countries adjoining to
_Hudson_'s Bay (P. 19.) mentions from _Joseph le France_, that their
Savages reported that in the Bottom of the Northern Bay there is a
Streight, they can easily discover Land on the other Side: They had
never gone to the End of that Streight. They say there is Ice there
all the Year, which is drove by the Wind, sometimes one Way sometimes
another.
The _Indians_, who are called _Northern Indians_, having their
Habitations to North-west of _Churchill_, mention a Sea to the Westward
of them, and which is from _Churchill_ Factory in _Hudson_'s Bay
twenty-five Days Journey, not a direct Course, but from the round they
are obliged to take. They speak of the _Eskemaux Indians_ to Eastward
of them, but never give an Account of any other Nations to Northward or
Westward of them. Mr. _Scroggs_, who was sent out by the _Hudson_'s Bay
Company in 1722, had two Northern _Indians_, whom he carried with him,
when he was in about Lat. 62. knew the Country very well, and had a
great Desire to go home, saying they were but two or three Days Journey
from their Family. And the Northern _Indians_ who were with Captain
_Middleton_, were desirous of his going near the Shore, between Lat. 62
Deg. and 64. In Lat. 63° and 14´, Captain _Middleton_ put two of the
_Indians_ ashore, who were desirous of returning to their own Country.
And the Author saw an _Indian_, whose Daughter had married a Northern
_Indian_ and been home with her, direct his own Son to sketch out on a
Board with a burnt Stick, the Coast of that Sea, which his Son did, and
the Father afterwards took and corrected it where he said the Son had
mistook.
Governor _Dobbs_, in the Account mentioned P. 45, mentions, 'that
_Joseph le France_ was acquainted with an _Indian_, who lived at some
Distance from _Nelson_ River in _Hudson_'s Bay, who, about 15 Years
before that Time, went to War against a Nation living Northward on
the Western Ocean of _America_. When they went they carried their
Families with them, and hunted and fished from Place to Place for two
Winters and one Summer, having left their Country in Autumn, and in
_April_ following came to the Sea Side, on the Western Coast, where
they immediately made their Canoes. At some little Distance they saw
an Island, which was about a League and a Half long when the Tide was
out, or Water fell, they had no Water betwixt them and the Island, but
when it rose it covered all the Passage betwixt them and the Island,
as high up as the Woods upon the Shore. There they left their Wives
and Children, and old Men, to conduct them home and provide them with
Provisions, by hunting and shooting for them on the Road; and he, with
thirty Warriors, went in Quest of their Enemies the _Tete Plat_. After
they parted with their Families they came to a Streight, which they
passed in their Canoes. The Sea Coast lay almost East and West; for he
said the Sun rose upon his Right Hand, and at Noon it was almost behind
him as he passed the Streight, and always set in the Sea. After passing
the Streight they coasted along the Shore three Months, going into the
Country or Woods as they went along to hunt for Provisions. He said
they saw a great many large black Fish spouting up Water in the Sea.
After they had coasted for near three Months, they saw the Footsteps of
some Men on the Sand; then judged they were near their Enemies, quitted
their Canoes, went five Days through the Woods to the Banks of a River,
found their Enemy's Town, made an Attack, the Enemy rallied and put
them to flight.' Then proceeds, 'upon which they fled to the Woods,
and from thence made their Escape to their Canoes before their Enemies
overtook them, and after a great deal of Fatigue got to the Streight;
and, after getting over, they all died one after the other, except this
old Man, of Fatigue and Famine, leaving him alone to travel to his own
Country, which took him up about a Year's Time.' When he reached the
River _Sakie_ he met his Friends again, who relieved him.
The _Indians_ that this antient _Indian_ went to War against, (and
this _Indian_ was living at _York Fort_ in _Hudson_'s Bay in 1746)
are mentioned to be the _Tete Plat_, or _Plascotez de Chicus_. The
Part which they inhabit is variously laid down by the Geographers; by
some in Lat. 67, Long. 265 East from _Ferro_, which is the extremest
Longitude that their Country is laid down in. Mons. _de Lisle_ and
others place them in Lat. 63, and Long. 280 East from _Ferro_, so their
true Situation is uncertain. Yet it is apparent that they do not live
near to or on the Coast of the _South Sea_, or Western Ocean. For what
_Joseph le France_ in this Account, and so of all _Indians_, meant
by the Word Sea is any Mass or Collection of Salt Waters which have
a Tide. P. 38, in the same Work, giving an Account of the _Indians_
passing down to _York Fort_. 'The River _de Terre Rouge_, and from that
Place they descend gradually to the Sea.' By which _Joseph le France_
means _Hudson_'s Bay. Governor _Dobbs_ mentioning the Western Ocean of
_America_ is a Mistake, which he was led into as having a Consistency
with the System which he had adopted. These Warriors left their own
Country in Autumn, are said to have lived near _Port Nelson_ or _York
Fort_, and were at the Sea Side in _April_. Their not being sooner is
not to be attributed to the Length of the Journey but to the Season of
the Year. The old _Indian_ was a Year returning to his own Country;
but he was fatigued and almost famished, so labouring under a great
Debility, and had his Food to seek in whatever Manner he could procure
it. The Winter also came on soon after his return from the Enemy. They
were on the Western Side of the Land, which separates _Hudson_'s Bay
from that Sea, where they saw so great a Tide. Afterwards passed a
Streight, which Streight lay North and South. The Sea they came from
and the Sea they passed into after such Streight, laid East and West.
They continually kept the Western Shore, as that was the Side on which
their Enemy lived; and though they were so long as three Months in
their Passage, they were obliged to go every Day ashore to hunt, being
thirty in Company, required a pretty considerable Subsistance. Their
Canoes can bear no Serge or Wave when the Wind blows, therefore are
obliged to keep close to the Shore, and must go to the Bottom of each
Bay.
This Account agrees both with that of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_. The
Sea they imbarked on was that at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, and the
Streight might be formed by some Island, or both the Shores approach
each other, tho' the Account is not sufficiently intelligible to
make any Description of it in the Map. _De Fuca_ says the Streight
grew wider when he entered such Sea, which seems to imply it had
been narrow. And the _Indians_, as before-mentioned, said there was
a Streight, and they can perceive the Land on the other Side. _De
Fuca_ also mentions he went ashore, and found the Land fruitful, and
rich of Gold and Silver and Pearls, and other Things, like _Nova
Hispania_. Which shews it was a mixed Country; for a fruitful Country
and a Produce of Gold and Silver is not a Description compatible with
one and the same Part. The one we may suppose the Description of the
Parts nearer the Ocean, the other of the Parts where the _Tete Plat_
live: But the old _Indian_ seems also to make a Distinction; for he
says they went to hunt in the Country and the Woods. When they had
passed the Streight, they came into the broader Part of the Streight of
_Anian_, which appeared to them to be a Sea. As to the Place of their
Imbarkation, they would be directed by where they could procure Birch
to make their Canoes.
The true Situation of the Part they went to, nor where they imbarked
is not to be determined with any Certainty; but it doth not carry the
least Probability that they went to War with a People more than a
thousand Miles distant. It is scarce probable they had ever heard the
Name of the Inhabitants of those Parts, much more so acquainted with
their Situation as to be able to form a Plan of going to conquer them.
There must have been some particular Cause for their going to War with
a People so far off; what that was it would be difficult to imagine; if
it was only to shew their Prowess, they must have had Enemies nearer
home, against whom there was a greater Probability of succeeding.
Neither could it be at that Distance, as they had one continued Scene
of Fatigue until they reached the Streights; their Hearts broken by
Reason of the Disappointment, the Heat of Summer, no venturing ashore
but for a very short Time, either for Food or Refreshment, as they
expected the Conquerors to follow them with Canoes, it would have
been impossible for them to have reached the Streight. If they had a
hundred Leagues a direct Course until they attained the Place of their
Imbarkation, and by going round the Bays, might be near twice that
Distance, the Current also against them, it would be sufficient, stout
young Fellows, and full of Blood as they were, for what they underwent
to be fatal to them. It is evident the Streight was not far from where
they imbarked, and the Relation seems to express it so, as they had
such a Fatigue in attaining to it. Allowing the _Tete Plat_ to be in
Long. 108 Degrees from _London_, and the true Course was W. S. W. or E.
N. E. on their return, with a Distance of a hundred Leagues, they would
alter their Latitude 114 Miles, and make 277 Miles Departure, which,
with 27 Miles to a Degree, would make the Place of their Imbarkation to
be in Longitude 98 from _London_, about the Longitude of _Ronquillo_.
As to the Latitude where the _Tete Plat Indians_ live, and as to
the Longitude it is but conjecture; there is such a Discordancy
and Contradiction in the Maps, there is such Uncertainty, that the
North-west and West Parts beyond _Hudson_'s Bay in the Latitude of
_Churchill_, seem to be entirely unknown. But this is to be observed,
and which has been my Direction in these Observations, the _Northern
Indians_ and the _Home Indians_ about the Factory of _York_ Fort,
mention these _Tete Plat Indians_, and speak of them as their Enemies,
therefore they cannot be at so great a Distance as the Western Ocean,
neither further than where I have supposed their Country to be. For
as the Time the _Indians_ were going there three Months, that is not
to be considered so much with respect to the Distance, as they would
choose a proper Season, when there were the fewest _Indians_ in the
Towns, and were mostly engaged abroad in their Summer hunting. Perhaps
there are no People who plan better in the Partizan Way, and execute
with more Success. They fix the Time they intend to make their Attack
before they set out, then proceed easily and gradually towards their
Enemy's Country, allowing a Sufficiency of Time in which they may
recover any Accident by which they might be delayed, as unseasonable
Weather, Difficulty and Disappointments as to procuring Subsistance,
or any Indisposition, that they go to Action in their full Strength
and Vigour; as an _Indian_ who conducts an Expedition would be as much
contemned for Want of Prudence, on his Return to the Towns, as he would
for his Want of Conduct in leading his People to an Attack, and when
the Enemy was too powerful not bringing them off without the Loss of a
Scalp. In either of which Cases the young People, who observe freely
the most exact Discipline, and implicitly obey what he orders, would
not go any more to War with him.
Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made this Passage is uncertain. _Gibbons_
was acquainted with _Bylot_, was Shipmate with him in Sir _Thomas
Button_'s Voyage. _Bylot_ was also with _Gibbons_ the Time he lost his
Season, by being detained in the Ice. _Bylot_ made an Expedition for
Discovery of a Passage in the Year 1615, on Sir _Thomas Button_ having
at a Trial of a Tide off the Island of _Nottingham_, in _Hudson_'s
Streights, found it came from the North-west, and to be from an Opening
at the Back of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_, this Tide he went in Pursuit
of; and was as far up as Lat. 65 Deg. 26 Min. then supposed where he
was was nothing but a Bay, but could not (he had gone up the East)
return down the West Shore. Whether _Gibbons_ took his Information from
_Bylot_, and pursued his Plan, is uncertain, and found his Way round
the Head of _Repulse_ Bay. He was also acquainted with what _Fox_ had
done, who went into Lat. 66 Deg. 5 Min. so further than _Bylot_, who
did not return down the Western Shore; but his People being indisposed,
and not finding a North-west Tide, he hastened home. These Parts,
therefore, were not properly searched, the Conclusion drawn for there
not being a Passage there, being that the Tide came from the Eastward.
Or whether _Gibbons_ went through _Hudson_'s Bay is equally uncertain.
The undiscovered Parts of which Bay, or the Openings that were not
determined in the Expedition in the Year 1747, are in a Map hereto
annexed. But the Termination of _Chesterfield_'s or _Bowden_'s Inlet
hath been since searched by the Direction of the _Hudson_'s Bay
Company, and a Plan made of it, which I have not seen. Their Design was
to go as far up such Inlet until it terminated, or there was a Passage
into another Water. But as it is terminated by Land, and if there is
no Inlet or Opening left on the North or South Shore unsearched, or a
Survey taken from the Heights, by which they could be satisfied there
was no Communication with any other Waters by which there could be a
Passage, it is to be concluded that _Chesterfield_ Inlet is no Streight
or Passage as was expected, and it appeared to be as far as the
_Californias_ Boat went up, according to the Report made at that Time.
The People who had been in the Boat belonging to the _California_, when
the Ship was going up _Wager_ Bay, where, from the Depth of the Water,
the Breadth between both Shores, the high mountainous Land, there was
great Reason to believe there was a Streight or Passage: Those People
declared, if there was a Streight they were assured that _Chesterfield_
Inlet was a Streight also.
There remains then to be searched for the Discovery of a Passage, the
Opening called _Pistol Bay_, in _Hudson_'s Bay. That Part which _Bylot_
and _Fox_ left undetermined, along the Coast to Southward of _Baffins_
Bay called _Cumberland_ Isles, which entirely consists of large Inlets
and broken Lands. We may be too premature in our Conclusions as to
the Impracticability of such a Passage from the high Latitude and the
Shortness of the Season, as we have the Instance of the _Boston_
Ship, which was so far advanced in the Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s
Bay in the Month of _August_; and some Time would be taken up in
finding out the Way. The strong Tides that set in, and the Current when
to Westward, which there is apparently in the other Sea, may give an
Expedition that may compensate against the Shortness of the Season. It
is but a short Time that would be required to pass that Part of the
Passage which lies in those high Latitudes, as the Course would be soon
altered to the Southward.
[Illustration: Map of
The _DISCOVERIES_ made
in the
NORTH WEST PARTS
_OF_
HUDSONS BAY.
By Cap^t. Smith in
1746 & 1747.]
_Seyxas y Lovera_, in his _Theatro Naval Hydrographico_, in the seventh
Chapter, P. 426, says, 'North-east of _America_ there is the Coast
of _Greenland_, from sixty to sixty-eight Degrees, where there is to
the East the Entrance of the Streight of _Frobisher_. North-west in
the different Islands which compose the Northern Parts of _America_,
there is the Entrance of the Streight of _Hudson_, where the _North
Sea_ communicates with the _South Sea_, passing out of the Entrance
of the Streight of _Anian_, which runs North-east and South-west to
the Northward of the Island of _California_, which Streight is hid by
great Gulphs on the Part that is North of _America_, which contain such
great Islands, as _Cumberland_ (or _Estoliland_) that are more than
one hundred Leagues in Length from North-east to South-west, and their
Extremity from East to West more than seventy Leagues.'--Page 44. 'Some
hold it for certain that you can sail from _Spain_ to _China_ through
those Streights, or to _Japan_, or to the Lands of _Eso_, in three
Months. As says also Doctor _Pedro de Syria_; but it is the Opinion of
_D. T. V. Y._ Author of the History of the _Imperial_ States of the
World, that he holds it for uncertain whether there is such Streight
by which you can pass from the _North_ to the _South Sea_.--P. 45.
There were some of the Subjects of the King of _France_, who offered
themselves, if they could get his Majesty's Licence, to perform that
Voyage in four Months; entering the _Canal de Hudson_ from out of the
Ocean, with a Course North-west or West North-west, taking always a
Sight of the Coast at Noon, they should attain to the Height of the
_Arctic_ Circle, or one Degree more, as in making that Voyage they
will be favoured in that Part by the Currents and Winds from the East
and South-east, and afterwards in their Passage by the Streight of
_Anian_, the Winds and Currents would be from the North.--It is said
that some Strangers (on what Occasion is not said) have gone that Rout;
and that there is in the Archives of the Admiralty of _Lisbon_, and
of the _Contratacion at Seville_, a Copy of such Rout; what I here
observe is the same with what _Don Francisco de San Millan_ observes,
from which or from the Copy of which Rout to be seen in various
Languages, or the Disposition of the said Streights, he holds it for
certain that there is such a Course, and relates, That a _Hollander_,
on the Evidence of a _Spaniard_ who was aboard his Ship, from the
North of _California_, forced by the Winds from South-west, attained
to sixty-six Degrees North-east, afterwards took a Course East, and
East South-east, came into fifty-eight Degrees, when he entered the
_North Sea_ to Northward of _Terra Nova_, from thence to _Scotland_,
and from _Scotland_ to _Lisbon_, in less than three Months from the
Port of _Nativadad_ to _Lisbon_, of which Voyage he makes no Doubt.'
And _Seyxas_ observes, he hath seen many other Accounts of Voyages
made from _Holland_, also from _England_, to the _South Sea_ in three
or four Months, which he much doubts, from the Shortness of the Time;
also as in the _Spanish_ Historians they have an Account of what passes
in the several Parts of the _South Sea_, in _Cathay_, and _China_, and
no such Thing is to be found in the _Bibliotheca_ of the Licentiate
_Antonio de Leon_, which sets forth all the Discoveries and Voyages
which have been made from any Region from the Year 1200 in _America_.
It is plain from the Account of _Seyxas_, he doth not determine
absolutely for a Passage, but that there is a Passage is his Opinion.
His chief Objection is to the Accounts from the Brevity of the Time in
which the Voyages were said to be performed, and there being no Account
in a careful Writer of the Discoveries made in those Parts. He doth
not confine the Passage to _Hudson_'s Bay, as I understand him, but to
the Streight and the other Openings to Northward through _Cumberland_
Isles, and that they go up into as high a Latitude as the _Arctic_
Circle. Which is agreeable to _Acosta_'s Account, and gives a further
Explanation to his Meaning than I have already done. As to which Isles,
and to the Northward and Eastward of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_, it is
apparent, from the Perusal of the Voyages, there hath been no certain
Account on a compleat Discovery as to those Parts. What he says as
to the Voyage of the _Hollander_, it must be observed it was while
_Holland_ was under the _Spanish_ Government in the Reign of _Philip_
the Second, and seems to be the same Voyage, of which Mention hath been
made that an Account was found amongst the Papers of that Prince.
It hath been shewn to have been the constant Opinion of there being a
North-west Passage, from the Time soon after which the _South Sea_ was
discovered near the Western Part of _America_, and that this Opinion
was adopted by the greatest Men not only in the Time they lived, but
whose Eminence and great Abilities are revered by the present Age.
That there is a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay, there hath been
given the concurrent Testimony of _Indians_; and of Navigators and
_Indians_ that there is a Streight which unites such Sea with the
Western Ocean. The Voyage which lead us into these Considerations,
hath so many Circumstances relating to it, which, now they have been
considered, shew the greatest Probability of its being authentick;
which carry with them as much the Evidence of a Fact, afford as great
a Degree of Credibility as we have for any Transaction done a long
Time since, which hath not been of a publick Nature and transacted in
the Face of the World, so as to fall under the Notice of every one,
though under the Disadvantage that the Intent on one Part must have
been to have it concealed and buried in Oblivion. Transacted also by
Persons in a private Part of the World, who only spoke of it amongst
their Friends at home, being themselves Strangers to what they had
effected, and made little Account of their Voyage. Besides the Chagrin
of their Disappointment, and the illnatured Reflections it might
subject them to, they might think it also best not to communicate it
to the Publick, as it might encourage others to the like Undertaking,
and so they fall into the Hands of the _Spaniards_, not only at the
Hazard of their Ship, but their Lives, or at least subject them to many
Hardships such as they had sustained to no Purpose. Therefore they
thought proper to say little about their Discovery, as it might only be
a Means of entrapping some brave Adventurers, who might be animated by
their Example to a like Undertaking. These would be and were, by its
being so little published on their Parts, (and no Accounts of it in
_England_, which shews their Friends were under an Injunction not to
make it publick) the Resolutions of such sensible and sagacious Men as
_Gibbons_ and _Shapley_ were agreeable to which they acted. All which
Circumstances considered, what Degree of Evidence can be required more
than hath been given to authenticate this Account of _de Fonte_?
Those who argue against a North-west Passage have no better Foundation
for their Arguments, Than that there is no Tide from Westward. Which
is arguing only for the Truth of a System, and hath nothing to do
with the Reality of a Passage, and in all Probability hath been the
principal Occasion that a Passage hath not been compleated: For a
different Course of the Land, and no Tide from Westward, concluded any
further Searches in such Part, but on a due Survey made of the Map, as
the Tide will enter up the Streight of _de Fuca_, and probably other
contiguous Entrances which are not yet known, besides the North-east
Branch of the _South Sea_, which we suppose to join with such Streight;
the Tide would fill that Sea on the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, and the
Openings but be checked to the Northward by the Current; and may be
hindered from coming into _Hudson_'s Bay through the Inlet from Causes
not known, or there being great Indraughts on the opposite Shore, which
may take off the Force of the Tide, and cause it to come but a small
Way up such Inlet. There is Reason to believe the proper Passage is
up the Streight of _de Fuca_, therefore that is the proper Streight
of _Anian_, as _de Fonte_ proceeded no further than _Los Reyes_, and
declared there was no North-west Passage; but the North-east Part of
the _South Sea_ hath a Communication, as is expressed in the Map, in
describing which a Certainty cannot be expected, or an Exactness but
what may be contradicted if a Discovery be made. The Design of the Map,
besides what relates to the Expedition of _de Fonte_, is to shew there
is a Streight, called the Streight of _de Fuca_. A Sea at the Head of
that Streight, at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, from which Sea there is
a Passage either by an Inlet into _Hudson_'s Bay, or by a Streight
at the Head of _Repulse_ Bay, and so to Northward of _Hudson_'s Bay;
from which Streight there is a Passage into the _North Sea_, either to
Eastward of the Land of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_ into _Hudson_'s Streight,
or by _Cumberland_ Isles, and expressed in the Map in the Manner that
the respective Accounts represent, according to our Understanding of
them, with a Submission to Correction and superior Judgment. But an
absolute Contradiction without invalidating the Accounts on which such
Map is constructed, or to say there is no North-west Passage, which it
is impossible should be determined until a Search is made in the Parts
which remain to be searched, are no Objections, are only Opinions,
without any Authority to support them, which Time must rectify.
To make an Expedition to discover whether there is a Passage by those
Parts which remain unsearched, purposely from _England_, is what I
think an honest, disinterested, or impartial Person cannot recommend,
as such Expeditions might be repeated with great Expence, and the Event
uncertain. The Government gave their Assistance, and the Generosity of
the Merchants hath been sufficiently experienced, both in _England_ and
_America_: Therefore it becomes every one whose Intention it is solely
that such a beneficial Service should be done to avoid proposing what,
might, in the Consequence, be an unnecessary Expence to Government, and
abuse the Generosity of the Merchants.
The Ships which went on these Expeditions, after they left the
_Orkneys_, had no Place to put into, neither could they there Wood or
Water, or conveniently repair a Damage. If they met with a Delay in
passing _Hudson_'s Streights, they were obliged, from the small Part of
the Season that was remaining, to go to the _Hudson_'s Bay Factories to
winter; that they might have the more Time the next Year; were obliged
to go to the Factories earlier than they were necessitated on Account
of the Weather, in order to get their Ships laid up, and every other
Convenience for wintering prepared before that the Winter set in. The
_Hudson_'s Bay Company, jealous of a Design to interfere with their
Trade, probably their Fears not ill grounded, the Consequence was,
there was no Cordiality between the Factors and the Captains. The Ships
People, by wintering, suffered in their Health, great Wages going on,
a Consumption of Provisions, a Spirit of Discontent and Opposition
amongst the inferior Officers, which obstructed the Success of the next
Summer. To obviate all which in any future Proceedings, a Discovery
was undertaken on the Coast of _Labrador_, to find Harbours on that
Coast which Ships; could repair to if necessary on their Voyage out, or
to repair to on their return, which they could be at sooner than at
the Factories, stay longer on Discovery, and return the same Year to
_England_. How well this Attempt answered the Design, may be collected
from the Extract from a Journal of a Voyage hereunto annexed, performed
in the Year 1753, giving an Account of the Coast of _Labrador_. As
what is now to be done in the Discovery of a Passage in _Hudson_'s
Bay may be effected in a Summer, and if there is the desired Success,
an Inlet found by which there is a Passage into the Sea adjacent out
of that Bay, the Vessel which makes such Discovery, and all Ships at
their return by such Inlet, will have no Occasion to go to the Southern
Part of the Bay, it will be out of their Course, but proceed through
the Streights to _Labrador_, there Wood and Water, get fresh Fish, and
other Refreshments; can repair any Damage either as to their Masts, or
their Hull, and return the same Year to _England_ by the common Tract
of the _Newfoundland_ Ships, and not to go to the _Orkneys_.
That there was a good fishing Bank, a Coast convenient for carrying
on a Fishery, a Fur Trade, also for Whalebone and Oil with the
_Eskemaux Indians_, was a Discovery the Consequence of that Attempt
from _America_. To take the Benefit of which Discovery seems now to
be the Intention of the Publick. And a Survey of such Coast being
ordered to be made by the Government, if such Survey is extended so
far as to those Parts, in which as already mentioned such Passage
must be, and without it is so far extended, the Design of attaining a
true Geographical Account of the Northern Coasts of _America_ would
be incompleat. By this Means it must be known whether there is such
a Passage, the Probability of which is unquestionable. Also by such
Survey a better Account will be got which Way the Whales take their
Courses, and consequently where it is best to go in Pursuit of them.
Also as to those _Eskemaux_ who frequent to Northward of _Hudson_'s
Streights, where they retire to, and a proper Place be found to keep
a Fair with them. As these _Eskemaux_ as well as those on _Greenland_
Side, who have not come into those Parts any long Duration of Time,
being the same Kind of _Indians_ with those in the _South Sea_, and
as they transport themselves and Families from one Part to another
by Water, it seems highly probable that it is by such a Passage or
Streight that they have got so far to Eastward. This Discovery of a
Passage can be made without any additional Expence, wove in with other
Services, as was in the Discoveries which were ordered to be made by
the King of _Spain_ on the Coasts of _California_. The Propriety of a
Vessel to make such a Survey, and the Abilities and Fidelity of the
Persons will be undoubtedly taken Care for. The Run from _Labrador_,
let it be from any Harbour, will be but small to any where, where it
is necessary to make the Survey. The Persons sent will go fresh out
of Harbour, whereas, with a Run from the _Orkneys_, the People are
fatigued; will now be refreshed as if they had not come from _Europe_.
Will be out from such Harbour but a few Weeks, in a fine Season of the
Year, no Way debilitated by the Scurvy, and in a few Summers will be
enabled to compleat their Survey of that Coast; using such an Assiduity
as they proceed as not to leave any Part on Supposition or Trust, but
being assured where any Inlet or Opening determines. A Person who
understands _Eskemaux_, and one or more _Eskemaux_ to be procured,
would be of Service as Pilots, and to give an Account of the adjacent
Country. And there is no Vessel (it is mentioned as perhaps it is not
so very well known) so proper and serviceable for this long-shore
Work as a Marble-head Schooner, about sixty Tons, fortified as to the
Ice, and would be at all Times a useful Tender, and a proper Boat if
necessary to be left at the _Labrador_. What would give due Force to
such Expeditions, would be the Commodore of the Man of War being so
near, under whose Eye the Whole would be done, who would direct their
fitting out, receive their Report on their return, order a Review if
necessary, and be the Occasion of that due Subordination and Obedience
both of Officers and Men, which it is often very difficult to effect
on such Voyages. Merit will then be distinguished, and the Credulity
of the Persons at home will not be imposed on, and no Discouragement
of those who distinguish themselves in the Execution of such laudable
Attempts. Such a Passage being discovered, and the Sea entered to
Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay, the Manner of proceeding afterwards must be
left to superior Judgment.
APPENDIX.
AN
ACCOUNT
Of Part of the Coast and Inland Part of
THE LABRADOR:
BEING
An EXTRACT from a Journal of a Voyage made
from _Philadelphia_ in 1753.
The Coast of _Labrador_ to Northward of the Latitude of 57 Deg. 30
Min. is represented by Captain _Benjamin Gillam_ (an Extract of whose
Journal the Author had) as a perilous Coast, and without any Inlets;
therefore the Design was to fall in with the Land to Southward of
that Latitude, which was attempted _August_ the 2d; a thick Fog, but
expected when more in with the Land to have clear Weather. They saw Ice
at times the whole Day, and in the Evening found themselves imbayed
in a Body of Ice, and plainly perceiving Points of Rocks amongst the
Ice, stood out again during the whole Night for a clear Sea, which they
fortunately obtained the next Morning.
It was then proposed to stand yet more Southward, to make the Land in
Latitude 56°, and search the Inlet of _Davis_. From the 3d to the 9th
had various Weather, the Air temperate, Calms and light Winds, thick
Fogs for some Days, the latter Part of the Time haizey, with Rain,
which was succeeded the 10th of _August_ with a hard Gale of Wind that
moderated on the 11th, and clear Weather: Saw Rockweed, some Kelp, Land
Birds, a Number of large Islands of Ice, but no flat Ice; concluded in
the Afternoon that they saw the Looming of the Land in Lat. 56 Deg. 2
Min. Long. 56 Deg. 42 Min. at Eight at Night had Soundings 95 Fathom,
at Ten at Night 80 Fathom.
_August_ the 12th, fine pleasant Weather; at Eight o'Clock had 40
Fathom Soundings, and at Ten made the Land, bearing W. by S. ten
Leagues. Many Islands of Ice, but the Wind contrary for _Davis_'s
Inlet, stood towards another Opening which promised a good Harbour; but
not being able to attain it before Night, stood on and off until the
next Morning, fine pleasant Weather; and _August_ the 13th, by Four in
the Morning, were in with the Land. A Whaleboat, with proper Hands,
was sent to sound a-head, and find a Harbour. Soon after a Cry was
heard from an Island to Northward; there appeared to be five Persons.
Some Rings, Knives, Scissors, and Iron Hoop, being taken by the People
into the Boat, after rowing about a League they entered into a small
Harbour, near the Place where the five Persons were first seen, but
who had retired. Entering the Harbour they saw Shallops built after
the _Newfoundland_ Manner, at Anchor, with Buoys and Cables, a Mast, a
square Yard athwart, with a Sail bent, a Tilt made of Seal Skins abaft.
These Boats were tarred, that Summer's Work. Upon the Sight of these
Boats a Doubt arose whether they were _Indians_ whom they had seen, or
some unfortunate Shipwrecked People.
When the Boat got further into the Harbour two _Eskemaux Indians_ came
off, the one a Man in Years, the other a young Man. The elder Man
had a small black Beard. The elder Man being presented with a Ring,
immediately put it on his Finger; the young Man did the same when one
was presented him. Both declined accepting Pieces of Iron Hoop, a very
agreeable Present to the _Eskemaux_ on the Western Side _Hudson_'s
Bay. They knew what Fire-arms were, which they saw in the Boat: Also
asked for some Pork, which they saw, and had been taken into the Boat
for Fear the Schooner and the Boat should be separated; and, on the
Boatsmen not having a Knife immediately ready, they produced a Knife
apiece; and the elder Man used the Word _Capitaine_ in his Address; had
a Complaisance in his Behaviour. From these Circumstances it was plain
they carried on a Trade with the _French_; tho' the latest _French_
Authors represented them as a savage People, who would never have any
Commerce with them. And a Motive for this Undertaking was from an
Opinion, that no Trade had been carried on in these Parts, either by
_Europeans_ or _Americans_, the printed Accounts and common Report both
agreed in this. It was apparent to whom these Boats belonged; and there
were more than twenty _Eskemaux_ ashore, of various Sexes and Ages, who
kept shaking of old Cloaths for Sale; and the elder Man pressed the
People in the Boat very much to come ashore, also to bring the Schooner
to an Anchor, which was standing on and off; but as the Day advanced,
the Situation the Schooner was in, being many small Islands about, and
a fine Opening which promised a good Harbour in the main Land, they
declined the Invitation; and there was an _Eskemaux_ ready with a large
Coil of Whalebone, seemingly for the Boat to warp in to a small Cove
and make fast with. These Civilities were acknowledged by a Present
being sent to those ashore, and after shewing where they intended for,
the Boat returned aboard the Schooner.
The People on board the Schooner, as they advanced towards the Inlet
where they expected a Harbour, hoisted their Ensign, which was
very large, and fired two Swivels by way of Salute; soon after the
_Eskemaux_ displayed on the Rocks a large white Ensign, on a high
Pole; and when there was Occasion to lower the Schooner's Colours, the
_Eskemaux_ lowered theirs; the Schooner's Colours being again hoisted,
they hoisted theirs; but a Squall of Sleet and Rain came on, which
prevented their having a further Sight of each other. At Six in the
Evening the Schooner was anchored in a convenient Harbour, a level
Shore, with high rocky Land, bare in Spots, the other Parts covered
with a good Herbage and large Groves of Trees, Firs, Spruce, and Pine.
An Evening Gun was fired to give the Natives Notice where the Schooner
was, and also a good Watch was set.
_August_ the 14th, at Day, they fired a Swivel aboard the Schooner,
and displayed their Colours as a Signal for Trade; and a Party went
ashore to ascend the Heighths. The largest Trees did not exceed ten
Inches Diameter, and fifty Feet in Heighth; many Runs of excellent
Water, Ponds in level Spots; the Country had an agreeable Aspect, a
plentiful Herbage, the Flowers were now blown, the Berries not ripened,
and the _Angelica_, of which there was great Quantity, not seeded. They
had a very laborious Walk before they attained the desired Summit; the
Musquetoes very troublesome. Being on an extraordinary Eminence they
saw the North and South Point of the main Land, or two Capes which form
a Bay, the Northermost was computed to be something to the Northward
of Latitude 56, and the Southermost in Latitude 55. The Shore high
and bold, to Northward a Number of Reefs of Rocks lying out a great
Way into the Sea, in the Southern Part of the Bay many Islands and
two Inlets. Sixty Islands of Ice of large Dimensions in Sight. In the
ascending this Heighth, saw many Moose Deer Paths, Tracts of other
Animals; and in the Ponds Trouts of about ten Inches in Length. On the
Shores few Fowl but Ducks, and a Plenty of Muscles. The Weather very
warm and pleasant. The Schooner's People found a Barrel, a Hogshead
Stave, and a Piece of hewed Wood, on which it was conjectured that this
was no unfrequented Harbour.
The next Morning, the 15th of _August_, the Boat was sent to carry
two Persons to the Head of the Harbour, that they might travel to a
Mountain about ten Miles off, to take a View of the inland Part of the
Country. When the Boat returned, the People brought Word they had seen
the Ruins of a Timber House. The Boat was again manned to go and take
a Survey of it; and it appeared to have been a House built for some
Persons to winter in, of Logs joined together, part standing, with a
Chimney of Brick and Stone entire. The House consisted of three Rooms,
a Log Tent near, and a Pit dug in which they seemed to have buried
their Beer. The Ground cleared at a Distance round: The Woods burnt,
several Hogsheads and Barrels, and seemingly a great Waste of Biscuit,
Pork, Salt Fish, and other Provisions, which seemed as if those who
had been here had retired with great Precipitation; neither had been
long gone, as there were fresh Feet Marks on the Strand, and some Trees
lately hewn. The Marks on the Cask shewed that the People were from
_London_; and it was supposed that as the _Eskemaux_ had not come to
trade, there had been a Fray between the _Eskemaux_ and these People;
and when they considered the compleat Manner in which the Boats were
equipped and rigged, doubted whether the _Eskemaux_ had not overpowered
them, and had some of the People with them. The great Earnestness with
which the elder of the _Eskemaux_ made Signs for the People in the Boat
to go ashore, seemed to be with a particular Design: Therefore it was
thought prudent to be very careful in the Watch at Night, to strike
the Bell every half Hour, to keep a continual Walk on Deck, and call
_All is well_, that the _Eskemaux_ might hear, if they should intend a
Surprize, that the People aboard were on their Guard.
The Morning of the 16th they run up to the Head of the Harbour with the
Schooner, to Wood and Water, there being Plenty of Wood ready cut, and
a Place conveniently dammed up to confine a fine Stream of excellent
Water which came from the Heighths. There was then found several Pieces
of printed Books, in _German_ and _English_, the _English Moravian_
Hymns. Peas, Beans, Turnips, and Radishes planted, which seemed as if
they would come to no great Perfection, and judged to have been sowed
about three Weeks. The wooding and watering was finished by Ten at
Night, but with no small Trouble on Account of the Musquetoes, though
great Smoaks made to keep them off.
The two Persons who had been sent to view the inland Country returned
in the Morning, after having spent a rainy Night in the Woods; gave
an Account that they had been forced to go round several small Lakes,
which made the Way longer than expected; and the Mountain was very
steep and rugged: Saw several large Spots of excellent Meadow: The
Timber much the same as that on the Shores of the Harbour: That they
saw two Inlets to Northward, extending a great Way into the Land: That
it was only the Branch of an Inlet that the Vessel was at Anchor in;
but they saw the Termination of the Inlet to be in large Ponds.
The 17th of _August_ the Schooner was to return to her first Anchorage,
with an Intention to search the Inlets to Northward; but the Wind
proved contrary, and a hard Gale, though the Weather pleasant. The 18th
the Wind moderated, and the Schooner returned to her former Anchorage;
but the Wind did not serve to quit the Harbour until the 19th in the
Afternoon; the Interval of Time had been filled up in brewing Spruce
Beer, and doing other necessary Work with respect to the Sails and
Rigging. At Six in the Evening was close in with the Island, where
they had seen the _Eskemaux_, but now gone. It was not until the 21st,
by reason of Calms and Currents, that they attained to the Inlet to
Northward. Those who had been sent out with the Boat to sound a-head,
had seen on the Shore an _Eskemaux_ Encampment, from which they were
but very lately retired, and brought from thence a Piece of a Jawbone
of a Spermaceti Whale, which was cut with a Hatchet. It was plain from
that the _Eskemaux_ were supplied with Iron Tools: They also found a
Piece of an Earthen Jar. They judged there had been about eleven Tents.
The 22d of _August_, in the Morning, the Ship's Company catched some
Cod; they were but small, but fine full Fish. The Whaleboat was sent up
with some Hands, to sound and find a Harbour: And three Persons went on
Shore to a high Summit, about four Miles off, to view the Country: Saw
in their Way many Tracts of Deer, a deep Soil, good Grass, and met with
several large level Spots, with Ponds of Water; thick Groves of Timber,
and a plentiful Herbage. The Country, from this Summit, appeared to
consist of Ridges and Mountains; and as the Weather changed from fine
and pleasant, to thick and hazey, they saw the Clouds settle on several
Ridges of the Mountain, near them, as also on the Heighth where they
were, and under them. And when they returned the People on board said
they had had some smart Showers of Rain, which those who had been on
the Heighth were not sensible of.
In the Afternoon they proceeded with the Schooner to a Harbour which
those who had been sent out with the Whaleboat had discovered, an
extraordinary fine Harbour; and it may be here observed in general,
that most of the Harbours are very fine ones. There are many of them,
and not far the one from the other.
There were on the Shore, in many Places, the Remainder of _Eskemaux_
Encampments, but some Time since they had been there. Timbers of Boats,
on the Shores, which were much decayed, had laid long in the Weather;
in the Carpenter's Opinion the Boats they had belonged to must have
been built fifteen or twenty Years, seemed to be the Timbers of such
Boats as had been seen with the _Eskemaux_.
The succeeding Day there was such Weather as they could not proceed;
the Day after, the 25th, run up the Inlet about eight Leagues from
the Harbour, which was about eighteen Leagues from the Entrance of
the Inlet. As they proceeded they found the Country more level, thick
Woods, intermixed with Birch Trees, and both Shores afforded a pleasant
Verdure. They could not proceed further with the Schooner, by Reason
of Falls; which, being surveyed the next Day, might be passed with the
Schooner, but with some Difficulty. Therefore early in the Morning of
the 27th, at a proper Time of Tide, when the Falls were level, a Party
went in a Whaleboat, with a small Boat in tow loaded with Provisions,
Bedding, and a Sail for a Tent, to explore the Head of the Inlet.
The furthest they could get with the Boat was about five Leagues,
being intercepted by impassable Falls, about 300 Feet in Length, and
forty Feet their perpendicular Height, though of gradual Descent. The
Fall Rocks, but the Bank of the Northern Shore, which was steep, was
a Kind of Marl, without any Mixture of Stone; and no frozen Earth
here, or in any other Part, usual in _Hudson_'s Bay, as was proved by
repeated Experiments: Therefore it may be concluded that this is a more
temperate Climate in Winter than in any Part about _Hudson_'s Bay, in
the same or lower Latitudes.
From the first Falls to the second there were large Levels along Shore,
the Mountains at a considerable Distance within Land, especially those
on the North Side. The Mountains and Shores thick cloathed with Pine,
Spruce, Birch, and Alder, much larger and of better Growth than those
Trees nearer the Sea Coast; some Pines measured twenty-five Inches in
Diameter. In a Pond, on the North Shore, saw two Beaver Houses, and
there were Plenty of Beaver Marks, as Dams, Trees barked and felled by
them. The Water was fresh between the first and second Falls. Poles of
_Indian_ Tents in many Places along Shore, Lodgments only for single
Families, tied together with Strips of Deer Skin, and no Encampments
after the _Eskemaux_ Manner, shewed that a different _Indians_ from the
_Eskemaux_ resorted into this Part. The whole Country had a pleasant
Appearance; but as they came near to the upper Falls, the Verdure of
the Woods, barren Points of Rocks that exalted themselves, terminating
the View, the Disposition of the Woods which had all the Regularity
of Art, joined to the Freedom of Nature, the Gloom of the Evening,
the slow steady Course of the Water, and the Echoes of the rumbling
Fall, afforded such a Scene as affected even those that rowed; and
they said, it was the pleasantest Place they had ever seen. On a level
Point, beautifully green, situated at a small Distance from an Opening
in the Woods, and in full View of and Hearing of the Falls, there were
the Poles of an _Indian_ Tent, which, from the Ashes scarce cold, a
Breast-bone of a wild Goose, with some little Meat on it that had
been broiled, Pieces of Birch Bark left, seemed to have been not long
deserted, and the Situation was such as expressed the late Inhabitants
to have the softest Sensations. In coming up the Inlet they had found
where there had been a small Fire made, as supposed, to dress Victuals,
but put out or covered with Turf, a usual Practice amongst Southern
_Indians_ to conceal the Smoke, when they suppose the Enemy is near.
The Boats were securely harboured, a Tent erected, with a good Fire
before it, and the People rested securely all Night.
The next Day, _August_ the 28th, two Persons were detached to a Summit,
in Appearance about twelve Miles off, others went and hung Strings of
Beads, Combs, Knives, and other Peltry, on the Trees, some at a Mile,
and others at a further Distance, from where they kept their Camp all
Day, to invite the _Indians_ to a Converse with them; but no _Indians_
were seen, nor any Thing meddled with. Those who had walked to take
the View from the Summit, saw the Water above the Falls extend a great
Distance into the Country, but not the Termination of it, passing
through Meadow Lands of large Dimensions, and by the Foot of small
rising Land, they saw a large high Ridge of blue Mountains at a great
Distance, running North and South, which was supposed to be the Bounds
of the new discovered Sea in _Hudson_'s Bay: Saw several other Ridges
of Land, but seemingly more level than those to Seaward; passed over
in travelling several Spots of excellent Soil, the Timber of good Size
and Growth. There was a great Plenty of Grass and Herbage; walked a
great Way in an _Indian_ Path, and saw several marked Trees, as is
practised amongst the Southern _Indians_. They returned in the Evening,
much fatigued with the Heat of the Sun, and swelled with the Bites of
Musquetoes, and a small black Fly, like those in _England_ called a
Midge. Those that staid at the Encampment were also much plagued with
these Insects.
The Latitude of the upper Falls was 54 Deg. 48 Min. near the imaginary
Line that bounded the _English_ and _French_ Limits in these Parts;
and it being supposed that the two Inlets, seen from the Height above
the Harbour where they first anchored, would terminate in the _French_
Limits; they therefore had declined making any Search there, and
proceeded to search the Inlet to Northward.
The next Morning they set out to return to the Schooner, with a Design
to search the other Inlet to Northward, seen from the Mountain at the
Back of the first Harbour, but not seen since by Reason of a high Ridge
of Mountains, as it was supposed, that covered it. In the Night there
had been a sharp Frost, and early in the Morning a thick Fog. About
Ten in the Morning they were returned to the Schooner. Several of the
People, contrary to the written Instructions which were left, had
rambled from the Vessel, got on the Heights, rolled down the _Indian_
Marks, which are Stones that they put up one on another on the Knolls
and Summits of Hills, to direct them in their journeying; a Proceeding
which was highly dissatisfactory to the Commander, considering the
Disposition which it was found the Natives were in, and whom, with the
greatest Industry, they could not get a Sight of. The People had shot
some few Fowl, which were plentier in this Inlet than any where that
they had seen, but very shy and wild. They sailed that Afternoon to the
Harbour which they were at when they first entered this Inlet.
_August_ the 29th they sailed out of this Inlet to go to the Northward,
keeping within a Ledge of Islands, as they might pass no Part of the
Coast unsearched. Met with some Difficulties amongst the Shoals and
Rocks; but about Four in the Afternoon were clear of all, and plyed to
Windward to enter the third or more Northern Inlet, which they had now
open. Saw at the Head of a pretty deep Cove, on the South Side in that
Inlet, a strong Smoke arise, and that immediately answered by a lesser
Smoke on the Northern Side of the Inlet. The Smoke on the Northern
Side the Inlet continued towering and freshening; on seeing which they
immediately steered for the Cove, supposing the Smoke to be made by the
Natives as a Signal for Trade; but were delayed entering by the Tide
of Ebb. At Sunset were surprised with a Squall of Wind, which came on
in a Moment, and the Schooner in extreme Danger of being ashore on the
Rocks. A hard Gale succeeded, but they fortunately attained a Harbour,
which had been before discovered by the Boat, and rode secure.
The 31st of _August_, the Weather being moderate, two Persons went over
the Heights to the Head of the Cove, in Pursuit of the Natives; and
three Persons went in a Boat to the Head of the Cove, with some trading
Goods, and to pass the two who walked, over the Water if it ran up into
the Country, and the Natives should be on the opposite Shore; but after
rowing up about two Leagues they found a Termination of the Water,
landed and ascended the Heights, where they found a very large Plain,
without Ponds, and a fine Soil, which they passed over and descended
into a Valley, thick Groves, good Grass, and large Ponds. Here they met
with a Bear; which one of the People firing too precipitately missed.
Several Bears had been seen before, some Foxes, many Tracts of Wolves,
both on the Shores and Inland, and in one Place Otter Paths.
Three of the People were sent to return with the Boat aboard, and two
set out to go up a Mountain which promised a good Sight of the Country,
and seemed possible that they might attain to the Summit of it, and
return to the Schooner that Night; but were deceived by the Height of
the Mountain as to the Distance they were from it. In the Ascent they
found great Declivities and Hollows in the Sides of the Mountain, the
Rocks rent in a most surprising Manner, having Rents or Fissures in
them from thirty to seventy Feet in Depth; some tremendous to look
down, and not above two or three Feet in Breadth. The Dogs that were
with them would not, after looking down, jump over them, but howled
and took a Sweep round. In the Levels and Hollows on the Side there
lay great Heaps of fallen Rock. Some Stones or solid Pieces of ten
or fifteen Tons Weight, besides innumerable lesser Pieces. And found
a Patch of Snow in one of the Hollows, about forty Feet in Breadth,
and fourteen Feet in perpendicular Height, frozen solid, and seemed
of the same Consistence with the Islands of Ice. The Persons, though
constantly labouring, did not attain to the Top of the Mountain until
about Half an Hour before Sunset, where they found a thin Air, and
a fresh sharp cold Wind; though below, and in their Ascent, they had
experienced pleasant warm Weather, and little Wind. From the Mountain
they perceived a Smoke, about ten Miles off more inland, the usual
Practice of the _Indians_ in the Evenings, when they form their Camps,
to make a Fire to dress their Provisions, and to be by all Night; and
it was then suspected that they were flying more inland, and that the
Smokes seen the Night before were Signals from one Party to another to
retire on seeing the Schooner, supposing us Enemies. It was too late
that Night to return to the Head of the Cove, therefore encamped that
Night on the Side of the Mountain in the Woods, near to a level Spot
without the least Unevenness of above six Hundred Feet in Breadth, and
three Hundred over, exactly resembling a Pavement without any Fissure
or Opening in it. The next Day got to the Head of the Cove, near twelve
Miles from the Mountain; on a Signal made the Boat fetched them aboard,
where the People expressed in their Countenances a universal Joy at
seeing their Commander safe returned, which was a great Satisfaction
to him, as it was an Instance more sincerely expressed than by formal
Words addressed to him, that they looked on their Security to depend
on his Preservation. The Wind was contrary to their getting out of the
Harbour that Afternoon; but the Boats were employed in seeking the best
Channel for the Schooner to go out at.
The Morning of _September_ the 2d, the Wind proved favourable, and
that Evening they got a good Way up the third Inlet. When they were
some Way up the Inlet, they discovered a Smoke upon an Island at the
Entrance of the Inlet, and, when at Anchor, a Smoke also on the North
Shore. Therefore by Day-light, _September_ the 3d, the Time when
Smokes are most discernable and looked out for by the _Indians_, a
Person was sent to fire the Brush on an Eminence ashore, to answer
that Smoke seen on the North Shore the Night before. Then the Schooner
proceeded up the Inlet, and by Ten o'Clock was come to the Extremity
of it, which terminated in a Bay of very deep Water, surrounded by
very steep Mountains, with Groves of Trees on them; but they found a
good Anchorage in a Cove, and an excellent Harbour. The Heights being
ascended, it was perceived there was a narrow Streight out of this
Inlet, which communicated with Ponds. And that there was a fourth Inlet
to Northward, and which extended further to Westward than the Inlet
which the Vessel was now in, and about four Miles off, beyond the Hills
there appeared a towering Smoke, upon the Sight of which the Persons
who went to take the View returned aboard to get some Provisions, and
a Parcel of trading Goods, and set out again with an Intention to seek
the Natives, and spend the Night amongst them. The Boat put them ashore
where it was thought most convenient and nearest Place to the Smoke,
but it proved otherwise; for after travelling about three Miles they
fell in with a Chain of Ponds, which they were forced to go round. Hot
sultry Weather, the Woods thick, without the least Breath of Wind,
infinite Number of Musquetoes and Midges. But by being thus to go round
the Ponds, had the Satisfaction of seeing several Beavers Dams made
to keep out the Tide Waters. They saw a Continuance of the Smoke, and
shaped a Course for it; but when on the Heights perceived that the
Smoke was on an Island about two Miles off the Shore in the fourth
Inlet, therefore returned to the Vessel that Night.
The 4th of _September_, in the Morning, they towed out of the Harbour
they were in, the Wind soon after sprung up, and by Night they go out
of the Inlet, and anchored amongst some Islands, just at the Entrance
of the fourth Inlet.
The next Morning, _September_ the 5th, entered the fourth Inlet; but
being becalmed a small Time catched above fifty Cod, much such as they
had before taken. By Twelve o'Clock were abreast of the Island where
they had seen the Smoke on the 3d, and which was four Leagues from the
Entrance: Could perceive no Natives, but several Fires, and that there
had been a great burning of the Brush; soon after saw a Snow lying
at an Anchor, which hoisted _English_ Colours, and fired a Gun. They
hoisted the Colours aboard the Schooner, fired a Swivel, and bore away
for the Snow. The Wind was fresh, and, as the Schooner was entering the
Harbour, two People came running over the Rocks, hailed, but it could
not be well understood what they said; but it was a friendly Precaution
as to some Rocks which lay off there. The Snow's People then took to
their Boat, and made a Trip to view the Schooner as she was coming to
an Anchor, and then returned aboard. A Whaleboat was hoisted out, and
a Person sent in it to go aboard the Snow, and know where she was from,
and to let the Captain know they would be glad to see him aboard the
Schooner.
The Person sent, and Capt. _Elijah Goff_ the Commander of the Snow,
returned aboard in a short Time; and the Particulars of what the
Captain related were, That the Snow was fitted out by Mr. _Nesbit_,
a Merchant in _London_: That he, the present Captain, had been the
Year before Mate of the same Vessel on this Coast: That she was then
fitted out by _Bell, Nesbit_ and Company; the intended Voyage kept a
great Secret. They had, the Year before as a Captain, a _Dane_ who had
used the _Greenland_ Trade, and could talk the _Eskemaux_ Language.
That the Snow had been at _Newfoundland_, and afterwards came on the
_Labrador_ Coast; but being Strangers to the Coast, and the Captain
very obstinate, the Vessel was several Times in Danger, which raised a
Mutiny amongst the People, who had formed a Resolution of seizing the
Ship, and bearing away for _Newfoundland_; which Mutiny was appeased,
and the People consented to go to the _Labrador_, where they harboured
_July_ the 20th, in the same Harbour which the Schooner first entered
this Year. They brought with them four of the _Unitas Fratrum_, or
_Moravian_ Brethren, who were to remain during the Winter, to attain
an Acquaintance with the Natives, and lay a Foundation of Trade: That
the House, the Ruins of which the Discoverer saw, was built for the
Residence of these Brethren; and, being compleated by the Beginning of
_September_, the Snow left them in Possession of it, and set out to
make Discoveries, and pursue a Trade to Northward: That they had some
Trade in _Nesbit_'s Harbour, the Name they had given to the Harbour
where the House was, and also on the Coast before they arrived at the
Harbour: That when they went to Northward; in about Lat. 55° 40´ off
the Islands, amongst which the Schooner had harboured the preceding
Night, some _Eskemaux_ came aboard, and told the _Dane_ Captain there
were some trading Boats come from the Northward, with Plenty of Trade,
and advised the Captain to come where they were. The Captain asked, Why
they would not come along Side? The _Eskemaux_ said, It was dangerous
on Account of the Surf. The Captain and six others went in the Ship's
Boat, with a Quantity of Goods to trade, but had no Fire Arms with
them, though advised to take them; but the Captain said, No, they were
very honest Fellows. Captain _Goff_ saw the Boat go round an Island,
upon which there was a Number of Natives; but the Island hindered him
from having any further Sight of the Boat. After the Boat had been gone
about an Hour, he saw one or two of the _Eskemaux_ with his Glass peep
over the Rocks; but never after saw any more of the Boat, the Snow's
People, or the _Eskemaux_. That the Snow lay at a League Distance from
the Island; he had no other Boat, one being left with the _Moravian_
Brethren. Capt. _Goff_ waited three Days, and then returned with the
Snow to the Harbour where the House was. The Snow being short of
Hands, he took the _Moravian_ Brethren aboard, leaving a Quantity of
Provisions sufficient to subsist the unhappy People who were missing
should they come there, until his Return. They put the Key of the House
and a Letter in a Hole of a Tree; but on his Return this Year found the
House in Ruins, the Casks and Hogsheads broke to Pieces, and the Key
and Letter gone. That what was sowed there was by Way of Experiment.
Capt. _Goff_ judged that the _Eskemaux_ traded with the _French_, as
their Fishgiggs, Knives, and Boats, were _French_; and the _Eskemaux_
told them there was a Settlement of twenty _Europeans_ to Southward,
which they supposed to be somewhere to Southward of Lat. 55, the
Latitude of the Cape they had named Cape _Harrison_, which is the
Southermost Cape that forms the Bay in which is _Nesbit_'s Harbour,
and the high Saddleback Land within, which is first seen off at Sea
they named _St. John_'s. He said that one of the _Eskemaux_ offered a
Quantity of Whalebone for a Cutlass, which they are very fond of; the
_Danish_ Captain insisted on having more, the _Eskemaux_ answered, If
he would not take it that Capt. _Saleroo_ would; alluding, as supposed,
to the Captain or Factor at the _French_ Settlement. The Boats the
_Eskemaux_ had were _French_: They spoke many _French_ Words. And the
Women worked the Boats, turned them to Windward, and were very expert
in the Management of them.
The Account given by the Master who went in the Schooner's Boat to
fish for Cod (Capt. _Goff_ not having yet got any) to the People in
the Boat was, That Mr. _Nesbit_ was only, in this Case, an Agent or
Factor for the _Moravian_ Brethren, who aimed at a Settlement in these
Parts, and to attain a Propriety by a prior Possession, but that no
Propriety would be allowed of by our Government: That Petitions had
been flung into the Board of Trade for Patents for the _Labrador_, but
were rejected, and a free Trade would be permitted to all the Subjects
of _Great Britain_; which open Trade was the original Design on which
this Discovery was undertaken by the People in _America_; the Execution
of which was not only interrupted by private Persons stealing the
Scheme, and being before hand, but hath been a great Hindrance to the
Fisheries being carried on in those Parts, a Trade established with
the inland _Indians_ and the _Eskemaux_, and further Advantages which
will be known, on our being better acquainted with those Parts. For as
to this Severity of the _Eskemaux_, inexcusably barbarous, yet there
were some Provocations which might have been avoided, and which incited
those _Eskemaux_ to this Act, whose Hatred and Revenge, the Character
of most _Indians_, are rouzed at the slightest Causes. It appears from
a Journal of the Boatswain, wherein he makes a Valuation of the Trade,
that they had bought a Hundred Weight of Whalebone for Six-pence. The
_Eskemaux_ were also treated with great Contempt and Rudeness. A Person
aboard had bought a Pair of _Eskemaux_ Boots; and carrying them into
his Cabbin, an _Eskemaux_ followed claiming the Boots as his, saying
that he who sold them had no Right to sell them; and the Buyer settled
the Matter by presenting a Pistol at his Head. On which the _Eskemaux_
cried out in the _French_, _Tout_, _Comerado_, and retired.
Capt. _Goff_ came this Year in Hopes to recover the People who were
missing with the Boat, and to make a further Essay as to the Trade, but
brought no Settlers with him, intended immediately for the Coast, which
he could not attain to on Account of the Ice, and went to _Trinity_ Bay
in _Newfoundland_, where he staid some Time. Sailed from thence the
27th of _June_; the 2d of _July_ saw _French_ Ships in the Streights of
_Belle Isle_, retarded by the Ice; and the 9th of _July_ joined Capt.
_Taylor_ in a Sloop of about 35 Tons, fitted out from _Rhode Island_
to go in Pursuit of a _North-west Passage_; and if not successful to
come down on the Coast of _Labrador_. Capt. _Goff_ said he had learned
by Capt. _Taylor_ that the _Philadelphia_ Schooner would be out, and
he should have suspected this to be her, but she entered the Inlet
so readily, and came up with that Boldness as could not but think
that the Schooner was a _French_ Vessel acquainted with the Coast;
and he had received Orders to avoid any Harbour in which a _French_
Ship should appear. Capt. _Taylor_ had seen a large _French_ Sloop in
Latitude 53, and to the Northward three hundred _Eskemaux_, who had
nothing to trade but their old Cloaths, and who were going further to
Northward, but were hindered by the Ice. Capt. _Goff_ and _Taylor_, who
had entered into an Agreement to associate, were eight Days grappled
to the Ice, and did not arrive at _Nesbit_'s Harbour until the 20th
of _July_. But had traded with some of the _Eskemaux_ before, though
for small Matters, and had some of these _Eskemaux_ aboard for three
successive Days, who then left them, and came no more aboard the
Vessels. Capt. _Goff_ suspected, though he had altered his Dress, that
they had then recollected him. The 1st of _August_ they sailed from
_Nesbit_'s Harbour, and attained to this Inlet where he now was; and
on the 11th sailed to the Northward, when Capt. _Taylor_ left him; and
on the 25th returned here again. That the Smoke which the Persons saw
on the Island when they travelled over Land, and which the Schooner
passed that Day, was made by his Order, but that he had not made any
other Smoke, and this was for a Direction for his Longboat, gone to the
Northward to trade, and to signify to Capt. _Taylor_ his being in the
Harbour, whose Return he expected.
Capt. _Goff_ said he had been in no Inlet but _Nesbit_'s Harbour, and
in this where the Snow was; and that Capt. _Taylor_, in the Snow's
Longboat, had searched the Head of this Inlet, shewed a Draught of the
Coast, which was defective, as he knew nothing of the intermediate
Inlets. Had no Account of the inland Country; of there being any Beaver
or other Furs to be acquired there; or of there being any Mines, of
which the Schooner's People had seen many Instances, and had collected
some Ore. Capt. _Goff_ had two _Dutch_ Draughts of the Coast, made from
late Surveys; but they were very inaccurate, the Views taken from Sea,
and there the Land appeared close and continued; the Inlets, excepting
that in which they now were, appearing like small Bays, their Entrance
being covered by Islands. They had, this Year, found the Corpse of one
of those who went in the Boat, stripped and lying on an island.
It being rainy Weather, and the Wind contrary to the Schooner's going
up the Inlet, they were detained, and on _September_ the 8th the
Snow's Longboat returned, after having been out fourteen Days, with
some Whalebone, and a Quantity of _Eskemaux_ Cloathing, which being
examined to find out if the _Eskemaux_ wore Furs, there was only seen
a small Slip of Otter Skin on one of the Frocks. And Capt. _Goff_,
being asked, said he never saw any Furs amongst them. It is pretty
evident the _Eskemaux_ only pass along this Coast, to go and trade
with the _Eskemaux_ in _Hudson_'s Streights, and occasionally put in
as Weather or other Occasions may make it necessary, which keeps the
Native or inland _Indians_ from the Coast, as they are their Enemies.
The _Eskemaux_ go up to Latitude 58, or further North; there leave
their great Boats, pass a small Neck of Land, taking their Canoes with
them, and then go into another Water which communicates with _Hudson_'s
Streights. Carry their Return of Trade into _Eskemaux_ Bay, where they
live in Winter; and the _French_ made considerable Returns to _Old
France_, by the Whalebone and Oil procured from these People. And this
Account is agreeable to the best Information that could be procured.
While the Schooner's People were viewing the Cloaths, Word was brought
that the _Eskemaux_ were coming, who may be heard shouting almost
before that they can be discerned, the Schooner's People repaired
aboard. On the Colours aboard the Snow being hoisted, the Schooner's
People displayed theirs; but the Snow being the nearest, and the Snow's
People so urged the _Eskemaux_ to come along-side them, that they were
afraid to pass. The _Eskemaux_ had no large Boats with them, only
their Canoes, three of which came afterwards along-side the Schooner.
It was perceived that none of the leading People were in the Canoes;
they exposed no Marks or Shew of any Trade they had, which was usual
for them to lay on the Outside their Canoes; nevertheless they were
presented with Rings. It was some Time before they began to trade with
the Snow's People, and then it was carried on in a very peremptory
Manner.
The People in the Schooner, a light Wind springing up, weighed Anchor,
with a Design to proceed up the Inlet, expecting to be followed by
the _Eskemaux_, when they saw that they were not Associates with the
Snow's People, so to have a future Opportunity of trading with them. It
was also consistent with the Design they had of searching this Inlet,
the first Opportunity that offered. They took their Leave of Capt.
_Goff_ as they passed, and when advanced further beat their Drum. The
_Eskemaux_ quitted the Snow and came after the Schooner. The Fire Arms
were all primed and in order aboard the Schooner, but concealed; each
Man had his Station; and they were ordered to treat the _Eskemaux_ as
Men, and to behave to them in an orderly Manner; no hallooing, jumping,
or wrestling with them when they came aboard; not to refuse some of
the _Eskemaux_ to come aboard, and let others, as there were but nine
Canoes in all.
As the _Eskemaux_ came along-side the Schooner, they were presented
each with a Biscuit, a Person standing in the main Chains with a
Basket of Biscuit for that Purpose. Then they aboard the Schooner
shewed a Kettle, a Hatchet, and some other Things, which seemed much
to please the _Eskemaux_. One of them attempting to get into the
Schooner, two of the People helped him in: He was received civilly
on the Quarter-deck; the trading Box shewed him, a Spoon, a Knife,
and a Comb with which he touched his Hair and seemed desirous of,
were given him. Other _Eskemaux_ were by this Time aboard. They were
presented with Fish-hooks, small Knives, Combs, and a King _George_'s
Shilling apiece, which they carefully put into their Sleeves. In the
interim the _Eskemaux_ who came first aboard was gone to the Side, and
called to another yet in the Canoe under the Title of _Capitaine_. The
_Eskemaux_ so called to immediately came aboard, saluted the Commander
with three Congees, and kissed each Cheek. He was presented with a
Spoon and a Knife. Being shewn the Goods, appeared very desirous of
a File, offering old Cloaths for it. But the Commander signified he
would not trade for old Cloaths, but _Shoeeock_ (which is Whalebone in
their Language) or Skins; and the latter he denoted to the _Capitaine_
by a Piece of white Bear Skin that the _Capitaine_ had brought in his
Hand. The _Capitaine_ expressed by his Action that he had not either
Bone or Skins: He was then presented with the File; was shewed a
Matchcoat, which he surveyed very accurately; signed to the Commander
if he was not come round from the South-west, meaning, as supposed,
from _Quebeck_ or the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_. Afterwards took the
Commander under his Arm, and shewed a Desire of going into the Cabbin,
which was complied with. He passed the Door first, and sat down in as
regular a Manner as any _European_, having first accurately looked
about him; but there were no Fire-Arms in Sight. Refused Wine, drank
Spruce Beer; was shewed a Sample of all the Kind of Goods, with which
he seemed well pleased; and it was signified to him that there was
Plenty of them. While in the Cabbin the other _Eskemaux_ who were on
Deck, called to their _Capitaine_, they were invited down. Three of
the _Eskemaux_ came, but it was observable the _Capitaine_ covered the
Goods with a Woollen Cloth, which lay on the Table. They were presented
with Beef and Pudding, which they took, and returned on Deck. The
_Eskemaux Capitaine_ put the Goods into the Box himself very honestly,
and seeming to admire a small Brass-handled Penknife, it was presented
to him. He then returned on Deck, pointed to the Sun, lowered his
Hand a little, then made a Sign of sleeping by shutting his Eyes, and
laying his Hand to his Cheek, and shewed with his Hand to have the
Schooner to come to an Anchor just above. By which it was understood
that a little after that Time the next Day he would be there with
Trade. The Schooner, being by this Time opposite to a narrow Passage or
Streight formed by Islands, through which the _Eskemaux_ had come into
this Inlet, the _Capitaine_ ordered his People into their Canoes, and
retired with a Congee himself, after repeating the Commander's Name, to
see if he had it right, and which he had been very industrious to learn
while he was in the Cabbin. The Commander attended him to the Side;
and seeing in his Canoe a War-bow and Arrows, which are of a curious
Construction, pressed him to let him have them, though the same Thing
as asking a Man to part with the Sword he wore. The _Capitaine_, by
Signs, shewed he could not part with it, and seemed to express it with
great Reluctance that he could not. This Circumstance, and their having
no Women with them, caused the Schooner's People to think they looked
upon themselves, when they set out, as coming amongst their Enemies.
The Drum was beat until they were out of Sight; and the _Capitaine_,
just before he lost Sight of the Schooner by being shut in by the
Islands, pointed to the Sun, and the anchoring Place. The _Eskemaux_,
while aboard, behaved with great Decency and Silence; though at first
they began to jump and halloo, as they had done aboard the Snow; but
finding the People of the Schooner not so disposed, soon left off.
Soon after the Schooner was anchored in an excellent Harbour, the
Snow's Boat came along-side, with the first Mate and Agent. They
were asked to mess; and it being enquired of them how far they had
been with the Longboat in the last Trip, said to Latitude 57° 14´:
Had seen no _Eskemaux_, but within a few Days, though they had been
out fourteen Days. The Mate said, that he had chased a trading Boat,
with two _Eskemaux_ in it, who had endeavoured to avoid them, and
dodged amongst the Islands; but he came up with them as though he had
been a Privateer's Boat; run bolt aboard them, and so frightened the
_Eskemaux_ that they fell on their Knees, cried out, _Tout Comerado_,
and they would have given him all they had. He said they took out the
Whalebone, which he brought aboard, about a Hundred and fifty Weight,
and paid them for it as much as he saw the Captain give. He saw other
_Eskemaux_ at times ashore, where they invited him, but would not
venture; and fired a Blunderbuss, charged with thirteen Bullets, over
them, which caused some of them to fall down, others to bow. Some
_Eskemaux_ came along-side, and traded their Cloaths; but with great
Fear, crying out, _Tout Comerado_, as he had four Men armed standing
in the Bow of the Boat. Said that those _Eskemaux_ had, who were just
gone from the Schooner, the Peoples Cloaths who had been trepanned the
last Year, particularly a brown Waistcoat, which had had white Buttons
on it, and a white Great-coat. The Great-coat meant was a _French_
Matchcoat, which the _Eskemaux_ Captain had on, made up in a Frock
according to the Manner that they wear them. The supposed brown Jacket
was a _French_ brown Cloth, and there were two _Eskemaux_ who had them.
The Mate said the Schooner's People had talked of some Inlets; but
no Answer was made, on which he declared there was no Inlet between
_Nesbit_'s Harbour and where they then were, nor any Inlet to Northward
between that and Latitude 57° 14´. After making some Enquiries, as to
what the Schooner's People further intended, quitted, and made for the
Streight the _Eskemaux_ had passed through.
This is mentioned as an Instance of what Caution should be used, as
to the Choice of Persons sent on Expeditions to explore unfrequented
or unknown Parts, as the Adventurers may be Sufferers, and the Reason
of their being so a Secret, and thereon pronounce decisively no
Advantages are to be made, thus deprived of what might be greatly to
their private Emolument in Time under a proper Conduct, and to the
Benefit of the Publick. And there is a further Misfortune attending an
improper Choice, which every social and generous Man will consider.
That according to the Impressions that _Indians_ receive on the first
Acquaintance, a lasting Friendship may be expected, or an Enmity
and Jealousy very difficult to remove, who, in the interim, will
execute their Revenge; not on those who gave the Offence, but on all
indiscriminately of the same Complexion, when an Opportunity offers.
Reasons would be unnecessarily urged in Support of what Experience
proves, and of which there have been several melancholy Examples on
this Coast. By a Privateer from _New York_, some Years since, the
first Offence was given; those who have gone since have done nothing
to mollify or abate this Enmity and Revenge. There could be no
Expectation of a Reconciliation with these _Indians_, to the great
Improvement of Commerce in various Branches, but by the Measures taken,
the sending some of his Majesty's Ships into these Parts to explore
and get a Knowledge of the Coast; and the Commanders to establish a
Regulation, which will be a Satisfaction and Encouragement to every
fair Trader; and where the Trade long since might have been brought
to some Perfection, had it not been from the little dirty Avarice of
those employed by private Adventurers, who hindered the original Design
having a due Effect; and by interfering the one with the other, to
their mutual Prejudice, they prevented those Returns on their Voyages
which might have been otherwise made. The Consequence was, all future
Attempts were dropt, and it was indeed rendered almost impossible that
any fresh Undertakings should meet with Success, by the Difficulties
flung in the Way on Account of the Natives, but which will now be
effectually removed by the Government giving their Assistance.
The next Morning three People were sent from the Schooner to go on
the Heights, to discover the Water the _Eskemaux_ had gone into, and
to see if the _Eskemaux_ were coming. The Account brought back was,
that there was seen an _Indian_ trading Boat or Shallop under Sail,
which presently tacked and stood towards four other Shallops. They all
lowered Sail, and the _Eskemaux_ seemed to be consulting together.
Soon after the People saw the Snow's Longboat coming, the Shallops
hoisted Sail, then went one Canoe, afterwards two more, to the Snow's
Longboat, while the Shallops crouded away. The Schooner's People, after
this Time, had no Opportunity of seeing the _Eskemaux_; and attributed
their coming no more to their Fear of meeting the Longboat, or the bad
Weather, it being wet and blustering for the several succeeding Days.
But they learned, after the Schooner had returned to _Philadelphia_,
that those in the Snow's Longboat followed the Shallops, came up with
them, and took what they had. The Reason is apparent for their not
coming to the Schooner as they had no Trade, and as they might have a
Suspicion that the Schooner's People had a Connivance with those in the
Boat, especially as they might see the three People from the Schooner
standing on the Heights.
The Commander searched the Head of this Inlet, the Shores of which were
the most barren of any that had yet been seen, from the Sea to the Head
of it, about nine Leagues. Upon their Return they found the Snow gone;
they then went through the Streight by which they saw the _Eskemaux_
pass to explore that Water. From this the Discoverer passed between
Islands, without going out to Sea into a second Inlet; and from that to
a third from where he had met the Snow, and the seventh from _Nesbit_'s
Harbour. And the seventh or last Inlet ran a North and Westerly Course,
and terminated the furthest inland, or had the most Western Longitude
of any of the Inlets; and its Head about fifteen Leagues from the Sea.
These last three Inlets to Seaward are separated by very large Islands,
and have Islands lying off directly athwart their Entrance, so that it
is difficult to discover, when within these Islands, that there is any
Outlet to the Sea. The Islands have little Wood on them, and are mostly
barren Rock; but the main Land much as in the other Parts, only the
Inland more level. The blue Ridge of Mountains appeared plainer than
from any other Part. The Latitude of the furthest Inlet about 56.
Having explored these respective Waters and adjacent Country, and
_Davis_'s Inlet, consequently, though it is difficult to which properly
to affix the Name; and the Autumn being far advanced, as was apparent
from the Birch Leaves becoming yellow, the Berries Frost-bit, the
Pines and Spruce turning brown, severe Gales, Snow and Sleet at times,
and excessive cold on the high Land; so as nothing further could be
carried on with any Spirit, but excessive Fatigue, and the Health of
the People, as well preserved as on first setting out, would be now
impaired, with no certain Prospect of doing any Thing further that
was material, sufficient Harbours having been found; on the 20th of
_September_ they set out on their Return.
Leaving the Land favoured with pleasant Weather, an Opportunity waited
for to make an accurate Survey of the Fishing Bank, and to find the
Distance it lay from the Land, which from the Soundings on making
the Land, the seeing the Islands of Ice aground, and the Account
of _Davis_, was known to be there, and named by him _Walsingham_'s
Bank, after the true Patriot and generous Patron of a Discovery of a
North-west Passage. Sounding about a League from Land, with one Hundred
and fifty Fathom of Line, had no Ground. At about six Leagues from
Land, twenty-five Fathoms afterwards various Soundings, and catched a
great many Cod, large and full fed, reckoned by the People aboard, to
be very extraordinary Fish, some of whom from _Boston_ followed the
Employ of fishing for Cod. The Bank was concluded to be about nine
Leagues broad, and ninety Fathom Soundings on the going off it, on the
Eastern Side; and it was concluded, on a pretty good Assurance, that
it reaches from Lat. 57 to Lat. 54, if not further; but the Weather
proving boisterous, as they ran to the Southward, could not continue
their Soundings.
The Schooner sounded with a Hundred and fifty Fathom of Line, close by
an Island of Ice, of a surprising Magnitude, between the Bank and the
Shore, which was aground, and they did not get Soundings.
FINIS.
ERRATA.
Page 16. L. 23. de Fuentes. The, _read_ de Fuentes, the.
44. L. 11. de Fonte's, _read_ de Fonte's Account.
45. L. 36. Don Ronquillo, _read_ Don Pennelossa.
49. L. 18. from, _read_ in.
54. L. 11. to the Southward, _read_ to the Northward.
61. L. 15. it, _read_ this Mission.
67. L. 29. as that worthy, _read_ that worthy.
82. L. 6. New Spain, _read_ Florida.
L. 9. Florida, _read_ Peruan Part.
83. L. 28. is consistent, _read_ is not consistent.
90. L. 17. Rivers and Harbours, _read_ River and Harbour.
106. L. 32. in the Year 1746, _read_ until the Year 1745.
111. L. 6. between the Sea, _read_ the Ocean and the Sea.
136. L. 14. nigh Summit, _read_ high Summit.
DIRECTIONS for placing the MAPS.
Map of _de Fonte_'s Discoveries, in Front.
Map of _New Spain_, from _Torquemada_, Page 86.
Map of the Discoveries in _Hudson_'s Bay, Page 122.
Just published, in QUARTO,
Very proper to be bound with this Book,
I.
VOYAGES from ASIA to AMERICA,
Made by the _Russians_ for completing the Discoveries of the
North-west Coast of _America_. Translated from the _High Dutch_ of M.
MULLER, of the Royal Academy of _Petersburgh_. Illustrated with Maps.
The Second Edition.
II.
The History of KAMTSCHATKA and the KURILSKI ISLANDS, with the Countries
adjacent.
Illustrated with Maps and Cuts. Published at _Petersburgh_ in the
_Russian_ Language, by Order of her Imperial Majesty; and translated
into _English_ by JAMES GRIEVE, M.D.
* * * * *
Transcriber's Notes
The sidenotes April 1708 and June 1708 were printed at the beginning of
each page of the chapter in the original. This duplication has been
removed.
The corrections in the Errata list have been implemented, the first of
which is on page 15, not 16.
Hyphenation has been standardised.
Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.
Other variations in spelling, punctuation and accents are as in the
original.
Italics are represented thus _italic_.
The long s has been replaced throughout.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The great probability of a North West Passage
- deduced from observations on the letter of Admiral de Fonte" ***
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