The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. V: Quebec, 1632-1633

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Title: The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. V: Quebec, 1632-1633
Author: Various
Language: English
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THE JESUIT RELATIONS AND ALLIED DOCUMENTS

VOL. V

[Illustration: PAUL LE JEUNE, S.J.]

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN NEW FRANCE

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH
TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND
FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. V
QUEBEC: 1632-1633

CLEVELAND: =The Burrows Brothers Company=, PUBLISHERS, MDCCCXCVII

_The Imperial Press, Cleveland_

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Translator from the French JOHN CUTLER COVERT

Assistant Translator from the French MARY SIFTON PEPPER

Translator from the Latin WILLIAM FREDERIC GIESE

Translator from the Italian MARY SIFTON PEPPER

Assistant Editor EMMA HELEN BLAIR

CONTENTS OF VOL. V

PREFACE TO VOLUME V 1

DOCUMENTS:--

XX. Brieve Relation dv voyage de la Novvelle France, fait au mois
d'Auril dernier. _Paul le Ieune_; Kebec, August 28, 1632 5

XXI. Relation de ce qui s'est passé en La Novvelle France, en l'année
1633. _Paul le Ieune_ (first installment) 77

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME V 269

NOTES 275

[Decoration]

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. V

I. Portrait of Paul le Jeune, S.J. Photo-engraving from oil painting by
Donald Guthrie McNab _Frontispiece_

II. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1632
8
III. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Le Jeune's _Relation_ of
1633 80

IV. R. C. Church at Penetanguishene, Ont., built in memory of the
Jesuit Martyrs in the Huron country; now in course of construction.
(From a recent photograph.) 295

PREFACE TO VOL. V

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present
volume:

XX. This document (dated Quebec, August 28, 1632) is Le Jeune's famous
_Relation_ of 1632, the first of the Cramoisy series, which were
thereafter annually issued until 1672. In this document, Le Jeune, the
new superior of the Canada mission, relates to the French provincial
of his order, in Paris, the particulars of the stormy passage recently
made by the two missionaries to the New World, in De Caen's ship.
Le Jeune gives his impressions of the country, and of the natives.
He describes the tortures inflicted by some of them, upon three
Iroquois captives. Schools should be established for the youth, if
the adults are to be properly influenced. Mosquitoes greatly torment
the missionaries. The circumstances are related of the landing of De
Caen's party at Quebec, which is found in ruins; mass is celebrated in
the house of Mme. Hébert, and the condition of that pioneer family is
described. Quebec being surrendered to De Caen by the English garrison,
the Jesuits return to their old habitation on the St. Charles, only
the walls of which have withstood the shock of war. Le Jeune then
reverts, in his story, to the condition of the savages, telling of
their simplicity and their entire confidence in the missionaries. The
Jesuits baptize an Iroquois lad, and a native child has been left in
their charge. The successful garden of the mission is described, and
the relator tells how he almost lost his life by drowning.

XXI. Le Jeune's _Relation_ for 1633 is addressed from Quebec to the
French provincial of the order, Barthelemy Jacquinot, in Paris. In
the first installment of the document, given in the present volume,
Le Jeune, as superior of his order in Canada, mentions the kindness
shown the mission by the Company of New France, and the good behavior
of the French at Quebec, during the preceding winter. A description
is given of a visit he made to the savages in the vicinity of that
settlement, and his attempts to learn their language; he tells how the
Montagnais sought shelter near the fort, from the Iroquois; mentions an
eclipse of the moon (October 27); records, as they happened, whatever
events of interest occurred in the colony, giving, in this connection,
considerable information about the traits, customs, and religious ideas
of the Indians.

The narrator tells how his Montagnais interpreter, Pierre, who had
been educated in France, fell into disgrace with the commandant, and
was received by the missionaries, that he might instruct them in his
language. The narrator describes his own difficulties in that pursuit,
and in compiling a native dictionary and grammar.

Le Jeune describes the climate as very cold in winter, and hot in
summer, but healthful; and tells how he learned to use raquettes,
or snowshoes. He has two little boys given him by the savages, and
undertakes to educate them. In his school, are over twenty Indian
children, whose attainments in scholarship are described; and this
leads the way to a strong appeal to the ladies of France to establish
in New France a seminary for girls. He recounts the legends of
the natives about Messou, Manitou, and other deities; also their
superstitions about dreams. In speaking of Father de Nouë's visit to
some of the neighboring tribes, Le Jeune enumerates the hardships
endured by the missionaries in attempting to dwell in the savage camps;
nevertheless, he speaks hopefully of the prospect for mission labors,
especially among stationary tribes, like the Hurons.

A description is given of Champlain's return as governor of the colony;
and of a conference held by the latter (May 24) with the Ottawas, on
their annual trading visit to Quebec. The eloquence and shrewdness
displayed by the savages are dwelt upon.

The Iroquois attack a party of French, wounding and killing several.
The settlement is visited by natives from various tribes from the
upper country; a Frenchman is slain by one of the tribesmen; much
drunkenness occurs among the Indians; who craftily excuse themselves
from responsibility for any crime committed while in that condition,
by telling the Frenchmen it was caused by liquors supplied by them.
The Fathers baptize some savage children, and in caring for the sick
encounter the enmity of the medicine men.

The conclusion of this document will be presented in Vol. VI. of our
series.

R. G. T.

MADISON, WIS., February, 1897.

LE JEUNE'S BRIEVE RELATION

Kebec, Aoust 28, 1632

PARIS: SÉBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1632

SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from original in Lenox Library.

[Illustration:

BRIEVE RELATION DV VOYAGE DE LA NOVVELLE FRANCE,

Fait au mois d'Auril dernier par le P. Paul le Ieune de la Compagnie
de I E S V S.

_Enuoyée au R.P. Barthelemy Iacquinot Prouincial de la mesme Compagnie
en la Prouince de France._

[Decoration]

A PARIS, Chez SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, ruë S. Iacques, aux Cicognes.

M. DC. XXXII.

_Auec Priuilege du Roy._]

BRIEF RELATION OF THE JOURNEY TO NEW FRANCE,

Made in the month of April last by Father Paul le Jeune,
of the Society of JESUS.

_Sent to Reverend Father Barthelemy Jacquinot, Provincial of the same
Society, in the Province of France._

PARIS, SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, ruë St. Jacques,
at the sign of the Storks.

M. DC. XXXII.

_By Royal License._

[3] Brieve Relation dv Voyage de la Novvelle France.

MON R. PERE, Estant aduerti de vostre part, le dernier iour de Mars,
qu'il falloit au plustost m'embarquer au Haure de grace, pour tirer
droit à la Nouuelle France: l'aise & le contentement que i'en resenti
en mon ame fut si grand, que de vingt ans ie ne pense pas en auoir
eu vn pareil, ny qu'aucune lettre m'ait esté tant agreable. Ie sorti
de Dieppe le lendemain, & passant à Roüen, nous [4] nous ioignimes
de compagnie le Pere de Nouë, nostre Frere Gilbert & moy. Estans au
Haure nous allasmes saluër monsieur du Pont, neueu de Monseigneur le
Cardinal, lequel nous donna vn escrit signé de sa main, par lequel
il témoignoit que c'estoit la volonté de mondit Seigneur que nous
passassions en la Nouuelle France. Nous auons vne singuliere obligation
à la charité de de monsieur le Curé du Haure, & des Meres Vrsulines;
Car comme nous n'auions point preueu nostre depart, si le Pere Charles
Lallemant à Roüen, & ces honnestes personnes au Haure ne nous eussent
assistez dans l'empressement, où nous nous trouuions, sans doute nous
estions mal. Du Haure nous tirames à Honfleur, & le iour de Quasimodo
18. d'Auril nous fimes voile.

[3] Brief Relation of the Journey to New France.[1]

MY REVEREND FATHER: Having been notified by you on the last day of
March that I should embark as early as possible at Havre de grace,
to sail directly for New France, the joy and happiness that I felt
in my soul was so great that I believe I have experienced nothing
like it for twenty years, nor has any letter been so welcome to
me. I left Dieppe the next day, and, going to Roüen, [4] Father de
Nouë, our Brother Gilbert, and I united in one company. Being in
Havre, we went to pay our respects to monsieur du Pont, nephew of
Monseigneur the Cardinal, who gave us a passport[2] signed by his
own hand, in which he said that it was the wish of the Cardinal
that we should go to New France. We are under peculiar obligations
to the benevolence of monsieur the Curé of Havre, and of the
Ursuline Mothers:[3] for, as we had not foreseen our departure, if
Father Charles Lallemant, of Roüen, and these good people in Havre,
had not assisted us in the hasty preparations we were obliged to
make, we should, without doubt, have been very badly off. From
Havre we went to Honfleur, and on Low Sunday,[4] April 18th, we set
sail.

Nous eumes au commencement [5] vn tres-beau temps, & en dix iours
nous fimes enuiron six cens lieuës, mais à peine en peumes nous faire
deux cens les trente trois iours suiuans. Ces bons iours passez nous
n'eumes quasi que tempestes, ou vent contraire, hormis quelques bonnes
heures qui nous venoient de temps en temps. I'auois quelquefois veu
la mer en cholere des fenestres de nostre petite maison de Dieppe:
mais c'est bien autre chose de sentir dessous soy la furie de l'Ocean,
que de la contempler du riuage; nous estions des trois & quatre iours
à la cappe, comme parlent les mariniers, nostre gouuernail attaché,
on laissoit aller le vaisseau au gré des vagues & des ondes, qui le
portoient par fois sur des montagnes d'eau, puis tout à coup dans des
abysmes; vous eussiez dit que les vents estoient déchainez contre
nous; à tous coups [6] nous craignions qu'ils ne brisassent nos mats,
ou que le vaisseau ne s'ouurit: & De fait il se fit vne voye d'eau
laquelle nous auroit coulé à fond, si elle fût arriuée plus bas, ainsi
que i'entendois dire. C'est autre chose de mediter de la mort dans sa
cellule deuant l'image du Crucifix, autre chose d'y penser dans vne
tempeste, & deuant la mort mesme. Ie vous diray neantmoins ingenuëment,
qu'encor que la nature desire sa conseruation, que neantmoins au fond
de l'ame ie sentois autant ou plus d'inclination à la mort qu'à la vie;
ie me mettois deuant les yeux que celuy qui m'auoit conduit dessus la
mer, auoit de tres-bons desseins; & qu'il le falloit laisser faire;
ie n'osois luy rien demander pour moy, sinon de luy presenter ma vie
pour tout l'equipage. Quand ie me figurois que peut-estre dans peu
d'heures, ie me verrois au milieu des [7] vagues, & par aduanture dans
l'épaisseur d'vne nuict tres-obscure, i'auois quelque consolation en
cette pensée, m'imaginant que là où il y auroit moins de la creature,
qu'il y auroit plus du Createur, & que ce seroit là proprement mourir
de sa main: mais ma foiblesse me fait craindre, que peut-estre si cela
fust arriué i'eusse bien changé de pensée & d'affection.

We had fine weather at first, [5] and made about six hundred
leagues in ten days; but we could hardly cover two hundred on
the following thirty-three days. After this fine weather we had
little but storms and contrary winds, except a few pleasant hours
which were vouchsafed us from time to time. I had sometimes seen
the angry sea from the windows of our little house at Dieppe; but
watching the fury of the Ocean from the shore is quite different
from tossing upon its waves. During three or four days we were
close-reefed, as sailors say, our helm fastened down. The vessel
was left to the will of the billows and the waves, which bore it at
times upon mountains of water, then suddenly down into the depths
of the sea. You would have said that the winds were unchained
against us. Every moment [6] we feared lest they should snap our
masts, or that the ship would spring a leak; and, in fact, there
was a leak, which would, as I heard reported, have sunk us if it
had been lower down. It is one thing to reflect upon death in
one's cell, before the image on the Crucifix; but quite another to
think of it in the midst of a tempest and in the presence of death
itself. But I say to you honestly, that, although nature longs for
its preservation, nevertheless, in the depths of my soul, I felt
quite as much inclination to death as to life; I kept constantly
before my eyes, that he who had brought me upon the sea had some
good purpose, and that he must be allowed to do as he pleases. I
dared not ask of him anything for myself, unless it were to offer
up my life for all on the ship. When I realized that in a few hours
I might see myself in the midst of the [7] waves, and perhaps in
the depths of the blackest night, I found some consolation in the
thought that there, where there would be less of the creature,
there would be more of the Creator, and that it would be really
dying by his hand. But my weakness makes me fear that perhaps, if
that had really happened, my thoughts and inclinations might have
been greatly changed.

Au reste nous auons trouué l'hyuer dans l'esté, c'est à dire dans
le mois de May & vne partie de Iuin, les vents, & la bruine nous
glaçoient, le Pere de Nouë a eu les pieds & les mains gelées, adioustez
vne douleur de teste ou de cœur qui ne me quitta quasi iamais le
premier mois; vne grande soif, pour ce que nous ne mangions que choses
salées, & il n'y auoit point de fontaine d'eau douce dans nostre
vaisseau. Nos cabanes estoient [8] si grãdes, que nous n'y pouuions
estre ny debout, ny à genoux, ny assis, & qui pis est, l'eau pendant la
pluie me tomboit par fois sur la face. Toutes ces incõmoditez estoient
communes aux autres, les pauures mattelots enduroient bien dauantage.
Tout cela est passé, Dieu mercy, ie n'eusse pas voulu estre en France.
Tous ces petits trauaux ne nous ont point encor, comme ie croy, donné
la moindre tristesse de nostre depart. Dieu ne se laisse iamais
vaincre; si on luy donne des oboles, il donne des mines d'or, encor me
semble-il que ie me suis mieux porté que le Pere de Nouë, lequel a esté
fort longtemps sans quasi pouuoir manger; pour nostre Frere, il est
comme ces animaux Amphibies, il se porte aussi bien sur la mer que sur
la terre.

But, to speak of other things, we found winter in summer; that is
to say, in the month of May and a part of June, the winds and the
fogs chilled us; Father de Nouë's feet and hands were frozen; and,
besides this, I had pains in my head or heart, which scarcely left
me at all during the first month; and a keen thirst, because we
ate nothing but salted food, and there was no fresh water upon our
vessel. The size of our cabins was [8] such that we could not stand
upright, kneel, or sit down; and, what is worse, during the rain,
the water fell at times upon my face. All these discomforts were
shared by the others; but the poor sailors suffered many more. All
that is past; thank God, I would not have wished to be in France.
All these little afflictions have not as yet, I believe, caused us
the least sadness over our departure. God never suffers himself
to be vanquished; if you give him mites, he gives mines of gold.
Still, it seems to me that I get along better than Father de Nouë,
who, for a long time, was hardly able to eat; as to our Brother, he
is like the Amphibious animals; he is just as much at home on the
sea as on the land.

Le iour de la Pentecoste, comme i'estois prest de prescher, ce que ie
faisois [9] ordinairement les Dimanches, & bonnes Festes, vn de nos
mattelots se mit à crier moluë, moluë, il auoit ietté sa ligne, & en
tiroit vne grande. Il y auoit desia quelques iours que nous estions sur
le banc, mais on n'auoit quasi rien pris. Ce iour là on en prit tant
qu'on voulut. C'estoit vn plaisir de voir vne si grande tuerie, & tant
de ce sang répãdu sur le tillac de nostre nauire. Ce rafraichissement
nous vint fort à propos, apres de si longues bourrasques.

On Pentecost day, just as I was ready to preach, as I usually [9]
did on Sundays and great Fête days, one of our sailors began to cry
out, "codfish! codfish!" He had thrown in his line and had brought
out a large one. We had already been on the banks several days, but
had caught very little. On that day we drew in as many as we liked.
It was a pleasure to see so great a slaughter, and so much of this
blood shed upon the deck of our ship. These fresh supplies were
very welcome to us after such continuous storms.

Le Mardy d'apres, premier iour de Iuin, nous vimes les terres, elles
estoient encor toutes couuertes de neiges, l'hyuer tousiours grand
en ces païs, & l'a esté extremément cette année. Quelques iours
auparauant, sçauoir est le 15. & 18. de May, estans encor éloignez des
terres enuiron deux cens lieuës, nous auions rencontré deux glaces
d'vne enorme grandeur [10] flottantes dans la mer, elles estoient plus
longues que nostre vaisseau, & plus hautes que nos masts, le Soleil
donnant dessus vous eussiez dit estre des Eglises, ou plustost des
montagnes de crystal: à peine auroy-ie creu cela si ie ne l'auois veu.
Quand on en rencontre quantité, & qu'vn nauire se trouue embarrassé là
dedans, il est bien tost mis en pieces.

On the following Tuesday, the first day of June, we saw land. It
was still covered with snow, for the winter, always severe in this
country, was extremely so this year. Some days before, to wit,
the 15th and 18th of May, being still distant from land about two
hundred leagues, we had encountered two icebergs of enormous size,
[10] floating upon the sea. They were longer than our ship and
higher than our masts, and as the sunlight fell upon them you would
have said they were Churches, or rather, mountains of crystal. I
would hardly have believed it if I had not seen it. When a great
number of them are encountered, and the ship finds itself caught
among them, it is very soon broken into pieces.

Le Ieudy 3. de Iuin nous entrames dans le païs par l'vn des plus
beaux fleuues du monde, la grand Isle de terre neuue le ferme en son
emboucheure, luy laissant deux endroits, par où il se dégorge dans la
mer, l'vn au Nord, & l'autre au Sud: nos entrames par celuy-cy qui est
large enuiron de 13. ou 14. lieuës. Si tost que vous estes entrez, vous
découurez vn golfe de 15O. lieuës de largeur; en montant plus haut au
lieu où cette grande riuiere commence à s'estressir, elle a [11] bien
encor de largeur 37. lieuës: où nous sommes à Quebec, esloignez plus de
200. lieuës de l'emboucheure, elle a bien encor demie lieuë.

On Thursday, June 3rd, we passed into the country through one
of the most beautiful rivers in the world. The great Island of
newfoundland intercepts it at its mouth, leaving two openings
whereby it can empty into the sea, one to the North and the other
to the South. We sailed in through the latter, which is about 13
or 14 leagues wide. Upon entering, you discover a gulf 150 leagues
wide; going farther up, where this grand river begins to narrow,
it is [11] even there 37 leagues wide. Where we are, in Quebec,
distant over 200 leagues from its mouth, it is still half a league
wide.

A l'entrée de ce golfe nous vimes deux rochers, l'vn paroissoit rond,
l'autre quarré; vous diriez que Dieu les a planté au milieu des eaux
comme deux colombiers pour seruir de lieu de retraitte aux oyseaux,
qui s'y retirent en si grande quantité, qu'on marche dessus eux:
& si on ne se tient bien ferme, ils s'éleuent en si grand nombre,
qu'ils renuersent les personnes: on en rapporte des chalouppes ou
petits bateaux tous pleins quand le temps permet qu'on les aborde: les
François les ont nommez les Isles aux oyseaux. On vient dans ce Golfe
pour pescher des baleines, nous y en auons veu quantité, pour pescher
aussi des moluës. I'y ay veu grand nombre de loups marins, nos gens
[12] en tuerent quelques-vns. Il se trouue dans cette grande riuiere
nommée de S. Laurens, des marsoins blancs & non ailleurs; les Anglois
les appellent des baleines blanches, pource qu'elles sont fort grandes
à comparaison de marsoins; ils montent iusques à Quebec.

At the entrance of this gulf we saw two rocks, one appearing to be
round, the other square. You would say that God had thrown them
into the midst of the waters, like two dovecotes, as a retreat for
the birds that withdraw there in such multitudes that you would
almost tread upon them; and if you do not obtain a good foothold,
they rise up in such numbers that they may knock you over. Boats,
or little skiffs, full of them are brought back to the ships, when
the weather permits approach to these islands, which the French
have named the Isles of birds.[5] Ships come into this Gulf on
whaling expeditions. We have seen a great many fishing also for
cod. I saw here a number of seals, and our people [12] killed some
of them. In this great river, which, is called the St. Lawrence,
white porpoises are found, and nowhere else. The English call them
white whales, because they are very large compared with the other
porpoises; they go up as far as Quebec.[6]

Le iour de la Saincte Trinité nous fumes contraints de relascher à
Gaspay; c'est vne grande baie d'eau qui entre dans ce païs; c'est
icy où nous mimes pied à terre pour la premiere fois depuis nostre
depart. Iamais homme apres vn long voyage n'est rentré dans son païs
auec plus de contentement que nous entrions au nostre; c'est ainsi
que nous appellions ces miserables contrées. Nous y trouuames deux
vaisseaux, l'vn de Honfleur, l'autre de Biscaye, qui estoient venus
pour la pesche des moluës. Nous priames ceux de Honfleur de [13] nous
dresser vn autel pour dire la Saincte Messe dans leur cabane. Ce fut
à qui y mettroit la main, tant ils estoiẽt aises: aussi leur disoy-ie
en riant, qu'en bastissant leur cabane ils ne pensoiẽt pas bastir vne
Chapelle. Comme ie vins à l'Euangile qui se lit ce iour-là à la Messe,
& qui estoit le premier que ie prononçois en ces terres, ie fus bien
estonné entendant ces paroles du Fils de Dieu à ses Disciples, _Data
est mihi omnis potestas in cælo & in terra, euntes ergo docete omnes
gentes baptisantes eos in nomine Patris_, &c. _Ecce ego vobiscum_ &c.
Ie pris bon augure de ces paroles, quoy que ie visse bien qu'elle ne
s'addressoient pas à vne personne si miserable que moy; aussi m'est-il
aduis que ie viens icy comme les pionniers, qui marchent les premiers
pour faire les tranchées, & par apres les braues soldats viennent
assieger, & prendre la place.

On the day of Holy Trinity, we were compelled to stop at Gaspay,[7]
a large body of water extending into this country. It was here that
we trod land for the first time since our departure. Never did man,
after a long voyage, return to his country with more joy than we
entered ours; it is thus we call these wretched lands. We found
here two ships, one from Honfleur and the other from Biscaye, which
had come to fish for cod. We begged the people from Honfleur to
[13] raise an altar for us, that we might celebrate the Holy Mass
in their cabin; and there was a strife among them as to who should
work upon it, so greatly were they pleased. So I said to them,
laughingly, that in building their cabin they did not think they
were building a Chapel. When I came to the Gospel appointed for
that day in the Mass, and which was the first that I had read in
these lands, I was very much astonished in hearing these words of
the Son of God to his Disciples, _Data est mihi omnis potestas in
cælo & in terra, euntes ergo docete omnes gentes baptisantes eos in
nomine Patris_, etc. _Ecce ego vobiscum_, etc. I took these words
as a good omen, although I clearly saw that they were not addressed
to so poor a person as I. But it is my opinion that I come here
like the pioneers, who go ahead to dig the trenches; after them
come brave soldiers, who besiege and take the place.

[14] Apres la Messe nous entrames dans les bois, il y auoit encor
quantité de neige, si ferme qu'elle nous portoit. Le matin il gela
assez fort, comme i'allois lauer mes mains à vn torrent d'eau qui
decouloit des montagnes, ie trouuay les bords tous glacez. Nos gens
tuerent icy quelques perdrix fort grises, & aussi grosses que nos
poulles de France. Ils tuerent aussi quelques lieures plus pattus que
les nostres, & encor vn peu blancs, car les lieures en ce païs cy sont
tous blancs, pendant les neiges, & pendant l'esté ils reprennent leur
couleur semblable à celle des lieures de l'Europe.

[14] After Mass we went into the woods; the snow was still very
deep, and so strong that it bore our weight. In the morning there
was a hard frost; and, when I went to wash my hands in the torrent
of water which flowed down from the mountains, I found the edges of
it completely frozen. Here our people killed a number of large gray
partridges, as large as our chickens in France. They also killed
some hares, larger-footed than ours, and still a little white; for
in this country the hares are all white, while the snow lasts, and
during the summer they resume their color like that of the European
hares.

Le iour suiuant nous nous remimes sous voile, & le 18. de Iuin nous
moüillames à Tadoussac; c'est vne autre baie d'eau, ou vne anse fort
petite, aupres de laquelle se trouue vn fleuue nommé Sagué qui se
iette dans la grande riuiere de S. Laurens, ce fleuue [15] est aussi
beau que la Seine, quasi aussi rapide que le Rosne, & plus profond que
plusieurs endroits de la mer, car on dit qu'il a bien 80. brasses de
profondeur aux endroits où il est le moins profond. Comme nous allions
dire la Saincte Messe à terre, l'vn de nos soldats tua vn grand aigle
aupres de son aire, il auoit la teste & le col tout blanc, le bec & les
pieds iaunes, le reste du corps noiratre, il estoit gros comme vn coq
d'Inde. Nous auons icy seiourné depuis le 14. Iuïn, iusques au 3. de
Iulliet, c'est à dire 19. iours. Il faisoit encor grand froid quand
nous y arriuames, mais auant que d'en partir nous y auons ressenty
de grandes chaleurs; & ce pendant ce n'estoit que le printemps,
puisque les arbres estoient seulement fleuris. En fort peu de temps
les feüilles, les boutons, les fleurs & les fruits paroissent icy, &
meurissent, i'entends les fruicts [16] sauuages, car il n'y en a point
d'autres. Or c'est icy que i'ay veu des Sauuages pour la premiere fois.
Si tost qu'ils apperceurent nostre vaisseau ils firent des feux, & deux
d'entr'eux nous vindrent aborder dans vn petit cauot fait d'escorce
fort proprement. Le lendemain vn Sagamo auec dix ou douze Sauuages nous
vint voir; il me sembloit, les voyant entrer dans la chambre de nostre
Capitaine, où i'estois pour lors, que ie voyois ces masques qui courent
en France à Caresme-prenant. Il y en auoit qui auoient le nez peint en
bleu, les yeux, les sourcils, les iouës peintes en noir, & le reste du
visage en rouge; & ces couleurs sont viues & luisantes comme celle de
nos masques: d'autres auoient des rayes noires, rouges & bleuës, tirées
des oreilles à la bouche: d'autres estoient tous noirs hormis le haut
du front, & les parties voisines [17] des oreilles & le bout du menton,
si bien qu'on eut vrayement dit qu'ils estoient masquez. Il y en auoit
qui n'auoient qu'vne raye noire, large d'vn ruban, tirée d'vne oreille
à l'autre, au trauers des yeux, & trois petites rayes sur les iouës.
Leur couleur naturelle est cõme celle de ces gueux de France qui sont
demy rostis au Soleil, & ie ne doute point que les Sauuages ne fussent
tres-blãcs s'ils estoiẽt bien couuerts. De dire comme ils sont vestus,
il est bien difficile; les hommes quand il fait vn peu chaud vont tous
nuds, hormis vne piece de peau qu'ils mettent au dessous du nombril
iusques aux cuisses. Quand il fait froid, ou bien à l'imitation des
Europeans, ils se couurent de peaux de Castor, d'Ours, de Renard, &
d'autres tels animaux, mais si maussadement, que cela n'empesche pas
qu'on ne voye la pluspart de leurs corps. [18] I'en ay veu de vestus
de peau d'Ours, iustement comme on peint S. Iean Baptiste. Cette peau
veluë au dehors, leur alloit sous vn bras & sur l'autre, & leur battoit
iusques aux genoux, ils estoient ceints au trauers du corps d'vne corde
de boyau. Il y en a de vestus entierement, ils ressemblent tous à ce
Philosophe de la Grece, qui ne portoit rien sur soy qu'il n'eut fait.
Il ne faut pas employer beaucoup d'années pour apprendre tous leurs
mestiers. Ils vont tous teste nuë hommes & femmes; ils portent les
cheueux longs; ils les ont tous noirs, graissez, & luisans; ils les
lient par derriere, sinon quand ils portent le dueil. Les femmes sont
honnestement couuertes; elles ont des peaux iointes sur les espaules
auec des cordes, & ces peaux leurs battent depuis le col iusques aux
genoüils; elles se ceignent aussi d'vne corde, le reste du corps
la teste, les [19] bras & les iambes sont descouuertes: il y en a
neantmoins qui portent des manches, des chausses, & des souliers, mais
sans autre façon que celle que la necessité leur a appris. Maintenant
qu'ils traittent des capots, des couuertures, des draps, des chemises
auec les François, il y en a plusieurs qui s'en couurent, mais leurs
chemises sont aussi blanches & aussi grasses que des torchons de
cuisine, ils ne les blanchissent iamais. Au reste ils sont de bonne
taille, le corps bien fait, les membres tres-bien proportionnez, & ne
sont point si massifs que ie les croyois; ils ont vn assez bon sens;
ils ne parlent point tous ensemble, ains les vns apres les autres,
s'écoutans patiemment. Vn Sagamo ou Capitaine disnãt vn iour en la
chambre du nostre, voulant dire quelque chose, & ne trouuant point le
loisir pource qu'on parloit tousiours, [20] en fin pria la compagnie
qu'on luy donnast vn peu de temps pour parler à son tour, & tout seul,
comme il fit.

The next day we again set sail, and on the 18th of June we cast
anchor at Tadoussac. This is another bay or very small cove, near
which there is a river named Sagué [Saguenay], which empties into
the great river St. Lawrence. This river [15] is as beautiful as
the Seine, about as rapid as the Rosne [Rhone], and deeper than
many places in the sea, for it is said to be 80 fathoms deep in its
shallowest places. As we were on our way to say the Holy Mass on
the shore, one of our soldiers killed a great eagle near its eyrie.
Its head and neck were entirely white, the beak and feet yellow,
the rest of the body blackish; it was as large as a Turkey-cock. We
sojourned here from the 14th of June to the 3rd of July; that is to
say, 19 days. It was still very cold when we arrived, but before
leaving we felt excessive heat; and yet it was only the spring,
since the trees had only just begun to put forth their foliage. In
a very short time the leaves, the buds, the flowers, and the fruit
appear here and ripen; I mean the wild [16] fruit, as there is no
other. It was here that I saw Savages for the first time. As soon
as they saw our vessel, they lighted fires, and two of them came
on board in a little canoe very neatly made of bark. The next day
a Sagamore, with ten or twelve Savages, came to see us. When I saw
them enter our Captain's room, where I happened to be, it seemed
to me that I was looking at those maskers who run about in France
in Carnival time. There were some whose noses were painted blue,
the eyes, eyebrows, and cheeks painted black, and the rest of the
face red; and these colors are bright and shining like those of
our masks; others had black, red, and blue stripes drawn from the
ears to the mouth. Still others were entirely black, except the
upper part of the brow and around [17] the ears, and the end of
the chin; so that it might have been truly said of them that they
were masquerading. There were some who had only one black stripe,
like a wide ribbon, drawn from one ear to the other, across the
eyes, and three little stripes on the cheeks. Their natural color
is like that of those French beggars who are half-roasted in the
Sun, and I have no doubt that the Savages would be very white if
they were well covered. To describe how they were dressed would be
difficult indeed. All the men, when it is a little warm, go naked,
with the exception of a piece of skin which falls from just below
the navel to the thighs. When it is cold, or probably in imitation
of the Europeans, they cover themselves with furs of the Beaver,
Bear, Fox, and other animals of the same kind, but so awkwardly,
that it does not prevent the greater part of their bodies from
being seen. [18] I have seen some of them dressed in Bear skin,
just as St. John the Baptist is painted. This fur, with the hair
outside, was worn under one arm and over the other, hanging down
to the knees. They were girdled around the body with a cord made
of a dried intestine. Some are entirely dressed. They are like the
Grecian Philosopher who would wear nothing that he had not made. It
would not take a great many years to learn all their crafts. All go
bareheaded, men and women; their hair, which is uniformly black, is
long, greasy, and shiny, and is tied behind, except when they wear
mourning. The women are decently covered; they wear skins fastened
together on their shoulders with cords, these hang from the neck
to the knees. They girdle themselves also with a cord, the rest of
the body, the head, the [19] arms and the legs being uncovered. Yet
there are some who wear sleeves, stockings, and shoes, but in no
other fashion than that which necessity has taught them. Now that
they trade with the French for capes, blankets, cloths, and shirts,
there are many who use them; but their shirts are as white and as
greasy as dishcloths, for they never wash them. Furthermore, they
have good figures, their bodies are well made, their limbs very
well proportioned, and they are not so clumsy as I supposed them to
be. They are fairly intelligent. They do not all talk at once, but
one after the other, listening patiently. A Sagamore, or Captain,
dining in our room one day, wished to say something; and, not
finding an opportunity, because they were all talking at the same
time, [20] at last prayed the company to give him a little time to
talk in his turn, and all alone, as he did.

Or comme dans les grandes estenduës de ces païs cy, il y a quantité
de nations toutes barbares, aussi se font-elles la guerre les vnes
les autres fort souuent. A nostre arriuée à Tadoussac les Sauuages
reuenoient de la guerre contre les Hiroquois, & en auoient pris neuf,
ceux de Quebec en tenoient six, & ceux de Tadoussac trois. Monsieur
Emery de Caën les fut voir, il desiroit sauuer la vie au plus ieune, ie
plaiday fort pour tous trois, mais on me dit qu'il falloit de grands
presens, & ie n'en auois point. Arriuez donc que nous fumes aux cabanes
des Sauuages, qui sont faites de perches, & couuertes d'écorces assez
grossierement, le faiste n'est point couuert pour receuoir le iour
par là, & donner [21] yssuë à la fumée. Nous entrames dans celle du
Capitaine de guerre qui estoit longuette; il y auoit trois feux au
milieu, les vns éloignez des autres de cinq ou six pieds. Estans entrez
nous nous assimes de part & d'autre à plate terre, couuerte de petite
branches de sapin; ils n'ont point d'autres sieges. Cela fait, on fit
venir les prisonniers qui s'assirent les vns aupres des autres; le plus
âgé auoit plus de 60. ans, le second enuiron 30. le troisiesme estoit
vn ieune garçon de 15. à 16. ans. Ils se mirent tous à chanter, pour
montrer qu'ils ne craignoiẽt point la mort, quoy que tres-cruelle;
leur chant me semble fort desagreable, la cadence finissoit tousiours
par ces aspirations reïterées oh! oh! oh! ah! ah! ah! hem! hem! hem!
_&c._ Apres qu'ils eurent bien chanté, on les fit dancer les vns apres
les autres, le plus âgé se leue le premier, & commance [22] à marcher
du long de la cabane tout nud, hors mis, comme i'ay dit, vn morceau
de peau qui luy couuroit ce que la nature a caché. Il frappoit des
pieds la terre en marchant, & chantoit incessamment. Voyla toute sa
dance, pendant laquelle tous les autres Sauuages qui estoient dans la
cabane frappoient des mains ou se battoient la cuisse, tirans cette
aspiration du fond de l'estomach a--ah, a--ah, a--ah, & puis quand le
prisonnier s'arrestoit, ils crioient o--oh! o--oh! o--oh! & l'vn se
rasseant, l'autre se mettoit à dancer. Monsieur de Caën demanda quand
on les feroit mourir, ils respondirent le lendemain. Ie les fut voir
encor, & ie trouuay trois pieux de bois dressez, où on les deuoit
executer: mais il vint nouuelle de Quebec qu'on traittoit de paix auec
les Hiroquois, & qu'il faudroit peut-estre rendre les prisonniers,
ainsi [23] leur mort fut retardée. Il n'y a cruauté semblable à celle
qu'ils exercent contre leurs ennemis. Si tost qu'ils les ont pris ils
leurs arrachent les ongles à belles dents; ie vis les doigts de ces
pauures miserables qui me faisoient pitié, & vne playe assez grande
au bras de l'vn d'eux, on me dit que c'estoit vne morsure de celuy
qui l'auoit pris, l'autre auoit vne partie du doigt emporté, & ie luy
demanday si le feu luy auoit fait cela, ie croyois que ce fust vne
bruslure, il me fit signe qu'on luy auoit emporté la piece auec les
dents. Ie remarquay la cruauté mesme des filles & des femmes, pendant
que ces pauures prisonniers dançoiẽt: car comme ils passoient deuant
le feu, elles soufloient & poussoient la flamme dessus eux pour les
brusler. Quand ils les font mourir ils les attachent à vn poteau,
puis les filles aussi bien que les hommes leur appliquent [24] des
tisons ardents & flambans aux parties les plus sensibles du corps, aux
costez, aux cuisses, à la poitrine, & en plusieurs autres endroits:
ils leurs leuent la peau de la teste, puis iettent sur le crane ou le
test découuert, du sablon tout bruslant; ils leurs percent les bras au
poignet auec des bastons pointus, & leurs arrachent les nerfs par ces
trous. Bref ils les font souffrir tout ce que la cruauté & le Diable
leur met en l'esprit. En fin pour derniere catastrophe ils les mangent
& les deuorent quasi tout crus. Si nous estions pris des Hiroquois,
peut-estre nous en faudroit-il passer par là, pour autant que nous
demeurons auec les Montagnards leurs ennemis. Ils sont si enragez
contre tout ce qui leur fait du mal, qu'ils mangent les poux & toute
autre vermine qu'ils trouuẽt sur eux, non pour aucun goust qu'ils y
ayent; mais seulement, [25] disent-ils, pour se vanger & pour manger
ceux qui les mangent.

Now, as in the wide stretches of territory in this country there
are a great many wholly barbarous tribes, so they very often make
war upon each other. When we arrived at Tadoussac the Savages were
coming back from a war against the Hiroquois, and had taken nine
of them: those of Quebec took six, and those of Tadoussac three.
Monsieur Emery de Caën went to see the captives, hoping to save the
life of the youngest one. I pleaded very earnestly for all three,
but was told that great presents were necessary, and I had none.
Having arrived at the cabins of the Savages, which are made of
poles, clumsily covered with bark, the top left uncovered for the
purpose of letting in light and of leaving [21] an opening for the
smoke to go out, we entered that of the war Captain, which was long
and narrow. There were three fires in the middle, distant from each
other five or six feet. Having entered, we sat down here and there
on the ground, which was covered with little branches of fir, for
they have no other seats. This done, they brought in the prisoners,
who sat down beside each other. The eldest was over 60, the second
about 30, and the third was a young boy from 15 to 16 years old.
They all began to sing, in order to show that they were not at all
afraid of death, however cruel it might be. Their singing seemed
to me very disagreeable; the cadence always ended with reiterated
aspirations, "oh! oh! oh! ah! ah! ah! hem! hem! hem!" _etc._ After
singing for some time, they were made to dance, one after the
other. The eldest one rose first, and began [22] to walk through
the room, entirely naked, except, as I have said, for a piece of
fur which covered what nature has hidden. He stamped his feet upon
the ground while marching, and sang continuously. This was all the
dance; and while it was going on all the other Savages in the hut
clapped their hands, or beat their thighs, drawing this aspiration
from the depths of their stomachs, "a--ah, a--ah, a--ah;" and
then when the prisoner stopped they cried, "o--oh, o--oh, o--oh;"
and, when the one reseated himself, the other took up the dance.
Monsieur de Caën asked when they would be killed. "To-morrow," they
answered. I went to see them again, and I found three wooden stakes
erected where they were to be executed; but news came from Quebec
that a treaty of peace was being negotiated with the Hiroquois,
and it would perhaps be necessary to surrender the prisoners, and
thus [23] their death was delayed. There is no cruelty comparable
to that which they practice on their enemies. As soon as the
captives are taken, they brutally tear off their nails with their
teeth; I saw the fingers of these poor creatures, and was filled
with pity, also I saw a large hole in the arm of one of them; I
was told that it was a bite of the Savage who had captured him;
the other had a part of a finger torn off, and I asked him if the
fire had done that, as I thought it was a burn. He made a sign to
show me that it had been taken off by the teeth. I noticed the same
cruelty among the girls and women, when these poor prisoners were
dancing; for, as they passed before the fire, the women blew and
drove the flame over in their direction to burn them. When the hour
comes to kill their captives, they are fastened to a stake; then
the girls, as well as the men, apply [24] hot and flaming brands
to those portions of the body which are the most sensitive, to
the ribs, thighs, chest, and several other places. They raise the
scalp from the head, and then throw burning sand upon the skull,
or uncovered place. They pierce the arms at the wrists with sharp
sticks, and pull the nerves out through these holes. In short, they
make them suffer all that cruelty and the Devil can suggest. At
last, as a final horror, they eat and devour them almost raw. If
we were captured by the Hiroquois, perhaps we would be obliged to
suffer this ordeal, inasmuch as we live with the Montagnards, their
enemies. So enraged are they against every one who does them an
injury that they eat the lice and other vermin that they find upon
themselves,--not because they like them, but only, [25] they say,
to avenge themselves and to eat those that eat them.

Pendant que ces pauures captifs chantoient & dançoient, il y en
auoit de nostre equipage qui se rioient voyans cette barbarie: mais
ô mon Dieu quel triste subiet de rire! c'est la verité que le cœur
me fendoit. Ie ne pensois nullement venir en Canada quand on m'y a
enuoyé; ie ne sentois aucune affection particuliere pour les Sauuages,
si bien à faire l'obeïssance, quand on m'eust deu enuoyer encor plus
loin mille fois: mais ie puis dire que quand i'aurois eu de l'auersion
de ce païs, voyant ce que i'ay desia veu ie serois touché, eussé-ie le
cœur de bronze. Pleut à Dieu que ceux qui peuuent assister ces pauures
ames, & contribuer quelque chose à leur salut, fussent icy seulement
pour trois iours; ie ne croy pas que l'affection de les secourir ne
saisit puissamment [26] leur ame. Qu'on ne s'estonne point de ces
barbaries, auant que la foy fut receuë en Allemagne, en Espagne, en
Angleterre, ces peuples n'estoient pas plus polis. L'esprit ne manque
pas aux Sauuages de Canada, si bien l'education & l'instruction. Ils
sont dé-ja las de leurs miseres, & nous tendent les bras pour estre
assistez. Il me semble que les nations qui ont vne demeure stable se
conuertiroient aisement, ie puis dire des Hurons tout ce que nous en
a escrit il y a quelque temps le Pere d'vn ieune-homme des Paraquais,
sçauoir est, qu'il y a grandement à souffrir parmy eux, mais qu'il s'y
peut faire de grands fruicts, & que si les consolations de la terre y
manquent, celles du Paradis s'y goustent desia, il ne faut que sçauoir
la langue, & si le Pere Brebeuf n'eût point esté contraint par les
Anglois de s'en retourner [27] d'icy, lesquels s'estoient emparez du
fort des François, il auroit desia bien aduancé la gloire de Dieu en ce
pays là. Pour les nations étranges & vagabondes, comme sont celles où
nous sommes demeurans à Kebec, il y aura plus de difficulté; Le moyen
à mon aduis de les ayder, c'est de dresser des seminaires, & prẽdre
leurs enfans qui sont bien éueillez & fort gentils: on instruira les
peres par le moyen des enfans, voire-mesme, il y en a desia quelques
vns d'entr'eux qui commencent à cultiuer la terre, & semer du bled
d'Inde, leur vie facheuse & tres-miserable leur ennuye: mais en vn mot,
la promesse du Pere Eternel à son Fils s'effectuera tost ou tard. _Dabo
tibi gentes hæreditatem tuam, & possessionem tuam terminos terræ._ On
a fait de grands fruicts dans les Indes Orientales, & dans l'Amerique
meridionale, quoy [28] qu'on ait trouué en ces païs là non seulemẽt des
vices à combattre, mais encor des superstitions estranges, ausquelles
ces peuples estoient plus attachez qu'à leur propre vie. En la nouuelle
France il n'y a que les pechez à destruire, & encor en petit nombre:
car ces pauures gens si éloignez de toutes delices, ne sont pas adonnez
à beaucoup d'offenses. De superstition ou faulse religion, s'il y en
a quelques endroits, c'est bien peu. Les Canadiens ne pensent qu'à
viure & à se venger de leurs ennemis; ils ne sont attachez au culte
d'aucune Diuinité. Ils peuuent prẽdre plusieurs femmes, cependant ils
n'en ont qu'vne; i'ay ouy parler d'vn seul qui en a deux, encor luy en
fait-on reproche. Il est vray que celuy qui sçauroit leur langue les
manieroit comme il voudroit, c'est à quoy ie me vais appliquer, mais
i'aduanceray [29] fort peu cette année, pour les raisons que i'écriray
en particulier à vostre Reuerence. Mais retournons à la suite de nostre
voyage.

While these poor captives were dancing and singing, there were
some men of our crew who laughed when they saw this exhibition of
barbarism. But oh, my God, what a sad subject for laughter! it
made my heart ache. I thought nothing of coming to Canada when I
was sent here; I felt no particular affection for the Savages,
but the duty of obedience was binding, even if I had been sent a
thousand times further away; but I may say that even if I had had
an aversion to this country, seeing what I have already seen, I
should be touched, had I a heart of bronze. Would to God that those
who can aid these poor souls and contribute something to their
salvation could be here, if only for three days. I believe that a
longing to help them would seize powerfully upon [26] their souls.
But let no one be astonished at these acts of barbarism. Before
the faith was received in Germany, Spain, or England, those nations
were not more civilized. Mind is not lacking among the Savages of
Canada, but education and instruction. They are already tired of
their miseries, and stretch out their hands to us for help. It
seems to me that the tribes which have stationary homes could be
easily converted. I can say of the Hurons all that was written to
us a while ago by the Father of a young Paraguayan: to wit, that
much suffering must be endured among them, but that great results
may be expected; and that, if the consolations of the earth are
lacking there, those of Paradise may already be enjoyed. It is
only necessary to know the language; and, if Father Brebeuf had
not been compelled by the English to leave [27] here, they having
taken possession of the French fort, he would already have advanced
the glory of God in that country. As to the strange and wandering
tribes like those near Kebec, where we live, there will be more
difficulty. The means of assisting them, in my opinion, is to build
seminaries, and to take their children, who are very bright and
amiable. The fathers will be taught through the children. Even
now there are some among them who have begun to cultivate the
soil and sow Indian corn, having become weary of their difficult
and miserable way of living. But, in a word, the promise of the
Eternal Father to his Son will remedy this sooner or later: _Dabo
tibi gentes hæreditatem tuam, & possessionem tuam terminos terræ._
Great fruits have been obtained in the East Indies and in south
America, although [28] there have been found in those countries not
only vices to combat, but also strange superstitions, to which the
people were more attached than to their lives. In new France there
are only sins to destroy, and those in a small number; for these
poor people, so far removed from all luxury, are not given to many
offenses. If there are any superstitions or false religions in some
places, they are few. The Canadians think only of how to live and
to revenge themselves upon their enemies. They are not attached
to the worship of any particular Divinity. They are permitted to
take a number of wives, but they do not take more than one. I have
heard of one man only who had two, and he was censured for it.[8]
In truth, any one who knew their language could manage them as
he pleased. Therefore I will apply myself, but I shall make [29]
very little progress this year, for reasons which I shall write in
detail to your Reverence. But let us come back to the continuation
of our voyage.

Quelque temps auparauant que nous leuassions les ancres de Tadoussac,
il s'éleua vn grain, comme parlent les mattelots, ou vne tempeste si
furieuse, qu'elle nous ietta bien auãt dans le peril, quoy que nous
fussions en la maison d'asseurance: c'est ainsi que i'appelle la baie
de Tadoussac. Les tonnerres grondoient horriblemẽt, les vents furieux
firent tellemẽt plier nostre vaisseau, que si ce grain eût continué, il
l'eust renuersé sans dessus dessous; mais cette furie ne dura pas, &
ainsi nous échapasmes ce danger.

Some time before we weighed anchor in Tadoussac there rose a
squall, as the sailors say, or a storm so furious that it threw
us into great peril, although we were in the house of safety; it
is thus that I call the bay of Tadoussac. The thunder grumbled
terribly, furious winds made our vessel roll so that, if this
squall had continued, it would have turned us upside down; but the
fury of the storm abated, and thus we escaped this danger.

Le 3. iour de Iuillet nous sortimes de Tadoussac, & nous allames
moüiller à l'échaffaut aux Basques, c'est vn lieu ainsi appelé, à
cause que les Basques [30] viennent iusques là pour prendre des
baleines. Comme il estoit grand calme, & que nous attendions la
marée, ie mis pied à terre: ie pensay estre mangé des maringoins, ce
sont petites mouches importunes au possible; les grands bois qui sont
icy en engendrent de plusieurs especes; il y a des mouches communes,
des mousquilles, des mouches luisantes, des maringoins, & des grosses
mouches, & quantité d'autres: les grosses mouches piquent furieusement,
& la douleur qui prouient de cette piqueure, & qui est fort cuisante,
dure assez long temps, il y a peu de ces grosses mouches; les
mousquilles sont extremement petites, à peine les peut-on voir, mais
on les sent bien; les mouches luisantes ne font point de mal, vous
diriez la nuict que ce sont des estincelles de feu; elles iettent plus
de lumiere que les vers luisants [31] que i'ay veus en France: tenant
vne de ces mouches & l'appliquant aupres d'vn liure ie lirois fort
bien. Pour les maringoins c'est l'importunité mesme, on ne sçauroit
trauailler notamment à l'air pendant leur regne, si on n'a de la fumée
auprés soy pour les chasser: il y a des personnes qui sont contraintes
de se mettre au lit venans des bois, tant ils sont offensez. I'en ay
veu qui auoient le col, les ioües, tout le visage si enflé, qu'on ne
leur voyoit plus les yeux; ils mettent vn homme tout en sang quand
ils l'abordent; ils font la guerre aux vns plus qu'aux autres; Ils
m'ont traité iusques icy assez doucement, ie n'enfle point quand ils
me piquent, ce qui n'arriue qu'à fort peu de personnes si on y est
accoustumé: si le païs estoit essarté & habité, ces bestioles ne s'y
trouueroient point; car desia il s'en trouue fort [32] peu au fort de
Kebec, à cause qu'on couppe les bois voisins.

The 3rd of July we left Tadoussac and went to cast anchor at the
Basque scaffold,[9] a place so called because the Basques [30] go
there to catch whales. As it was very calm and we were awaiting
the tide, I went ashore. I thought I would be eaten up by the
mosquitoes, which are little flies, troublesome in the extreme.
The great forests here engender several species of them; there
are common flies, gnats, fireflies, mosquitoes, large flies,
and a number of others; the large flies sting furiously, and the
pain from their sting, which is very piercing, lasts for a long
time; there are but few of these large flies. The gnats are very
small, hardly visible, but very perceptibly felt; the fireflies
do no harm; at night they look like sparks of fire, casting a
greater light than the glowworms [31] that I have seen in France;
taking one of these flies and holding it near a book, I could read
very easily. As to the mosquitoes, they are disagreeable beyond
description. No one could work, especially in the open air, during
their reign, unless there were smoke near by to drive them away.
Some people are compelled to go to bed after coming from the woods,
they are so badly stung. I have seen men whose neck, cheeks, and
whole face were so swollen that you could not see their eyes. They
cover a man completely with blood when they attack him; they war
upon some people more than others. Thus far they have treated me
kindly enough; I do not swell when they sting me, which is the case
with very few people unless they are accustomed to them. If the
country were cleared and inhabited, these little beasts would not
be found here, for already there are but [32] few of them at the
fort of Kebec, on account of the cutting down of the neighboring
woods.

Le 4. de Iuillet nous leuames l'ancre pour aborder à quatre lieuës de
Kebec: mais le vent estoit si furieux que nous pensames faire naufrage
dans le port. Auant que d'arriuer à Kebec on rencontre au milieu de
cette grande riuiere vne Isle nommée de sainct Laurens, qui a bien sept
lieuës de long: elle n'est esloignée du bout plus occidental que d'vne
lieuë de la demeure des François. Enuiron le milieu de cette Isle on
ietta l'ancre pour s'arrester: mais les vents & la marée poussoient
nostre nauire auec vne telle impetuosité, que le cable se rompit comme
vn filet, & l'ancre demeura dans l'eau. A vn quart de lieuë de là on
en iette vne autre, le cable se romp[i]t tout de mesme que le premier.
Dedans ce trouble, comme les vents redoubloient, le cable qui [33]
tenoit nostre batteau attaché derriere nostre nauire, se rompit aussi,
& en vn instant nostre batteau disparut. A trois iours de là quelques
Sauuages nous vindrent apporter nouuelle du lieu où il s'estoit allé
échoüer; s'il eût rencontré des roches aussi bien qu'il rencontra de la
vase, il se fût brisé en cent pieces. Si cette bourasque nous eût pris
vne heure plustost, en vn endroit fort dangereux, nos Pilotes disoient
que c'estoit fait de nous. En fin quand nous fumes enuiron trois quarts
de lieuës du bout de nostre pellerinage, on ietta le troisiesme ancre
qui nous arresta: vne barque Françoise que nous auions rencontré à
Tadoussac, & qui venoit auec nous, perdit deux ancres aussi bien que
nous.

The 4th of July we weighed anchor to land at a place four leagues
from Kebec; but the wind was so furious that we thought we would
be wrecked in the port. Before reaching Kebec we came to an Island
called saint Lawrence,[10] in the middle of this great river,
which is fully seven leagues in length; the western end of it
is only about one league distant from the French settlement. We
cast anchor near the middle of this Island, intending to land;
but the wind and tide struck our ship with so much force that the
cable broke like a thread, leaving the anchor in the water. At a
quarter of a league distant another anchor was cast, and the cable
broke just as the first one did. In the midst of this struggle,
as the violence of the winds redoubled, the cable [33] fastening
the boat to the stern of our ship also broke, and in an instant
our boat disappeared. Three days later some Savages came and told
us where it had grounded. If it had been driven upon the rocks,
as it was upon the mud, it would have been broken into a hundred
pieces. If this hurricane had fallen upon us an hour earlier, in a
very dangerous place, our Pilots say it would have been all over
with us. At length, when we were about three-quarters of a league
from the end of our pilgrimage, the third anchor was cast, and it
stopped us. A French barque that we had met at Tadoussac, and which
came with us, lost two anchors as we did.

En fin le 5. de Iuillet qui estoit vn Lundy, deux mois & 18. iours
depuis le 18. d'Auril que nous partimes, [34] nous arriuames au port
tant desiré. Nous moüillames l'ancre deuant le fort que tenoient les
Anglois; nous vimes au bas du fort la pauure habitation de Kebec toute
bruslée. Les Anglois qui estoient venus en ce païs cy pour piller, &
non pour edifier, ont bruslé, non seulement la plus grande partie d'vn
corps de logis, que le Pere Charles Lallement auoit fait dresser, mais
encor toute cette pauure habitation, en laquelle on ne voit plusque
des murailles de pierres toutes bouleuersées; cela incommode fort les
François, qui ne sçauent où se loger. Le lendemain on enuoya sommer le
Capitaine Thomas Ker, François de nation, né à Dieppe, qui s'est retiré
en Angleterre, & qui auec Dauid & Louys Ker ses freres, & vn nommé
Iacques Michel aussi Dieppois, tous huguenots, s'estoient venus ietter
sur ces pauure païs, où ils ont fait de grãds [35] degasts, & empesché
de tres-grands biẽs. Ce pauure Iacques Michel plein de melancholie,
ne se voyant point recompensé des Anglois, ou plustost des François
reniez & anglisez, comme il pretendoit, pressé en outre d'vn remors
de conscience d'auoir assisté ces nouueaux Anglois contre ceux de sa
patrie, mourut subitement quelque temps apres la prise de ce païs
cy. Il fut enterré à Tadoussac. I'ay appris icy que les Sauuages le
deterrerent, & firent toute sorte d'ignominie à son corps, le mirent
en pieces, le donnerent à leurs chiens: voyla le salaire des perfides,
ie prie Dieu qu'il ouure les yeux aux autres. Monsieur Emery de Caën
auoit desia enuoyé de Tadoussac vne chalouppe, auec vn extraict des
Commissions & Lettres Patentes des Roys de France & d'Angleterre, par
lesquelles il estoit commandé au Capitaine Anglois de [36] rẽdre le
fort dans huict iours. Les Lettres veuës, il fit réponse qu'il obeïroit
quand il auroit veu l'original. On luy porta donc le lendemain de
nostre arriuee, cependant nous allames celebrer la saincte Messe en
la maison la plus ancienne de ce païs cy, c'est la maison de madame
Hebert, qui s'est habituée aupres du fort, du viuant de son mary; elle
a vne belle famille, sa fille est icy mariée à vn honneste Frãçois,
Dieu les benit tous les iours, il leur a donné de tres-beaux enfans,
leur bestial est en tres-bon point, leurs terres leurs rapportent de
bon grain; c'est l'vnique famille de François habituée en Canada. Ils
cherchoient les moyens de retourner en France, mais ayans appris que
les François retournoient à Kebec, ils commencerent à reuiure. Quand
ils virent arriuer ces pauillons blancs sur les mats de nos vaisseaux,
ils ne sçauoient [37] à qui dire leur contentement: mais quand ils nous
virent en leur maison pour y dire la saincte Messe, qu'ils n'auoient
point entẽduë depuis trois ans, bon Dieu, quelle ioye! les larmes
tomboient des yeux quasi à tous, de l'extreme cõtentement qu'ils
auoiẽt. O que nous chãtames de bon cœur le _Te Deum laudamus_, c'estoit
iustement le iour de l'octaue de sainct Pierre & S. Paul. Le _Te Deum_
chanté i'offris à Dieu le premier Sacrifice à Kebec. L'Anglois ayant
veu les Patentes signées de la main de son Roy, promit qu'il sortiroit
dans la huictaine, & de fait il commença à s'y disposer, quoy qu'auec
regret: mais ses gens estoient tous bien aises du retour des François,
on ne leur donnoit que six liures de pain au poids de France, pour
toute leur semaine. Ils nous disoient que les Sauuages les auoient aidé
à viure la pluspart du tẽps. [38] Le Mardy suiuant 13. de Iuillet,
ils remirent le fort entre les mains de monsieur Emery de Caën, & de
monsieur du Plessis Bochart son Lieutenant. Et le mesme iour firent
voile dans deux nauires qu'ils auoient à l'ancre. Dieu sçait si nos
François furent ioyeux, voyans déloger ces François Anglisez, qui ont
fait tant de maux en ces miserables contrées, & qui sont cause que
plusieurs Sauuages ne sont pas baptisez, notamment aux Hurons où la
Foy produiroit maintenant des fruicts dignes de la table de Dieu, si
ces ennemis de la verité, de la vraye vertu, & de leur patrie, ne se
fussent point iettez à la trauerse. Dieu soit beny de tout; c'est à
nos François de penser à leur conseruation, & à mettre en peu de temps
ce païs cy en tel estat, qu'ils ayent fort peu affaire des viures de
France, ce qui leur sera bien aisé s'ils veullent trauailler. Les
Anglois [39] délogeans nous sommes rentrez dans nostre petite maison.
Nous y auons trouué pour tous meubles deux tables de bois telles
quelles, les portes, fenestres, chassis, tous brisez & enleuez, tout
s'en va en ruine, c'est encor pis en la maison des Peres Recolets; nous
auons trouué nos terres défrichées couuertes de pois, nos Peres les
auoient laissées à l'Anglois couuertes de fourment, d'orge, & de bled
d'Inde, & cependant ce Capitaine Thomas Ker a vendu la recolte de ces
pois, refusant de nous les donner pour les fruicts qu'il auoit trouué
sur nos terres; nostre Seigneur soit honoré pour iamais; quand on est
en vn mauuais passage il s'en faut tirer comme on peut; c'est beaucoup
qu'vn tel hoste soit sorty de nostre maison, & de tout le païs; nous
auons maintenant prou dequoy exercer la patience, ie me trompe, c'est
[40] Dieu mesme qui porte la Croix qu'il nous donne: car en verité elle
nous semble petite, quoy qu'il y ait dequoy souffrir. Retournons aux
Sauuages, & en disons encor deux petits mots.

At length, on the 5th of July, which was Monday,--two months
and 18 days since the 18th of April, when we sailed,--[34] we
reached the much desired port. We cast anchor in front of the fort
which the English held; we saw at the foot of this fort the poor
settlement of Kebec all in ashes. The English, who came to this
country to plunder and not to build up, not only burned a greater
part of the detached buildings which Father Charles Lallement
had had erected, but also all of that poor settlement of which
nothing now is to be seen but the ruins of its stone walls. This
greatly inconveniences the French, who do not know where to lodge.
The next day Captain Thomas Ker was summoned, a man of French
nationality, born at Dieppe, who had gone over to England, and
who, with David and Louys Ker, his brothers,[11] and one Jacques
Michel, also born at Dieppe, all huguenots, had thrown themselves
upon this poor country, where they have done great [35] damage and
have prevented the doing of much good. This poor Jacques Michel,
full of sadness at not having been rewarded as he desired, by the
English,--or rather by the renegade and anglicized French,--also a
prey to conscience at having assisted these new Englishmen against
his own countrymen, died suddenly, some time after the surrender
of this country. He was buried at Tadoussac. I have learned here
that the Savages exhumed his body, and showed it every imaginable
indignity, tore it to pieces and gave it to their dogs; but such
are the wages of traitors. I pray God that he may open the eyes of
the others. Monsieur Emery de Caën had already sent a boat from
Tadoussac with an extract from the Commissions and Letters Patent
of the Kings of France and of England,[12] by which the English
Captain was commanded [36] to surrender the fort in eight days.
Having seen the Letter, he answered that he would obey when he had
seen the original. It was therefore brought to him the day after
our arrival; and in the meantime we celebrated the holy Mass in the
oldest house in this country, the home of madame Hebert,[13] who
had settled near the fort during the lifetime of her husband. She
has a fine family, and her daughter is married here to an honest
Frenchman. God is blessing them every day; he has given them very
beautiful children, their cattle are in fine condition, and their
land produces good grain. This is the only French family settled
in Canada. They were seeking some way of returning to France;
but, having learned that the French were coming back to Kebec, they
began to regain courage. When they saw our ships coming in with
the white flags upon the masts, they knew not [37] how to express
their joy. But when they saw us in their home, to celebrate the
holy Mass, which they had not heard for three years, good God! what
joy! Tears fell from the eyes of nearly all, so great was their
happiness. Oh, with what fullness of heart we sang the _Te Deum
laudamus_; it happened to be, very appropriately, the day of the
octave of saint Peter and St. Paul. After singing the _Te Deum_, I
offered to God the first Sacrifice in Kebec. The Englishman, having
seen the Patents signed by the hand of his King, promised that he
would go away within a week, and in fact, he began preparations
for going, although with regret; but his people were all very glad
of the return of the French, for they had been given only six
pounds of bread, French weight, for an entire week. They told us
that the Savages had helped them to live during the greater part
of the time. [38] On the following Tuesday, the 13th of July, they
restored the fort to the hands of monsieur Emery de Caën, and
monsieur du Plessis Bochart, his Lieutenant; and on the same day
set sail in the two ships that they had anchored here. God knows
if our French People were happy, seeing the dislodgment of these
Anglicized Frenchmen, who have done so much injury to these poor
countries, and who have prevented many Savages from being baptized,
especially among the Hurons, where the Faith would now produce
fruits worthy of the table of God, if these enemies of the truth,
of real virtue and of their country, had not thrown themselves
in the way. God be blessed for all; it is the duty of our French
people to think of their preservation, and to put this country,
in a short time, in such a condition that they will not have to
depend upon supplies from France, which will be easy enough to
do if they will only work. The English [39] dislodged, we again
entered our little home. The only furniture we found there was two
wooden tables, such as they were; the doors, windows, sashes, all
broken and carried away, and everything going to ruin. It is still
worse in the house of the Recolet Fathers. We found our cleared
lands covered with peas; our Fathers had left them to the English
covered with wheat, barley, and Indian corn; and meantime this
Captain Thomas Ker has sold the full crop of peas, refusing to give
them to us for the harvest he had found upon our lands. Our Lord be
forever honored; when a person is in dire distress, he must deliver
himself as best he can. It is a great deal that such a guest has
left our house and the entire country. We have now enough to try
our patience, but I am mistaken, it is [40] God himself who carries
the Cross which he gives us; for, in truth, it seems very little to
us, although there may be something to suffer. Let us go back to
the Savages, and say a few words more about them.

La veille de nostre depart de Tadoussac, vindrent nouuelles que les
prisonniers Hiroquois auoient esté mis à mort à Kebec, & que ceux de
Tadoussac deuoient le lendemain passer le pas: ie me remets à plaider
leur cause, & promets de donner ce qu'il faudroit pour les nourrir
passant en France, voire de trouuer personnes qui les receuroiẽt
si tost qu'ils y seroient arriuez; ie me confiois en la charité de
plusieurs honnestes personnes qui n'auroient pas refusé vne aumosne
pour racheter les corps de ces miserables des supplices qu'ils ont
enduré, & leur ame de la damnation eternelle. I'aborde donc monsieur
[41] du Plessis nostre Lieutenant, ie luy fay apprehender l'affaire.
On fait des aumosnes en France pour retirer des emprisonnez pour des
debtes, & pourquoy ne trauaillera-on point pour ces pauures esclaues
de Satan? Ie luy fay mes offres, que nous donnerions tout ce que nous
pourrions: il embrasse l'affaire, & la propose le soir entre ceux qui
mangeoient en la table de nostre Capitaine: on repart qu'il faudroit
de grands presens pour leur sauuer la vie, monsieur du Plessis dit
qu'on donneroit ce qu'on pourroit, & qu'au reste il ne faudroit pas
grande chose, qu'on pourroit demander ces trois prisonniers Hiroquois
comme en eschange d'vn François qu'ils ont tué il y a quelques années,
ou à tout le moins en demander deux, & qu'asseurément on les auroit:
le truchement qui leur auoir parlé m'auoit asseuré que la chose
estoit [42] facile: là dessus on forme mille difficultez, & l'vn
de la compagnie s'écria qu'il falloit qu'ils mourussent, qu'il les
estrangleroit plustost, que c'estoient des coquins, & que parlãt à
vn Sauuage de Kebec il luy auoit dõné aduis de les faire mourir. Si
la mort de ces miserables apportoit quelque profit à la traicte des
peaux, qu'on vient faire en ce païs cy, ce zele de mort auroit quelque
couleur; mais leur vie & leur mort ne fait rien pour la traicte. O
qu'il importe beaucoup de bien choisir les personnes qu'on enuoye en
ce païs cy! Il est vray que monsieur Emery de Caën n'approuua point
cette cruauté. Quoy que ç'en soit le vent nous estant fauorable le iour
suiuant nous fimes voile, & laissames-là ces trois pauures abandonnez
entre les mains de leurs ennemis, qui en traitterent deux d'vn horible
façon, car ils n'ont point tué [43] le plus ieune à ce qu'on nous a dit.

On the eve of our departure from Tadoussac, news came that the
Hiroquois prisoners had been put to death at Kebec, and that those
at Tadoussac must share the same fate the next day. I undertook to
plead their cause, and promised to give what would be necessary to
feed them during their passage to France, even to find some one
to receive them as soon as they would reach there. I trusted
to the charity of many good people who would not withhold alms
to rescue the bodies of these poor creatures from the sufferings
they endured, and their souls from eternal damnation. So I
approached monsieur [41] du Plessis, our Lieutenant, and explained
the situation to him. Alms are given in France to restore men to
liberty who are imprisoned for debt, and why should not something
be done for these poor slaves of Satan? I promised him that we
would give all that we could. He took up the subject, and in the
evening presented it to those who ate at our Captain's table. They
answered that it would require large gifts to save their lives.
Monsieur du Plessis said that they [the French] would give what
they could, and that, besides, large gifts were unnecessary, as
the three Hiroquois prisoners could be demanded in exchange for
one Frenchman who had been killed a few years ago, or at least
two could be demanded, and they would be surely given up. The
interpreter who had talked to them assured me that it was an easy
[42] matter. Thereupon a thousand objections were urged, and one of
the company cried out that the captives ought to die; that he would
rather strangle them, that they were rascals, and that in talking
to a Savage in Kebec, he [the Savage] had advised him to have them
killed. If the death of these poor wretches brought profits to the
fur trade which people come here to carry on, there would be some
reason for this eagerness for their death; but neither their life
nor their death could affect it. Oh, how important it is that those
sent to this country should be carefully chosen! It is true that
monsieur Emery de Caën did not approve of this cruelty. However,
the wind being favorable to us on the following day, we spread our
sails, and left these poor abandoned creatures there in the hands
of their enemies, who disposed of two of them in a horrible manner,
for, as we were told, [43] they did not kill the youngest.

Arriuez que nous fumes à Kebec on nous raconta la mort de six
prisonniers que les Sauuages tenoient, laquelle est arriuée pour
l'yurongnerie que les Europeans ont icy apporté. Le Ministre Anglois,
qui au reste n'estoit point de la mesme Religion que ses oüailles,
car il estoit Protestãt ou Lutherien, les Kers sont Caluinistes, ou
de quelque autre Religion plus libertine, aussi ont-ils tenu six mois
en prison ce pauure Ministre dedans nostre maison: lequel m'a raconté
que les Montagnards vouloient traitter la paix auec les Hiroquois, &
que celuy qui tenoit les prisonniers luy auoit promis qu'on ne les
feroit point mourir: neantmoins ce miserable estant yure d'eau de vie,
qu'il auoit traitté auec les Anglois pour des Castors, appella son
frere, & luy commanda d'aller donner vn [44] coup de cousteau à l'vn
des Hiroquois & le tuer, ce qu'il fit. Voyla les pensées de la paix
euanoüies; on parle de la mort des autres. Le Ministre entendant cela
dit à ce Sauuage qu'il n'auoit point tenu sa parole faisant mourir
ce prisonnier. C'est toy, répond le Sauuage, & les tiens qui l'ont
tué, car si tu ne nous donnois point d'eau de vie, ny de vin, nous ne
ferions point cela. Et de fait depuis que ie suis icy ie n'ay veu que
des Sauuages yures, on les entend crier & tempester iour & nuict, ils
se battent & se blessent les vns les autres, ils tuent le bestial
de madame Hebert: & quand ils sont retournez à leur bon sens, ils
vous disent, Ce n'est pas nous qui auons fait cela, mais toy qui nous
donne cette boisson: ont ils cuué leur vin, ils sont entr'eux aussi
grands amis qu'auparauant, se disans l'vn l'autre tu es mon frere, ie
t'ayme, ce n'est pas [45] moy qui t'ay blessé, mais la boisson qui
s'est seruy de mon bras. I'en ay veu de tous meurtris par la face; les
femmes mesmes s'enyurent, & crient comme des enragées? ie m'attend
bien qu'ils tueront l'vn de ces iours quelques François, ce qu'ils ont
déja pensé faire, & passé huict heures du matin il ne fait pas bon les
aller voir sans armes, quand ils ont du vin. Quelques vns de nos gens
y estant allez apres le disner, vn Sauuage les voulut assommer à coups
de haches: mais d'autres Sauuages qui n'estoient pas yures vindrent au
secours. Quand l'vn d'eux est bien yure, les autres le lient par les
pieds & par les bras, s'ils le peuuent attraper. Quelques-vns de leurs
Capitaines sont venus prier les François de ne plus traitter d'eau
de vie, ny de vin, disans qu'ils seroient cause de la mort de leurs
gens. C'est bien le pis quand ils en voyent deuant [46] eux d'autres
autant yures qu'ils sçauroient estre. Mais finissons le discours de
ces Hiroquois; on fit parler au Capitaine Anglois s'il en vouloit
quelquesvns, comme il entendit qu'il falloit faire quelque present, il
répondit que non, & qu'ils en fissent ce qu'ils voudroient. Voicy donc
comme ils les traitterent.

Upon our arrival in Kebec, we heard of the death of six prisoners
held by the Savages, the result of the drunkenness which has been
introduced here by the Europeans. The English Clergyman, who was
not of the same Faith as his people,--for he was a Protestant
or Lutheran, and the Kers are Calvinists or of some other more
libertine Religion (they held this poor Minister a prisoner in
our house for six months),--told me that the Montagnards wanted
to negotiate a peace with the Hiroquois, and that the one who was
in charge of the prisoners had promised him that they would not
be killed. Nevertheless, this wretch being drunk with brandy,
which he had procured from the English in exchange for Beavers,
called his brother and commanded him to go and strike [44] one
of the Hiroquois with a knife and kill him, which he did. Thus
all thoughts of peace vanished. They were talking about killing
the others. The Minister, hearing this, said to the Savage that
in killing this prisoner he had not kept his word. "It is thou,"
answered the Savage, "and thine, who killed him; for, if thou hadst
not given us brandy or wine, we would not have done it." And, in
fact, since I have been here, I have seen only drunken Savages;
they are heard shouting and raving day and night, they fight and
wound each other, they kill the cattle of madame Hebert; and, when
they have returned to their senses, they say to you, "It is not
we who did that, but thou who gavest us this drink." When they
have slept off their drunkenness, they are as good friends with
each other as ever, saying to each other: "Thou art my brother, I
love thee; it is not [45] I who wounded thee, but the drink which
used my arm." I have seen some of them with very badly bruised
faces; even the women get drunk, and shriek like furies. I expect
that they will kill some of us French People one of these days, as
they have already thought of doing; and after eight o'clock in the
morning it is not safe to go to see them without arms, if they have
any wine. Some of our men going to see them after dinner, a Savage
tried to kill them with his hatchet, but other Savages who were not
drunk came to their assistance. When one of them is very drunk, the
others tie him by his feet and arms, if they can catch him. Some of
their Captains have come to plead with the French not to sell them
brandy or wine, saying that they would be the cause of the death of
their people. It is by far the worst when they see before [46] them
others as drunk as they can be. But let us end the talk about these
Hiroquois. The English Captain was asked if he wanted some of them.
As he supposed he would have to make them a present, he answered,
"no," and said that they might do with them what they pleased. Now
this is the way they were treated:

Ils leurs auoient arraché les ongles auec les dents si tost qu'ils
furent pris: Ils leurs couperent les doigts le iour de leur supplice,
puis leurs lierent les deux bras ensemble par le poignet de la main
auec vn cordeau, & deux hommes de part & d'autre, le tiroient
tant qu'ils pouuoient, ce cordeau entroit dans la chair & brisoit
les os de ces pauures miserables, qui crioient horriblement. Ayans
les mains ainsi accommodées on les attacha à des potteaux, & les
filles & les femmes donnoient des presents aux hommes [47] à fin
qu'ils les laissassent tourmenter à leur gré ces pauures victimes.
Ie n'assistay point à ce supplice, ie n'aurois peu supporter cette
cruauté diabolique; mais ceux qui estoient presens me dirent, si tost
que nous fumes arriuez, qu'ils n'auoient iamais veu rien de semblable.
Vous eussiez veu ces femmes enragées, crians, hurlans, leur appliquer
des feux aux parties les plus sensibles, & les plus vergogneuses, les
picquer auec des aleines, les mordre à belle dents, comme des furies,
leurs fendre la chair auec des cousteaux; bref exercer tout ce que
la rage peut suggerer à vne femme. Elles iettoient sur eux du feu,
des cendres bruslantes, du sable tout ardent, & quand les suppliciez
iettoiẽt quelques cris, tous les autres crioient encor plus fort, à
fin qu'on n'entendit point leurs gemissemens, & qu'on ne fut touché
de compassion. On leur [48] couppa le haut du front auec vn cousteau,
puis on enleua la peau de leur teste, & ietta-on du sable ardent sur le
test découuert. Maintenant il y a des Sauuages qui portent ces peaux
couuertes de leurs cheueux & moustaches par brauade; on voit encor
plus de deux cent coups d'aleines dans ces peaux: bref ils exercerent
sur eux toutes les cruautez que i'ay dit cy dessus parlant de ce que
i'auois veu à Tadoussac, & plusieurs autres, dont ie ne me souuiens pas
maintenant. Quand on leur represente que ces cruautez sont horribles
& indignes d'vn homme, ils répondent, Tu n'as point de courage de
laisser viure tes ennemis, quand les Hiroquois nous prennent, ils
nous en font encor pis, voyla pourquoy nous les traittons le plus mal
qu'il nous est possible. Ils firent mourir vn Sagamo Hiroquois, homme
puissant & courageux, il chantoit [49] dans ses tourmens. Quand on luy
vint dire qu'il falloit mourir: il dit, comme tout ioyeux, Allons i'en
suis content, i'ay pris quantité de Montagnards, mes amis en prendront
encor, & vengeront bien ma mort. Là dessus il se mit à raconter ses
proüesses, & dire adieu à ses parents, ses amis, & aux alliez de sa
nation, au Capitaine Flamand qui va traicter des peaux au païs des
Hiroquois par la merd du Nord. Apres qu'on luy eut coupé les doits,
brisé les os des bras, arraché la peau de la teste, qu'on l'eut rosty &
bruslé de tous costez, on le détacha, & ce pauure miserable s'en courut
droit à la riuiere, qui n'estoit pas loin de là, pour se rafraischir:
ils le reprirent, luy firent encor endurer le feu vne autrefois, il
estoit tout noir, tout grillé, la graisse fondoit & sortoit de son
corps, & auec tout cela il s'enfuit encor pour la seconde fois, & [50]
l'ayans repris, ils le bruslerent pour la troisiesme; en fin il mourut
dans ces tourmens: comme ils le voyoient tomber, ils luy ouurirent
la poitrine, luy arrachant le cœur, & le donnant à manger à leurs
petits enfans, le reste estoit pour eux. Voyla vne estrange barbarie.
Maintenant ces pauures miserables sont en crainte, car les Hiroquois
sont tous les iours aux aguets pour surprendre les Montagnards, &
leur en faire autant. C'est pourquoy nostre Capitaine voulant enuoyer
quelqu'vn aux Hurõs, n'a iamais peu trouuer aucun Sauuage qui y voulût
aller. C'est assez parlé de leur cruauté; disons deux mots de leur
simplicité. Vn Sauuage venant voir cét hyuer le Capitaine Anglois, &
voyant que tout estoit couuert de neige, eut compassion de son frere
qui est enterré aupres de l'habitation des Frãçois; voyla pourquoy [51]
il luy dit, Monsieur vous n'auez point pitié de mon pauure frere, l'air
est si beau, & le Soleil si chaud, & neantmoins vous ne faites point
oster la neige de dessus sa fosse pour le réchauffer vn petit. On eut
beau luy dire que les corps morts n'auoient aucun sentiment, il fallut
découurir cette fosse pour le contenter.

They had pulled out their nails with their teeth as soon as they
were taken. They cut their fingers off on the day of their torture;
then they tied their two arms together at the wrist with a cord,
and two men pulled it as hard as they, could at both ends, the
cord entering into the flesh and breaking the bones of these poor,
wretches, who cried out in a horrible manner. Thus having their
hands tied, they were bound to posts, and the girls and women gave
presents to the men [47] to be allowed to torment the poor victims
to their heart's content. I did not remain during this torture, I
could not have endured such diabolical cruelty; but those who were
present told me, as soon as we arrived, that they had never seen
anything like it. "You should have seen those furious women," they
said, "howling, yelling, applying the fire to the most sensitive
and private parts of the body, pricking them with awls, biting them
with savage glee, laying open their flesh with knives; in short,
doing everything that madness can suggest to a woman. They threw
fire upon them, burning coals, hot sand; and, when the sufferers
cried out, all the others cried still louder, in order that the
groans should not be heard, and that no one might be touched with
pity. The upper [48] part of their forehead was cut with a knife,
then the scalp was raised, and hot sand thrown upon the exposed
part." Now there are some Savages who wear, through bravado, these
scalps covered with hair and moustaches.[14] One can still see over
two hundred dents made by the awls in these scalps. In short, they
practiced upon them all the cruelties that I have above related in
speaking of what I had seen at Tadoussac, and many others, which do
not occur to me at present. When they are told that these cruelties
are horrible and unworthy of a man, they answer you: "Thou hast
no courage in allowing thine enemies to live; when the Hiroquois
capture us, they do still worse; this is why we treat them as
cruelly as we can." They killed an Hiroquois Sagamore, a powerful
and courageous man who sang [49] while being tortured. When he was
told that he must die, he said, as if overjoyed, "Good, I am
very much pleased; I have taken a great many of the Montagnards,
my friends will take still more of them, and they will avenge my
death." Thereupon he began to tell about his prowess, and to say
farewell to his relatives, to his friends and to the allies of
his tribe, to the Flemish Captain who goes to trade for furs in
the country of the Hiroquois by the Northern sea. After they had
cut off his fingers, broken the bones of his arms, torn the scalp
from his head, and had roasted and burned him on all sides, he was
untied and the poor creature ran straight to the river, which was
not far from there, to refresh himself. They captured him again,
and made him endure the fire still another time; he was blackened,
completely scorched, and the grease melted and oozed out of his
body, yet with all this he ran away again for a second time, but,
[50] having captured him again, they burned him a third time; at
last he died during these tortures. When they saw him fall, they
opened his chest, pulled out his heart and gave it to the little
children to eat; the rest was for them. This is a very strange
species of barbarism. Now these poor wretches live in fear because
the Hiroquois are always on the watch for the Montagnards to do
as much for them. That is why our Captain, wishing to send some
one to the Hurons, could never find any Savage who would go. This
is enough about their cruelty; let us say a few words about their
simplicity. A Savage coming to see the English Captain this winter,
and seeing that everything was covered with snow, felt compassion
for his brother who was buried near the French settlement. Hence
[51] he said to the Captain: "Monsieur, you have no pity for my
poor brother; the air is so beautiful and the Sun so warm, but
nevertheless you do not have the snow taken off his grave to warm
him a little." It was in vain that he was told that dead bodies
have no feeling; it was necessary to clear away the snow from the
grave to satisfy him.

Vn autre assistant aux Litanies que disoient quelques François, &
entendant qu'on disoit souuent ces paroles, _ora pro nobis_, comme il
ne les entendoit pas bien prononcer, il croyoit qu'on disoit, _carocana
ouabis_, c'est à dire du pain blanc, il s'estonnoit que si souuent on
reïterast ces paroles, _carocana ouabis_, du pain blãc, du pain blanc,
&c. Ils croyent que le tonnerre est vn oyseau, & vn Sauuage demandoit
vn iour à vn François si on n'en prenoit point en France, luy ayant dit
qu'ouy il le supplia de [52] luy en apporter vn, mais fort petit; il
craignoit qu'il ne l'espouuantast s'il eust esté grand.

Another who was present at the Litanies repeated by some Frenchmen,
hearing the frequent use of the words _ora pro nobis_, and not
hearing the pronunciation distinctly, thought they said _carocana
ouabis_, that is to say, "white bread;" he was astonished that they
should so often repeat the words _carocana ouabis_, "white bread,
white bread," etc. They believe that the thunder is a bird, and a
Savage one day asked a Frenchman if they did not capture them in
France; having told him yes, he begged him to [52] bring him one,
but a very little one; he feared that it would frighten him if it
were large.

Voicy vne chose qui m'a consolé, vn certain Sauuage nommé la Nasse,
qui demeuroit auprés de nos Peres, & cultiuoit la terre; voyant que
les Anglois le molestoient, s'estoit retiré dans des Isles où il auoit
continué à cultiuer la terre; entendant que nous estions de retour,
nous est venu voir, & nous a promis qu'il reuiendra à se cabaner aupres
de nous, qu'il nous donnera son petit fils; ce sera nostre premier
pensionnaire, nous luy apprendrons à lire, & à escrire; ce bon homme
dit que les Sauuages ne font pas bien, qu'il veut estre nostre frere, &
viure comme nous; madame Hebert nous a dit qu'il y a long temps qu'il
souhaittoit nostre retour.

Here is something that has consoled me: A certain Savage named la
Nasse, who lived near our Fathers and cultivated the land, seeing
that the English molested him, withdrew to the Islands, where he
continued to cultivate the land; hearing that we had returned, he
came to see us and has promised that he will come back and build
his cabin near us, and that he will give us his little boy. This
will be our first pupil; we shall teach him to read and write. This
good man told us that the Savages do not act right; that he wished
to be our brother, and live as we do. Madame Hebert told us that he
has wished for our return for a long time.

Plusieurs Sauuages nous demandent des nouuelles du R. Pere Lallemant,
[53] du Pere Masse, & du Pere Brebeuf, qu'ils appellent fort bien par
leur nom, & s'enquestent s'ils ne retourneront point l'année qui vient:
ces bonnes gens ont confiance en nous, en voicy vn exemple.

Several Savages ask us news of the Reverend Father Lallemant, [53]
of Father Masse, and of Father Brebeuf, whom they very readily call
by their names, and inquire if they will not return next year.
These simple creatures have confidence in us; here is an example of
it.

Le 6. d'Aoust monsieur Emery de Caën nous estant venu voir en nostre
petite maison, éloignée du fort vne bonne demie lieuë, il demeura
à disner auec nous. Pendant que nous estions en table, voyla deux
familles de Sauuages qui entrent iusqu'au lieu où nous estions,
hommes, femmes, & petits enfans. La premiere porte de nostre maison
estant ouuerte tout est ouuert, les Anglois ont brisé les autres:
voyla pourquoy ces bonnes gens furent plustost dans la chambre où
nous estions, qu'on ne s'en fut pris garde. Ils me vouloient prier de
leur garder quelque bagage, ie remarquay [l]eur patience, car quoy
qu'ils fussent [54] en chemin d'vn long voyage qu'ils alloient faire,
iamais neantmoins ils ne nous interrompirent pendant le disner, ny
apres tandis qu'ils me virent auec nostre Capitaine. Ils s'assirent de
part & d'autre, & ie leur fis donner à chacun vn morceau de pain, ce
qu'ils ayment fort: en fin monsieur de Caën estant party, l'vn d'eux
m'aborde, & me dit, _Ania Kir Capitana?_ mon frere es tu Capitaine? Ils
demandoient le superieur de la maison. Ils appellent leur Capitaine
Sagamo, mais par la frequentation des Europeans, ils se seruent du mot
de _Capitana_. Nostre Frere leur répondit, _eoco_, c'est à dire oüy.
Là dessus il me fait vne harangue, me disant qu'ils s'en alloient à
la chasse, ou à la pesche des Castors, & que ie leur gardasse leur
equipage, qu'ils reuiendroient quand les fueilles tomberoiẽt des
arbres. Ils me demanderent fort [55] souuent s'il n'y venoit point de
larrons en nostre maison, & regardoiẽt fort bien les endroits où leur
bagage seroit plus à couuert. Ie leur répondy que tout estoit chez nous
en asseurance, & leur ayant monstré vne chambrette qui fermoit à clef,
ils furent fort contents, mettant là dedans trois ou quatre paquets
couuerts d'écorces d'arbres fort proprement, disans qu'il y auoit là
dedans de grandes richesses. Ie ne sçay ce qu'il y a, mais au bout du
conte toutes leurs richesses ne sont que pauureté, leur or & argent,
leurs perles & diamans sont de petits grains blancs de porcelaine
qui ne paroissent pas grãde chose. Ayant serré leur bagage ils me
demanderent vn cousteau, ie leur en donnay vn, puis ils me demanderent
vn peu de ficelle pour attacher apres vn fer de fleche, ou vn dard, qui
a des dents comme vne cramaillere. Ils lancent ces [56] dards contre le
Castor, & tiennent tousiours le bout de la ficelle, la laissant filer
iusques au font de l'eau, où se retire le Castor blessé: lequel ayant
perdu son sang s'affoiblit, & ils le retirent par cette ficelle, qu'ils
ne quittent iamais qu'ils n'ayent leur proye. Leur ayant donc fait
present d'vn morceau de ficelle, ils me dirent _Ania Capitana ouias
amiscou_, mon frere le Capitaine, nous t'apporterons la chair d'vn
Castor, & me firent bien entendre qu'elle ne seroit point bouquanée,
ils sçauẽt bien que les François n'ayment point leur bouquan, c'est de
la chair seichée à la fumée, ils n'ont point d'autre sel que la fumée
pour conseruer leur viande.

The 6th of August, monsieur Emery de Caën coming to see us in our
little house, distant a good half-league from the fort, remained to
dine with us. While we were at the table, two families of Savages,
men, women, and little children, approached the spot where we were.
The outside door of our house being open, all is open, the English
having broken the others; that is why these simple people were in
the room, where we were, before we were aware of it. They wanted
to ask me to keep some of their baggage for them. I noticed their
patience, for, although they had [54] started on a long journey
which they were going to make, nevertheless they did not interrupt
us once during the dinner, nor afterwards while they saw me with
our Captain. They sat down in one place or another, and I had a
piece of bread, of which they are very fond, given to each of them.
At last, monsieur de Caën having departed, one of them approached
me and said: _Ania Kir Capitana?_ "My brother, art thou Captain?"
They were asking for the superior of the house. They call their
Captain "Sagamore," but by associating with the Europeans they have
come to use the word _Capitana_. Our Brother answered them, _eoco_;
that is to say, "yes." Thereupon he made a speech to me, saying
that they were going hunting or fishing for Beavers, and that I
should keep their baggage; that they would return when the leaves
fell from the trees. They asked me very [55] often if thieves ever
came into our house, and very carefully scrutinized the places
where their baggage might be best concealed. I answered that
everything was safe in our house, and having shown them a little
room which could be locked, they seemed very happy, placing therein
three or four packages covered very neatly with the bark of trees,
telling me that they contained great riches. I do not know what is
there; but, at the best, all their riches are only poverty. Their
gold and silver, their diamonds and pearls, are little white grains
of porcelain which do not seem to amount to much. Having piled up
their baggage, they asked me for a knife, and I gave them one;
then they asked me for some string to tie to an iron arrow-point
or dart, with barbed teeth. They throw these [56] darts against
the Beavers, and hold the end of the string, letting it go to the
bottom of the water where the wounded Beaver dives; and, when it
has lost blood and become weak; they draw it back by this string,
of which they never let go until they have their prey. Having
then made them a present of the piece of string, they said to me:
_Ania Capitana ouias amiscou_: "My brother, the Captain, we will
bring thee the meat of a Beaver," and they gave me very clearly to
understand that it would not be smoked. They know very well that
the French people do not like their dried food: that is, their meat
dried in smoke, for they have no other salt than smoke to preserve
their meats.

Vn autre Sauuage, estant encor à Tadoussac, m'apporta deux bouteilles
de vin pour luy garder dans ma cabane. Comme il tardoit long temps à
les venir requerir, i'aduerty le Pere [57] de Nouë, & nostre Frere, que
s'il s'addressoit à eux qu'ils me l'enuoyassent, ie craignois qu'il ne
les prist pour moy: mais il ne se trompa point. Le soir comme ie disois
mon breuiaire, il se vint asseoir aupres de moy, & attendit que i'eusse
acheué, alors il me tira & me dit, _Ania Cabana_, mon frere allons à ta
cabane, ie l'entendy bien, & luy rendy ses bouteilles qui luy auoient
cousté de bonnes peaux. Ces exemples font voir la confiance qu'ils
ont en nous: en verité qui sçauroit parfaittement leur langue, seroit
puissant parmy eux.

Another Savage, while we were at Tadoussac, brought me two bottles
of wine to keep in my cabin. As he was very long in coming back
after them, I notified Father [57] de Nouë and our Brother that,
if he applied to them, they should send him to me. I feared that
he would take one of them for me; but he made no mistake. In the
evening, as I was saying my breviary, he came and sat down beside
me, and waited until I had finished. Then he pulled me and said:
_Ania Cabana_, "My brother, let us go to thy cabin." I understood
him very well, and restored him his bottles, which had cost him
some good furs. These examples show what confidence they have in
us. In fact, any one who knew their language perfectly would be
powerful among them.

Ie suis deuenu regent en Canada, i'auois l'autre iour vn petit
Sauuage d'vn costé, & vn petit Negre ou Maure de l'autre, ausquels
i'apprenois à cognoistre les lettres. Apres tant d'années de regence,
me voyla enfin retourné à l'A, B, C. mais auec vn contentement & vne
satisfaction si grande, [58] que ie n'eusse pas voulu changer mes
deux escoliers pour le plus bel auditoire de France: ce petit Sauuage
est celuy qu'on nous laissera bien tost tout à fait, ce petit Neigre
a esté laissé par les Anglois à cette famille Frãçoise qui est icy,
nous l'auions pris pour l'instruire & le baptiser, mais il n'entend
pas encor bien la langue, voyla pourquoy nous attendrons encor quelque
temps. Quand on luy parla du baptesme il nous fit rire, sa maistresse
luy demandant s'il vouloit estre Chrestien, s'il vouloit estre baptisé,
& qu'il seroit comme nous, il dit qu'oüy: mais il demanda si on ne
l'escorcheroit point en le baptisant, ie croy qu'il auoit belle peur:
car il auoit veu escorcher ces pauures Sauuages. Comme il vit qu'on se
rioit de sa demande, il repartit en son patois, comme il peut, Vous
dites que par le baptesme ie seray comme vous, ie [59] suis noir & vous
estes blancs, il faudra donc m'oster la peau pour deuenir comme vous:
là dessus on se mit encor plus à rire, & luy voyant bien qu'il s'estoit
trompé, se mit à rire comme les autres. Quand ie luy dy qu'il prit
sa couuerture, & qu'il s'en retournast chez son maistre iusques à ce
qu'il entendit mieux la langue, il se mit à pleurer, & ne voulut iamais
reprendre sa couuerture, ie luy dy qu'il s'en allast au fort auec le
Pere de Nouë qui s'y en alloit, il obeït, mais on le rendit en passant
à son maistre qui ne s'en peut pas long temps passer, autrement nous
l'aurions retenu auec nous. Sa maistresse luy demandant pourquoy il
n'auoit point rapporté sa couuerture, il répondit, Moy point baptisé,
point couuerture: ils disoient viens baptise toy, & moy point baptisé,
moy point baptisé, point retourné, point couuerture. Il [60] vouloit
dire, que nous luy auions promis le baptesme, & qu'il ne vouloit point
retourner qu'il ne l'eût receu, ce sera dans quelque temps, s'il plaist
à Dieu.

I have become teacher in Canada: the other day I had a little
Savage on one side of me, and a little Negro or Moor on the other,
to whom I taught their letters. After so many years of teaching,
behold me at last returned to the A, B, C., with so great content
and satisfaction [58] that I would not exchange my two pupils for
the finest audience in France. This little Savage is the one who
will soon be left entirely with us. The little Negro was left
by the English with this French family which is here. We have
taken him to teach and baptize, but he does not yet understand
the language well; therefore we shall wait some time yet. When we
talked to him about baptism, he made us laugh. His mistress asking
him if he wanted to be a Christian, if he wanted to be baptized and
be like us, he said "yes;" but he asked if he would not be skinned
in being baptized. I think he was very much frightened, for he had
seen those poor Savages skinned. As he saw that they laughed at
his questions, he replied in his patois, as best he could: "You
say that by baptism I shall be like you: I [59] am black and you
are white, I must have my skin taken off then in order to be like
you." Thereupon all began to laugh more than ever, and, seeing that
he was mistaken, he joined in and laughed with the others. When
I told him to take his blanket and return to his master until he
should understand our language better, he began to cry, and refused
to take his blanket again. I told him to go away to the fort with
Father de Nouë, who was going there. He obeyed, but he was restored
on the way to his master, who cannot do long without him; otherwise
we would have retained him with us. His mistress, asking him why
he had not brought back the blanket with him, he answered: "Me not
baptized, no blanket. They said: 'Come, baptize thee,' and me not
baptized; and me not baptized, no return, no blanket." He [60]
meant that we had promised him the baptism, and that he did not
wish to return until he had received it; that will be in a short
time, if it please God.

Ie supputois l'autre iour combien le Soleil se leue plustost sur
vostre horison, que sur le nostre, & ie trouuois que vous auiez le
iour six heures & vn peu dauantage plutost que nous. Nos Mariniers
content ordinairement 17. lieuës & demie pour vn degré de l'equinoctial
& tout autre grand cercle, & d'ailleurs font estat qu'il y a d'icy
iusques à vous 1000. lieuës & dauantage, qui feront par consequent 57.
degrez & 12. minutes d'vn grand cercle, sur lequel se doit conter le
droit chemin qu'il y a d'icy à vous. Supposant donc nostre latitude
de 46. degrez & deux tiers, & celle de Dieppe de 49. & deux tiers, la
supputation faite exactement par la resolution [61] d'vn triangle qui
se fait sur la terre entre nos deux lieux, & le pole, nous donnera 91.
degrez & 38. minutes pour l'angle qui se fait au pole par nos deux
meridiens, & par consequent pour la piece de l'equinoctial, qui est
la mesure dudit angle, laquelle est iustement la difference de nos
longitudes. Or ce nombre de degrez estant reduit en temps, contant vne
heure pour chaque 15. degrez, nous aurons six heures & six minutes pour
le temps que le Soleil se leue plustost chez vous que chez nous: si
bien que quand vn Dimanche vous contez trois heures du matin, nous ne
sommes encor qu'à neuf heures du Samedy au soir. I'escry cecy enuiron
les huict heures du matin, & vous auez deux heures apres midy. Que si
auec les Geographes pour vn degré d'vn grand cercle on contoit 25.
lieuës, comme on fait ordinairement des [62] lieuës Françoises de
moyenne grandeur, alors nos 1000. lieuës ne feroient que 40. degrez de
droit chemin d'icy à vous, & par consequent la supputation faite comme
dessus ne donneroit pour la difference de nos longitudes que 61. degrez
& 34. minutes, c'est à dire 4. heures & 6. minutes de temps.

I calculated the other day how much earlier the Sun rises on your
horizon than it does on ours, and I found that you have daylight a
little over six hours earlier than we do. Our Sailors usually count
17 leagues and a half for a degree of the equinoctial and all other
great circles, and otherwise reach the conclusion that there are
from here to you 1000 leagues and over, which will consequently
make 57 degrees 12 minutes of a great circle upon which we ought
to calculate a direct route from here to you. Suppose then our
latitude to be 46 and two-thirds degrees and that of Dieppe 49 and
two-thirds; the computation made exactly by the solution [61] of a
triangle which might be made upon the earth, between our two places
and the pole, will give us 91 degrees and 38 minutes for the angle
which is made at the pole by our two meridians, and consequently
for the part of the equinoctial which is the measure of the said
angle, and this is just the difference in our longitudes. Now, this
number of degrees being reduced to time, counting one hour for
every 15 degrees, we shall have six hours and six minutes earlier,
for the time that the Sun rises with you than it does here; so
that on Sunday when you count three o'clock in the morning, it is
here still only nine o'clock on Saturday night. I am writing this
about eight in the morning, and it is two in the afternoon where
you are. So if, with the Geographers, for one degree of a great
circle, we counted 25 leagues, as is generally done with the [62]
French leagues of medium size, then our 1000 leagues would only be
forty degrees in a straight line from here to you; and consequently
the computation, made as above, would give for the difference of
our longitude only 61 degrees and 34 minutes,--that is to say, 4
hours and 6 minutes of time.

Au reste ce païs cy est tres-bon, si tost que nous sommes rentrez en
nostre petite maison enuiron le 13. de Iuillet nous auons foüy & besché
la terre, semé du pourpier, des naueaux, planté des faisoles, tout n'a
point tardé à leuer, nous auons bien tost apres recueilly de la salade,
le mal estoit que nos graines estoient gastées, ie dy d'vne partie,
sçauoir est qu'on a enuoyé à monsieur du Plessis: car celles que nostre
Frere a apporté, ont tres-bien reüssi, vous seriez estonné de voir
quelque nombre d'espics de [63] seigle qui se sont trouuez parmy nos
pois, elles sont plus longues & mieux grenées que les plus belles que
i'aye iamais veu en France.

All considered, this country here is very fine. As soon as we
had entered into our little home, the 13th of July, we began
to work and dig the earth, to sow purslane and turnips, and to
plant lentils, and everything grew very well; a very short time
afterwards we gathered our salad. But the misfortune was that our
seeds were spoiled, I mean a part of them; namely, those sent to
monsieur du Plessis: for those our Brother brought us grew very
well. You would be astonished to see the great number of ears of
[63] rye which were found among our peas; they are longer and more
grainy than the most beautiful I have ever seen in France.

Vendredy dernier 20. d'Aoust, iour de sainct Bernard, estant allé voir
vn malade à nostre bord, c'est à dire à nostre vaisseau, pour aller de
là saluër monsieur de la Rade, & le Capitaine Morieult nouuellement
arriuez, ie pensay estre noyé auec deux François qui estoient auec moy
dans vn petit cauot de Sauuage, dont nous nous seruons. La marée estoit
violente, celuy qui estoit derriere dans ce cauot le voulant détascher
du nauire la marée le fit tourner, & le cauot & nous aussi, nous
voyla tous trois emportez par la furie de l'eau, au milieu de cette
grande riuiere de sainct Laurens. Ceux du nauire crie sauue, sauue, au
secours, mais il n'y auoit point là de chalouppe, nous attrapons le
[64] cauot, comme ie vy qu'il tournoit si fort que l'eau me passoit de
beaucoup par dessus la teste, & que i'estouffois, ie quittay ce cauot
pour me mettre à nager, ie n'ay iamais bien sceu ce mestier, & il y
auoit plus de 24. ans que ie ne l'auois exercé: à peine auoy-ie auancé
de trois brasses, que ma sotane, m'enueloppant la teste & les bras,
ie m'en allois à fond, i'auois desia donné ma vie à nostre Seigneur,
sans luy demander qu'il me retirast de ce danger, croyant qu'il valloit
mieux le laisser faire, i'acceptois la mort de bon cœur; bref i'estois
desia à demy estouffé, quand vne chalouppe qui estoit sur le bord de la
riuiere, & deux Sauuages accoururent dans leur cauot, il ne paroissoit
plus qu'vn petit bout de ma sotane, on me retira par là, & si on eût
encor tardé vn _Pater_, i'estois mort, i'auois perdu tout sentiment,
pour ce que l'eau m'estouffoit, [65] ce n'estoit point d'apprehension,
ie m'estois resolu à mourir dans les eaux, dés le premier iour que ie
mis le pied dans le vaisseau, & i'auois prou exercé cette resignation
dans les tempestes que nous auons passé sur mer, le iugement me dura
tant que i'eu des forces, & me semble que ie me voyois mourir, ie
croiois qu'il y eut plus de mal à estre noyé qu'il n'y en a: bref nous
fumes tous trois sauuez, i'en suis resté indisposé de l'estomach,
i'espere que ce ne sera rien, la volonté de Dieu soit faite, cela ne
m'estonne point. Deux Anglois s'estant noyez dans ces cauots faits
d'écorces, qui sont extrememẽt volages, le Capitaine Ker fit faire vne
petit bateau de bois pour passer de nostre maison au fort, car il y
a vne riuiere entre deux; ie croiois que ce bateau nous demeureroit,
celuy qui s'en est saisi l'auoit promis au Pere de Nouë, [66] mais
depuis il s'est rauisé, s'il nous l'eut donné cela ne seroit pas
arriué; patience, il importe peu où on meure, mais si bien comment.

Last Friday, August 20th, the day of saint Bernard, having gone
to see a sick person on board, that is to say, on our vessel, and
going thence to greet monsieur de la Rade[15] and Captain Morieult,
newly I arrived, I thought I would be drowned, with two Frenchmen
who were with me in a little Native canoe which we use. The tide
was very violent; the person who was behind in this canoe wishing
to detach it from the ship, the tide gave him a turn, also the
canoe and ourselves, and behold us all three carried away by the
fury of the waves to the middle of the great saint Lawrence river.
Those in the ship cried, "Save them, save them, help!" but there
was no shallop there. We caught hold of the [64] canoe; as I felt
that it was whirling about so rapidly that the water came a great
way over my head, and that I was suffocating, I let go of the canoe
to swim. I never knew this exercise very well, and it was over 24
years since I had tried it. I had made scarcely sixteen feet[16]
when, my cassock winding around my head and my arms, I felt that
I was going to the bottom. I had already given my life to our
Lord, without asking him to rescue me from this danger; believing
it better to let his will be done, I accepted death cheerfully;
in short, I was already half drowned, when a boat that was on
the shore of the river, and two Savages in their canoe, hastened
towards us. Nothing was seen of me but a little end of my cassock;
they dragged me out by that, and if they had been one _Pater_
later I would have been dead. I was so choked by the water that
I had lost all feeling; [65] it was not fear, for I was resigned
to die in the water from the first day I had put my foot on the
vessel, and I had strengthened this resignation a great deal in the
tempests which we had upon the ocean. My faculties remained as long
as I had any strength left, and it seemed to me that I saw myself
dying; I thought there was more pain in drowning than there is. To
be brief, we were all three saved. I still feel some indisposition
in my stomach, which is not to be wondered at, but I hope that it
will be nothing; may the will of God be done. Two Englishmen having
been drowned in those bark canoes, which are very frail, Captain
Ker had a little wooden boat made for passing from our house to the
fort, because there is a river between the two; I thought this boat
would remain with us. The person who took possession of it promised
it to Father de Nouë, [66] but he has since changed his mind; if
he had given it to us, this would not have happened. Patience; it
matters but little where we die, but a great deal, how.

Demain 25. d'Aoust ie dois baptiser vn petit enfant Hiroquois qu'on
doit porter en France pour ne retourner iamais plus en ces païs cy, on
l'a donné à vn François qui en a fait present à monsieur de la Rade.
C'est assez, nous sommes si empressez que ie n'ay gardé aucun ordre en
ce narré, V.R. m'excusera s'il luy plaist, ie la supplie de secourir
ces pauures peuples qui sont en bon nombre, les Canadiens, Montagnards,
Hurons, Algonquains, la Nation des Ours, la Nation du Petun, la Nation
des Sorciers, & quantité d'autres: Ie vy arriuer les Hurons, ils
estoient plus de 50. cauots, il faisoit fort beau voir cela sur la
riuiere, ce sont de grands hommes bien faits, & tres-dignes de [67]
compassion, pour ne cognoistre pas l'Autheur de vie dont ils ioüissent,
& pour n'auoir iamais oüy parler de celuy qui a donné sa vie, & répandu
son sang pour eux.

To-morrow, on the 25th of August, I am to baptize a little
Hiroquois child who is to be taken to France, never to return to
this country; he was given to a Frenchman, who made a present
of him to monsieur de la Rade. Enough of this, we are in such
a hurry that I have not observed any order in this narrative;
Your Reverence will excuse me, if you please. I beseech you to
give succor to these poor people who are in goodly numbers, the
Canadians, Montagnards, Hurons and Algonquains, the Nation of the
Bear,[17] the Tobacco Nation,[18] The Nation of the Sorcerers,[19]
and many others. I saw the Hurons arrive; in their 50 canoes and
more, they made a very fine sight upon the river. They are large,
well-made men, and are to be [67] pitied because they do not know
the Author of the life they enjoy, and have never heard of him who
gave his life and shed his blood for them.

Ie pensois conclure ce petit narré le 24. d'Aoust: mais ce ne sera
qu'apres le baptesme de ce petit enfant. Ie viens donc de le baptiser,
monsieur Emery de Caën est son Parrain, madame Coullart fille de
madame Hebert est sa Marraine, il a nom Louys, aussi a-il esté baptisé
le iour de sainct Louys. Ce pauure petit qui n'a enuiron que quatre
ans pleuroit incessamment deuant le baptesme, & s'enfuioit de nous, ie
ne le pouuois tenir: si tost que i'eu commencé les ceremonies, il ne
dit pas vn mot, il me regardoit attentiuement, & faisoit tout ce que
ie luy faisois faire. Ie croiois qu'il fut Hiroquois, mais i'ay appris
qu'il est de la Nation de feu [68] son Pere & sa Mere, & luy ont esté
pris en guerre par les Algonquains, qui ont bruslé les parents, & donné
l'enfant à nos François.

I expected to end this little narrative on the 24th of August, but
it will not be until after the baptism of this little child. I have
just baptized him. Monsieur Emery de Caën is his Godfather; Madame
Coullart, daughter of Madame Hebert, his Godmother. His name is
Louys and he was baptized on saint Louys's day. This poor little
one, who is only about four years old, cried all the time before
his baptism, and ran away from us; I could not hold him. As soon
as I began the ceremony, he did not say a word; he looked at me
attentively and did everything that I would have him do. I believed
that he was an Hiroquois, but I have learned that he belongs to the
fire Nation;[20] [68] his Father and his Mother and he were taken
in war by the Algonquains, who burned the parents and gave the
child to the French.

Louys iadis Amantacha nous est venu voir, & nous a promis qu'il
viendroit l'année suiuante, pour s'en retourner auec le Pere Brebeuf
en son païs; il a de l'esprit, & m'a témoigné qu'il auoit de bons
sentimens de Dieu; cette Nation est rusée, ie ne sçaurois qu'en dire:
mille recommandations aux saincts sacrifices de vostre R. & aux prieres
de toute sa Prouince.

De V.R.

Tres-humble & obeïssant seruiteur
selon Dieu, PAVL LE IEVNE.

_Du milieu d'vn bois de plus de 800. lieuës d'estenduë, à Kebec ce 28.
d'Aoust 1632._

Louys, formerly Amantacha,[21] came to see us and promised that
he would come back next year, to return with Father Brebeuf to
his country; he is rather intelligent and showed me that he had
a correct conception of God. I could not tell you how cunning
this Nation is. I recommend myself a thousand times to the holy
sacrifices of your Reverence and to the prayers of your whole
Province.

Of Your Reverence,

The very humble and obedient servant,
in God, PAUL LE JEUNE.

_From the midst of a forest more than 800 leagues in extent, at
Kebec, this 28th of August, 1632._

[69] Privilege dv Roy.

NOVS Barthelemy Iacquinot, Prouincial de la Compagnie de IESVS, en
la Prouince de France, suiuant le Priuilege qui nous a esté octroyé
par les Roys tres-Chrestiens, Henry III. le 10. May 1583. Henry IV.
le 20. Decembre 1606. & Louys XIII. à present regnant le 14. Feurier
1612. pae lequel il est defendu à tous Imprimeurs, ou Libraires, de
n'imprimer ou faire imprimer aucun liure de ceux qui sont composez
par quelqu'vn de nostredite Compagnie, sans permission des Superieurs
d'icelle. Permettons à SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY Libraire Iuré Bourgeois de
Paris, de pouuoir imprimer pour six ans, _Brieue Relation du voyage de
la Nouuelle France_, &c. En foy de quoy nous auons signé la presente le
15. Nouembre 1632.

B. IACQVINOT.

[69] Royal License.

WE, Barthelemy Jacquinot, Provincial of the Society of JESUS, in
the Province of France, in accordance with the License which has
been granted us by the most Christian Kings, Henry III. the l0th
of May 1583, Henry IV. the 20th of December 1606; and Louys XIII.
now reigning, the 14th of February 1612, by which it is prohibited
to all Printers or Booksellers to print or cause to be printed
any book of those which are composed by any of our said Society,
without the permission of the Superiors of the same: We permit
SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY,[22] Bookseller under Oath, Citizen of Paris,
to print for six years, _Brieve Relation du voyage de la Nouvelle
France_, etc. In attestation of which we have signed the present
the 15th of November 1632.

B. JACQUINOT.

XXI

LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1633

PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1634

SOURCE: Title-page and text reprinted from original of "H. 55" edition,
in John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.

[Illustration: RELATION
DE CE QVI S'EST PASSE EN
LA NOVVELLE FRANCE
EN L'ANNEE 1633

Enuoyée
AV R. P. BARTH. IACQVINOT

Prouincial de la Compagnie de I E S V S en la prouince de France.

_Par le P. Paul le Ieune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la
residence de Kebec._

[Decoration]

A PARIS,

Chez SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY,
ruë S. Iacques, aux Cicognes.

M. DC. XXXIV.

_AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY._]

RELATION
OF WHAT OCCURRED IN
NEW FRANCE
IN THE YEAR 1633.

Sent to the
REV. FATHER BARTH. JACQUINOT

Provincial of the Society of JESUS, in the province of France.

_By Father Paul le Jeune of the same Society, Superior of the
Residence of Kebec._

PARIS,

SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, rue St. Jacques,
At the Sign of the Storks.

M. DC XXXIV.

_BY ROYAL LICENSE._

[3] Relation de ce qvi s'est passé en la Novvelle France en l'annee
1633.

MON R. PERE,

Les lettres qu'on enuoie en ces païs cy, font comme des fruicts bien
rares & bien nouueaux: on les reçoit auec contentement, on les regarde
auec plaisir: on les sauoure comme des fruicts du Paradis terrestre. Il
y auoit vn an que V.R. ne nous auoit parlé; ce peu de mots qu'il luy
a pleu nous coucher sur le papier, nous semblent [4] des paroles de
l'autre monde, aussi sont elles pour moy, ie les prẽds cõme des paroles
du ciel. C'est assez dict pour tesmoigner les sentimens qu'a eu mon
ame à la veuë de ses lettres. Et afin que la ioye possedast entieremẽt
nostre cœur, il ne falloit point d'autres messagers pour les apporter,
que ceux qui sont venus. On estoit icy en doubte si Monsieur de
Champlain, ou quelque autre de la part de Messieurs de la Compagnie de
la Nouuelle France, ou bien si le sieur Guillaume de Caen deuoit venir,
comme il en auoit l'an passé dõné parole publiquement dans nostre
vaisseau au sortir de France. Chacun defendoit son party, & produisoit
ses raisons probables auec respect & modestie, quand tout d' vn coup
Mõsieur de Champlain, auec les ordres de Monseigneur le Cardinal est
venu terminer le differend en faueur de la [5] Compagnie de la Nouuelle
France, ce iour nous a esté l'vn des bõs iours de l'anneé, nous sommes
entrez dãs de fortes esperances qu'en fin apres tãt de bourrasques
Dieu vouloit regarder nos pauures Sauuages de l'œil de sa bonté & de
sa misericorde; puis qu'il donnoit cœur à ces Messieurs de poursuiure
leur pointe malgré les contrastes que les demons, l'enuie, & l'auarice
des hommes leur ont suscitez. Ie ne sçay comme cela se fait, mais ie
sçay bien que puis qu'ils s'interessent en la gloire de Dieu, en la
publication de l'Euangile, en la conuersion des ames, nous ressentons
ie ne sçay quel interest d'affection dãs leurs affaires, en telle
sorte que si nos souhaits auoyent lieu, ils recueilleroyent plus en
vn mois, qu'ils n'ont perdu en tant d'années que leurs desseins ont
esté trauersez. Aussi sont ils nos Peres, puis qu'ils nourrissent icy
[6] vne partie de nous autres; & nous departent à tous leur affection
abõdamment. I'espere que dans quelques années ils verront des fruicts
du Ciel, & de la terre sortir du grain qu'ils ont semé auec tant de
peine. C'est la coniecture qu'on pourra tirer des petites remarques que
ie vay briéuement tracer.

[3] Relation of what occurred in New France in the year 1633.

MY REVEREND FATHER:

The letters that are sent to this country are like very rare and
very fresh fruits; they are received with joy, are regarded with
pleasure, and are relished as fruits of the terrestrial Paradise.
It had been a year since Your Reverence had spoken to us, and the
few words which you were pleased to place upon paper seemed to
us [4] like words from the other world. Thus they are for me; I
receive them as messages from heaven. Enough has been said to show
the sentiments which were awakened in my soul at the sight of your
letters. And in order that joy should take complete possession of
our hearts, no other messengers were needed to bring them than
those who came. We were in doubt whether Monsieur de Champlain,
or some one else in behalf of the Gentlemen of the Company of New
France, or whether sieur Guillaume de Caen was to come, as he had
last year announced in our ship as we were leaving France. Each one
defended his side, and presented his probable reasons respectfully
and modestly; when all at once Monsieur de Champlain arrived with
the orders of Monseigneur the Cardinal, and ended the dispute in
favor of the [5] Company of New France.[23] That day was one of
the good days of the year; we have been filled with strong hopes
that at last, after so many storms, God would look upon our poor
Savages with a merciful and kindly eye, as he has given courage
to those Gentlemen to carry out their purpose in spite of the
opposition that demons, envy, and the avarice of men, have aroused
against them. I know not how it happens, but I do know well that
since they interest themselves in the glory of God, in the spread
of the Gospel, in the conversion of souls, we feel an inexplicable
and affectionate interest in their affairs; so much so that, if
things would go according to our wishes, they would gain more in
one month than they have lost in all the years that their plans
have been thwarted. They are also our Fathers, since they provide
here [6] for a part of us, and bestow their affection abundantly
upon us. I hope that in a few years they will see the fruits of
Heaven and of earth growing from the seeds which they have planted
with so much trouble. This is the inference that may be drawn from
the few observations which I am about briefly to record.

Et afin d'éuiter la confusion, ie suiuray l'ordre du temps: Mais
au prealable il faut que ie die que nous auons pris vn singulier
plaisir dans les deportemẽs de nos François hyuerans. Il n'en faut
point mentir, i'eus quelque apprehension dans la trauerse que le
libertinage ne passast la mer auec nous: mais le bon exemple des chefs
qui commandoyẽt icy, l'éloignement des débauches, le petit trauail que
nous auons pris dans les predications, & administration des sacrements,
les ont retenus tellement [7] dans le debuoir, qu'encor bien que nous
eussions des personnes de deux partis bien differents, neantmoins il
sembloit que l'amour & le respect commandoit pour l'ordinaire & aux
vns & aux autres. Plusieurs se sont confessez generalement de toute
leur vie. Ceux qui n'auoyent quasi iamais parlé du ieusne que par
risée, l'ont estroittement gardé, se rendans obeïssans à leur mere
l'Eglise Chrestienne & Catholique.

And, in order to avoid all confusion, I shall follow the order
of time. But, as a prefatory remark, I must say that we have
felt a peculiar pleasure in the behavior of the French who are
wintering here. I confess had some fear during our voyage that
libertinage might cross the sea with, us; but the good example of
the chiefs who were in command at this place, the distance from all
debauchery, the little work which has been done in preaching, and
in the administration of the sacraments, have held all strictly
[7] in the line of duty; and, although we had among us persons
of two quite different parties, nevertheless it seemed that love
and respect generally ruled both sides. A number made a general
confession of their whole lives. Those who hardly ever spoke
of fasting, except in jest, have observed it strictly, becoming
obedient to their mother, the Christian and Catholic Church.

Mais venons au depart des vaisseaux de l'an passé, pour suiure les mois
qui se sont escoulez depuis ce tẽps là que nous auisames le Pere de
Nouë & moy, qu'il falloit chercher les moyens de s'addonner à l'estude
de la langue, sans la cognoissance de laquelle on ne peut secourir les
Sauuages. Ie quittay donc tout autre soing, & commençay à fueilleter vn
petit Dictionnaire escrit à la main, [8] qu'on m'auoit dõné en France;
mais tout remply de fautes.

But let us begin with the departure of our vessels last year,
and follow the months which have glided away since then, when
we, Father de Nouë and I, concluded that we must find some means
of devoting ourselves to the study of the language, without a
knowledge of which we cannot help the Savages. I then threw all
other cares aside, and began to turn over the leaves of a little
manuscript Dictionary [8] that had been given to me in France; but
it was full of errors.[24]

Le 12 d'Octobre voyant que i'auançois fort peu, apprenant auec beaucoup
de peine des mots décousus, ie m'en allay visiter les cabanes des
Sauuages à desseing d'y aller souuent, & me faire l'oreille à leur
langue. Ils estoient cabanez à plus d'vne grande lieuë loing de nostre
maison, & de peur de m'égarer dans les bois ie pris vn long destour sur
le bord du grand fleuue de Sainct Laurens. O que de peine à trencher
les roches de la pointe aux diamans! C'est vn lieu ainsi appellê de
nos François, pource qu'on y trouue quantité de petits diamants assez
beaux. Ces chemins sont affreux: i'allois des pieds & des mains, auec
belle peur de me laisser tõber. Ie passay par des endroits si estroits,
que la marée montant, & m'empeschant de poursuiure mon [9] chemin, ie
ne pouuois retourner en arriere, tant le passage me sembloit dangereux.
Ie grimpay au dessus des rochers, & m'agraffant à vne branche qui
arrestoit vn arbre abattu, cet arbre s'en vint rouler vers moy auec vne
telle impetuosité, que si ie n'eusse esquiué son coup, il m'eut tout
brisé, & ietté dans la riuiere.

On the 12th of October, seeing that I made very little progress,
learning a few stray words with a great deal of trouble, I went
to visit the cabins of the Savages, with the intention of going
there often, and accustoming my ear to their tongue. They were
encamped at a distance of more than a full league from our house,
and through fear of getting lost in the woods, I made a long detour
on the shores of the great Saint Lawrence river. Oh what a trial it
was to climb the rocks on diamond point! The place is thus named
by the French, because a quantity of very pretty little diamonds
are found there.[25] These roads are frightful; I went on my hands
and knees, with great fear of falling. I passed through places so
narrow, that when the tide arose and prevented me from continuing
on my [9] way, I could not turn back, the passage seemed to me so
dangerous. I climbed upon the rocks and, seizing a branch which
had arrested the fall of an uprooted tree, this tree came rolling
toward me with so much force, that if I had not escaped the blow,
it would have crushed and thrown me into the river.

Arriué que ie fus aux cabanes des Sauuages, ie vey leur secherie
d'anguilles. Ce sont les femmes qui exercent ce mestier. Elles vuidẽt
ce poisson, le lauent fort bien, l'ouurant nõ par le ventre, mais
par le dos, puis le pendent à la fumée, l'ayant faict au prealable
esgoutter sur des perches hors de leurs cabanes. Elles le tailladent
en plusieurs endroits, afin que la fumée le desseche plus aisement. La
quantité d'anguilles qu'ils prennent en ce temps là est incroyable: ie
ne voyois autre chose dedans & [10] dehors leurs cabanes. Les François
& eux en mangẽt incessamment pendant ce temps-là, & en gardent quãtité
pour le iours qu'on ne mange point de chair, ientens les François; car
les Sauuages n'ont point d'autres mets pour l'ordinaire que celuy-là,
iusques à ce que les neges soient grãdes pour la chasse de l'Orignac.
Cõme i'allois de cabane en cabane, vn petit garçon aagé d'enuiron
douze ans s'en vint droict à moy. Ie l'auois caressé l'ayant trouué
quelques iours au parauant en quelque endroit, me semblãt fort posé
& modeste. M'ayant recogneu, il me dict _Ania achtam achtam_: Mon
frere, viens, viens. Il me mene en la cabane de ses parens: i'y trouuay
vne vieille femme qui estoit sa grãd'mere, il luy dit deux ou trois
mots que ie n'entendis pas; & cette bonne vieille me presenta quatre
anguilles boucanées. Ie n'osay les refuser, [11] de peur de la facher.
Ie m'assis à platte terre aupres de son petit fils: ie tiray vn morceau
de pain que i'auois porté auec moy pour mon disner, i'en donnay à ce
petit garçon, à sa grand'mere, & à sa mere qui suruint. Ils me firent
rostir vne anguille auec vne petite broche de bois qu'ils picquent en
terre aupres du feu, puis ils me la presenterent sur vn petit morceau
d'escorce: ie la mangeay auec cet enfant, auquel ie demanday de l'eau:
il m'en alla querir dans vne escuelle ou plat fait d'escorce. Si tost
que i'eus beu, tous ceux qui estoient dans la cabane beurent apres moy.
Pour seruiette ce petit garçon ayant manié cette anguille cuite qui
estoit fort grasse, il se seruoit de ses cheueux, les autres frottent
leurs mains à leurs chiens: cette bonne vieille voiant que ie cherchois
où essuier les miennes, me donna de la poudre de [12] bois sec &
pourry, c'est dequoy les meres nettoient leurs petits enfans, ils n'ont
point d'autre linge. Apres que i'eu disné, cette bonne femme me fit vne
harangue, me donna encore de l'anguille: elle me sembloit recõmander
son fils, mais ie ne l'entendois pas. Ie tiray mon papier, & luy dis
le mieux que ie pû que son fils me vint voir, & qu'il m'apportât les
anguilles qu'elles m'auoyent dõné, ne les pouuãt apporter auec moy
pour la difficulté du chemin, luy promettant quelque chose pour sa
peine. Ie ne sçay s'ils entendirent mon baragoin, mais ie ne l'ay point
veu depuis. Estant de retour au logis, & racontant au Pere de Nouë
la difficulté du chemin, il me dist pour me consoler, qu'allant aux
Hurons on rencontroit quarante endroits plus difficiles que celuy dont
ie luy parlois. Dieu soit beny de tout. Si nos [13] Peres qui iront en
ces pais là, ont de la peine, Dieu les sçaura fort bien recompenser.
Voyant donc que ie perdois beaucoup de temps en ces allées & venues aux
cabanes, ie cherchay vn autre moyẽ de tirer quelque chose de la langue,
dont ie parleray tantost.

When I reached the cabins of the Savages, I saw their place for
drying eels. This work is done entirely by the women, who empty
the fish, and wash them very carefully, opening them, not up the
belly but up the back; then they hang them in the smoke, first
having suspended them upon poles outside their huts to drain. They
gash them in a number of places, in order that the smoke may dry
them more easily. The quantity of eels which they catch in the
season is incredible. I saw nothing else inside and [10] outside
of their cabins. They and the French eat them continually during
this season, and keep a large quantity of them for the time when
meat is not eaten; I mean the French, for the Savages usually have
no other meat than this until the snow is deep enough for Moose
hunting. As I went about from hut to hut, a little boy about twelve
years old came straight up to me. A few days before, meeting him
somewhere, I had given him a caress, as he seemed to me quite
bright and modest. Having recognized me he said; _Ania achtam
achtam_; "My brother, come, come." He conducted me to the hut of
his parents, where I found an old woman who was his grandmother;
he said two or three words to her which I did not understand, and
this good old woman presented me with four smoked eels. I dared
not refuse them [11] for fear of making her angry. I sat down upon
the ground near her grandson, and took out a piece of bread that I
had brought with me for my dinner; I gave some to the little boy,
to his grandmother, and to his mother, who came in. They roasted
an eel for me upon a little wooden spit, which they thrust into
the ground near the fire. They then presented it to me upon a small
piece of bark. I ate it with the child, of whom I asked some water;
he brought me some in a dipper or dish made of bark. As soon as I
had drunk, all those in the cabin drank after me. The little boy,
having handled the roasted eel, which was very greasy, used his
hair as a napkin, and the others rubbed their hands on the dogs.
The good old woman, seeing that I was looking for something upon
which to wipe my hands, gave me some powder made of [12] dry and
rotten wood. It is with this that the mothers clean their little
children, for they have no other towels. After having dined, this
simple woman made me a speech, and gave me some more eel: it seemed
that she was commending her son to me, but I did not understand.
I took out my paper, and told her as well as I could that her son
should come to see me and bring the eels they had given me, as I
could not carry them back with me on account of the difficulties of
the road, promising her something for her trouble. I do not know
whether they understood my jargon, but I have not seen them since.
Having returned to our lodgings, and recounted to Father de Nouë
the difficulties of the road, he told me, by way of consolation,
that in going to the Hurons one would encounter forty places much
more difficult then the one of which I spoke. God be blessed for
all things. If our [13] Fathers who are going to those countries
have trials, God will know very well how to compensate them. Seeing
that a great deal of time was lost in going to and from the cabins,
I sought another means of finding out something about the language,
of which I shall soon speak.

Le 13. du mesme mois d'Octobre le Sauuage nõmé Manitougache, surnommé
des François La Nasse, nous vint voir auec quantité d'autres, qui nous
firent depositaires & gardiens de leurs sacs & richesses. Ie demanday à
l'vn d'eux son nom, il baissa la teste sans rien dire: vn François le
demanda à vn autre, luy disant _Khiga ichenicasson?_ comment t'appelles
tu? Il respondit, _namanikisteriten_, ie n'en scay rien. I'ay depuis
appris qu'ils ne veulent point dire leur nom deuant les autres, ie ne
scay pourquoy. Si neãtmoins vous demandez à quelqu'vn [14] comme vn
autre s'appelle, il vous le dira librement, mais il ne dira pas son
nom. Il est vray que ie l'ay faict dire à quelques enfans, lesquels me
demandans le mien, & voyans que ie le difois librement, ils me disoyent
aussi le leur.

On the 13th of the same month of October the Savage named
Manitougache, surnamed by the French La Nasse,[26] came to see
us with a number of others, making us the trustees and guardians
of their sacks and possessions. I asked one of them his name; he
bowed his head, without saying a word. A Frenchman asked it of
another, saying to him: _Khiga ichenicasson?_--"What is thy name?"
He answered, "_namanikisteriten_,--I know nothing about it." I have
since learned that they do not like to tell their names before
others, I know not why. If, however, you ask some one [14] what
another's name is, he will tell you very freely though he will not
tell his own. It is true that I have had a number of children tell
me, who asked me my name, and, seeing that I told them freely, they
told me theirs also.

Le 24e estant allé dire la Messe à l'habitation de nos François, vn
Capitaine des Sauuages vint voir le sieur Emery de Caen, & luy dict
que les Algonquains estãs allez à la guerre contre les Hiroquois vn de
leurs hommes auoit esté tué, & l'autre pris prisonnier. Ce qui auoit
tellement espouuanté les Montagnaits, qu'ils s'en reuenoyent tous de la
chasse du castor, & de l'ours, pour se cabaner pres du fort, crainte
d'estre surpris de leurs ennemis. Ils se vouloyent r'assembler pour
estre plus forts: mais ils craignoient la faim en quittant leur chasse.
Ils demanderent donc [15] si on ne les secoureroit pas de viures au
cas qu'ils demeurassent ensemble. La response fut qu'on ne vouloit riẽ
donner à credit cette année là; ce à quoy ils s'attendoyent. On me
racõta vne generosité de ce capitaine, estant enuoié pour espion vers
les Hiroquois, il rencontra l'espion des ennemis: se voians teste à
teste, l'Hiroquois se croiant plus fort que le mõtagnaits, lui dit, Ne
faisõs point tuer nos gens; mais luitons ensemble, & voions qui pourra
emporter son cõpagnon. La proposition acceptée, ce capitaine qui pour
lors estoit espiõ des Montagnaits, fatigua si fort son homme, que
l'ayant terrassé, il le lia, le chargea sur son dos comme vn fagot, &
l'emporta vers ses gens. Voila ce qu'on me dict de luy.

On the 24th, having gone to say Mass at the French settlement, a
Captain of the Savages came to see sieur Emery de Caen, and told
him that, the Algonquains having gone to war against the Hiroquois,
one of their men had been killed and the other taken prisoner.
This had so frightened the Montagnaits, that they all returned
from the hunt for beavers and bears, to camp near our fort, for
fear of being surprised by their enemies. They wanted to unite,
that they might be stronger; but they feared famine in abandoning
the chase. They asked us therefore [15] if we would supply them
with food, in the event of their remaining together. The answer
was that we would not give anything on credit that year; this was
what they were relying upon. I was told about an act of generosity
on the part of this captain. Having been sent as a spy upon the
Hiroquois, he encountered the spy of the enemy, and seeing each
other face to face, the Hiroquois, believing himself stronger than
the montagnaits savage, said to him: "Do not let us have our people
killed, but let us wrestle and see which can carry his companion
away." The proposal being accepted, this captain, who at that time
was the spy of the Montagnaits, so tired out his man that, having
thrown him down, he bound him, loaded him upon his back like a
piece of wood, and carried him away to his people. This was what
they told me about him.[27]

Le mesme iour le Sauuage Manitougache, autrement La Nasse (c'est celuy
dont i'escriuis à V.R. l'an passé, [16] qu'il se vouloit venir cabaner
aupres de nous, comme il a fait depuis) retournant de la chasse aux
ours, s'en vint souper & coucher chez nous. Ayant bien mangé, il
commence en riant à frapper doucement son ventre tout nud, disant,
_taponé nikïspoun_, en vérité ie suis saoul. voila comme ils remercient
leurs hostes de la bonne chere qu'on leur a faict: quand ils disent
_nikispoun_, ie suis saoul, c'est à dire qu'on les a bien traittez.
Il portoit auec soy vn fort grand bouclier fort lõg & fort large: il
me couuroit tout le corps aisemẽt, & m'alloit depuis les pies iusques
à la poictrine: ils le releuẽt & s'en couurent entieremẽt, il estoit
fait d'vne seule piece de bois de cedre fort leger: ie ne scay comme
ils peuuent doler vne si grande & si large planche auec leurs couteaux:
il estoit vn petit plié ou courbé pour mieux couurir le corps, &
afin que [17] les coups de fleches ou de masses venans à le fendre,
n'emportassent la piece, il l'auoit cousu hault & bas auec de la corde
faite de peau: ils ne portent point ces boucliers au bras, ils passent
la corde qui les soustient sur l'espaule droicte, abriant le costé
gauche: & quand ils ont tiré leur coup, ils ne font que retirer le
costé droict pour se mettre à couuert.

The same day the Savage Manitougache, otherwise La Nasse, (it
is he of whom I wrote to Your Reverence last year, [16] that he
wanted to come and settle near us, as he has since done), returning
from the bear hunt, came to sup and sleep with us. Having eaten
well, he began to laugh and gently strike his naked belly, saying,
_taponé nikïspoun_, "in truth, I am full." This is the way they
thank their hosts for the good treatment they have received. When
they say _nikispoun_, "I am full," that is to say that they have
been handsomely entertained. He carried with him a great shield,
very long and very wide. It easily covered my whole body, and
reached from my feet to my chest. They raise it up and entirely
cover themselves with it. It is made of one single piece of very
light cedar. I do not know how they can plane so large and so wide
a plank with their knives; it was a little bent or curved, the
better to cover the body; and, in order that [17] if an arrow or
blow should split it, it might still hold together, it was sewed at
the top and bottom with a leather string. They do not carry these
shields upon their arms; they pass the cord which holds them over
the right shoulder, protecting the left side, and when they have
cast their missile they have only to withdraw the right side to put
themselves under cover.

Ie diray icy que les Sauuageais aimẽt fort la sagaimité, le mot de
Sagamiteou en leur langue signifie proprement de l'eau, ou du brouët
chaud: maintenant ils estendent sa signification à toute sorte de
potage, de bouillie, & choses semblables. La sagamité qu'ils aiment
beaucoup, est faite de farine de bled d'Inde: au defaut de cette farine
nous leur en auõs quelquefois donné de la nostre de France, laquelle
estant bouillie auec de l'eau, ne fait que de la colle. Ils ne [18]
laissent pas de la manger auec appetit, notamment si on y met vn peu de
pimi, c'est à dire de l'huile, c'est leur sucre, ils en mettent dans
les fraises & framboises quand ils en mangent, à ce qu'on m'a dict: &
leurs plus grãds festins sont de graisse ou d'huile. Ils mordent par
fois dans vn morceau de graisse blãche figée comme nous mordrions dans
vne pomme: voila leur bonne chere. On m'a dict encor qu'autant qu'on
leur apportât des chaudieres de France, ils faisoyent cuire leur chair
dans des plats d'escorce, qu'ils appellent _ouragana_. Ie m'estonnois
comme ils pouuoyent faire cela, car il n'y a rien si aisé à bruler
que cette escorce. On me respõdit qu'ils mettoyent leur chair & de
l'eau dans ces plats, puis qu'ils mettoyẽt cinq ou six pierres dans
le feu, & quand l'vne estoit toute bruslante, ils la iettoyent dans
ce beau potage, [19] & en la retirant pour la remettre au feu, ils
en mettoyẽt vne autre toute rouge en sa place, & ainsi continuoyent
ils iusques à ce que leur viãde fût cuite. Pierre le Sauuage, dont ie
parleray cy apres, m'a asseuré que quelques-vns ayant perdu ou rompu
leur chaudiere, se seruoyent encor de cette ancienne coustume, & que la
chair n'estoit point si long temps à cuire qu'on s'imagineroit bien.

I shall say here that the Savages are very fond of sagamité.[28]
The word "Sagamiteou" in their language really means water, or warm
gruel. Now they have extended its meaning to signify all sorts of
soups, broths, and similar things. This "sagamité," of which they
are very fond, is made of cornmeal; if they are short of that, we
sometimes give them some of our French flour, which, being boiled
with water, makes simple paste. They do [18] not fail to eat it
with appetite, especially when we place in it a little "pimi;" that
is to say, oil, for that is their sugar. They use it with their
strawberries and raspberries when they eat them, as I am told, and
their greatest feasts are of fat or of oil. They sometimes bite
into a piece of solid white grease as we would bite into an apple;
this is their high living. I have been told that, before kettles
were brought to them from France, they cooked their meat in bark
dishes which they called _ouragana_. I wondered how they could do
that, for there is nothing easier to burn than this bark. I was
answered that they put their meat and water into these dishes, then
they place five or six stones in the fire; and, when one is burning
hot, they throw it into this fine soup, [19] and, withdrawing it to
place it in the fire again, they put another one which is red-hot
in its place, and thus continue until their meat is cooked. Pierre,
the Savage, of whom I shall speak hereafter, assured me that some
of them, having lost or broken their kettles, still resorted to
this old custom, and that it did not take so long to cook the meat
as one would imagine.

Le 27. d'Octobre veille de sainct Simon & sainct Iude nous vismes vne
eclipse de lune, qui me confirma dans la remarque que ie fis l'an
passé que vous auiez en France le iour six heures & vn peu dauantage,
plustost que noꝰ: car l'Almanach disoit que cette eclipse deuoit
arriuer en France sur la minuict, & nous la vîmes sur les six heures du
soir; dont ie conclus que la difference du commencement de nos iours &
de nos nuicts [20] est de six heures: si bien que maintenant vous estes
dans la profondeur de la nuict au temps que i'escris cecy sur les six
heures du soir.

On the 27th of October, the eve of saint Simon and saint Jude, we
saw an eclipse of the moon, which confirmed the observations which
I made last year, that in France it is daylight a little over six
hours sooner than it is here. For the Almanac had announced that
the eclipse would commence at midnight in France, and we saw it
about six o'clock in the evening. Therefore I concluded that the
difference in the beginning of our days and our nights [20] is
six hours; so that now you are in the middle of night, while I am
writing this about six o'clock in the evening.

Le 28e quelques chasseurs François retournans des isles qui sont
dãs le grand fleuue S. Laurens nous dirẽt qu'il y auoit du gibier à
foison, des outardes, des oyes, des canards, des sarcelles, & autres
oyseaux. Ils nous asseurerent encore qu'il y auoit des pommes dans
ces isles, fort douces, mais fort petites, & qu'ils auoyent mangé des
prunes qui ne cederoient point à nos abricots de France si ces arbres
estoient cultiuez. Les Sauuages gastent tout, car rencontrans vn arbre
fruictier, ils l'abbattent pour auoir le fruict.

On the 28th, some French hunters, returning from the islands which
are in the great St. Lawrence river, told us that game swarmed
there; bustards, geese, ducks, teal, and other birds. They assured
us also that there were apples in those islands, very sweet but
very small; and that they had eaten plums which would not be in any
way inferior to our apricots in France if the tree were cultivated.
The Savages spoil everything, for, when they come to a fruit tree,
they cut it down to get the fruit.

Le 31. vn Sauuage surnommé Brehault, pource qu'il parloit fort haut,
reuenant de la chasse demãda le couuert chez nous pour vne nuict, & à
[21] souper par consequent. On luy donna des pois, & à ses deux enfans
qui l'accompagnoyent: il mangeoit auec si grand appetit, que pour
exploitter dauãtage il quitta vne cueiller d'estain qu'on luy auoit
presentée, & prit la grande cueiller du pot, s'en seruant pour manger:
Et pource que le plat n'estoit pas assez profond il puisoit dans la
marmite, de laquelle il se seruoit pour écuelle, sans garder autre
ciuilité que celle que son grand appetit luy fournissoit. Ie le laissay
faire quelque temps. Apres qu'il eut bien mangé, il s'en va prendre
de l'eau auec la mesme cueiller du pot, beuuant cela auec plaisir,
& reiettant son reste dans le seau. voila toute l'honnestete qu'ils
sçauent.

On the 31st, a Savage, surnamed Brehault on account of his loud
voice, in coming back from the hunt asked us for a night's lodging
and consequently for his supper. We gave peas both to him and to
his two children who were with him. He ate so ravenously, that to
make the best of the occasion, he threw aside the pewter spoon that
had been given to him, and took the great pot-ladle to eat with;
and, as his dish was not big enough, he dipped into the saucepan,
and even used it as a ladle, observing no other law of politeness
than what his great appetite suggested to him. I let him go on for
some time. After he had eaten well, he dipped some water out with
the same pot-ladle, drinking it with great relish and throwing back
into the pail what was left. This is all the manners they have.

I'en ay veu quantité d'autres cherchans quelque chose pour puiser
de l'eau, prendre vn petit poeslon, dont le dessous est comme celuy
d'vne [22] marmite, & boire brauement auec cela, & auec autant de
contentement qu'on boiroit en Frãce d'vn vin fort excellent dans
vn verre de crystal: les vaisseaux les plus gras leur sõt les plus
agreables, pource qu'il n'y a rien qu'ils aiment tant que la graisse,
ils boiuent chaud ordinairement, & mangent à terre: ceux qui maintenant
nous cognoissent ne font plus ces grosses inciulitez deuant nous.

I have seen many others, looking for something with which to dip
water, take a little kettle, the bottom of which is like that of
a [22] saucepan, and drink cheerfully from it and with as much
satisfaction as you would in France drink excellent wine from a
crystal glass. The most greasy vessels are the most agreeable to
them, for there is nothing they relish so much as grease; they
usually drink liquids hot and they eat from the ground. Those
who know us do not now indulge in such gross incivilities in our
presence.

Le premier iour de Nouembre feste de tous les Saints, aiant appris
qu'vn pauure miserable Sauuage mãgé d'vn chancre ou des écroüelles,
estoit dãs vne meschante cabane delà le grand fleuue de S. Laurens,
abandonné de tout le monde, horsmis de la fẽme qui l'assistoit le mieux
qu'elle pouuoit, nous fismes ce que nous peûmes pour le faire apporter
prés de nostre maison, afin de le pouuoir secourir selon le corps &
selon l'ame: [23] le Pere de Nouë & nostre Frere le furent voir, ils en
eurent grande compassion. Ie priay nostre truchement frãcois d'induire
les Sauuages à nous l'apporter: car nous ne pouuions l'aller querir;
il en parla a l'vn d'eux en ma presence, qui demanda ce qu'on luy
donneroit, on luy dit qu'on luy donneroit à manger, ie luy fis dire
qu'il estoit grandement ingrat, que cet homme estoit de sa nation, &
que nous qui n'en estions pas, le vouliõs secourir, & cependant qu'il
luy refusoit ce peu d'assistance. A cela point d'autre response, sinon
qu'il s'en alloit bien-tost à la chasse, & qu'il n'auoit pas le loisir
de mener la son canot.

On the first day of November, all Saints' day, having learned that
a poor miserable Savage, eaten by a malignant ulcer or scrofulous
affection, was in a wretched hut beyond the great St. Lawrence,
abandoned by everybody except his wife, who was caring for him the
best she could, we did all in our power to have him brought near
our house, in order that we might help him both in regard to his
body and his soul. [23] Father de Nouë and our Brother went to see
him, and they were filled with compassion for him. I begged our
french interpreter to persuade the Savages to bring him to us,
for we could not go and fetch him. He spoke to one of them in my
presence, who asked what he would be given for it. He was told that
he would be given something to eat. I had them tell him that he
was very ungrateful; that the sick man was of his tribe, and that
we who were not of it wished to help him, and still he refused him
that little assistance. For this he made no other excuse than that
he was going very soon to the hunt, and that he had no time to
take his canoe there.

I'ay remarqué que les Sauuages font tres-peu d'estat d'vn homme de la
santé duquel ils desesperent, voire mesme ils les tuënt par fois, où
les laissent dãs les bois pour s'en deffaire, [24] ou pour ne les voir
languir.

I have observed that the Savages care but little for men whose
condition is so low that life is despaired of; indeed they
sometimes kill them, or leave them in the woods to get rid of them,
[24] or to avoid seeing them gradually fail.

Le 5. du mesme mois de Nouembre, vn grand ieune Sauuage s'en vint chez
nous retournant de la chasse aux castors, criant qu'il mouroit de
faim, il apportoit quantité de racines, entr'autres force oignons de
martagons rouges, dont il y a icy tres-grand nõbre, nous luy donnasmes
quelque chose, & goustasmes de ces oignons, ils sont tres-bons à
manger, il n'y fit point d'autre saulce que de les faire boüillir
dans l'eau sans sel, car les Sauuages n'en mangent point, quoy que
maintenant ils s'y accoustument fort bien.

On the 5th of the same month of November, a tall young Savage,
returning from beaver hunting, called upon us, crying out that
he was dying of hunger. He brought a number of roots, among them
several bulbs of the red lily variety, of which there are a great
many here. We gave him something, and tasted these bulbs, which are
very good to eat;[29] he made no other sauce than to boil them in a
little water without salt, which the Savages do not use, although
they are now accustoming themselves to it very well.

Le huictiesme Manitougache surnommé la Nasse, & toute sa famille
composée de deux ou trois ménages, se vindrent cabaner auprés de nostre
maison, ils nous dirent que deux ou trois cabanes de Sauuages auoient
esté deuorées par de grands animaux incognus, [25] qu'ils croioient que
c'étoient des Diables, & que les Montagnaits ayant peur, ne vouloient
point aller à la chasse du costé du Cap de Tourmente, & de Tadoussac,
ces mõstres ayans paru de ce costé là. On soupçonna par apres que les
Sauuages auoient fait courir ce bruit, pour tirer de l'autre costé de
la riuiere.

On the eighth, Manitougache, surnamed la Nasse, and all his family,
consisting of two or three households, came and encamped near our
house. They told us that two or three families of Savages had been
devoured by large unknown animals, [25] which they believed were
Devils; and that the Montagnaits, fearing them, did not wish to go
hunting in the neighborhood of Cape de Tourmente and Tadoussac,
these monsters having appeared in that neighborhood.[30] It was
afterward suspected that the Savages had spread this report, to
draw them from the other side of the river.

Le 9. ie m'en allay voir ces nouueaux hostes; comme i'estois dans leur
cabane, i'entendois chanter deux hommes sans sçauoir où ils estoient,
ie regarde dans toute la cabane, ie ne les voy point & cependãt ils
estoient tout au milieu, renfermés comme dans vn four, où ils se
mettent pour se faire suer. Ils dressent vn petit tabernacle fort
bas, entouré d'ecorces, & tout couuert de leurs robbes de peaux: ils
font chauffer cinq ou six cailloux qu'ils mettent dans ce four où ils
entrent tous nuds, [26] ils chantent là dedans incessamment, frappans
doucement les costez de ces estuues. Ie les veis sortir tous moüillez
de leur sueur: voila la meilleure de leurs medecines.

On the 9th I went to see these newcomers; and while in their cabin
I heard two men singing, but I could not tell where they were. I
looked all around in the cabin, but did not see them, and yet they
were there in the very middle of it, shut up as in an oven, where
they had placed themselves to have a sweat. They make a little low
tent of bark, and cover it with their fur robes; then they heat
five or six stones and put them into this oven, which they enter
entirely naked. [26] They sing all the time while in there, gently
striking the sides of these stoves. I saw them come out all wet
with perspiration; this is the best of their medicines.[31]

Le 12. de Nouembre, l'hyuer fit ses approches, commençant à nous
assieger de ses glaces. Ayant esté fort long temps ce iour là dans vne
grande cabane de Sauuages, où il y auoit plusieurs hommes, femmes,
enfans de toutes façons, ie remarquay leur admirable patience, s'il y
auoit tant de familles ensemble en nostre France, ce ne seroiẽt que
disputes, que querelles, & qu'iniures; les meres ne s'impatientent
point apres leurs enfans, ils ne sçauent que c'est que de iurer, tout
leur serment consiste en ce mot _taponé_, en verité, point de ialousie
les vns enuers les autres, ils s'entr'aident & secourent grandement,
pource qu'ils esperent le reciproque, [27] cet espoir manquant, ils ne
tiennent compte de qui que ce soit.

On the 12th of November, winter made its first appearance,
beginning to besiege us with its ice. Having spent a long time on
that day in one of the large cabins of the Savages, where there
were a number of men, women, and children of all kinds, I noticed
their wonderful patience. If so many families were together in
our France, there would be nothing but disputes, quarrels, and
revilings. The mothers do not get impatient with their children,
they do not know what it is to swear, their only oath consisting of
this one word _taponé_, "in truth;"[32] there is no jealousy among
them; they aid and relieve each other very generously, because they
expect a return of the favor. [27] If this expectation fail, they
respect the person no longer, whoever he may be.

Tout ainsi qu'vn homme en Europe se compose & s'habille honnestement
quand il veut aller en quelque honneste maison; de mesme les Sauuages
se font peindre la face quãd ils font quelques visites. Le fils de
Manitougache voulant aller à l'habitation, ie vy sa mere qui le
graissoit & le peignoit de rouge, elle en fit autant à son mary: ils
trouuent cela si agreable, que les petits enfans ne pensent pas estre
beaux, s'ils ne sont barboüillez: i'en voiois vn qui frottoit ses
doigts sur vne hache roüillée, puis se faisoit des rayes au visage
auec cette roüillure, ie fis vne petite croix auec vn peu d'encre
sur le front d'vn petit garçon, il se tenoit bien braue, & les autres
trouvoient cela fort beau. Ou que le iugement des hommes est foible!
les vns logẽt la beauté [28] où les autres ne voient que la laideur.
Les dents les plus belles en France sont les plus blanches, aux Isles
des Maldiues la blancheur des dents est vne difformité, ils se les
rougissent pour estre belles: & dans la Cochinchine, si i'ay bonne
memoire, ils les teignent en noir. Voyez qui a raison.

Just as a man in Europe arranges his toilet with care when he
is going to pay a visit to some respectable family, so these
Savages have their faces painted when they make visits. The son
of Manitougache wishing to go to our settlement, I saw his mother
grease him and paint him red; she did the same to her husband.
They find this so agreeable that the little children do not think
they are beautiful unless their faces are smeared over with
something. I saw one rubbing his fingers upon a rusty axe, and
then making streaks upon his face with the rust. I made a small
cross with some ink upon the brow of a little boy; he acted very
proud, and the others considered him quite beautiful. Oh, how weak
are the judgments of men! Some place beauty [28] where others see
nothing but ugliness. The most beautiful teeth in France are the
whitest; in the Maldive Islands whiteness of teeth is considered
a deformity, they paint them red to be beautiful; and in Cochin
China, if my memory serves me, they paint them black. Which is
right?

Le 13. Manitougache nostre hoste & voisin nous vint dire qu'on auoit
veu quantité d'Hiroquois qui auoiẽt paru iusques auprés de Kebec. Tous
les Montagnaits trembloient de peur. Celuy-cy nous demanda si sa femme
& ses enfans ne pourroient pas bien venir coucher chez nous, nous luy
respondismes que luy & ses fils seroient les tres-bien venus, mais
que les filles & femmes ne couchoient point dans nos maisons, voire
mesme qu'elles n'y entroient point en France, & qu'aussi-tost que nous
serions fermez, que la porte ne leur seroit [29] plus ouuerte. Il
enuoya donc tout son train, tous les ieunes gens aux cabanes voisines
de Kebec, où l'on disoit que l'on enuoyeroit quelques harquebusiers
pour les garder. Pour luy estant inuité du Capitaine des Sauuages de
prendre sa cabane iusques à ce que l'effroy fust passé, il fit response
que s'il deuoit mourir, qu'il vouloit mourir aupres de nous, & ainsi
ayant mis ses gens en asseurance, il nous reuint trouuer.

On the 13th, Manitougache, our guest and neighbor, came to tell
us that a great many Hiroquois had been seen near Kebec. All the
Montagnaits trembled with fear. He asked if his wife and children
could not come and lodge with us. We answered him that he and his
sons would be very welcome, but that girls and women were not
permitted to sleep in our houses, indeed, they never entered them
in France; and that, just as soon as we could close our doors, they
would not again be [29] opened to them. He then sent his whole
party, all the young people, to cabins in the neighborhood of
Kebec, where they were told that some arquebusiers would be sent to
protect them. As to himself, having been invited by the Captain of
the Savages to accept his cabin until the fright should have passed
away, he answered that, if he had to die, he wanted to die near us;
and, having thus placed his people in security, he returned to us.

Ce mesme iour Pierre Pastedechouan nous vint voir pour demeurer auec
nous. Ie ne puis obmettre icy vn trait fort particulier de l'admirable
bonté & prouidence de Dieu en nostre endroit. Ce ieune homme a esté
conduit en Frãce en son bas âge par les RR. Peres Recolets, il a esté
baptisé à Angers Monsieur le Prince de Guimenée estoit sõ parrain, il
parle fort biẽ Francois, & fort bon Sauuage, [30] ayant esté ramené en
son pays on le remit entre les mains de ses freres pour reprendre les
idées de sa langue qu'il auoit presque oubliées: ce pauure miserable
est deuenu barbare comme les autres, & a tousiours continué dans ses
barbaries pendant que les Anglois ont icy seiourné. Sçachant le retour
de François, il vient voir le sieur Emery de Caën à Tadoussac, qui
l'inuita de monter à Kebec, ce qu'il fit. Il le vouloit prendre pour
son truchement, le faisant manger à sa table, luy témoignant vn fort
bon visage. Moy cependant comme ie desirois grandement d'entrer dans
la cognoissance de la langue, & voyant que ie n'auançois riẽ faute de
maistre, ie deliberay de m'addresser à Dieu, esperant que nous aurions
ce ieune homme pour quelque temps: nous nous mismes tous a solliciter
cette affaire auprés de nostre Seigneur, ie sentois [31] vn si grand
desir, ioinct auec vne si grande confiãce, qu'il me sembloit que nous
l'auions desia contre toutes les apparences humaines: car comme on
se vouloit seruir de luy au fort, on le traittoit fauorablement, veu
d'ailleurs que ne respirant que la liberté, il abhorrait plustost
nostre maison, qu'il ne l'aimoit. Dieu est plus fort que tous les
hommes, il n'appartient qu'à luy de tirer le biẽ du mal. Ce pauure
ieune homme estant trop à son aise ne s'y peut tenir, il mescontente
le sieur de Caën vne & deux fois il est disgracié, & remis en faueur,
cependant ie sollicite le sieur de Caën de nous l'enuoyer au cas qu'il
ne se pût accommoder au fort, qu'il nous obligeroit, & feroit du bien
à ce pauure abandonné: luy qui nous faisoit l'hõneur que de nous
aimer, s'y accorde aisément. Or ce pauure garçon se voiant decheu de
l'amitié du sieur de [32] Caën se iette du costé du sieur du Plessis,
c'estoit tomber pour luy de fiéure en chaud mal: car le sieur du
Plessis cognoissant ses fripponneries, & desirant qu'il demeurast auec
nous, le rebuta, luy promettant son amitié au cas qu'il voulust passer
quelques mois en nostre maison pour se remettre dans les deuoirs d'vn
bon Chrestien. Monsieur de Caën luy témoignoit le mesme: le voila
donc exclus du fort. Il ne falloit plus qu'estre abãdonné en quelque
façon des Sauuages. Il auoit espousé la fille de Manitougache, elle
ayant receu quelque mescontentement de luy, le quitta là, ce sont les
mariages des Sauuages, qui ne se lient que par vn lacs courant, il faut
peu de chose pour les separer, si ce n'est qu'ils ayent des enfans, car
alors ils ne se quittent pas si aisement.

On this same day, Pierre Pastedechouan came[33] to make his home
with us. I cannot omit here an incident especially exhibiting
the admirable kindness and providence of God in our behalf. This
young man had been taken to France in his childhood by the
Reverend Recolet Fathers. He had been baptized at Angers, Monsieur
the Prince of Guimenée being his godfather. He speaks French and
the Savage Tongue very well. [30] Having been brought back to his
country, he was again placed in the hands of his brothers, to
recover the use of his own language, which he had almost forgotten.
This poor wretch has become a barbarian like the others, and
persistently followed barbaric customs while the English were
here. Hearing of the return of the French, he visited sieur Emery
de Caën, at Tadoussac, who invited him to go to Kebec, which he
did. He intended to take him for his interpreter, having him eat
at his table, and treating him kindly. Meanwhile, I desired to
obtain a greater knowledge of the language; and seeing that I made
no progress, for want of a teacher, I had been thinking for some
time of asking God, hoping that we should have this young man
with us for a while. We all began to pray for this favor at the
throne of our Lord; I felt [31] so strong a desire, combined with
so great confidence, that it seemed to me we had him already, all
human appearances to the contrary notwithstanding; for, as they
wanted to make use of him at the fort, he was treated very kindly.
Besides, while breathing only liberty, he rather abhorred our house
than loved it. God is stronger than all men; it belongs only to
him to draw good out of evil. This poor young man, being in too
easy a position, could not stand his prosperity. He displeased
sieur de Caën; once and twice, he was disgraced, and restored to
favor. In the meantime, I solicited sieur de Caën to send him to
us, in the event that it was not agreeable to him to keep him
at the fort; that he would oblige us, and do a service to this
poor abandoned creature. He, who honored us with his affection,
granted our request readily; now this poor boy, seeing that he has
lost the friendship of sieur de [32] Caën, goes over to sieur du
Plessis.[34] This was but going from bad to worse. For sieur du
Plessis, knowing his knavish tricks, and desiring that he should
live with us, rejected him, promising him his friendship provided
that he would spend some months in our house, where he might resume
the duties of a good Christian. Monsieur de Caën treated him in
the same way; behold him thus excluded from the fort. Nothing was
lacking but that he should in some way be abandoned by the Savages
also. He had married the daughter of Manitougache; she, having
become somewhat dissatisfied with him, left him. Such are the
nuptial ties of the Savages, who bind themselves by only a loose
knot; but little is necessary to separate them, unless they have
children, for then they do not leave each other so easily.

Estant donc ainsi rebuté, il se vint ietter entre nos bras qui
n'estoient [33] que trop ouuerts pour luy, nous luy procurasmes vn
habit de Frãçois, que le valet de chambre du sieur du Plessis luy
donna, bref nous luy fismes tout l'accueil qui nous fut possible,
rendans mille graces au bon Dieu de ce qu'il luy auoit pleu exaucer nos
prieres.

Being thus repulsed, he came and threw himself into our arms, which
were only [33] too widely opened for him. We provided him with a
suit of French clothes, that a valet de chambre of sieur du Plessis
gave him. In short, we gave him as warm a welcome as was possible,
returning a thousand thanks to the good God for having answered our
prayers.

Ayant donc ceste commodité, ie me mets à trauailler sans cesse,
ie fay des coniugaisons, declinaisons, quelque petite syntaxe, vn
dictionnaire, auec vne peine incroyable, car il me falloit quelquefois
demander vingt questions pour auoir la cognoissance d'vn mot, tant mon
maistre peu duit à enseigner varioit. O que ie suis obligé à ceux qui
m'enuoierent l'an passé du Petum. Les Sauuages l'aiment déreglement.
A toutes les difficultez que ie rencõtrois, i'en donnois vn bout à mõ
maistre pour le rendre plus attentif. Ie [34] ne sçaurois assez rendre
graces à Nostre Seigneur de cet heureux rencontre. En tant d'années
qu'on a esté en ces païs, on n'a iamais rien pû tirer de l'interprete
ou truchement nommé Marsolet, qui pour excusé disoit qu'il auoit iuré
qu'il ne donneroit rien du lãgage des Sauuages à qui que ce fût. Le
Pere Charles Lallemant le gagna, ie pense auoir ce qu'il luy bailla,
mais cela ne m'eut de rien seruy, l'œconomie de la langue toute
differente de celles d'Europe n'est point declarée là dedans. Que Dieu
soit beny pour vn iamais, sa prouidence est adorable, & sa bonté n'a
point de limites.

Now, having gained this advantage, I begin to work incessantly.
I make conjugations, declensions and some little syntax, and a
dictionary,[24] with incredible trouble, for I was compelled
sometimes to ask twenty questions to understand one word, so
changeable was my master's way of teaching. Oh, how grateful I am
to those who sent me some Tobacco last year. The Savages love it to
madness. Whenever we came to a difficulty, I gave my master a piece
of tobacco, to make him more attentive. I [34] never can thank our
Lord enough for this fortunate circumstance. In all the years that
we have been in this country no one has ever been able to learn
anything from the interpreter named Marsolet,[35] who, for excuse,
said he had sworn that he would never teach the Savage tongue to
any one whomsoever. Father Charles Lallemant won him, and I think
I have acquired what he learned from him, but I could not make use
of it at all; the construction of the language, entirely different
from that of the European languages, is not declared therein.
May God be praised forever; his providence is adorable, and his
goodness unbounded.

Il m'a fallu auant que de sçauoir vne langue faire des liures pour
l'apprendre, & quoy que ie ne les tienne pas si corrects, si est-ce que
maintenant de l'heure que ie parle, quand ie compose quelque chose,
ie me fay bien entendre aux Sauuages; le tout [35] gist à composer
souuent, à apprendre quantité de mots, à me faire à leur accent, &
mes occupations ne me le permettent pas: ie pensois m'en aller cét
hyuer prochain auec eux dans les bois, mais ie preuoy qu'il me sera
impossible, lié comme ie suis: si mon maistre ne m'eust point quitté,
dans peu de mois i'aurois bien auancé.

Before knowing a language, it was necessary for me to make the
books from which to learn it; and, although I do not hold them
to be so correct, yet now, at the time when I am writing, when I
compose anything I make myself understood very well by the Savages.
It all [35] lies in composing often, in learning a great many
words, in acquiring their accent; and my occupations do not permit
it. I was thinking of going with them next winter into the woods,
but I foresee that it will be impossible, tied as I am. If my
teacher had not left me, I should have made considerable progress
in a few months.

I'ay remarqué dans l'estude de leur langue qu'il y a vn certain
barragoin entre les François & les Sauuages, qui n'est ny François,
ny Sauuage, & cependant quand les François s'en seruent, ils pensent
parler Sauuage, & les Sauuages en l'vsurpant croyent parler bon
François. I'en escriuy quelques mots l'an passé, que ie qualifiois de
mots de Sauuages le pesant ainsi. Par exẽple le mot d'_Ania_, dont
i'ay encore fait mention cy-dessus, est vn mot barbare, les Sauuages
s'en seruent à tout bout [36] de champ parlant aux François, & les
François parlant aux Sauuages, & tous s'en seruent pour dire mon frere,
mais en vray Sauuage de Montagnaits, _Nichtais_, c'est à dire mõ frere
aisné, _Nichim_, mon cadet: le mot de _Sagamo_ ne s'vsurpe icy que
par quelques-vns, pour dire Capitaine, le vray mot c'est _Oukhimau_,
ie croy que ce mot de _Sagamo_ vient de l'Acadie, il y en a quantité
d'autres semblables. Au commencement qu'on entre en vn pays, on escrit
plusieurs choses, les pensant vrayes sur le rapport d'autruy, le temps
découure la verité.

I have noticed in the study of their language that there is a
certain jargon between the French and the Savages, which is neither
French nor Savage; and yet when the French use it, they think they
are speaking the Savage Tongue, and the Savages, in using it,
think they are speaking good French. I wrote a few words of it last
year that I characterized as Savage words, believing them to be so.
For example, the word, _Ania_, which I have mentioned above, is an
alien word,[36] the Savages making use of it on every [36] occasion
in speaking to the French, and the French in speaking to the
Savages, and all use it to say "my brother;" but in the real Savage
Tongue of the Montagnaits, _Nichtais_ means "my eldest brother,"
_Nichim_ "my youngest;" the word _Sagamo_ is used by only a few
here to say "Captain." The correct word is _Oukhimau_; I believe
this word, _Sagamo_, comes from Acadia;[37] there are many others
like it. When a person first visits a country, he writes a great
many things upon the word of others, believing them to be true;
time reveals the truth.

On m'a discouru de plusieurs façons de faire de ces nations, nous
aurons assez de temps pour voir ce qui en est.

I have been told many different things about the customs of these
tribes; we shall have time enough to learn how true they are.

Ie diray en passant que cette langue est fort pauure, & fort riche.
Elle est pauure, pour autant que n'ayãs point de cognoissance de mille
& [37] mille choses qui sont en l'Europe, ils n'ont point de noms
pour les signifier. Elle est riche, pource qu'és choses dont ils ont
cognoissance elle est fœconde, & grandement nombreuse, il me semble
qu'ils ne la prononcent pas bien. Les Algonquains qui ne different des
Montagnaits que cõme les Prouençaux des Normands, ont vne prononciation
tout à fait gaye & gentille.

I shall say, in passing, that this language is very poor and very
rich. It is poor; because, having no knowledge of thousands and
[37] thousands of things which are in Europe, they have no names
to indicate them. It is rich, because in the things of which they
have a knowledge, it is fertile and plentiful; it seems to me that
they do not pronounce it well. The Algonquains, who differ from
the Montagnaits only as the Provençals from the Normans, have a
pronunciation that is altogether charming and agreeable.

Ie ne croy pas auoir ouy parler d'aucune langue qui procedast de mesme
façon que celle-cy. Le Pere Brebeuf m'asseure que celle des Hurons est
d'vne mesme œconomie. Qu'on les appelle Barbares tant qu'on voudra,
leur langue est fort reglée, ie n'y suis pas encore grand maistre,
i'en parleray quelque iour auec plus d'asseurance. Si ie n'auois peur
d'estre trop long, ie mettrois icy vne grande & tout à fait estrange
[38] difference entre les langues d'Europe & celles-cy.

I do not think that I have ever heard any language spoken which is
formed in the same manner as this. Father Brebeuf assures me that
the language of the Hurons is of the same construction. People may
call them Barbarians as much as they please, but their language
is very regular.[38] I am not yet a perfect master of it; I shall
speak of it some day with more assurance. If I were not afraid of
being tedious, I should note here a striking and radically strange
[38] difference between the languages of Europe and those of this
country.

Le 14. de Nouembre, le Sauuage la Nasse estant chez nous, ie luy fis
parler de la Creation du monde, de l'Incarnation, & de la Passion du
Fils de Dieu, nous passasmes bien auant dans la nuict, tout le monde
s'endormoit horsmis luy. Estant de retour en sa cabane, il dit à
Pierre, qu'il entendoit volontiers parler de cela.

On the 14th of November, the Savage la Nasse being with us, I
instructed him about the Creation of the world, the Incarnation,
and the Passion of the Son of God. We talked well into the night,
everyone being asleep except him. Returning to his cabin, he said
to Pierre that he was much pleased to listen to such talk.

Nous voiant vn iour prier Dieu apres le disner, il tira vn profond
souspir, disant: O que ie suis malheureux de ce que ie ne sçay pas
prier Dieu comme vous!

Seeing us praying to God one day after dinner, he sighed deeply,
saying: "Oh, how unhappy I am that I am not able to pray to God as
you do!"

Il a souuent dit à Pierre, enseigne vistement cét homme là, parlant de
moy, afin que nous puissions entendre ce qu'il dit. Il vient le soir
aux Litanies en nostre Chappelle quand il couche chez nous, & comme il
respondoit auec nous _ora pro nobis_, [39] Pierre se riant de cela, luy
demanda s'il entendoit bien ce qu'il auoit dit; Non, dit-il, mais ie
croy que cela est bon, puis que ces Peres le disent en priant Dieu. Il
nous a tesmoigné qu'il vouloit mourir auec nous, & qu'il ne s'en iroit
point que nous ne la chassassions; s'il n'estoit chargé d'vne si grande
famille, ie souhaitterois biẽ qu'il fut nostre domestique. Il est quasi
assez instruict pour estre baptisé s'il tomboit en danger de mort; mais
nous ne nous hasterons point, que nous ne sçachions bien parler. Comme
i'instruisois son petit fils, il me dit, Instruis moy, ie retiendray
plustost que luy, & ioignãt les mains, il disoit la benediction de
table.

He has often said to Pierre: "Teach that man as soon as you can,"
speaking of me, "in order that we may be able to understand what
he says." In the evening when he sleeps with us, he attends the
Litanies in our Chapel; and as he was answering with us, _ora
pro nobis_, [39] Pierre, laughing at this, asked him if he had
thoroughly understood what he had said: "No," said he, "but I
believe it is good, since those Fathers say it in praying to God."
He has often given proof that he would be willing to die with us,
and says he will not go away from us unless we drive him. If he
were not burdened with so large a family, I would like very well
to have him for our domestic. He is sufficiently instructed to
be baptized, should he be in danger of death; but we shall not
make haste until we know how to speak the language well. As I was
instructing his grandson, he said to me: "Teach me; I shall retain
it better than he," and, joining his hands, he pronounced the
blessing at the table.

Ie luy dis vne fois que Dieu defendoit de trauailler certains iours,
pource qu'il trauailloit vn Dimanche. Il me dit, Aduertis moy de ces
[40] iours, & ie les garderay. Lisant les Commandemens de Dieu en sa
cabane, quand ie vins à celuy qui recõmande aux enfans d'obeïr à leurs
pere & mere, il se tourna vers les siens, & leur fit signe qu'ils
escoutassent; Ayant entendu cet autre Commandement, Tu ne tueras point,
il me dit qu'on l'auoit voulu inciter à tuer quelqu'vn; mais que voyant
que c'étoit mal fait, qu'il ne l'auoit pas voulu faire. Voicy vn autre
discours.

Once, while he was working on Sunday, I told him that God forbade
work upon certain days; he said: "Teach me those days, [40] and I
shall keep them." Reading the Commandments of God in his cabin,
when I came to that one which commands children to obey their
father and mother, he turned toward his, and signed to them to
listen. Having heard that other Commandment, "Thou shalt not kill,"
he told me some one had tried to incite him to murder; but, seeing
that it was an evil deed, he did not wish to do it. That was
another conversation.

Pierre Pastedechouan nous a rapporté que sa grand'mere prenoit plaisir
à raconter l'estonnement qu'eurent les Sauuages voyans arriuer le
vaisseau des François qui aborda le premier en ces pays cy, ils
pensoient que ce fust vne Isle mouuante, ils ne sçauoient que dire des
grãdes voiles qui la faisoiẽt marcher, leur estonnement redoubla voyans
quãtité d'hommes sur le tillac. Les femmes [41] commencerent à leur
dresser des cabanes, ce qu'elles font ordinairement quand de nouueaux
hostes arriuent, & quatre canots de Sauuages se hazarderent d'abborder
ces vaisseaux, ils inuitent les François à venir dans les cabanes qu'on
leur preparoit, mais ils ne s'entendoient pas les vns les autres. On
leur donna vne barique de pain ou biscuit, l'ayant emporté & reuisité,
n'y trouuant point de goust, ils la ietterent en l'eau: en vn mot ils
estoient dans le mesme estonnement qui fut iadis le Roy de Calecut à
l'abbord du premier nauire European qu'il veit prés de ses terres;
car ayant enuoyé quelques personnes pour recognoistre quels gens
amenoit ceste grande maison de bois, les messagers rapporterent à leur
maistre que c'estoiẽt des hommes prodigieux & espouuentables; qu'ils
s'habilloient de [42] fer, mangeoient des os, & beuuoiẽt du sang; ils
les auoient veu couuerts de leurs cuirasses, manger du biscuit & boire
du vin. Nos Saunages disoient que les François beuuoient du sang, &
mangeoient du bois, appellant ainsi le vin, & le biscuit.

Pierre Pastedechouan has told us that his grandmother used to
take pleasure in relating to him the astonishment of the Natives,
when they saw for the first time a French ship arrive upon their
shores. They thought it was a moving Island; they did not know what
to say of the great sails which made it go; their astonishment
was redoubled in seeing a number of men on deck. The women [41]
at once began to prepare houses for them, as is their custom when
new guests arrive, and four canoes of Savages ventured to board
these vessels. They invited the Frenchmen to come into the houses
which had been made ready for them, but neither side understood the
other. They were given a barrel of bread or biscuit. Having brought
it on shore they examined it; and, finding no taste in it, threw
it into the water. In a word, they were as much astonished as was
the King of Calecut, in olden times, when he saw the first European
ship nearing his shores; for, having sent some one to investigate
the character and appearance of the men brought by that great
house of wood, the messengers reported to their master that these
men were prodigious and horrible; that they were dressed in [42]
iron, ate bones, and drank blood. They had seen them covered with
their cuirasses, eating biscuits, and drinking wine. Our Savages
said the Frenchmen drank blood and ate wood, thus naming the wine
and the biscuits.

Or comme ils ne pouuoient entendre de quelle nation estoient nos gens,
ils leurs donnerent vn nom, qui est tousiours demeuré depuis aux
François _ouemich-tigouchiou_, c'est à dire vn homme qui trauaille en
bois, ou qui est en vn canot ou vaisseau de bois: ils voyoient nostre
nauire fait de bois, leurs petits canots n'estans bastis que d'escorce.

Now as they were unable to understand to what nation our people
belonged, they gave them the name which has since always clung to
the French, _ouemich-tigouchiou_; that is to say, a man who works
in wood, or who is in a canoe or vessel of wood. They saw our
ships, which were made of wood, their little canoes being made only
of bark.

Le 20. de Nouembre nostre Sauuage, c'est ainsi que i'appelleray ce
bon Manitougache, surnommé la Nasse, se mit à faire vne cabane de
bois dans le bastiment que nous ont bruslé les Anglois tout auprés
[43] de nostre petite maison, il fit luy-mesme de la planche auec vne
hache, couppant certains arbres aisez à refendre: il alla brusler vne
vieille challouppe qu'il auoit veu échoüée & abandonnée dans vne Isle,
& du clou qu'il en retira, il se fit auec ses planches vne petite
maisonnette ou cabane assez passable; les autres Sauuages la venoient
voir, & nos François aussi, loüans son inuention. Ie luy donnay vn
nom de Iesus en papier pour le mettre dedãs en quelque endroit, il
l'attacha au plꝰ beau lieu.

On the 20th of November, our Savage,--it is thus that I shall
designate this good Manitougache,--surnamed la Nasse, began
building a wooden cabin near our little house, on the site of
the one which the [43] English had burned down. He himself made
boards with a hatchet, cutting certain kinds of wood that are
easily split. He burned an old boat, that he had seen stranded and
abandoned upon an Island; and, with the nails which he obtained,
he made a very fair little house or cabin with his boards. The
other Savages came to see it, and we Frenchmen also, praising his
ingenuity. I gave him the name of Jesus on a paper, to put inside
of it somewhere, and he hung it up in the best place.

Il arriua vne chose plaisante à vn Sauuage qui le venoit voir: ce bon
homme regardoit cette maisonnette de bois, & ne sçauoit par où entrer,
ne pouuant trouuer la porte, il tourne & retourne à l'entour de cette
cabane, & croyant qu'il n'y auoit point d'entrée, il s'en alla comme
il estoit venu, on dira qu'il deuoit [44] frapper, ce n'est point la
coustume des Sauuages, ils entrent par tout sans dire mot, ny sans
vous salüer: leurs cabanes ne fermẽt point, y entre qui veut, ils
n'ont qu'vne vieille peau qui leur sert de porte; on n'entend point
neantmoins parler de larrons parmy eux, cela est fort rare i'entend des
Montagnaits: car les Hurons font mestier de dérober, aussi font ils de
meilleures cabanes, estans sedentaires, & non vagabons & errans comme
ceux de ce pays-cy. I'apprend que ces Hurons tiennent vn homme pour
auoir de l'esprit qui esquiue la main du larron, ou qui sçait dérober
sans estre recognu: que s'il est surpris, battez-le tãt que vous
voudrez, il ne vous dira rien: il souffre patiemment ce chastiment, non
en punition du larcin, mais de sa lourdise, s'estant laissé surprendre.

Something very amusing happened to a Savage who came to see it.
This simple man examined the little wooden house, and not knowing
where to enter, being unable to find the door, he went round and
round it, and, thinking there was no entrance, went away as he
came. One would say that he ought [44] to have knocked; but this
is not the custom of the Savages. They enter everywhere without
saying a word, or without any greeting. Their houses are not
closed; all can enter who will, as they have only an old skin which
serves as a door. Nevertheless, we never hear of thieves among
them, or very seldom.--I mean among the Montagnaits; but the Hurons
make a business of thieving. They also make better houses, being
sedentary, and not leading a vagabond and wandering life like those
of this country. I learn that the Hurons consider a man very clever
who can escape the hand of a thief, or who knows how to steal
without being caught. But, if he be discovered, you may whip him as
much as you like and he will say nothing. He suffers his punishment
patiently, not as a penalty for his crime, but for his awkwardness
in being caught.

Le 27. du mesme mois de Nouembre, [45] l'hyuer qui auoit desia paru
comme de loin, de temps en temps, nous assiegea tout à fait. Car ce
iour & les autres suiuans, il tomba tant de neige, qu'elle nous déroba
la veuë de la terre pour cinq mois.

On the 27th of the same month of November, [45] the winter, which
had already appeared in the distance from time to time, completely
besieged us, for on that and the following days the snow fell so
heavily that it deprived us of the sight of the earth for five
months.

Voicy les qualitez de l'hyuer, il a esté beau & bon, & bien long. Il a
esté beau, car il a esté blanc comme neige, sans crottes & sans pluye.
ie ne sçay s'il a pleu trois fois en quatre ou cinq mois, mais il a
souuent neigé.

I shall tell you what sort of winter we have had here. It has been
beautiful, and good, and very long. It was beautiful because it was
as white as snow, without mud and without rain. I do not know that
it has rained three times in four or five months, but it has often
snowed.

II a esté bon, car le froid y a esté rigeoureux; on le tient pour l'vn
des plus fascheux qui ait esté depuis lõg temps. Il y auoit par tout
quatre ou cinq pieds de neige, en quelques endroicts plus de dix,
deuant nostre maison vne montagne: Les vents la rassemblans, & nous
d'autre costé la releuans, pour faire vn petit chemin deuant nostre
porte, elle faisoit cõme vne muraille toute blanche, plus [46] haute
d'vn ou deux pieds que le toict de la maison. Le froid estoit par fois
si violent, que nous entendions les arbres se fendre dans le bois, &
en se fendans faire vn bruit comme des armes à feu. Il m'est arriué
qu'en escriuant fort prés d'vn grand feu, mon encre se geloit, & par
necessité il falloit mettre vn réchaut plein de charbons ardens proche
de moin escritoire, autrement i'eusse trouué de la glace noire, au lieu
d'encre.

It was good, because the cold has been severe; it is considered one
of the most rigorous winters that they have had for a long time.
There was everywhere four or five feet of snow, in some places,
over ten, before our house, a mountain: the wind drifting it, and
we, on the other hand, shovelling it away to make a little path
before our door. It rose like a wall, all white, higher [46] by one
or two feet than the roof of our house. The cold was at times so
violent that we heard the trees split in the woods, and in breaking
make a noise like that of firearms. It happened to me that while
writing very near a big fire, my ink froze; and I had to place a
little pan full of hot coals near my inkstand, otherwise I should
have found black ice instead of ink.

Cette rigueur demesurée n'a duré que dix iours ou enuiron, non pas
continuels, mais à diuerses reprises, le reste du temps, quoy que
le froid surpasse de beaucoup les gelées de France, il n'y a rien
d'intolerable, & ie puis dire qu'on peut icy plus aisément trauailler
dans les bois, qu'on ne fait en France, où les pluyes de l'hyuer sont
fort importunes. Mais il se faut armer de bonnes mitaines, [47] si on
ne veut auoir les mains gelées: Nos Sauuages neantmoins s'en venoient
quelquefois chez nous à demy nuds, sans se plaindre du froid: ce qui
m'apprend que si la nature s'habituë à cela, la nature & la grace
pourront bien nous donner assez de cœur & de force pour le supporter
ioieusement; s'il y a du froid, il y a du bois.

This extreme cold lasted only ten days or thereabout, not
continuously, but at different times. The rest of the time,
although the cold greatly exceeds that of France, it is not at
all intolerable; and I can say that it is easier to work here in
the woods than it is in France, where the winter rains are so
penetrating. But one must be provided with good mittens, [47]
unless he wants to have his hands frozen; and yet our Savages
visited us sometimes half-naked, without complaining of the cold.
This teaches me that, if nature can accustom itself to this cold,
nature and grace can very well give us the heart and strength to
support it cheerfully. If there is cold, there is wood.

I'ay dit que l'hyuer a esté long; depuis le 27. de Nouembre iusques à
la fin d'Auril la terre a tousiours esté blanche de neige: & depuis
le 29. du mesme mois de Nouemb. iusques au 23. d'Auril, nostre petite
riuiere a tousiours esté glacée; mais en telle sorte, que cent
carosses auroient passé dessus sans l'ébranler: les glaces sont de
telle espaisseur, que quand on vint à les rompre, proche de Kebec,
pour mettre vne barque à l'eau, le sieur du Plessis me dit qu'estant
à terre, c'estoit [48] tout ce qu'il pouuoit faire d'atteindre au
haut d'vne glace auec la fourchette d'vn mousquet qu'il tenoit en sa
main. Tout cela ne doit espouuanter personne. Chacun dit icy, qu'il a
plus enduré de froid en France, qu'en Canada: le Scorpion porte son
contrepoison: dans les païs plus subiects aux maladies, il se trouue
plus de remedes: si le mal est present, la medecine n'est pas loing.

I have said that the winter has been long; from the 27th of
November up to the end of April, the ground was all the time white
with snow; and from the 29th of the same month of November up to
the 23rd of April, our little river was frozen, but in such a way
that a hundred wagons could have passed over it without shaking
it. The ice is of such thickness that, when they were breaking
it near Kebec, to launch a bark, sieur du Plessis told me that,
being on land, it was [48] all he could do to reach the top of a
piece of ice with the rest of a musket that he held in his hand.
All this should not astonish any one. All who are here say that
they have suffered more from cold in France than in Canada. The
Scorpion carries its own antidote: in the countries most subject to
sickness, more remedies are found: if disease is there, medicine is
not far away.

Le 3. de Decembre nous commençasmes à changer de chaussure, & nous
seruir de raquettes: quand ie vins à mettre ces grands patins tout
plats à mes pieds, ie m'imaginois qu'à tous coups ie donnerois du
nez dans la neige: mais l'experience m'a fait voir que Dieu pouruoit
commodement toutes les nations des choses qui leur sont necessaires: ie
marche fort librement auec ces raquettes; Pour les Sauuages, cela ne
les empesche [49] ny de sauter comme des daims, ny de courir cõme des
cerfs.

On the 3rd of December we began to change our footgear, and to use
raquettes;[39] when I first put these great flat skates on my feet,
I thought that I should fall with my nose in the snow, at every
step I took. But experience has taught me that God provides for
the convenience of all nations according to their needs. I walk
very freely now on these raquettes. As to the Savages, they do not
hinder them [49] from jumping like bucks or running like deer.

Ils font des souliers de peaux d'El'an pour s'ẽ seruir sur ces
raquettes. Ils n'ont pas l'inuention de durcir ou tanner le cuir, aussi
n'en ont ils que faire. L'esté ils vont pieds nuds, l'hyuer il faut que
leurs souliers soyent d'vne peau maniable, autrement ils gasteroyent
leurs raquettes: ils les font larges, & fort amples, pour les garnir de
nippes ou de vieux haillons contre le froid; si nous auions quelques
peaux de France un peu plus douces que les grosses ampaignes de vache,
cela nous feroit vn bien incomparable, notamment sur le renouueau,
quand les neges viennent à se fondre sur le midy; car les souliers des
Sauuages boiuent l'eau comme vne esponge, & ces peaux venues de France
tiendroyẽt le pied sec.

They make shoes of Elk skins, which they use with their raquettes.
They have not ingenuity enough to harden or tan leather; therefore
they use none. In the summer, they go barefooted; in the winter,
their shoes must be of a pliable skin, otherwise they would spoil
their raquettes. They make them broad and very ample, in order to
line them inside with a layer of old rags against the cold. If
we had some French leather here a little softer than the hard,
untanned cowhide, it would be of incomparable service to us,
especially in the spring, when the snow begins to melt toward the
south. For the shoes of the Savages take water like a sponge, and
those leathers from France would keep the feet dry.

[50] Le 5e de Decembre il fit de grands vents, ce qui est arriué par
plusieurs fois. Le Nordest est icy violẽt, il emporta certain iour
vne partie de la couuerture d'vn bastiment du fort. Le Pere de Nouë
reuenant ce iour là d'y celebrer la saincte Messe, nous dit qu'ils
estoient contraints luy & vn ieune garcõ qui l'accompagnoit, de se
tenir l'vn l'autre de peur que le vent ne les enleuast.

[50] On the 5th of December there was a very strong wind, which has
happened several times. The Northeastern is violent here; one day
it tore away a part of the roof of a house at the fort. Father de
Nouë, returning that day from celebrating holy Mass, said that he
and the young man accompanying him were compelled to hold on to
each other, for fear that the wind would carry them away.

Passant vers ce mesme temps dans le bois où estoient cabanez quantité
de Sauuages, ie trouuay vn corps mort, enseueli par les Sauuages:
il estoit esleué fort haut sur des fourches de bois, accompagné de
ses robes & autres richesses, couuert d'vne escorce (c'est leur drap
mortuaire.) Ie demanday quand on l'enterreroit, ils me respondirent,
quand il ne neigeroit plus; la neige tomboit pour lors en abondance.

About this time, in going into the woods where there were a number
of Savages encamped, I found a dead body which the Savages had
enshrouded; it was raised high upon wooden scaffolds, and near it
were its clothes and other belongings, covered with bark (that
is their mourning cloth). I asked when they would bury it. They
answered me: "When it stops snowing." The snow was then falling
very fast.

[51] A l'occasion de ce rencontre quelqu'vn me dit qu'vn Sauuage estant
mort, les autres frappent sur la cabane crians oué, oué, oué, &c. &
comme i'en demãdois la raison à vn Sauuage, il me dict que c'estoit
pour faire sortir l'esprit de la cabane.

[51] At the time of this occurrence some one told me that, when a
Savage dies, the others strike on his cabin, crying: "oué, oué,
oué," etc. And when I asked a Savage the reason for this, he told
me that it was to make the spirit come out of the cabin.

Le corps du mort ne sort point par la porte ordinaire de la cabane, ils
leuent l'escorce voisine du lieu où il est mort, & le tirent par là. Ie
demanday pourquoy: ce Sauuage me repartit que la porte ordinaire estoit
la porte des viuãs, & non des morts: & par consequent que les morts
n'y deuoient point passer. Or comme il croioit m'auoir bien satisfait,
& qu'il se mocquoit, ie luy demanday, si quãd il auoit tué vn Castor,
il le faisoit entrer & sortir par la porte cõmune? ouy, dit-il: elle
est donc, luy dis-ie, la porte des morts aussi bien que des viuans:
il repart qu'vn Castor estoit [52] vne beste: alors ie repliquay en
riant, vostre porte est donc la porte des bestes, aussi bien que vous
l'appellez la porte des viuans; il s'écria, asseurément cela est vray,
& se mit a rire.

The body of the dead man is not taken out of the common door of the
cabin. They raise the bark from the spot where he died, and take
it out through that. I asked why; the Savage answered me that the
common door was the door of the living, and not of the dead, and
consequently the dead ought not to pass there. Now, as he believed
that he had perfectly satisfied me, and as he was laughing at me, I
asked him if, when he had killed a Beaver, he made it enter and go
out by the common door. "Yes," said he. "It is then," said I, "the
door for the dead as well as for the living." He replied that a
Beaver is [52] an animal. Then I answered him, laughing, "Your door
then is a door for animals, and you call it a door for the living."
He cried out, "Certainly, that is true," and began to laugh.

Ie luy demanday encor pourquoy ils enterroient les robes des morts auec
eux: Elles leur appartiennent, respondit-il, pourquoy leur osteroit-on?

I asked him also why they buried the clothes of the dead with them.
"They belong to them," said he, "why should we take them away from
them?"

Si vous les pressez, ils ne s'opiniastrent point, ils suiuent vne
certaine routine dans leurs superstitions, dõt ils ne peuuent rendre
aucune raison. Voila pourquoy ils sõt les premiers à s'en mocquer,
quand vous leur faites voir qu'elles sont ridicules. Il est vray que
i'en ay veu quelques-vns extrémement attachez à leurs songes.

If you press them, they are not very obstinate. They follow a
certain routine in their superstitions, for which they can give no
reason. This is why they are the first to laugh when you make them
understand that their customs are ridiculous. True, I have seen
some who are very much attached to their dreams.

Ils font diuerses sortes de festins: i'en sçay quelques particularitez,
mais i'attendray vne autre année [53] pour en parler auec plus
d'asseurance. Aux festins des morts ils iettent le reste dans le feu:
aux autres festins, c'est à manger tout, & faut creuer plustost que de
rien laisser.

They have different kinds of feasts. I know some special features
of them, but shall wait until another year, [53] that I may speak
of them with more certainty. At the feasts for the dead, they
always throw what is left into the fire. At other feasts the rule
is to eat all, and it is better to burst than to leave anything.

Quasi tous les Sauuages ont vn petit Castipitagan, ou sac à petum; les
vns sont faits d'vne peau de rat musqué, en telle sorte que l'animal
semble tout entier: il n'a qu'vne petite ouuerture par la teste par où
ils l'ont écorché: les autres sont faits d'autres animaux; il y en a
qui ont vne partie du bras & la main de quelque Hiroquois qu'ils ont
tué: cela est si biens vuidé que les ongles restẽt toutes entieres:
vous diriez vraiemẽt vne main solide, quand ils l'ont remply de petum,
ou autre chose ie n'en ay point veu, mais on m'a asseuré que cela
estoit ainsi.

Nearly all the Savages have a little Castipitagan or tobacco pouch.
Some are made from the skin of the muskrat, in such a way that the
animal seems quite entire, there being only a little opening at the
head made in skinning it. Others are made of other animals. Some
of them carry a part of an arm or a hand of a Hiroquois whom they
have slain, which is so skillfully prepared that the nails remain
entire. You would really think it was a solid hand, when they fill
it with tobacco or something else. I have not seen any of these,
but I have been assured that it is so.

Quelquefois pour monstrer qu'ils [54] ont du courage, vn Sauuage se
liera le bras nud auec vn autre, puis mettant entre leurs deux bras
sur la chair vn morceau de tondre allumé, ils le laissent consommer
iusques au bout, se bruslans iusques aux os: celuy qui retire le bras,
& secouë le feu, est tenu pour moins courageux: ie n'ay point veu cette
barbarie; on m'a dit qu'vn François estant aux Hurons pensa perdre le
bras, voulant ioüer à ce beau ieu contre vn Sauuage.

Sometimes, in order to show that they [54] have courage, a Savage
will bind his bare arm to that of another; then putting between the
two arms, upon the flesh, a piece of lighted tinder, they leave it
until it is entirely consumed, burning themselves to the bone. The
man who withdraws his arm and shakes off the fire is considered
lacking in courage. I have not seen this act of barbarism. I am
told that a Frenchman who was among the Hurons, came very near
losing his arm in trying to play at this fine game with a Savage.

Il est vray que les Sauuages sont fort patiens, mais l'ordre qu'ils
gardent en leurs exercices les ayde à cõseruer la paix dans leurs
mesnages: les femmes sçauent ce qu'elles doiuent faire, & les hommes
aussi: & iamais l'vn ne se mesle du mestier de l'autre: les hommes font
le corps de leurs canots, les femmes cousent l'écorce auec de l'osier,
ou vn petit bois semblable: Les hommes font le [55] bois des raquettes,
les femmes la tissure: Les hommes vont à la chasse & tuënt les animaux,
les femmes les võt querir, les écorchent & passent les peaux: ce sont
elles qui vont querir le bois qu'ils bruslẽt, bref ils se mocqueroient
d'vn homme qui hors d'vne grande necessité feroit quelque chose qui
deust estre fait par vne femme. Nostre Sauuage voyant le Pere de Nouë
apporter du bois, se mit à rire, disant, En vérité c'est vne femme;
voulant donner à entendre qu'il faisoit l'office d'vne femme: mais
quelque temps après la sienne tombant malade, & n'ayant personne en
sa cabane qui le pût soulager, il fût contraint d'en aller querir luy
mesme, vray est qu'il n'y alla que sur la nuict pour n'estre veu.

It is true that the Savages are very patient, but the order which
they maintain in their occupations aids them in preserving peace
in their households. The women know what they are to do, and the
men also; and one never meddles with the work of the other. The men
make the frames of their canoes, and the women sew the bark with
willow withes or similar small wood. The men shape the [55] wood of
the raquettes, and the women do the sewing on them. Men go hunting,
and kill the animals; and the women go after them, skin them, and
clean the hides. It is they who go in search of the wood that is
burned. In fact, they would make fun of a man who, except in some
great necessity, would do anything that should be done by a woman.
Our Savage, seeing Father de Nouë carrying wood, began to laugh,
saying: "He's really a woman;" meaning that he was doing a woman's
work. But a short time afterward, his wife falling sick, and having
no one in his cabin who could assist him, he was compelled to go
out himself in search of supplies; but in truth he went only at
night, when no one could see him.[40]

Vn vieillard auoit songé, ou plustost veu, à ce qu'il disoit, vne
quantité d'Hiroquois, qui se dispersans çà [56] & là cherchoient les
Montagnaits: les autres Sauuages consultent là dessus ce qu'il falloit
faire, quelques-vns dirent qu'il falloit prendre aduis de ces gens qui
parlẽt à Dieu, entendant parler de nous autres. Ce songe s'en alla en
fumée.

An old man had dreamed, or rather seen, as he said, a large number
of Hiroquois who were dispersing here [56] and there, and searching
for the Montagnaits. The other Savages consulted thereupon as to
what they should do, some saying that it would be well to take the
advice of those people who spoke to God, meaning us. This dream
passed away in smoke.

Comme ie demandois à Pierre Pastedechouan comment on disoit en sa
langue où sont tes freres, vne femme Sauuage suruenant là dessus, il
ne me vouloit pas respondre, me donnant pour raison qu'il attristeroit
ceste femme, & qu'il la feroit pleurer, à cause que ses freres estoient
morts; On ne parle plus des morts parmy nous, me dit-il, voire mesme
les parents du defunct ne se seruent iamais des choses dont le mort se
seruoit pendant sa vie.

When I asked Pierre Pastedechouan how to say in his language:
"Where are thy brothers?" as a woman Savage was passing by, he was
loath to answer; giving me as a reason that it would make her sad,
and make her cry because her brothers were dead. "We do not speak
any more of the dead among us," said he, "indeed, the relatives of
the dead never use anything that was used by the dead man during
his lifetime."

Le 15. du mesme mois de Decembre, quantité d'Alguonquains nous estans
venus voir, l'vn d'eux me [57] voyãt escrire, print vne plume, & voulu
faire le mesme: mais voyant qu'il ne faisoit rien qui vaille, & que ie
sousriois, il se mit a souffler sur ce qu'il auoit escrit, pensant le
faire en aller comme de la poudre. Ie leur fis dire à tous que nous
estiõs venus pour les instruire, ils respondirent que ie faisois bien
d'apprendre la langue, & quand ie la sçaurois, q̃ tout seroit facile de
part & d'autre.

On the 15th of the same month of December, a large number of
Alguonquains having come to see us, one of them seeing [57] me
writing, took a pen and wanted to do the same; but seeing that
he did not accomplish much, and that I was smiling, he began to
blow upon what he had written, thinking that he could blow it away
like powder. I had them all told, that we came to teach them. They
answered that I was doing well to learn their language; and that,
when I should know it, everything would be easy on both sides.

Le 19. la neige estant desia fort haute, les Sauuages prirent huict
élans, ou orignaux. Vers ce temps-là l'vn d'eux nommé Nassitamirineou,
& surnommé des François Brehault, leur dit qu'il auoit songé qu'il
falloit manger tous ces Orignaux, & qu'il sçauoit bien prier Dieu, &
qu'il luy auoit parlé, que telle estoit sa volonté, qu'on mangeast
tout, & qu'on n'en donnast rien, si on en vouloit prendre d'autres:
les Sauuages le creurent, & n'en donnerent pas vn [58] morceau aux
François. On me raconta cecy en la presence du songeur, il n'aduoüoit
pas tout, neantmoins la chose semble bien probable, car ayãt cabané
auprés de nous, & nous ayant ouy parler de Dieu, il estoit homme pour
en parler par aprés, & faire de l'entendu parmy ses gens.

On the 19th, the snow being already very deep, the Savages
captured eight elks or moose. About that time one of them, named
Nassitamirineou, and surnamed by the French Brehault, told them
that he had dreamed that they must eat all of those Moose; and that
he knew very well how to pray to God, who had told him that it
was his will that they should eat all, and that they should give
none of them away, if they wanted to capture others. The Savages
believed him, and did not give a [58] piece to the Frenchmen. This
was related to me in the presence of the dreamer. He did not admit
all, yet it seemed very probable; for having settled near us, and
having heard us speaking of God, he was just the man to talk about
it afterward, and to play the learned among his people.

Le 21. de Decembre, le bon Dieu nous dõna deux petits pensionnaires,
Manitougache nous en ayant presenté vn petit à qui il auoit sauué la
vie, nous l'acceptasmes; & comme nous estions en crainte qu'il ne
s'ennuyast tout seul, nous pensions à en trouuer encor vn autre pour
luy tenir compagnie. Au mesme temps voila vne fẽme qui entre chez nous
auec son petit fils aagé d'enuiron sept ans, nous le regardions, disans
l'vn à l'autre, voila iustement ce qu'il nous faudroit. Ie prends la
parole & [59] m'addresse à sa mere, luy demandant si elle ne voudroit
pas bien nous dõner son enfant, que nous le nourririons le mieux qu'il
nous seroit possible. Helas, dit-elle, i'estois venuë icy pour prier
Manitougache de voꝰ le presenter, & vous supplier de l'accepter. Dieu
sçait si nous fusmes cõtens. ô que sa prouidence est admirable!

On the 21st of December, God sent us two little pensioners,
Manitougache having presented to us a little one whose life he
had saved, and whom we accepted; and, as we were afraid that he
would be lonesome, we thought to try and find another to keep him
company. At the same time, a woman came bringing her little son,
about seven years old. When we saw him, we said to each other,
"This is just what we wanted." I at once asked [59] the mother, if
she would not like to give us her child, saying that we would care
for it as best we possibly could. "Ah," said she, "I came here to
beg Manitougache to give him to you and to beg you to take him."
God knows how happy we were! Oh, how admirable is his providence!

Le plus âgé que nous a donné Manitougache n'a ny pere ny mere, celuy-là
nous est bien asseuré, nous luy auons donné nom Fortuné, en attendant
qu'il soit capable d'estre baptisé. ô qu'il a rencontré vne bõne
fortune! Estant à Tadoussac, cõme il estoit delaissé de tout le monde,
vn Sauuage presenta vne harquebuse à nostre Pierre, luy disant, tuë ce
miserable enfant, aussi bien n'aiãt point de parents, il sera toute sa
vie abandonné d'vn chacun: Nostre [60] Sauuage entendant cela en eut
compassion, il le retira, & l'a nourry iusques à present qu'il nous
l'a donné. Nous auons appelle le plus ieune Bienuenu, celuy-cy a de
l'esprit, il est d'vn naturel complaisant, & flatteur: Nous ne sommes
pas si asseurez qu'il nous demeure, car les Sauuages sont extrémement
changeãs & volages. Vn sien parent entendant qu'il nous estoit donné,
s'y voulut opposer, disant que leur Capitaine auoit defendu qu'on
ne donnast aucun enfant aux François: la mère de l'enfant suruient
là dessus, & dit que le Capitaine n'a point nourry son fils, & par
conseqẽt ce n'est pas à luy d'en disposer, si bien à elle qui en estoit
la mère, & qui l'auoit tousiours éleué dés sa ieunesse. Le pere de
l'enfant ayant sceu que son ancienne femme qu'il a quittée nous l'auoit
donné, en a esté bien aise, disant qu'il seroit [61] très-bien auec
nous. Celuy qu'on nous auoit promis l'an passé voudroit bien estre
maintenant auec les deux autres: mais il n'est pas encore temps de
s'ẽ charger, il ne faut point embrasser par dessus ses forces. C'est
vn plaisir de voir ces deux enfans, ce sont mes petits escoliers, ils
commẽcent à lire, ils sçauent prier Dieu en Latin, & en leur langue.
Ils nous fõt quelquefois rire par leurs petits discours: deuant qu'ils
mangent nous leur saisons dire le _Benedicite_. Voila pourquoy quand
ils veulent mãger; ils s'en viennent nous dire, Mon Père, _Benedicite_:
c'est à dire, donnez moy à disner. Comme ils voyoient donner à
manger à vn petit chien, ils nous disoient qu'il n'auoit pas dit son
_Benedicite_. Ie m'en vay, dit l'vn d'eux, le dire pour luy; comme
nous rions, son compagnõ luy dit, _nama irinisionakhi attimoukhi_, les
chiens n'ont point [62] d'esprit, ils ne disent pas leur _Benedicite_,
c'est à faire aux hommes seulement; vous les entendriez allans & venans
ruminer le _Pater noster_, en prononcer tantost vne partie, tantost
l'autre; en quoy il arriua vn iour vn rencontre agreable. Le sieur
Emery de Caën disnant en nostre maison, comme on seruoit sur table le
peu que nous auions, l'vn de ces enfans regardant ce qu'on presentoit,
& voyant bien que ce n'estoit pas pour luy, commence à dire par
rencontre; _& ne nos inducas in tentationem_, cela fit rire toute la
compagnie.

The oldest, the one given to us by Manitougache, has neither father
nor mother, and hence we are sure of keeping him. We have named
him Fortuné, until he can be baptized. Oh, what good fortune he
has met with! Being at Tadoussac, forsaken by every one, a Savage
gave an arquebus to our Pierre, telling him to kill this miserable
child, because, having no parents, he would be abandoned by every
one during his lifetime. Our [60] Savage, on hearing that, had pity
on the little one, took him, and fed him up to the time when he
gave him to us. We have called the younger one Bienvenu. He seems
intelligent, and of a pleasant and endearing nature. We are not so
sure that he will remain with us, because the Savages are extremely
fickle and capricious. One of his relatives, hearing that he had
been given to us, objected, saying that their Captain had forbidden
them to give any of their children to the French. Thereupon the
mother of the child interposed, declaring that the Captain had not
taken care of her child; and that, consequently, it did not belong
to him to dispose of it, but to her who was the mother, and who
had reared him since his infancy. The father of the child, having
learned that his former wife, who had left him, had given the child
to us, was greatly pleased, saying that it would fare [61] very
well with us. The one who was promised to us last year would like
very much now to be with these two others. But we cannot charge
ourselves with him now, we must not undertake more than we can
perform. It is a pleasure to see these two children; they are my
little pupils. They are beginning to read, and know how to pray to
God, in Latin and in their own language. Sometimes they make us
laugh by their childish prattle. Before eating we make them say the
_Benedicite_. Hence, when they want to eat, they come to us and
say, "My Father, _Benedicite_;" that is to say, "Give me something
to eat." When they saw a little dog given something to eat, they
told us that it had not said its _Benedicite_. "I am going," said
one of them, "to say it for him." As we laughed at this, his
companion said to him: _nama irinisionakhi attimoukhi_; that is,
"The dogs have no [62] mind, they do not say their _Benedicite_, it
is only for men to say that." You can hear them, going and coming,
humming the _Pater noster_, pronouncing first one part and then
another, in the course of which there happened the other day a very
amusing incident. Sieur Emery de Caën was dining at our house.
As we served upon the table the little that we had, one of the
children, looking at what was set forth and seeing very well that
it was not for him, began to say as it happened to occur to him:
_Et ne nos inducas in tentationem_, causing the whole company to
laugh.

Le second iour de Ianuier, ie vey quelques Sauuages qui s'efforçoient
de passer dans leurs canots la grande riuiere de S. Laurens: ce fleuue
ordinairement ne gele point au milieu: il charie ou porte d'horribles
glaces, selon le cours & mouuement de la marée. Ces pauures gens
abordoient [63] de grandes glaces flottantes, les sondoient auec leurs
auirons montoiēt dessus, tiroient leurs canots aprés eux pour s'en
aller prendre l'eau à l'autre costé de ces glaces; quoy qu'ils soient
tres-habiles, il ne laisse pas de s'en noyer quelques-vns.

On the second day of January, I saw a number of Savages trying to
cross the great river St. Lawrence in their canoes. Usually this
river does not freeze in the middle; it drifts or floats immense
pieces of ice, according to the course and movement of the current.
These poor fellows approached [63] large pieces of the floating
ice, sounded them with their paddles, then mounted them, and drew
their canoes up after them, crossing over to reach the water on the
other side of the ice. Nimble as they are, not infrequently some of
them are drowned.

Voyant vn Sauuage qui traisnoit sa mere apres soy sur la neige. Les
chariots & carrosses de ce pays-cy font des traisnes faictes d'escorce
ou de bois, les cheuaux sont les hommes qui les tirent apres eux:
voyant donc ceste pauure vieille liée sur vne d'icelles, son fils ne
la pouuant commodement faire descendre par le sentier ordinaire d'vne
montagne qui borde la riuiere où il alloit, la laissa rouler à bas par
l'endroict le plus roide, & s'en alla la requerir par vn autre chemin.
Ne pouuant supporter cette impieté, ie le dy à quelques Sauuages qui
estoient auprés de [64] moy: ils me respondirent, Que veux-tu qu'il en
fasse, aussi bien s'en va elle mourir, prens la & la tuë, puis que tu
en as compassion, tu luy feras du biẽ, car elle ne souffrira pas tãt,
peutestre que son fils la laissera au milieu des bois, ne la pouuãt ny
guerir ny traisner apres soy, s'il ne trouue point dequoy manger. Voila
comme ils soulagent les malades qu'ils croyent deuoir mourir, ils leur
aduancent la mort par quelque coup de baston ou de hache, quand ils ont
beaucoup de chemin à faire, & cela par compassion.

I saw a Savage dragging his mother behind him over the snow. The
coaches and wagons of this country are sledges made of bark or
wood, the horses are the men who draw them. Now this poor old woman
was tied upon one of these sleighs; and her son, being unable,
conveniently, to take her down by the common path of a mountain
which borders the river along which he was going, let her roll down
the steepest place to the bottom, and then went by another route
to find her. As I could not bear this act of impiety, I said so to
some of the Savages who were near [64] me. They answered: "What
wouldst thou have him do with her? She is going to die any way;
take her and kill her, since thou hast pity for her; thou wilt do
her a service, because she will not suffer so much; perhaps her son
will leave her in the midst of the woods, as he is unable either to
cure her or to drag her after him, if he does not find something
to eat." This is the way they take care of the sick that they think
are going to die. They hasten death by a blow from a club or an
axe, when they have a long journey to make, and do this through
compassion.

Le troisiesme du mesme mois, la femme de nostre Sauuage estant malade,
il me vint demander mon canif pour la saigner. Les Sauuages se tirent
du sang de la teste. Estant vn iour en vne cabane, vne Sauuage
regardant vne escritoire que ie tenois, prit dextrement le canif sans
qui ie [65] m'en apperceusse, & s'en fit quelques ouuertures au hault
du frond, puis elle me le rendit: ie fus estonné la voyant saigner;
elle me dit qu'elle auoit mal à la teste, & qu'elle se vouloit guerir.
Or comme ils ont veu nostre façon de saigner, & qu'ils la trouuent
bonne, La Nasse me vint prier d'aider en cela sa femme. Ie luy
respondis que ie n'y entendois rien: & comme il vouloit prendre mon
canif, ie luy dis qu'il attendist au iour suiuant, & que ie prierois
le Chirurgien de la venir voir; ce qu'il fit. Ce pendant ie l'allay
visiter en sa cabane: il faisoit vn grãd froid, elle estoit teste nue à
leur accoustumee, mordant dans vn peloton de nege; c'estoit seulement
pour guerir vn gros rhume qui l'estouffoit. Voila les delicatesses du
païs. Le lendemain estãt saignee elle ne tarda gueres à aller querir
du bois à son ordinaire. Voiez [66] si ceux qui font profession de
souffrir quelque chose pour Dieu, ne doiuent pas estre confus voyans de
tels exemples.

On the third of the same month, the wife of our Savage being sick,
he came to ask me for my knife with which to bleed her. The Savages
draw blood from the head. One day when I was in a cabin, a Savage
Woman, looking at a writing case, I was holding, adroitly took my
penknife, without my [65] perceiving it, and made several openings
in the upper part of her forehead, then returned it to me. I was
astonished when I saw her bleeding. She told me she had a headache,
and wanted to cure it. Now that they have seen our way of bleeding,
and believe it to be good, La Nasse came and begged me to aid his
wife in the same way. I told him that I knew nothing about it; and,
as he wanted to take my knife, I told him to wait until the next
day, when I would beg the Surgeon to go and see her, which he did.
In the meantime I went to see her in her cabin; it was very cold;
she was bareheaded, according to their custom, biting a lump of
snow, trying to cure a bad cold which almost choked her! Such are
the delicate usages of the country. The next day, after having been
bled, she went out to gather wood as usual. Think [66] if those who
make a profession of suffering something in the cause of God ought
not to feel ashamed, when they see such examples.

Nous n'auons point esté solitaires tout l'hiuer, nombre de Sauuages
nous sont venus voir, ils sont passez à grosses bandes deuant nostre
maison s'en allans à la chasse de l'Orignac.

We have not been lonely all winter, as a number of Savages have
been to see us. They pass by our house in large crowds, going Moose
hunting.

Le Prince, & sa mere la Princesse, c'est ainsi que les François
appellent vn Sauuage de bonne façon: Vous diriez que ceste famille a ie
ne sçay quoy de noble; & s'ils estoient couuerts à la Françoise, ils ne
cederoient point en bonne mine à nos gentils-hommes François.

[Among them were] the Prince and his mother, the Princess. It is
thus that the French call a fine looking Savage. You would say that
this family has something inexpressibly noble about it; and, if
they were dressed in the French style, they would not yield in good
appearance to our French gentlemen.

Ce ieune homme nous estant venu visiter, ie luy demanday s'il auoit
vn fils, & s'il ne seroit pas bien content de nous le donner pour
l'instruire, il me dit que ouy; sa mere [67] conduisant vne petite
fille, moy croyant que ce fut vn garçon, ie l'appelle, disant à sa
grand'mere qu'elle nous le donnast, elle se mit à rire: me doutant
que c'estoit vne fille, ie luy dis que nous ne les prenions point,
mais qu'il y viendroit quelque iour d'honnestes filles de Frãce pour
enseigner leurs filles: alors, me dit-elle, ie donneray celle-cy.

When this young man came to see us, I asked him if he had a son,
and if he would not like to give him to us to teach. He answered me
"yes." His mother [67] had a little girl with her; and I, thinking
that it was a boy, called her, asking her grandmother to give him
to us. She began to laugh. Thinking that it might be a girl, I said
that we did not take them, but that some day some worthy women
would come from France, who would teach their daughters. "Then,"
said she, "I shall give her to them."

Ie preuois qu'il est tout à fait necessaire d'instruire les filles
aussi bien que les garçons, & que nous ne ferons rien ou fort peu, si
quelque bõne famille n'a soin de ce sexe; car les garçons que nous
aurons éleuez en la cognoissance de Dieu venans à se marier à des
filles ou femmes Sauuages accoustumées à courre dans les bois, leurs
maris seront obligez de les suiure, & ainsi retomber dans la barbarie,
ou bien de les quitter, qui seroit vn autre mal fort dangereux.

I see that it is absolutely necessary to teach the girls as well
as the boys, and that we shall do nothing or very little, unless
some good household has the care of this sex; for the boys that we
shall have reared in the knowledge of God, when they marry Savage
girls or women accustomed to wandering in the woods, will, as their
husbands, be compelled to follow them and thus fall back into
barbarism, or to leave them, another evil full of danger.

[68] N'y a-il point quelque Dame en France, qui ait assez de cœur pour
fonder icy vn Seminaire de filles, dõt la conduitte seroit premierement
donnée à quelque bõne veufue courageuse, accompagnée de deux braues
filles, qui demeureroient en vne maison qu'on pourroit dresser proche
de ceste honneste famille qui est icy? Il y a des Dames dans Paris
qui emploient tous les ans plus de dix mille francs en leurs menus
plaisirs: si elles en appliquoient vne partie pour recueillir les
gouttes du sang du Fils de Dieu respandu pour tant d'ames qui se vont
perdans tous les iours faute de secours, elles ne rougiroient pas de
honte au iour qu'elles paroistront deuant Dieu, pour rendre compte des
biens dont il les a faits œconomes: cela est bien plus aisé à dire,
qu'à exécuter.

[68] Is there not some Lady in France who has enough courage to
found here a Seminary for girls, to be under the care of some good
courageous widow, assisted by two brave young women, who would live
in a house which might be built near the home of that estimable
family that is here? There are Ladies in Paris who yearly spend
over ten thousand francs in pocket-money; if they would apply a
part of this to gather in the drops of blood that the son of God
shed for so many souls that are going astray daily for want of
help, then they would not be put to shame when they appear before
God, and must give an account of the goods of which he has made
them stewards. That is a great deal easier to say than to do.

Le 10. de Ianuier le froid estoit [66 i.e., 69] fort violẽt, Ie ne
voy le iour la plus part de l'hyuer qu'au trauers des glaces: il se
fait vne crouste de glace sur les chassis de ma cellule ou chambrette,
laquelle tombe comme vne losange ou carreau de verre quand le froid se
vient à relascher: C'est au travers de ce crystal que le Soleil nous
communique sa lumiere. I'ay souuent trouué de gros glaçons attachez le
matin à ma couuerture, formez du souffle de l'haleine; & m'oubliant de
les oster le matin, ie les trouuois encore le soir: I'en ay quelquefois
veu en France, mais peu souuent & bien petits, à comparaison de ceux-cy.

On the 10th of January the cold was [66 i.e., 69] very severe.
I see daylight a great part of the winter only through ice. The
crusts of ice gather upon the windows of my cell or little room,
and fall like a lozenge, or a piece of glass, when the cold
relaxes. It is through this crystal that the Sun sends us his
light. Several times I have found large pieces of ice, formed by
my breath, attached to my blanket in the morning; and, forgetting
to shake them off, I found them there still in the evening. I have
sometimes seen them in France, but rarely, and they were very small
compared with these.

Comme nous n'auons ny fontaine, ny puy, il nous faut aller tous les
iours puiser de l'eau à la riuiere, de laquelle nous sommes esloignez
enuiron 200 pas: mais pour en auoir, il faut fendre la glace à grands
coups [70] de hache, & encor faut-il attendre que la mer monte, car le
marée estãt basse, on ne peut auoir d'eau pour l'espaisseur des glaces.
Nous iettons ceste eau dans vn poinçon qui n'est pas loing d'vn bon
feu; & cependãt il faut auoir vn grand soin tous les matins de rompre
la crouste de glace qui se forme dans ce vaisseau, autrement en deux
nuicts tout ne seroit qu'vn glaçon, le poinçon fut-il plein.

As we have neither a spring nor a well, we are obliged to go for
water every day to the river, from which we are distant about 200
steps. But to get it, we must first break the ice with heavy blows
[70] from an axe; and after that we must wait until the sea comes
up, for when the tide is low you cannot get water because of the
thickness of the ice. We throw this water into a barrel, which is
not far from a good fire; and yet we must be careful to break the
layer of ice every morning, otherwise, in two nights, it would be
one mass of ice, even if the barrel were full.

Vn de nos François ayant soif dãs les bois, & voulant lescher vn peu de
neige qui estoit sur vne hache qu'il tenoit, venãt à toucher le fer,
sa langue se cola & gela si promptement & si fortement, que venant à
retirer soudainement la hache pour le froid qu'il sentoit, il enleua
quant & quãt toute la peau de sa langue.

One of our countrymen was thirsty, when in the woods, and so
thought to lap a little snow from the axe which he held; when he
touched the iron his tongue stuck fast, and froze so quickly and
so solidly, that in suddenly withdrawing the axe, on account of
the cold that he felt, he at the same time tore almost all the skin
from his tongue.

Tout cecy m'auroit quasi fait croire en France que ce pays est
insupportable: [71] i'aduouë qu'il y a quelques iours bien serrans &
pressans, mais ils sont peu en nombre, le reste est plus que tolerable.
On se roule icy sur la neige, comme en France sur l'herbe de nos
prairies, pour ainsi dire, ce n'est pas qu'elle ne soit aussi froide
comme elle est blanche, mais les iours sont beaux, le Soleil plus chaud
qu'en plusieurs endroicts de France; nous sommes, dit-on dans le mesme
parallelle que la Rochelle; la moindre action qu'on fait la pluspart du
temps bannit la rigueur du froid.

All of this would have almost made me believe in France that this
country is unbearable. [71] I admit that some days are very cold
and penetrating, but they are few, and the rest are more than
tolerable. Here they roll on the snow as they do in France upon the
grass of our meadows, so to speak; I do not mean to say that it is
less cold than it is white, but the days are fine, and the Sun is
warmer than in many parts of France. We are, they say, on the same
parallel with la Rochelle. The least exercise we take generally
dispels the rigor of the cold.

Combien de fois trouuant quelque colline ou montagne à descendre,
me suis-je laissé rouler à bas sur la neige, sans en receuoir autre
incommodité, sinon de changer pour vn peu de temps mon habit noir en
vn habit blanc, & encore cela se fait-il en riant; car si on ne se
soustient bien assis sur ses raquettes, on se blãchit [72] aussi bien
la teste, que les pieds.

How often, when coming to a hill or a mountain which I must
descend, I have rolled down to the bottom on the snow, experiencing
no other discomfort than to change for a little while my black
habit for a white one, and all this is done with much laughter. For
if you do not stand firmly upon your raquettes, you will whiten
[72] your head as well as your feet.

Combien de fois ay-ie fait le mesme sur des glaces fort hautes, qui
bordoient la riuiere sur laquelle ie voulois aller? Ce fut vn Sauuage
qui m'apprit ce secret cognu de tout le monde: il passoit deuant
moy, & voyant que sa teste estoit en danger d'arriuer à la riuiere
plustost que ses pieds, il se laissa rouler tout du long des glaces,
& moy apres luy: le bon est qu'il ne faut que faire cela vne seule
fois, pour sçauoir le mestier. I'auois peur au commencement, car la
marée montant, & sousleuant ces grands corps de glaces, les ouure en
plusieurs endroits: & quelques boüillons rejallissans sur les bords de
la riuiere, font vne glace assez mince sur la plus épaisse: quand vous
venez à marcher sur cette premiere glace, elle rompt sous vous: si bien
qu'au commencement ie pẽsois que [73] tout alloit fondre, mais ie ne
croy pas que des canons fissent bransler la plus grosse glace. Quand on
vient sur le printemps, c'est alors qu'il y a du danger de rencontrer
quelque ouuerture qui vous fasse couler là dessous.

How many times have I done this also upon the icy heights of the
river banks along which I was going. It was a Savage who taught
me this trick, known to everybody here; he went ahead of me, and,
seeing that his head was in danger of reaching the river before
his feet, he let himself roll the whole length of the ice, and I
after him. The best of it is that you have only to do it once, in
order to understand the trick. I was afraid, at first; for the
rising tide, lifting up those great blocks of ice, cracks them
in many places, and the water, splashing up on the banks of the
river, makes a thin layer of ice over the thicker one. When you try
walking upon the thin ice, it breaks under you. The first time I
tried it, I thought it [73] was all going to sink under me. But
I do not believe that a cannon could crack the thickest ice. When
you walk upon it in the spring, it is then that there is danger of
stepping into a hole and going under.

Le 12. du mesme mois, vn Sauuage me vint dire que le Pere de Nouë
estoit cause d'vn vent qui souffloit: ie luy en demanday la raison;
il me dit qu'encore bien que le ciel fut fort rouge au matin, le Pere
n'auoit point laissé d'aller trauailler au bois de bõne heure, & que
cela estoit cause du vent: Que les Montagnaits voyans le ciel enflammé,
se tiennent en repos dans leurs cabanes, & par ce moyen arrestent
le vent. I'aduertiray, dit-il, vne autrefois le Pere de Nouë qu'il
ne parte point si matin quand le temps sera rouge, & il verra par
experience qu'il ne ventera [74] point. Ie me mis à rire, & tachay le
mieux que ie peu d'effacer de sa pensée ceste superstition: en fin il
s'en mocqua aussi bien que moy; ce n'est pas pourtant qu'il la quitte
si aisément, car les Sauuages vous accordent facilement ce que vous
leur dites, mais ils ne laissent pas d'agir tousiours à leur façon.

On the 12th of the same month, a Savage came to me, and said that
Father de Nouë was the cause of a heavy wind which was blowing;
I asked him why. He told me that, although the sky had been very
red in the morning, the Father had not failed to go and work in
the woods at an early hour, and that that was the cause of the
wind; that, when the Montaignaits saw a flaming sky, they remained
at rest in their cabins, and so arrested the wind. "I shall warn
Father de Nouë," said he, "that another time he should not leave
his cabin when the sky is so red; and he will see, by trying it,
that the wind will not [74] blow." I began to laugh, and tried by
every means in my power to drive this superstition from his mind,
and at last he laughed at it just as much as I did. It was not so
easy for him to give it up; for the Savages agree very readily with
what you say, but they do not, for all that, cease to act upon
their own ideas.

Passans de discours en discours, ie luy parlay de Dieu qui a tout
fait; car c'est là où ie vise de leur dõner quelque cognoissance de
celuy qui leur a donné la vie, afin qu'ils s'en entretiennent les vns
les autres, & que les enfans en oyent parler dés leur ieunesse. Luy
discourant donc en mon barragoin,& plus souuent par gestes & par signes
qu'autrement (car ie parle plus de la main que de la langue) ie luy fis
conceuoir quelque chose de la puissance de Dieu: alors il me dit que le
Dieu de France estoit [75] bien plus puissant & plus grand Capitaine ou
Seigneur que le Dieu de son pays: Car, dit-il, vostre Dieu est grand, &
le nostre, ou bien ses enfans viennent d'vn rat d'eau que les Frãçois
appellent rat musqué.

Passing on from one subject to another, I talked to him of God, who
has made everything; because it is thus I aim to give them some
knowledge of him who gave them life, in order that they may talk
with each other thereupon, and that the children may hear it spoken
of from their youth. Talking to him thus in my jargon, and more
frequently by signs and gestures than otherwise (for I talk more
with my hands than with my tongue), I made him comprehend something
of the power of God. Then he told me that the God of France was
[75] a great deal more powerful and a greater Captain or Lord than
the God of his country. "For," said he, "your God is great; and
ours, or his children at least, come from a water rat which the
French call the muskrat."

Mais à propos de musc, les Sauuages n'en peuuent supporter l'odeur:
Quelqu'vn m'a dit qu'aiant sur soy quelque chose semblable, ils luy
disoient qu'il sentoit mal; aussi tiennent ils cét animal puant, &
quelque vieux morceau de graisse leur semblera de bonne odeur. Or iugez
maintenant s'il y a des obiects plus conformes à l'odorat les vns que
les autres, & si nos fantaisies auec l'accoustumance n'ont pas vn grand
pouuoir sur nous.

But, speaking of musk, the Savages cannot bear the odor of it. Some
one said to me that once, when he had something about him like
musk, they told him he smelled bad. So they hold that this animal
has a bad smell, while an old piece of fat would seem to them to
have a pleasant odor. Now you may judge if certain things are
not more acceptable to the smell of some people than others, and
whether our fancies and customs have not great power over us.

Puis que ce Sauuage m'a donné occasion de parler de leur Dieu, ie diray
que c'est vn grand erreur de croire que les Sauuages n'ont cognoissance
[76] d'aucune diuinité: ie m'étonnois de cela en France, voyant que
la nature auoit donné ce sentiment à toutes les autres nations de la
terre. Ie confesse que les Sauuages n'ont point de prieres publiques
& communes, ny aucun culte qu'ils rendent ordinairemẽt à celuy qu'ils
tiennent pour Dieu, & que leur cognoissance n'est que tenebres: mais
on ne peut nier qu'ils ne recognoissent quelque nature superieure à la
nature de l'homme: comme ils n'ont ny loix, ny police, aussi n'ont-ils
aucune ordonnance qui concerne le seruice de ceste nature superieure,
chacun fait comme il l'entend: ie ne sçay pas leurs secrets, mais de ce
peu que ie vay dire, on verra qu'ils cognoissent quelque diuinité.

As this Savage gave me an occasion to speak of their God, let me
say that it is a great mistake to think they have no knowledge [76]
of any divinity. When in France I was astonished at that, knowing
that Nature has given this sentiment to all other nations of the
earth. I confess that the Savages have no public or common prayer,
nor any form of worship usually rendered to one whom they hold as
God, and their knowledge is only as darkness. But it cannot be
denied that they recognize some nature superior to the nature of
man. As they have neither laws nor government, therefore there is
no ordinance which concerns the service of this superior nature;
each one acts according to his own understanding. I do not know
their secrets; but, from the little that I am about to say, it will
be seen that they recognize some divinity.

Ils disent qu'il y a vn certain qu'ils nomment _Atahocan_, qui a tout
fait: parlant vn iour de Dieu dans vne cabane, [77] ils me demanderent
que c'étoit que Dieu, ie leur dis que c'estoit celuy qui pouuoit tout,
& qui auoit fait le Ciel & la terre: ils commencerent à se dire les vns
aux autres _Atahocan, Atahocan_, c'est _Atahocan_.

They say that there is a certain one whom they call _Atahocan_,
who made all things. Talking one day of God, in a cabin, [77] they
asked me what this God was. I told them that it was he who could do
everything, and who had made the Sky and earth. They began to say
one to the other, "_Atahocan, Atahocan_, it is _Atahocan_."

Ils disent qu'vn nommé Messou repara le monde perdu dãs les eaux;
Vous voyez qu'ils ont quelque tradition du deluge, quoy que meslée de
fables, car voicy comme le monde se perdit, à ce qu'ils disent.

They say there is one named Messou, who restored the world when it
was lost in the waters. You see that they have some traditions of
the deluge, although mingled with fables. This is the way, as they
say, that the world was lost.

Ce Messou allant à la chasse auec des loups ceruiers, au lieu de
chiens, on l'aduertit qu'il faisoit dangereux pour ses loups (qu'il
appelloit ses freres) dans vn certain lac aupres duquel il estoit.
Vn iour qu'il poursuiuoit un eslan, ses loups luy donnerẽt la chasse
iusques dedans ce lac; arriuez qu'ils furent au milieu, ils furẽt
abysmez en vn instant. Luy suruenãt là dessus, & cherchant ses freres
de [78] tous costez, vn oiseau luy dit qu'il les voyoit au fond du lac,
& que certaines bestes ou monstres les tenoient là dedans: il entre
dans l'eau pour les secourir, mais aussi-tost ce lac se desborde, &
s'aggrandit si furieusemẽt, qu'il inonda & noya toute la terre.

This Messou, going hunting with lynxes, instead of dogs, was warned
that it would be dangerous for his lynxes (which he called his
brothers) in a certain lake near the place where he was. One day
as he was hunting an elk, his lynxes gave it chase even into the
lake; and, when they reached the middle of it, they were submerged
in an instant. When he arrived there and sought his brothers [78]
everywhere, a bird told him that it had seen them at the bottom of
the lake, and that certain animals or monsters held them there.
He leaped into the water to rescue them; but immediately the lake
overflowed, and increased so prodigiously that it inundated and
drowned the whole earth.

Le Messou bien estonné, quitte la pensée de ses loups, pour songer à
restablir le monde. Il enuoye vn corbeau chercher vn peu de terre,
pour auec ce morceau en restablir vn autre. Le corbeau n'en peut
trouuer, tout estant couuert d'eau. Il fait plonger vne loutre, mais
la profondeur des eaux l'empescha de venir iusques à terre. En fin vn
rat musqué descendit, & en rapporta: Auec ce morceau de terre il remit
tout en estat: il refit des troncs d'arbres, & tirant des fléches à
l'encontre, elles se changeoient en branches. Ce seroit vne longue
fable de raconter [79] comme il repara tout: comme il se vangea des
mõstres qui auoient pris ses chasseurs, se transformant en mille sortes
d'animaux pour les surprendre: bref ce beau Reparateur estant marié à
vne soury musquée, eut des enfans qui ont repeuplé le monde.

The Messou, very much astonished, gave up all thoughts of his
lynxes, to meditate on creating the world anew. He sent a raven to
find a small piece of the earth, with which to build up another
world. The raven was unable to find any, everything being covered
with water. He made an otter dive down, but the depth of the
water prevented it from going to the bottom. At last a muskrat
descended, and brought back some earth. With this bit of earth, he
[Messou] restored everything to its condition. He remade the trunks
of the trees, and shot arrows against them, which were changed
into branches. It would be a long story to recount [79] how he
reëstablished everything; how he took vengeance on the monsters
that had taken his hunters, transforming himself into a thousand
kinds of animals to circumvent them. In short, this great Restorer,
having married a little muskrat, had children who repeopled the
world.

On voit par ces contes que les Sauuages ont quelque idée d'vn Dieu: Ie
dis bien dauantage, qu'ils ont quelque espece de sacrifice. Le Pere
Brebeuf m'a asseuré qu'hyuernant auec eux, il leur vit mettre vn petit
Eslan ou Orignac souz la cendre, & le brusler. Il cogneut depuis qu'à
mesme temps on en auoit brûlé vn en la mesme façon en vne autre cabane,
& demandant la raison de cela, ils luy dirent que c'estoit pour la
santé d'vn malade.

You see by these stories that the Savages have some idea of a God:
I say even more, they have some form of sacrifice. Father Brebeuf
assured me that, when passing the winter with them, he saw them put
a little Elk or Moose under the ashes and burn it. He has learned
since then that another was burned at the same time and in the
same manner, in another cabin; and, asking the reason for it, they
answered that it was for the recovery of a sick man.

Il y a des hommes parmy eux qui font profession de consulter leur
[80] Manitou; il me semble que par ce mot de Manitou ils entendent,
comme entre nous, vn Ange, ou quelque nature puissante. Ie croy
qu'ils pensent qu'il y en a de bons & de mauuais, i'en parleray plus
asseurément quelque iour.

There are some men among them who make a profession of consulting
their [80] Manitou. It seems to me that by this word "Manitou"
they understand, as among us, an Angel or some powerful being.[41]
I believe they think that there are good and bad Manitous; I will
speak of this with greater certainty some day.

Le Gendre de nostre Sauuage voulant aller à la chasse, le consulta
tout auprés de nostre maison: Il fit vne petite Cabane de bois, se
renferma là dedans. Sur la nuict, chantant, criant, hurlant: les autres
estoient à l'entour de luy: ie priay vn François de tirer vn coup
d'arquebuse pour les espouuanter par le bruit, mais ie ne sçay s'ils
l'entendirent, tant ils se demenoient. Le Manitou luy dit qu'il allast
à la chasse d'vn certain costé, qu'il y trouueroit des Orignaux, &
point d'Hiroquois; le Manitou fut trouué menteur, car il reuint bien
affamé, n'ayant quasi rien trouué. [81] Pour les Hiroquois, il n'en
pouuoit rencontrer, car il s'écartoit bien loin d'eux: ie croy que la
pluspart de ces consulteurs de Manitou ne sont que des trompeurs &
charlatans; neantmoins quand ils recommandent quelque chose, cela est
executé de point en point. S'il disoit aux Sauuages que le Manitou veut
qu'on se couche nud dans la neige, qu'on se brusle en quelque endroict,
il seroit obey & au bout du conte ce Manitou ou Diable ne leur parle
non plus qu'à moy.

The Son-in-law of our Savage, wishing to go hunting, took counsel
with him [the Manitou] near our house. He made a little wooden
Cabin, shutting himself inside toward nightfall, singing, crying,
and howling. The others were around him. I begged a Frenchman to
fire a shot of the arquebus, to frighten them with the noise; but
I am not sure that they heard it, so great was the uproar. The
Manitou told him to go hunting in a certain direction, that he
would find Moose there, and no Hiroquois. The Manitou was proved
a liar; for the hunter returned almost starved, having found very
little. [81] As to the Hiroquois, he could not have run against
any, because he kept at a great distance from them. I believe that
the greater number of these consulters of the Manitou are only
deceivers and charlatans. Notwithstanding this, when they advise
anything it is carried out exactly. If one of them should tell the
Savages that the Manitou wanted them to lie down naked in the snow,
or to burn themselves in a certain place, he would be obeyed. And,
after all, this Manitou, or Devil, does not talk to them any more
than he does to me.

Ie me doute neantmoins qu'il y en a quelquesvns qui ont vrayemẽt
communication auec le Diable, s'il est vray ce qu'en disent les
Sauuages, car on les voit marcher sur leurs cabanes sans les rompre:
ils deuiẽnent furieux & comme possedez, dõnent des coups capables
d'assommer vn bœuf, & neantmoins la douleur passe [82] en peu de temps:
sans grand outrage on les void tout en sang, puis gueris en vn moment.
Ils racontent quantité d'autres choses semblables, mais quãd ie les
presse, ils m'aduouẽt franchement qu'ils n'ont point veu cela, ains
seulement qu'ils l'ont ouy dire. Il ne faut pas leur faire grandes
obiections sur leurs fables, pour les arrester, & leur faire perdre
terre.

Nevertheless, I am inclined to think that there are some among them
who really have communication with the Devil, if what the Savages
say is true; because some are seen to walk upon their huts, without
breaking them down. They become furious and act as if possessed,
striking blows hard enough to fell an ox, and yet the pain
passes [82] away very soon. Without any great injury, they cover
themselves with blood, and are healed in a moment. They relate
many other similar things; but, when I question them closely, they
frankly admit that they have not seen them, but have only heard of
them. One does not need to offer any very serious objections to
their stories, to interrupt and confuse them.

Le 15. du mesme nostre Sauuage nous vint trouuer, & nous dit qu'vn
de ses gendres auoit songé que nous luy donnassions aussi long que
la main de petum, ou tabac; Ie luy refusay, disant que ie ne donnois
rien pour les songes, & que ce n'estoit que folie, que ie leur
expliquerois comme ils se forment quand ie scaurois leur lãgue. Il me
repart que toutes les nations auoient quelque chose de particulier,
que si nos songes n'estoient pas vrays, si bien les leurs: [83] &
qu'ils mourroient s'ils ne les mettoient en execution. A ce conte nos
vies dépendẽt des songes d'vn Sauuage, car s'ils resuoiẽt qu'il nous
faut tuer, infailliblement ils nous tueroient, s'ils pouuoient. On m'a
dit qu'autrefois l'vn d'eux ayant songé que pour estre guery d'vne
maladie qui le trauailloit, il luy falloit tuer vn certain François,
il l'enuoye appeller. Entré qu'il fut en sa cabane, il luy disoit,
approche mon frere, ie te veux parler: sa femme qui scauoit le dessein
de son mary, dit au François qu'il se donnast bien garde d'approcher:
& de fait ce malade auoit mis vne hache à son costé pour l'assommer.
Voila l'vne des risques de nostre vie; cela ne m'estonne point, on peut
mourir pour Dieu en mourant par vn songe.

On the 15th of the same [month], our Savage came to see us, and
said that one of his sons-in-law had dreamed that we would give
him a piece of petun, or tobacco, as long as his hand. I refused
him, saying that I did not give anything on account of dreams;
that they were only folly, and that, when I knew his language, I
would explain to him how they originated. He replied to me that
all nations had something especially their own; that, if our
dreams were not true, theirs were; [83] and that they would die
if they did not execute them. According to this idea, our lives
depend upon the dreams of a Savage; because, if they dream that
they have to kill us, they will surely do it if they can. I am
told that, at another time, one of them had a dream that to be
cured of a disease, from which he was suffering, he must kill a
certain Frenchman; so he sent for him. When the Frenchman entered
his cabin, he said to him: "Come nearer, my brother, I want to talk
with you." His wife, who knew the designs of her husband, told the
Frenchman to be on his guard in going near him; and, in fact, the
sick man had placed an axe at hand, with which to kill him. This
shows one of the great risks that we run here; it does not frighten
me; we may die for God in dying because of a dream.

Pour reuenir à nostre Sauuage, ie luy demanday s'il faudroit executer
[84] mon songe, au cas que i'eusse songé que ie le deurois tuer? il
repart que le songe de son gendre n'estoit point mauuais: & tout ainsi
qu'il nous croyoit quãd nous luy disions quelque chose, ou que nous
luy monstrions quelque image: de mesme que nous luy deuions croire
quand il nous disoit quelque chose propre de sa nation: qu'au reste il
s'estõnoit que nous autres qui n'vsions point de tabac, l'aimions tant.
En fin il luy en fallut bailler, en luy faisant bien entendre que ce
n'estoit point en consideratiõ de son songe, & qu'on luy refuseroit
tout ce qu'il demanderoit sous ce pretexte. Il nous dit qu'il ne
croiroit plus à ces fantaisies, mais que son gendre estoit libre:
ceste superstition est trop enracinée dans son esprit pour la quitter
si aisément.

But to return to our Savage; I asked him if it would be necessary
to execute [84] my dream, in case I had dreamed that I should kill
him. He replied that his son-in-law's dream was not bad; and just
as he believed us when we told him something, or when we showed
him a picture, so likewise we ought to believe him when he told
us something that was accepted by his people. More than that, he
was astonished that we, who did not use tobacco, liked it so much.
Finally, we found it necessary to give him some, taking good care
to make him understand that it was not in consideration of his
dream, and that we would refuse him whatever he asked under that
pretext. He said he would no longer believe in such fancies, but
that his son-in-law could do as he liked. This superstition is too
deeply implanted in his mind for him to give it up so easily.

Le 21. du mesme, ie baptisay vn [85] petit Sauuage agé d'enuiron 3
ans, frappé d'vne maladie mortelle: & voyant qu'il estoit en danger de
mourir dans les bois, sa grand'mere le traisnant auec soy de part &
d'autre, nous luy demandasmes au cas qu'il guerit, si elle ne voudroit
pas bien nous le donner pour le nourrir & l'instruire: Elle respondit
que s'il n'estoit si malade, qu'elle nous le dõneroit dés lors. Ses
parents y consentirent: ce qui nous fit resoudre à le baptiser. Nostre
Pierre luy donna son nom: ce pauure enfant pourra traisner quelques
années, mais il n'y a gueres d'esperance qu'il puisse iamais recouurer
sa santé.

On the 21st of the same [month], I baptized a [85] little Savage
about three years old, stricken with a fatal disease; and, seeing
that he was in danger of dying in the woods, his grandmother had
dragged him about with her from one place to another; we asked her,
if he should recover, if she would not like to give him to us, to
care for and teach. She answered that, if he were not so sick, she
would give him to us at once. His parents consented, so we resolved
to baptize him. Our Pierre gave him his name. This poor child may
drag on a few years, but there is hardly a hope that he will ever
recover his health.

Sur la fin de Ianuier, le fils & les gendres de nostre Sauuage estans
vers le Cap de Tourmẽte, manderẽt à leur pere, qui estoit cabané aupres
de nous, qu'il y auoit bonne chasse en ce quartier là: Il s'y en alla
auec [86] le reste de sa famille: puis nous retournant voir, il nous
dit que si nous l'aimions nous l'allassions visiter en sa cabane,
qu'il nous donneroit de la chair d'Eslan: Vous m'auez, disoit-il,
donné de vos biens quand i'auois faim: mes gens croiront que vous
estes faschez cōtre moy si vous ne nous venez pas voir. Il nous donna
nouuelle que le Sauuage Brehaut estoit mort, & qu'il auoit laissé deux
enfans, vn garçon & vne petite fille. Or comme nous disirerions bien
d'en enuoyer quelques-vns en France pour les faire instruire, afin
qu'ils peussent par apres secourir leur nation, le Pere de Nouë prit
resolution de suiure ce bon Sauuage, ce ne fut pas sans peine, voicy
les particularitez de son voyage. Les hostelleries qu'on trouue en
chemin sont les bois mesmes: à l'entrée de la nuict on s'arreste pour
cabaner; chacun [87] desfait ses raquettes, desquelles on se sert
comme de pesle pour vuider la neige de la place où on veut coucher.
La place nette, & faite en rond ordinairement, on fait du feu tout au
bien milieu, & tous les hostes s'assient à l'entour, estans abriez par
le dos d'vne muraille de neige, ayans le Ciel pour couuerture de la
maison. Le vin de ceste hostellerie c'est l'eau de neige fonduë dans
vne petite chaudiere qu'on porte auec soy, si on ne veut manger la
neige pour boisson: Les meilleurs mets sont vn peu d'anguille boucanée.
Comme il faut porter sa couuerture auec soy pour se couurir la nuict,
on ne se charge que le moins qu'õ peut d'autres choses.

Toward the end of January the son and the sons-in-law of our
Savage, being near Cape de Tourmente, told their father, who was
settled near us, that there was good hunting in that quarter. He
went there with [86] the rest of his family. Then, coming back to
see us, he said that if we loved him, we would go to visit him in
his cabin, and he would give us some Venison. "You have given me,"
said he, "of your store when I was hungry; my people will think you
are very angry with me, if you do not come to see us." He brought
us news that the Savage, Brehault, was dead; and that he had left
two children, a boy and a little girl. Now as we desired very much
to send some children to France to have them educated, that they
might afterward help their people, Father de Nouë made up his mind
to follow this good Savage, a journey not without difficulties.
Here are the particulars thereof: The inns found on the way are the
woods themselves, where at nightfall they stop to camp; each [87]
one unfastens his snowshoes, which are used as shovels in cleaning
the snow from the place where they are going to sleep. The place
cleaned is usually made in the form of a circle; a fire is made in
the very middle of it, and all the guests seat themselves around
it, having a wall of snow behind them, and the Sky for a roof. The
wine of this inn is snow, melted in a little kettle which they
carry with them, provided they do not wish to eat snow in lieu of
drink. Their best dish is smoked eel. As they must carry their
blankets with them for cover at night, they load themselves with as
few other things as possible.

Le Pere estant arriué dans la cabane, on ne scauoit quelle chere luy
faire: Il n'y a point icy de complimens, on ne dit ny bon iour, ny
[88] bon soir. Tout leur tesmoignage de resioüyssance ou action de
graces consiste en ceste aspiration, Ho! ho! ho! ho! &c. On saluë icy
le monde par effects. Aussi-tost chacun se met en deuoir, l'vn met de
l'eau dans la chaudiere, ou plustost de la neige; l'autre la met sur
le feu; l'autre iette dedans de grandes pieces de chair d'Eslan, sans
la lauer de peur de perdre la graisse; cela estant cuit à demy, on
le retire pour en remettre d'autre. Comme on estoit en cet exercice,
voicy l'vn des gendres de la Nasse qui reuient de la chasse, apportant
deux Castors: aussi-tost en tesmoignage de resioüyssance de la venuë
du Pere, il les met en pieces, & les iette dans la chaudiere. Vn autre
luy fait present d'vn ieune Castor fort delicat, mais auec prieres
qu'on se donnast bien garde de donner les os aux chiens, autrement ils
croient [89] qu'ils n'en prendroient plus: ils bruslent ces os fort
soigneusement, si les chiens les mangeoient, la chasse ne vaudroit
plus rien. Le Pere me dit qu'il s'estonnoit du degast de viande qu'ils
faisoient. Voila vn grand mal pour ce miserable peuple, quand il a
dequoy, ce ne sont que festins; & la pluspart du temps il meurt de faim
le lendemain. On alla à trois lieuës de là chercher vn Orignac qu'ils
auoient tué, pour en donner la chair au Pere, auec mille excuses, en
deux mots, que peutestre ne le trouueriõs nous pas bon. Ils pressoient
le Pere de demeurer quelques iours auec eux, disans qu'ils auoient veu
du bois rongé, & qu'infailliblement ils trouueroient d'autres Elans.

When the Father reached the cabin, they did not know what welcome
to give him. There are no greetings here; they say neither "good
day" nor [88] "good evening." Their manifestations of rejoicing,
or expressions of thanks, consist of this aspiration: "Ho! ho!
ho! ho!" etc. They greet people here by actions. Immediately each
begins his work; one puts water, or rather snow, in a kettle;
another places it on the fire; another throws in large pieces of
Venison, not washing them for fear of losing the grease. This being
half cooked, it is withdrawn in order to put in some more. While so
engaged, one of the sons-in-law of la Nasse returns from the hunt,
bringing two Beavers; he tears them to pieces at once, and throws
them into the kettle, in proof of his joy at seeing the Father.
Another gives him a young and very tender Beaver, with the request
that he should be most careful not to give the bones to the dogs,
otherwise they believe [89] they will take no more Beavers. They
burn these bones very carefully. If a dog should eat them, there
would be no more good hunting. The Father told me that he was
astonished at their waste of meat. This is a great misfortune for
these miserable people, for they have nothing but feasts when they
have plenty, and are generally dying of hunger the next day. They
went a distance of three leagues from there to get a Moose they
had killed, to give the meat of it to the Father, with a thousand
excuses, saying, in short, that perhaps we might not find it good.
They pressed the Father to remain with them a few days, saying that
they had seen wood which had been gnawed, an infallible sign that
they would find more Elk.

Le Pere voulant partir, lon fait trois traisnes qu'on charge de chair;
l'vne pour luy, l'autre pour nostre Pierre qui estoit allé là; la
troisiesme [90] pour vn François qui accompagnoit le Pere. A peine
auoient-ils fait deux cens pas apres leurs adieux, que le Pere demeure
tout court, il ne voyoit goutte, & n'entendoit rien: la fumée de la
cabane, les neiges de dehors, le défaut de nourriture; car il n'auoit
mangé qu'vn peu de ceste chair à demy cruë, le trauail du chemin
l'affoiblirent si fort, qu'il fut contraint de retourner d'où il
venoit. Il auoit bien porté vn peu de pain & de pois, mais les Sauuages
s'en saisirent incontinent, tant ils en sont auides, luy disant qu'il
en mangeroit tant qu'il voudrait estant de retour en nostre maison.
Le bon Sauuage La Nasse voyant la debilité du Pere, luy demande s'il
veut demeurer; Non, dit-il, mais ie ne puis traisner ce fardeau que
tu m'as donné. Allons, respond le Sauuage, ie le traisneray pour toy,
& ie prendray [91] ceste grande peau de loup marin pour t'enuelopper
dedans, & te traisner en ta maison: si tu es malade, prends courage,
ie ne t'abandonneray point. Ils s'en reuindrent à la maison le mieux
qu'ils peurent: nostre Pierre courrut deuant apporter les nouuelles:
Nous enuoyasmes viste vn garçon auec vne bouteille de cidre, & du pain,
pour leur donner courage. Le vent leur donnoit si violemment en face,
qu'ils furent contraints de laisser leurs traisnes à trois lieuës de
Kebec, on les renuoya querir le iour suiuant. Les Pere qui n'estoit
malade que de foiblesse & de trauail, ayant trouué le repos, se remit
incontinent.

When the Father wished to depart, they made three sledges which
they loaded with meat; one for him, another for our man Pierre,
who was there, and the third [90] for a Frenchman who accompanied
the Father. They had moved scarcely two hundred steps, after their
farewells, when the Father suddenly stopped short; he could see
nothing and could hear nothing. The smoke of the cabin, the snow
outside, the lack of nourishment, for he had eaten only a very
little of that half-cooked meat, and the difficulties of the way
had weakened him so that he was compelled to return whence he came.
He had carried with him a little bread and a few peas; but the
Savages had taken possession of them at once, so fond are they of
them, telling him that he could eat as much as he wanted of these
things on his return to our house. The good Savage La Nasse, seeing
the Father's weakness, asked him if he wished to remain. "No," said
he, "but I cannot drag this load which you have given me." "Very
well," answered the Savage, "I will drag it for thee, and I will
take [91] this great sealskin to wrap thee up in, and draw thee
to thy house. If thou art sick, take courage, I will not abandon
thee." They returned to the house as best they could, our Pierre
running before them to bring the news. We hurriedly sent a boy with
a bottle of cider and some bread to renew their strength. The
wind blew so violently in their faces that they were compelled to
leave their sledges three leagues from Kebec, and send for them on
the following day. The Father, who was sick only from weakness and
overwork, having rested, immediately recovered.

Voila, mon Reuerend Pere, vn eschantillon de ce qu'il faut souffrir
courant apres les Sauuages, ce qu'il faut faire necessairement si on
les [92] veut ayder à se sauuer: Et partant que, V.R. voye s'il luy
plaist qui seront ceux qu'elle destinera pour ceste mission. On ne
souffre point ces incommoditez demeurant dans la maison, tout ce qu'on
y endure est tolerable: mais quand il faut deuenir Sauuage auec les
Sauuages, il faut prendre sa vie, & tout ce qu'on a, & le ietter à
l'abandon, pour ainsi dire, se contentant d'vne croix bien grosse &
bien pesante pour tout richesse. Il est bien vray que Dieu ne se laisse
point vaincre, & que plus on quitte, plus on trouve: plus on perd, plus
on gaigne: mais Dieu se cache par fois, & alors le Calice est bien amer.

In this narrative, my Reverend Father, you have an illustration
of what we have to suffer in accompanying the Savages in their
wanderings, and what must necessarily be done if we wish [92] to
aid in saving them. And from this Your Reverence may see, if you
please, what kind of men should be chosen for this mission. We do
not suffer these discomforts while remaining in the house. All that
we have to bear here is endurable. But, when it is necessary to
become a Savage with the Savages, one must take his life and all
that he has, and throw it away, so to speak, contenting himself
with a very large and very heavy cross for all riches. It is true
that God does not allow himself to be conquered, and that the more
one gives, the more one gains; the more one loses, the more one
finds; but God sometimes hides himself, and then the Cup is very
bitter.

Vne chose me semble plus qu'intolerable, c'est qu'on est pesle-mesle,
fille, femme, homme, garçõs tous ensemble dans vn trou enfumé; & plus
on s'auance en la cognoissance [93] de la langue, plus on entend de
salatés. Dieu veuille que les yeux n'en soient point offensez, on me
dit que non. Ie ne pensois pas que les Sauuages eussent la bouche si
puante comme ie le vay remarquant tous les iours. Coucher sur la terre
couuerte d'vn peu de branches de pin, n'auoir qu'vne écorce entre la
neige & vostre teste, traisner vostre bagage sur des montagnes, se
laisser rouler dans des vallons espouuãtables, ne manger qu'vne fois
en deux ou trois iours quand il n'y a point de chasse, c'est la vie
qu'il faut mener en suiuant les Sauuages. Il est vray que si la chasse
est bonne, la chair ne vous est point épargnée: sinon il faut estre en
danger de mourir de faim, ou de bien souffrir. Vn de nos François qui
a demeuré auec eux cét hyuer passé, nous a dit qu'il n'auoit mangé en
deux iours qu'vn petit bout de [94] chandelle qu'il auoit porté par
mesgarde dans sa pochette. Voila peutestre mon traittement pour l'hyuer
prochain, car si ie veux sçauoir la langue, il faut de necessité suiure
les Sauuages. Ie crains neantmoins que nostre famille accreuë ne me
retienne cette année, mais il y faut aller tost ou tard, i'y voudrais
desia estre, tant i'ay de mal au cœur de voir ces pauures ames errãtes
sans aucun secours faute de les entendre. On ne peut mourir qu'vne
fois, le plustost n'est pas tousiours le pire. Changeons de propos:
Il faut que ie remarque icy vne iniure que les Sauuages donnent aux
François, c'est qu'ils aiment ce qu'ils ont: quand vous refusez quelque
chose à vn Sauuage, aussi-tost il vous dit _Khisakhitan_: tu aime cela,
_sakhita, sakhita_, aime le, aime le, comme s'ils vouloient dire qu'on
est attaché à ce qu'on aime, & qu'on [95] le prefere à leur amitié.

One thing seems to me more than intolerable. It is their living
together promiscuously, girls, women, men, and boys in a smoky
hole. And the more progress one makes in the knowledge [93] of
the language, the more vile things one hears. May it please God
that one's eyes be not offended; I am told that they are not.
I did not think that the mouth of the Savage was so foul as I
notice it is everyday. To sleep on the earth, covered with a few
branches of pine, nothing but the bark between the snow and your
head; to drag your baggage over the mountains, to let yourself
roll down into frightful valleys; to eat only once in two or
three days, when there is no hunting,--that is the life you must
lead in following the Savages. It is true that, if the hunting is
good, there is no lack of meat; if not, one must be in danger of
dying from starvation, or of enduring great suffering. One of our
Frenchmen, who lived with them last winter, told us that during
two days he ate nothing but a small piece of [94] candle, that he
had accidentally carried in his pocket. This is the treatment that
I shall perhaps have next winter; because, if I wish to learn the
language, I must necessarily follow the Savages. I fear, however,
that our growing family may keep me here this year; but sooner or
later I must go. I would like to be there already, I am so sick at
heart to see these poor straying souls, without any help because of
our inability to understand them. We can die but once; the soonest
is not always the worst. Let us change the subject; I must speak
here of the charge which the Savages make against the French. It
is that they love what is theirs; when you refuse anything to a
Savage, he immediately says _Khisakhitan_, "Thou lovest that,"
_sakhita, sakhita_, "Love it, love it;" as if they would say that
we are attached to what we love, and that we [95] prefer it to
their friendship.

Nostre Sauuage voudroit bien viure auec nous comme frere, en vn mot
il voudroit entrer en communauté de tout. Ie te donneray, dit-il, de
tout ce que i'ay, & tu me donneras de tout ce que tu as: Ce seroit
le moyen de manger en vn mois toutes les prouisions d'vne année, car
ils ne cessent de manger tant qu'ils ont dequoy, n'en ayant plus, ils
en cherchent, & en demandent auec importunité. Il est vray que ce
bon homme voit bien que ceste procedure n'est pas bonne: & quand ie
luy represente qu'il ne fait pas bien, prodiguant ses viures en peu
de temps: ce n'est pas moy, dit-il, qui fait cela, c'est ma femme.
Il s'estonne quand nous luy faisons manger d'vn morceau d'Ours ou
d'Orignac six sepmaines apres qu'il nous l'a donné; car en ce temps-là
on mangera deux & trois [96] & quatre ours en sa cabane, si on en prend
autant.

Our Savage would like to live with us as a brother; in a word, he
would like to have us divide with him all that we have. "I will
give thee," said he, "of all that I possess, and thou shalt give me
of all that belongs to thee." In this way, we should eat in a month
all the provisions for a year, for they never stop eating as long
as they have anything. Having nothing more, they go in search of
something, and beg for it persistently. It is true that this simple
fellow realizes that this is not a good way, and, when I show him
that it is not well to use up his food so quickly, he says: "It is
not I who do that, it is my wife." He is astonished when we give
him a piece of Bear or Moose six weeks after he has given it to us,
for in that time they eat two, three, [96] and four bears in his
cabin, if they capture that many.

Le 13. de Feurier Dieu nous fit vne faueur fort signalée: Mon maistre
nommé en sa langue comme i'ay desia souuent dit, Pierre Pastedechouan,
s'en alla sans nous rien dire. Depuis qu'il estoit auec nous, il
s'estoit vn peu remis: il se confessoit de tẽps en tẽps sãs se vouloir
cõmunier quoy qu'on luy dit. Sa raison estoit que iamais il ne s'estoit
cõmunié en son pays, si biẽ en France: mais i'estois là mieux disposé
qu'icy, disoit-il. Comme il sentit approcher le Caresme, il nous
fit plusieurs interrogations sans que nous prissiõs garde où elles
buttoient: scauoir mõ à quel âge on estoit obligé de ieusner, si dans
tout le Caresme on ne mangeroit point de chair, & choses semblables.
La peur qu'il eut du ieusne, & la croyance qu'il auoit que [97] les
gens de La Nasse auroient bõne chasse, fit qu'il s'en alla les trouuer
sans nous en parler. Voyant mon secours perdu pour la langue, nous
demandasmes derechef à Dieu qu'il luy pleust nous donner pour la
seconde fois celuy qu'il nous auoit dõné pour la premiere. La Theologie
de ce bon aueugle né n'est pas bonne, qui dit que Dieu n'exauce point
les pecheurs, si fait bien quand il luy plaist. La Nasse ayant mangé
toute sa chasse, & n'en trouuant plus dans les bois, la faim le pressa
si fort, qu'il ne sçauoit de quel coste se tourner. Nostre Pierre
se voyant dans le ieusne deuant que d'estre en Caresme, ayant pense
perdre la vie sur vne glace qui coula dessous luy, & passé quatre
iours sans quasi rien manger, nous reuient voir tout defait apres 15
iours d'absẽce, il ne nous dit point que la famine le ramenoit, aussi
attribuay-ie [98] son retour à celuy qui nous le donnoit pour la
seconde fois: Il demeura donc auec nous iusques à Pasques, m'aydant à
conclurre ce que i'auois enuie d'acheuer de nostre Dictionnaire.

On the 13th of February God did us a very signal favor. My teacher,
named in his language, as I have often said already, Pierre
Pastedechouan, went off without giving us notice. Since he had
been with us, he had somewhat improved; he had been to confession
from time to time, but would not take communion, whatever might
be said to him. His reason was that he had never taken communion
in his country, though he had in France; "But I was," he said,
"more disposed to it there than here." As he felt that Lent was
approaching, he asked us a number of questions, the full tendency
of which we did not comprehend; namely, at what age it was
necessary to fast; if one should not eat meat at all during Lent,
and similar things. The fear he had of fasting, and his belief that
[97] the people of La Nasse would be lucky in their hunt, led him
to go to them without telling me. Seeing that I had lost my help
in learning the language, we again asked God to give us, if it
pleased him, for a second time, the one he had given us at first.
The Theology of that worthy man, blind from birth, who says that
God does not hearken to sinners except when it is agreeable to him,
is not good. La Nasse having eaten all his game, and finding no
more in the woods, was so pressed with hunger that he knew not on
which side to turn. Our Pierre found himself fasting before the
beginning of Lent; having nearly lost his life upon the ice, which
slipped from under him, he passed four days with scarcely anything
to eat and returned to us completely exhausted, after 15 days of
absence. He did not tell us that hunger brought him back, therefore
I attributed [98] his return to him who gave him to us for a second
time. He remained with us until Easter, helping me to finish what I
was very anxious to complete, our Dictionary.

Le Vendredy Sainct, il s'en voulut aller à la chasse auec nostre
Sauuage qui estoit du retour, mais ie luy dis qu'il n'iroit point
qu'il ne se fust acquitté du deuoir que doiuent rendre à Dieu tous
les Chrestiens en ce tẽps-là; i'aduerty nostre Sauvage de ne le point
receuoir en sa cõpagnie; ce qu'il fit. Il se confessa donc & se
communia le iour de Pasques. Le lendemain nostre Sauvage retournant
pour vendre au sieur de Caën vn ieune Eslan qu'il auoit pris tout vif
(lequel mourut depuis) nostre homme l'accosta, & luy dit que nous ne
l'auions retenu sinon pour prier Dieu le iour precedẽt, & que l'ayant
[99] fait nous estions contens qu'il le suiuit: Il est vray que pour le
contenter nous luy auions dit que s'estant acquitté de ses deuotiõs,
il pourroit s'en aller à la chasse à la premiere occasion, ce qu'il a
fait auec promesse de retourner, mais nous ne l'auõs point veu depuis.
Dieu soit beny de tout: ie ne m'osois promettre tout ce que i'ay tiré
de luy, i'en ay assez pour me rendre capable d'aller hyuerner parmy les
Sauuages, auec profit.

On Good Friday, he wanted to go hunting with our Savage, who
had returned; but I told him that he should not go until he had
rendered to God the devotion that all Christians owed to him
at that time. I charged our Savage not to receive him in his
company, and he did not. Then he confessed and received his Easter
communion. The next day, our Savage returning to sell to sieur de
Caën a young Elk that he had taken alive (which died afterward),
our man accosted him, and said that we had only detained him that
he might pray to God on the preceding day; and that, having done
[99] so, we were willing that he should go with him. It is true
that, in order to please him, we told him that, if he performed his
devotions, he might go hunting upon the first opportunity; which
he did with the promise to return, but we have not seen him since.
But God be praised for all; I dared not promise myself all that I
have drawn from him; I have enough to fit me for going to pass the
winter among the Savages with profit.

La Nasse reuenant de la chasse nous dit que ce pauure ieune homme
auoit trauersé les bois pour aller trouuer ses frères à Tadoussac:
pour moy i'estime qu'il a la foy, i'en ay de tres-grands indices: mais
comme c'est vne foy de crainte & de seruitude, & que d'ailleurs il est
enchaisné par vne infinité de mauuaises habitudes, il a de la peine de
quitter la liberté blasmable des Sauuages, [100] pour s'arrester sous
le ioug de la loy de Dieu.

When La Nasse returned from hunting, he told us that this poor
young man had gone through the woods to find his brothers
at Tadoussac. For my part I think he has faith; I have seen
strong indications of it; but as it is a faith born of fear and
slavishness, and as, moreover, he is enchained by a multitude
of bad habits, he has great difficulty in abandoning the wicked
liberty of the Savages [100] and submitting to the yoke of the law
of God.

Le 21. de Mars, vn Sauuage mangeant chez nous à terre, selon leur
coustume, s'arresta tout court, disant qu'il ne mangeroit pas
dauantage, autrement qu'il mourroit: Ie luy demanday pourquoy, il
me dit qu'il auoit veu vne lumiere brillãte tourner tout à l'entour
du plat: ie voulus mettre la main sur le plat, il s'escria, K_higa
nipin_, K_higa nipin_, tu mourras, tu mourras: Or comme ie commence
à cognoistre leurs fantaisies, pour luy faire voir sa simplicité:
ie prends vne cuillerée ou deux de ce qu'il mãgeoit, & en mangeay
moy-mesme, il commence à me regarder comme tout estonné, & voyant que
ie n'auois point de mal; i'en mãgeray aussi, fit-il, puis que tu en as
mangé.

On the 21st of March, a Savage who was eating at our house, upon
the ground, according to their custom, stopped suddenly, saying
that he would eat no more,--if he did, he would die. I asked him
why, and he told me that he has seen a bright light revolve around
his plate. I was about to put my hand upon the plate, and he cried
out, _Khiga nipin, Khiga nipin_, "Thou wilt die, thou wilt die."
Now as I am becoming familiar with their fancies, to make him
understand his simplicity, I took a spoonful or two of what he was
eating, and ate it myself. He looked at me with astonishment, and,
seeing that I was not sick, "I will eat also," said he, "since thou
hast eaten of it."

On dit que quelques Basques ou Anglois leurs ont baillé l'apprehension
[101] que les François les vouloient empoisonner. C'est pourquoy
plusieurs vous inuitent de gouster le premier de ce que vous leur
presentez. En quoy il arriua vne chose agreable à vn Sauuage fort
adonné a boire: le sieur du Plessis luy ayãt fait presenter vn verre
de vin, ou de sidre; il se tourne, & le donne à vn François pour en
taster: ce François le tasta si bien, qu'il n'y laissa rien. Le Sauuage
qui le voyoit faire, crioit prou _egouspé, egouspé_, c'est assez,
c'est assez: mais l'autre tira iusques au bout, puis presenta le verre
tout vuide au Sauuage, pour l'apprendre vne autre fois à quitter ces
deffiances.

It is said that some Basques or Englishmen have communicated to
them the fear [101] that the French were seeking to poison them.
That is why many of the Savages invite you to first taste whatever
you give them. Apropos of this, a very amusing thing happened to
a Savage who was much addicted to drink. Sieur du Plessis having
presented him with a glass of wine, or of cider, he turned about,
and gave it to a Frenchman to taste; this Frenchman tasted it so
well, that there was none of it left. The Savage, who saw what he
was doing, cried out, _egouspé, egouspé_, "It is enough, it is
enough." But the other drank the last drop, giving the empty glass
to the Savage, as a lesson that, another time, he must be less
suspicious.

Le 22. nostre Pierre ayant pris vn Castor, vne Sauuage l'ayant écorché,
nostre frere le prit & le laua: ceste femme voyant qu'il faisoit tomber
à terre le sang de cét animal, s'écria, en verité cét homme n'a point
[102] d'esprit, & se tournant vers Pierre, luy dit, tu ne prendras
plus de Castors, on a respandu le sang du tien: c'est vne de leurs
superstitions, qu'il ne faut point respandre à terre le sang pur du
Castor, si on veut auoir bonne chasse, du moins Pierre nous le dit
ainsi.

On the 22nd, our Pierre having caught a Beaver, a Savage skinned
and our brother washed it. This woman, seeing that he let some of
the blood of the animal fall to the ground, cried out: "In truth,
this man has no [102] sense;" and turning to Pierre she said:
"Thou wilt take no more Beavers, for the blood of thine has been
spilled." It is one of their superstitions that you must not spill
the pure blood of the Beaver upon the ground, if you wish to have
good hunting, at least Pierre has told us so.

Le premier iour d'Auril le Capitaine des Algonquains nous vint voir,
& nous apporta de la chair d'Elan, ses gens en auoient tué dix, quoy
qu'vn Sauuage vous donne pour vn grand mercy, (c'est vn mot qu'ils
ont appris des François) il leur faut rendre quelqu'autre chose pour
vn autre grand'mercy, autrement vous serez tenu pour vn ingrat. Ils
reçoiuent assez volontiers sans donner: mais ils ne sçauent que c'est
de donner sans receuoir. Il est vray que si vous les voulez suiure
dãs les bois, ils vous nourriront sans vous riẽ demander, [103] s'ils
croient que vous n'ayez riē: Mais s'ils s'apperçoiuẽt que vous ayez
quelque chose, & qu'ils en ayẽt enuie, ils ne cesseront de vous presser
que vous ne leur ayez donné.

On the first day of April, the Captain of the Algonquains came to
see us, and brought us some Elk meat, his people having killed ten
of these animals. Although the Savages will give you something for
a "thank you," (this is a word they have learned from the French),
you must make them some return for another "thank you," otherwise
you will be looked upon as ungrateful. They are willing enough to
receive without giving; but they do not know what it is to give
without receiving. It is true that, if you will follow them into
the woods, they will feed you without asking anything of you, [103]
if they think that you have nothing. But if they see that you have
something, and they want it, they will not stop asking you for it
until you have given it.

Pour retourner à ce Capitaine, ie luy demanday s'il auoit vn fils, &
s'il ne vouloit point nous le dōner pour l'instruire; il me demanda
combien ie voulois d'enfans, & que i'en auois desia deux: ie luy
dis qu'auec le tẽps peutestre i'en nourrirois vingt, il s'étonna:
Habilleras-tu bien, me dit-il, tant de mõde? Ie respondis que nous ne
les prendrions pas que nous n'eussions le moyen de les habiller, il
repart qu'il seroit bien content de nous donner le sien, mais que sa
fẽme ne le voudroit pas. Les femmes ont icy vn grand pouuoir: qu'vn
hõme vous promette quelque chose, s'il ne tient pas sa promesse, il
pense s'estre bien excusé, quand il vous a [104] dit que sa femme ne
l'a pas voulu: ie luy dis donc qu'il estoit le maistre, & qu'en France
les femmes ne commandoient point à leurs maris: cela est bien, dit-il,
mais pour mon fils ie suis assez sçauant pour l'instruire, ie luy
apprẽdray à haranguer: instruits premierement les Montagnaits, si cela
reüssit bien, nous te donnerons nos enfans.

To return to this Captain; I asked him if he had a son, and if
he would not give him to us to be educated. He asked me how many
children I wanted, and [said] that I already had two. I told him
that in time I should perhaps feed twenty. He was astonished.
"Wilt thou clothe so many as well?" asked he. I answered him that
we would not take them until we had the means to clothe them. He
replied that he would be very glad to give us his son, but that his
wife did not wish to do so. The women have great power here. A man
may promise you something, and, if he does not keep his promise, he
thinks he is sufficiently excused when he tells you [104] that his
wife did not wish to do it. I told him then that he was the master,
and that in France women do not rule their husbands. "That is very
well," said he, "but I know enough to instruct my son; I shall
teach him to make speeches. Instruct the Montagnaits first; if thou
succeedest well, then we will give thee our children."

Ie luy parlay de Dieu, il m'escoutoit fort attentiuement: Ie luy
enseignay quelque petite priere en langage Montagnaits qu'il entend
fort bien; il les prononçoit en sa langue, & me promit qu'il les diroit
souuẽt. Or cõme le tẽps me pressoit d'aller reciter mon office, ie luy
dis que i'allois prier Dieu: il me suiuit, entra dãs ma chambrette, &
s'y tint iusques à ce que i'eusse acheué, me faisãt aprés plusieurs
interrogations; bref il ne s'en retourna qu'à la nuict.

I talked to him about God, and he listened very attentively. I
taught him a little prayer in the Montagnaits language which he
understands very well. He repeated it in his tongue, and promised
me that he would say it often. Then, as the time had come for me
to go and recite my office, I told him that I was going to pray to
God. He followed me, entered my little room, and remained there
until I had finished, asking me a number of questions afterward. In
short, he did not go away until night.

[105] Le 18. & le 20. d'Auril, il tonna fort & ferme auec de grands
éclairs, & cependant la riuiere estoit encor glacée, & la terre
couuerte de neige; ce qui fait voir qu'il y a de la chaleur en l'air, &
que ces neiges & froids sont accidentels, & contre la nature du climat:
noꝰ sommes parallelles à la Rochelle, cõme i'ay desia dit. Tous les
François pourront tesmoigner qu'ils n'ont point veu dans le cœur de la
France mois de May si chaud, que celuy qu'ils ont esprouué à Kebec.

[105] On the 18th and 20th of April, it thundered loudly and
violently, with sharp flashes of lightning, and yet the river
was still frozen, and the ground white with snow; this showed us
that there was heat in the air, and these snows and this cold
were accidental and contrary to the nature of the climate. We are
on a parallel with la Rochelle, as I have already said. All the
Frenchmen can testify that they have never seen in the heart of
France so warm a month of May as they have experienced in Kebec.

La chaleur est icy grande & brûlante; & cependant i'ay remarqué
depuis que ie suis icy qu'il a gelé tous les mois de l'année. Ie ne
m'estonne point de ces gelées: nous auons du costé du Nord vne chaisne
de montagnes peut-estre de cent ou deux cens lieues d'estendue. Nous
ne sommes pas éloignez de six lieuës de ces [106] monts prodigieux,
& peutestre tousiours couuerts de neiges: Ie vous laisse à penser
si les vents qui passent par là nous peuuent apporter beaucoup de
chaleur. De plus nous sommes dans les bois de 800 ou mille lieuës.
Nous habitons les bords de deux fleuues, dont l'vn engloutiroit les
quatre beaux fleuues de France sans regorger. Voila les vrayes causes &
alimens du froid. Si le pays estoit découuert iusques à ces montagnes;
nous aurions peutestre l'vne des plus fœcondes vallées qui soient en
l'vniuers: L'expérience nous fait voir que les bois engendrent les
frimas & les gelées. Les terres de ceste famille qui est icy estant
plus découuertes que les nostres, sont plustost déchargées de neiges,
& moins sujettes à ces froids du matin. Les nostres aussi ne sentent
point ces rigueurs si souuent, que celles de la [107] maison des RR.
Peres Recolets qui sont plus referrez dans les bois.

The heat here is intense and burning, and yet I have observed
since I have been here that there has been frost every month of
the year. I am not surprised at these frosts. We have on the North
of us a chain of mountains, probably one or two hundred leagues in
extent. We are not distant six leagues from these [106] stupendous
mountains, probably always covered with snow.[42] I leave you to
decide whether the wind coming from that direction can bring much
heat. Besides, we are in a forest covering from 800 to a thousand
leagues. We live upon the banks of two rivers, one of which would
swallow up the four great rivers of France without overflowing.
Behold herein the real cause and source of the cold. If the country
were cleared as far as the mountains, we should probably have one
of the most fruitful valleys in the universe. Experience teaches
us that the woods engender cold and frosts. The lands owned by the
family living here, having been cleared more than ours, are sooner
freed from snow, and less subject to cold in the morning. Neither
do we feel these rigors so often as do those who live in the [107]
house of the Reverend Recolet Fathers, who are farther in the woods.

Il y a quantitè de iours en hyuer dont l'ardeur du Soleil se fait bien
plus fortement ressentir qu'en France. Le premier iour que ie vey
nostre riuiere prise, ie m'estonnay, car le temps estoit fort doux; &
cherchant la raison de cela, celle-cy me vint en pensée. La riuiere
se glace tousiours sur les bords, & quand la marée viẽt à monter, elle
dètache ces glaces, & les ameine en haut. Or est-il que nõ pas loin de
nous il y a vn fault, ou des rochers qui empeschent les glaces a la
marée de passer plus outre. Ces glaces estant donc ramassées & pressées
sur cette riuiere, qui est au milieu d'vn si grand bois, où le froid
& la neige se conseruent aisément: elles se lient ensemble, & ainsi
de mille & mille glaces il s'en fait vne qui se va grossissant tous
les iours, & [108] qui fait vn grand pont sur toute la riuiere. La
Lombardie n'est pas loin des Alpes dont le sommet est tousiours blanc
de neige, & neantmoins ie ne sçay si l'Europe a quelque vallée plus
agréable & plus fertile que cette contrée: i'en dy le mesme du lieu que
nous habitons s'il estoit deserté & cultiue. Voila ma pensée touchant
le pays: si ie me trompe ce n'est pas merueille, cela m'arriue assez
souuent, tout gist à le deserter: mais ô mõ Dieu, que de peine à purger
vne forest embarassee d'arbres tombez! ie dirois volontiers depuis le
deluge.

There are many days in the winter when the heat of the Sun makes
itself felt a great deal more than it does in France. The first
day that I saw our river frozen, I was astonished, because it was
very mild weather; and, in seeking a reason for it, this came to
my mind. A river always freezes first along its banks; and, when
the tide rises, it loosens this ice and carries it higher up. Now,
not far from us there is a waterfall or some rocks, which prevent
the tidal ice from passing beyond them. This ice being thus
massed and pressed together in the river, which is in the midst
of so great a wood that the snow and cold are easily preserved,
it becomes consolidated; and thousands and thousands of blocks of
ice are frozen into one mass which goes on increasing every day,
[108] making a great bridge over the whole river. Lombardy is not
far from the Alps, the summits of which are always white with snow,
and yet I do not know that Europe has a more agreeable and more
fertile valley than that country. I would say the same of the place
in which we live, if it were cleared and cultivated. This is my
opinion touching this country; if I am mistaken, it is not strange,
as that happens to me often; everything depends upon clearing the
land. But oh, my God! What labor there will be in clearing a forest
encumbered with fallen trees, I might well say, since the deluge.

Le 23. du mesme mois d'Auril, nous veismes partir les glaces, cela est
effroyable: on m'a dit qu'on en auoit veu passer devãt le fort lõgues
d'vne demie lieuë; ce sont des ances d'eau glacée que la marée de la
grãde riuiere va détachant. Sur nostre [109] petite riuiere les glaces
n'y sõt pas si affreuses, & neantmoins ie leur ay veu emporter de
gros morceaux de terre, arracher des souches, briser quelques arbres
qu'elles entouroiẽt. On en voit marcher de tous droits dessus ces
glaces au beau milieu de la riuiere, qui en vne seule marée paroist
aussi belle & aussi claire, comme si elle n'auoit point esté glacée.

On the 23rd of the same month of April we saw the ice float
away; it is a frightful spectacle. I was told that pieces half
a league long were seen passing before the fort. These are the
banks of frozen water which the current of the great river goes on
loosening. Upon our [109] little river the ice is not so alarming;
nevertheless I have seen it carry away large pieces of earth, tear
up stumps, and crush the trees which it had enclosed. You can see
them [the trees] moving erect on these pieces of ice, in the very
middle of the river, which in a single tide appears as beautiful
and as clear as if it had never been frozen.

Le 7. de May, vn Sauuage estant venu voir la Nasse nostre voisin:
cõme ie vey qu'il se portoit mal, ie l'aborday, & luy parlay de Dieu,
l'exhortant à auoir recours à luy: il me respondit, Toy, tu cognois
Iesus, prie le pour moy, car moy ie ne le cognois point, ie ne cognois
que nostre Manitou. Ie luy dis qu'il prononçast souuẽt de cœur ces
paroles, O Iesus qui estes bon, ayez pitié de moy, il mourut quelque
temps apres.

On the 7th of May a Savage called to see la Nasse, our neighbor; as
I saw that he was not well, I addressed him, speaking to him of God
and exhorting him to have recourse to him. He answered me: "Thou
knowest Jesus, pray to him for me, for I do not know him; I know
only our Manitou." I told him to say these words often from his
heart: "Oh Jesus, who art good, have pity on me." He died a short
time afterward.

Les Montagnaits le tenoient pour [110] l'vn de leurs grands sorciers,
ou consulteurs de Manitou: ie sçauray quelque iour si vrayement il y
a de la diablerie en leur fait: pour le present ie ne puis dire autre
chose que les vns disent que ouy, les autres que non: c'est à dire
qu'il n'y a rien d'asseuré.

The Montagnaits held him as [110] one of their great sorcerers or
consulters of Manitou.[43] I shall know for certain, some day,
whether there is any jugglery in their doings or not. At present, I
can only say that some of them say "yes" and others "no." That is
to say that there is nothing sure.

I'estois l'an passé maistre de deux escoliers, ie suis deuenu riche,
i'en ay maintenant plus de vingt. Aprés le depart de mon maistre, i'ay
recueilly & mis en ordre vne partie de ce qu'il m'auoit enseigné, &
que i'auois escrit çà & là, m'accommodant à son humeur, qui souuent ne
me dictoit que ce qui luy venoit en fantaisie. Ayant donc rallié la
pluspart de mes richesses, ie me suis mis à composer quelque chose sur
le Catechisme, ou sur les principes de la foy; & prenant mon papier
en main, i'ay commencé à appeller quelques enfans auec vne petite
clochette. La premiere [111] fois i'en auois six, puis douze, puis
quinze, puis vingt; & dauantage ie leur fais dire le _Pater_, _Aue_,
& _Credo_, en leur langue: ie leur explique grossierement le mystere
de la Sainte Trinité, & de l'Incarnation; & à tous bouts de champ ie
leur demande si ie dis bien, s'ils entendent bien, ils me respondent
tous, _eoco, eoco, ninisitoutenan_: ouy, ouy, nous entendons. Ie les
interroge par apres s'il y a plusieurs Dieu, & laquelle des trois
personnes s'est fait homme: ie forge des mots approchans de leur lãgue,
que ie leur fais entendre. Nous commẽçons le Catechisme par ceste
priere, apres auoir fait le signe de la Croix; _Noukhimami Iesus,
ïagoua_ K_histinohimaonitou_ K_hi_K _hitouina caié_ K_hiteritamouïn.
Ca cataouachichien Maria ouccaonia Iesu, cacataouachichien Ioseph
aïamihitouinan_. Mõ Seigneur ou Capitaine Iesus; enseignez moy vos
paroles & vostre volonté! [112] ô bonne Marie Mere de Dieu! ô bon
Ioseph priez pour nous.

Last year I was master of two pupils; I have become rich, for I
now have more than twenty. After the departure of my teacher, I
gathered up and arranged in order a part of what he taught me, and
what I had written here and there, accommodating myself to his
humor, he often dictating only what happened to suit his fancy.
Having thus brought together the greater part of my riches, I
began to compose something in the way of a Catechism, or on the
principles of the faith. Taking my paper in hand, I began to call
a few children by ringing a little bell. At first [111] I had six,
then twelve, then fifteen, then twenty, and more. I have them say
the _Pater_, the _Ave_, and the _Credo_, in their language. I
explain to them, very crudely, the mysteries of the Holy Trinity
and of the Incarnation, and at every few words I ask them if I
speak well, if they can understand perfectly; they all answer me:
_eoco, eoco, ninisitoutenan_, "yes, yes, we understand." Afterwards
I ask them whether there are several Gods, and which of the three
persons became man. I coin words approximating to their language,
which I make them understand. We begin the Catechism by this
prayer, after having made the sign of the Cross: _Noukhimami Jesus,
ïagoua Khistinohimaonitou Khik hitouina caié Khiteritamouïn. Ca
cataouachichien Maria ouccaonia Jesu, cacataouachichien Joseph
aïamihitouinan_. "My Lord, or Captain, Jesus, teach me your words
and your will! [112] Oh, good Mary, Mother of God! Oh, good Joseph,
pray for us!"

Nous finissons par le _Pater noster_ que i'ay composé, quasi en rimes
en leur langue, que ie leur fais chanter: & pour derniere conclusion,
ie leur fais donner chacun vne escuellée de pois qu'ils mangent de bon
appetit: quand ils sont beaucoup, i'en donne seulement à ceux qui ont
bien respondu. C'est vn plaisir de les entendre chanter dans les bois
ce qu'ils ont appris: les femmes mesme le chantent, & me viennent par
fois escouter par la fenestre de ma classe, qui nous sert aussi de
refectoir, de despense, de tout. I'estois prest d'aller par les cabanes
assembler tous les enfans, mais la venuë de mõsieur Champlain qui nous
a amené du monde, m'occuppe pour quelque temps: si tost que ie me seray
dégagé de la plus grande presse, ie commenceray [113] cét exercice, ie
prie Dieu, pour lequel ie l'entreprens, de le benir.

We finish with a _Pater noster_ that I have composed almost
in rhyme, in their language, which I have them sing; and, in
conclusion, I have each one of them given a bowlful of peas, which
they enjoy very much. When there are many of them, I give only
to those who have answered well. It is a pleasure to hear them
sing in the woods what they have learned. The women sing also,
and come occasionally to listen at the windows of my class room,
which serves also as a refectory, pantry, and everything else. I
was ready to go to the cabins, to gather in all the children; but
the arrival of monsieur Champlain, who brought us some visitors,
occupied me for some time. As soon as I am freed from the more
pressing duties, I shall again take up [113] this work, praying
God, for whom I do it, to bless what I am about to undertake.

Mes escoliers me viennent trouuer d'vne demie lieuë loing pour
apprendre ce qui leur est nouueau: il y en a desia quelques-vns qui
scauent fort bien qu'il n'y a qu'vn Dieu, que Dieu a tout faict, qu'il
s'est faict hõme pour nous, qu'il luy faut obeïr, & que ceux qui ne
croiront pas en luy iront dans les feux, & ceux qui luy obeïront iront
dans le ciel.

My pupils come to me from a distance of half a league to learn what
is so new to them. A number of them know already that there is but
one God, that God made all; that he made himself man for us; that
we must obey him; and that those who do not believe in him will go
into the fire, and that those who obey him will go to heaven.

Quand ie leur parle du Fils de Dieu, ils me demandent si Dieu est
marié, puis qu'il a vn fils; ce sont les hommes qui font ceste
question. Ils s'estonnent quand ie leur dis que Dieu n'est ny homme
ny femme: ils demandent comme il est donc fait: ie responds qu'il n'a
ny chair, ny os, qu'il ressemble à l'ame. Il y en eut vn qui me fit
rire, car il repartit; il est [114] vray, l'ame n'a point d'os, ny de
chair, l'ay veu la mienne, elle n'en auoit point; ie voulus l'instruire
là dessus, mais ils n'ont point de paroles pour signifier vne chose
puremẽt spirituelle, ou s'ils en ont ie ne les scay pas. Ie ne vay
encore qu'à tastõs, & ce qui me donne plus de regret ne les pouuant
entendre, c'est que ie preuoy bien que mon ignorance sera de longue
durée, tãt pour ce qu'ils n'arrestẽt point en vn lieu, que pour-autant
que mes soings vont estre plus partagez qu'ils n'estoient. Dieu
pouruoira à tout, il est plus grand que nostre cœur.

When I talk to them about the son of God, they ask me if God is
married, as he has a son. It is the men that ask that question.
They are astonished when I tell them that God is neither a man nor
a woman, they ask how he is made then; I answer that he has neither
flesh nor bones, and that he is like the soul. One of them made me
laugh, for he replied: "It is [114] true the soul has neither bones
nor flesh, I saw mine, and it had neither." I wished to instruct
him thereupon; but they have no words to express the purely
spiritual ideas, or, if they have, I do not know them. Thus far, I
am only feeling my way; and what causes me the most regret is that,
not being able to understand them, I perceive that my ignorance
will be of long duration, inasmuch as they do not remain long in
one locality, and because my cares are going to be more numerous
than they have been. God will provide for all; he is greater than
our courage.

Au reste le fruict qu'on peut recueillir de ceste mission sera
grand, s'il plaist à Dieu: Si les Peres qui sont destinez pour les
Hurons, natiõ stable, peuuent entrer dans le pays; & que les guerres
ne troublent point ces peuples: il est croyable que dans [115] vne
couple d'années, on verra qu'il n'y a nation si barbare qui ne soit
capable de recognoistre & honorer son Dieu. On s'estonne que depuis
tant d'années qu'on viẽt en la Nouuelle France, on n'entend rien
dire de la conuersion des Sauuages, il faut défricher, labourer, &
semer, deuant que de receuillir. Qui des Religieux qui ont esté icy a
iamais sçeu parfaitement la langue d'aucune nation de ces contrées?
_fides ex auditu_, la foy entre par l'aureille. Comment peut vn
muet prescher l'Euangile? Au temps que le Pere Brebeuf commençoit à
se faire entendre, la venuë des Anglois le contraint de quitter ces
pauures peuples, que luy dirent à son depart: Escoute, Tu nous as
dit que tu auois vn Pere au Ciel qui auoit tout fait, & que celuy
qui ne luy obeïssoit pas, estoit ietté dans des feux. Nous t'auons
demandé d'estre instruicts: [116] & tu t'en vais, que ferons nous? Vn
Capitaine l'abordant luy dit _Eschom_, ie ne suis pas baptisé, & tu
t'en vais, mon ame sera donc perduë, que feray-ie à cela? Tu dis que
tu reuiendras; va-t'en donc, & prends courage, reuiens deuant que ie
meure. Vn vieillard d'vn autre village que celuy où habitoit le Pere
l'entendant parler des choses dernieres, de la recompense des bons, &
du chastimẽt des meschans, luy dit, _eschom_, les gens de ton village
ne vallent rien; voila de meschans hommes, ils ne nous communiquent
point ce que tu leur dis: & cependant cela est si important, qu'il en
faut parler au Conseil de tout le pays. Sont-ce pas là des indices
d'vne heureuse moisson? Le Diable preuoit bien ce fruict, car de
l'heure que ie parle, il fait ce qu'il peut pour empescher la venuë des
Hurons; & par consequent pour fermer [117] la porte à l'Euangile, & à
ceux qui l'annoncent.

However, the fruit which may be gathered from this mission will be
great, if it please God. If the Fathers who are assigned to go to
the Hurons, a stationary tribe, are able to enter the country, and
if war does not trouble these people, probably in [115] two years
it will be seen that there is not a nation so barbarous as not to
recognize and honor God. Some are astonished that they hear nothing
about the conversion of Savages during the many years that we have
been in New France. It is necessary to clear, till, and sow, before
harvesting. Who of the Religious who have been here have ever known
perfectly the language of any tribe in these countries? _Fides ex
auditu_, faith enters by the ear. How can a mute preach the Gospel?
When Father Brebeuf was beginning to make himself understood, the
arrival of the English compelled him to leave these poor people,
who said to him, at his departure: "Listen, thou hast told us that
thou hast a Father in Heaven who made all, and that he who did not
obey him was cast into the flames. We have asked thee to instruct
us; [116] when thou goest away, what shall we do?" A Captain,
approaching, said to him: "_Eschom_,[44] I am not baptized and thou
art going away; my soul will be lost. What can I do for it? Thou
sayest thou wilt return. Go then, and have courage; return before
I die." An old man, in a village other than that where the Father
lived, hearing him speak of the end of all things, of the reward
of the good, and of the punishment of the wicked, said to him:
"_eschom_, the people of thy village are worthless; they are wicked
men; they do not tell us what you tell them, and, nevertheless,
it is so important that we ought to talk of it at the Council of
the whole land." Are not these indications of a very gratifying
harvest? The Devil foresees this harvest; for, while I am speaking,
he is doing all in his power to prevent the Hurons from coming and
consequently to shut [117] them out from the Gospel and from those
who bring it to them.

Pour ces peuples errants & vagabonds, parmy lesquels Dieu m'a dõné mon
departement, quoy que mes souhaits me fissent pancher du costé des
nations stables & permanentes, le fruict sera plus tardif, il viendra
neantmoins en son temps, i'y voy de bonnes dispositions. Premierement
la crainte qu'ont les Algonquains de leurs ennemis les Hiroquois,
leur fait abandonner leur pays: & comme ils l'aiment naturellement,
ils demandent instãment qu'on aille faire vne habitation parmy eux,
ayãs dessein de fermer vn bourg à l'entour du fort qu'on dressera
là, & de se ramasser là dedans: ce que Messieurs de la Compagnie de
ceste Nouuelle France auront bien agreable. Secondement qui scauroit
parfaitement leur langue, il seroit tout-puissant [118] parmy eux,
ayant tant soit peu d'eloquence. Il n'y a lieu au monde où la
Rhetorique soit plus puissante qu'en Canadas: & neantmoins elle n'a
point d'autre habit que celuy que la nature luy a baillé: elle est
toute nuë & toute simple, & cependant elle gouuerne tous ces peuples,
car leur Capitaine n'est esleu que pour sa langue: & il est autant
bien obey, qu'il l'a bien penduë, ils n'ont point d'autres loix que sa
parole. Il me semble que Ciceron dit qu'autrefois toutes les nations
ont esté vagabondes, & que l'eloquence les a rassemblées: qu'elle a
basti des villes & des citez. Si la voix des hommes a tant de pouuoir,
la voix de l'esprit de Dieu sera-elle impuissante? Les Sauuages se
rendent aisément à la raison, ce n'est pas qu'ils la suiuent tousiours,
mais ordinairement ils ne repartent rien contre vne raison qui [119]
leur conuainc l'esprit.

For these wandering and vagabond people, among whom God has given
me my work, although my wishes cause me to prefer the stable and
permanent tribes, the harvest will be later, but it will come in
its own time; I see favorable indications of it. In the first
place, the fear that the Algonquains have of their enemies, the
Hiroquois, makes them abandon their country; and, as they naturally
love it, they are earnestly requesting that some of us settle
among them, having planned to enclose a village around the fort
which they will build there, and to gather all of their forces
therein, which the Gentlemen of the Company of New France will
consider with favor. Secondly, he who knew their language well
would be all-powerful [118] among them, however little eloquence he
might have. There is no place in the world where Rhetoric is more
powerful than in Canada, and, nevertheless, it has no other garb
than what nature has given it; it is entirely simple and without
disguise; and yet it controls all these tribes, as the Captain is
elected for his eloquence alone, and is obeyed in proportion to his
use of it, for they have no other law than his word. I think it
is Cicero who says that all nations were once vagabond, and that
eloquence has brought them together; that it has built villages
and cities. If the voice of men has so much power, will the voice
of the Spirit of God be powerless? The Savages listen to reason
readily,--not that they always follow it, but generally they urge
nothing against a reason which [119] carries conviction to their
minds.

Vn Capitaine demandant secours à l'Anglois qui estoit icy pour aller
en leurs guerres, l'Anglois voulant esquiuer, le payoit de raisons
apparentes: sçauoir est qu'il auoit des malades, que ses gens ne
s'accommoderoient pas bien auec les Sauuages. Et ce Capitaine refuta
si pertinemment toutes ces defaites, que l'Anglois fut contraint de
luy dire; iay besoin de mes gens, ie crains que les François ne nous
viennent assaillir. Alors le Sauuage luy dit, Tu parle maintenant, nous
t'entendons bien iusques icy, tu n'as riẽ dit: ils acquiescerent à
cette raison, quand on leur fera voir la conformité de la loy de Dieu,
auec la raison, ie ne croy pas qu'on trouue grande resistance en leur
entendement: leur volonté qui est extrémement volage & changeante,
appriuoisee par les graces de [120] celuy qui les appellera, se rengera
en fin à son deuoir. En troisiesme lieu, ce peuple peut estre conuerty
par des seminaires: mais voicy comment il faut esleuer à Kebec les
enfans des Sauuages, qui seront plus haut en ceste autre habitation. On
les aura à la fin, ils les donneront s'ils voyent qu'on ne les enuoye
point en France. Pour les enfans de ce païs-cy il les faudra enuoyer
là haut: La raison est que les Sauuages empeschent leur instruction,
ils ne sçauroient supporter qu'on chastie vn enfant, quoy qu'il fasse,
ils n'ont qu'vne simple reprehension: de plus c'est qu'ils pensent
tellement vous obliger en vous donnant leurs enfans pour les instruire,
nourrir, & habiller: qu'en outre ils vous demanderont plusieurs choses,
& vous seront extrémement importuns, vous menaçant de retirer leur
enfant si [121] vous ne leur accordez leur demande.

A Captain once asked the Englishman who was here to help them in
their wars; the Englishman, wishing to evade him, answered with
superficial reasons: to wit, that some of his men were sick, and
that his people would not get along well with the Savages. And
this Captain so pertinently refuted all his objections that the
Englishman was compelled to say: "I need my men, I am afraid the
French will come and attack us." Then the Savage said: "Now thou
art talking, we understand thee well; thus far, thou hadst said
nothing." They acquiesced in this reason. When they are made to see
the conformity of the law of God with reason, I do not think that
much opposition will be found in their minds. Their will, which is
extremely volatile and changeable, when enlightened by the grace
of [120] him who will call them, will at last be brought into the
line of duty. In the third place, these people may be converted by
means of seminaries; and how necessary it is to educate at Kebec
the children of the Savages, who belong to settlements farther up
the river. We shall have them [the children] at last; for they
will give them, if they see that we do not send them to France. As
to the children of this section, they must be sent up there. The
reason is, that the Savages prevent their instruction; they will
not tolerate the chastisement of their children, whatever they
may do; they permit only a simple reprimand. Moreover, they think
they are doing you some great favor in giving you their children
to instruct, to feed, and to dress. Besides, they will ask a great
many things in return, and will be very importunate in threatening
to withdraw their children, if [121] you do not accede to their
demands.

Le 14. de May, ie baptisay le petit Negre, duquel ie fis mention l'an
passé: quelques Anglois l'ont amené de l'isle de Madagascar, autrement
de Sainct Laurens, qui n'est pas loin du Cap de Bonne Esperance,
tirant à l'Orient, c'est son païs bien plus chaud que celuy où il est
maintenant. Ces Anglois le donnerent au Kers, qui ont tenu Kebec,
& l'vn des Kers le vendit cinquante escus à ce qu'on m'a dit, à vn
nommé le Bailly, qui en a fait present à ceste honneste famille qui
est icy. Cet enfant est si content que rien plus, il m'a encor bien
recreé en l'instruisant: car voulant recognoistre si les habitans de
son païs estoient Mahometans, ou Payens; ie luy demandois s'il n'y
auoit point de maison en son païs où on priast Dieu, s'il n'y auoit
point de Mosquées, si on n'y parloit point [121 i.e., 122] de Mahomet.
Il y a, dit-il, des Mosquées en nostre païs: Sont-elles grandes? luy
repartis-ie, elles sont, répond-il, comme celles de ce païs-cy. Et luy
disant qu'il n'y en auoit point en Frãce, ny en Canada. I'en ay veu,
dit-il, entre les mains des François & des Anglois qui en ont porté en
nostre païs, & maintenant on s'en sert pour tirer. Ie recognus qu'il
vouloit dire des mousquets, & non des Mosquées; ie me sousris & luy
aussi: il est grandement naïf, & fort attentif à la Messe & au Sermon.
C'est le quatriesme que i'ay baptisé depuis mon arriuée; car Dieu
ayant donné à Madame Coullart vn petit enfãt, ie luy ay administré ce
Sacremẽt, ce que i'auois desia fait à 2 petits Sauuages.

On the 14th of May, I baptized the little Negro of whom I spoke
last year. He was brought here by Englishmen from the island of
Madagascar, otherwise Saint Lawrence, which is not far from the
Cape of Good Hope, toward the East. It is a great deal warmer in
his country than here. These Englishmen gave him to the Kers,
who held Kebec; and one of the Kers sold him for fifty écus, I
am told, to a person named le Bailly, who presented him to this
estimable family that is settled here.[45] This child could not be
more contented than he is, and it has been a recreation for me to
teach him. Wishing to know whether the inhabitants of his country
were Mahometans or Pagans, I asked him if there were no houses
there in which they prayed to God, if there were no Mosques, if
they did not talk there [121 i.e., 122] of Mahomet. "There are,"
said he, "Mosques in our country." "Are they large?" I asked him.
"They are," he answered, "like those of this country." On telling
him that there were none in France nor in Canada, "I have seen
some," said he, "in the hands of the French and English who brought
them into our country, and now they use them to shoot with." I
perceived that he meant to say muskets, and not Mosques; I smiled,
and so did he. He is most ingenuous, and very attentive to Mass
and to the Sermon. He is the fourth that I have baptized since my
arrival; for, God having given a little child to Madame Coullart,
I administered this Sacrament to him, as I had done before to 2
little Savages.

Le 19. on nous vint apporter nouuelle qu'vn vaisseau Anglois estoit
entré à Tadoussac depuis quelques iours: Nous ne sçauions si c'étoit
[123] vn courreur, ou s'il y auoit quelque trouble entre la France &
l'Angleterre; chacun bastissoit sur ses cõiectures, & tout le monde
se tenoit sur ses gardes. Le Dimanche suiuãt, iour de la Saincte
Trinité, estant allé dire la Sainte Messe au fort, on me dit que si
nous entendions tirer deux coups de canon, que nous nous retirassions
promptement auec nos François dans la forteresse.

On the 19th, news was brought that an English vessel had entered
Tadoussac a few days before; we did not know whether it was [123]
a trading vessel, or whether there was some trouble between France
and England. Each one formed his own conjectures, and every one was
upon his guard. The following Sunday, day of Holy Trinity, having
gone to say Holy Mass at the fort, I was told that, if we heard two
cannon shots, we should promptly withdraw with our French people
into the fortress.

Le lendemain 22. du mesme mois de May, nous oüysmes ioüer le canon de
bon matin, sur l'incertitude de ce que ce pourroit estre.

The next day, on the 22nd of the same month of May, we heard the
sound of the cannon very early in the morning.

Le Pere de Nouë prend nostre Sauuage, & s'en va à Kebec: & sans y
tarder, nous rapporte nouuelle que le sieur de Champlain estoit arriué:
que le Pere Brebeuf s'en venoit incontinent en nostre petite maison.
Nous allasmes remercier nostre Seigneur. Cependant voicy le Pere [124]
Brebeuf qui entre, Dieu scait si nous le receusmes & embrassasmes
de bõ cœur. Quelques Sauuages estãs chez nous, & voyãs nostre ioye
à cét heureux rencontre, s'écrierent selõ leur coustume quand ils
admirent quelque chose: _chteé! chteé!_ se resiouïssans auec nous de
l'arriuée du Pere, lequel apres auoir salué nostre Seigneur en nostre
petite chapelle, nous dit que le pere Masse estoit à Tadousac, que
le Pere Daniel, & le Pere Dauost nous venoient voir du grand Chibou.
Il m'apporta si grande quantité de lettres, que ie fus confus voyãt
le souuenir & tesmoignage d'affection de tant d'honnestes personnes:
_Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quæ retribuit mihi_: Qu'il soit
beny pour vn iamais s'il veut, en recõnoissance de ses bien-faits: que
nous beuuions son calice: _fiat, fiat_, ce nous sera trop d'honneur.
Mais ie le prie d'appliquer [225 i.e., 125] en particulier vne seule
goutte de celuy qu'il a beu pour ceux qui nous obligent tãt, pour les
associez de la Compagnie de cette Nouuelle France, desquels Dieu se
veut seruir pour sa gloire, pour V. R. pour toute sa Prouince, & pour
tous ceux qui cooperent au salut de tant de pauures ames esgarées: Vne
petite gouttelette de ce diuin calice nous enrichira tous: & puis que
mes prieres sont trop foibles pour obtenir vn si grand bien, ie supplie
V. R. d'interposer les siennes, & celles encore de tant d'ames sainctes
qui sont dessous sa charge: Mais passons outre.

In the uncertainty as to what was going on, Father de Nouë took our
Savage and started for Kebec; and he brought back without delay the
news that sieur de Champlain had arrived, and that Father Brebeuf
was coming as fast as possible to our little house. We hastened
to thank our Lord. In the meantime, behold, Father [124] Brebeuf
enters. God knows whether we received and embraced him with glad
hearts. Several Savages were with us, and, seeing our joy at this
happy meeting, cried out, according to their custom when they
are pleased, _chteé! chteé!_ rejoicing with us over the arrival
of the Father, who, after having honored our Lord in our little
chapel, told us that father Masse was at Tadoussac and that Father
Daniel and Father Davost were also coming to see us from the grand
Chibou.[46] He brought me such a quantity of letters that I was
overcome upon seeing the souvenirs and testimonials of affection of
so many estimable people. _Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quæ
retribuit mihi_: Blessed be he forevermore, if it be his will that
in return for these benefits we should drink of his cup; _fiat,
fiat_, that would be too great honor for us. But I entreat him [225
i.e., 125] to apply one single drop of what he drank, especially to
those who have helped us so much, to the associates of the Company
of New France, of whom God wishes to make use for his glory,[47]
to Your Reverence, to all your Province, and to all those who
coöperate in the salvation of so many poor lost souls; a little
drop of this divine cup will enrich us all; and as my prayers are
too weak to obtain so great a blessing, I beg Your Reverence to
interpose yours, and those also of so many saintly souls who are
under your charge. But let us pass on.

Ayant sçeu l'arriuée de Monsieur de Champlain, ie l'allay salüer.
Arriuant au fort, ie veis vne escoüade de soldats François armez de
piques & de mousquets qui s'ẽ approchoiẽt tambour battant: si tost
qu'ils y furent entrez, Monsieur de Caën remit [226 i.e., 126] les
clefs du fort entre les mains de Monsieur du Plessis Bochard, qui les
remit le lendemain entre celles de Monsieur de Champlain, pour entrer
dans la conduite des vaisseaux, selon l'ordonnance de Monseigneur le
Cardinal.

Having learned of the arrival of Monsieur de Champlain, I went to
greet him. Arriving at the fort, I saw a squad of French soldiers,
armed with pikes and muskets, who approached, beating their drums.
As soon as they had entered, Monsieur de Caën gave [226 i.e.,
126] the keys of the fort to Monsieur du Plessis Bochard,[34]
who delivered them the next day to Monsieur de Champlain, to take
command of the ships according to the decree of Monseigneur the
Cardinal.

Ie remerciay le mieux qu'il me fut possible Mõsieur de Champlain de la
charité qu'il auoit exercée enuers nos Peres qui a esté très-grande,
cõme me témoignoit le Pere Brebeuf.

I thanked Monsieur de Champlain, as well as I could, for the
kindness shown by him to our Fathers, for it was very great, as
Father Brebeuf has testified to me.[48]

Le 24. de May, dixhuict canots de Sauuages estans descendus à Kebec,
le sieur de Champlain se doutãt qu'ils pourroient passer iusques aux
Anglois, qui auoient trois vaisseaux à Tadoussac, & vne barque biẽ haut
dans la riuiere, s'en alla dans les Cabanes de ces Sauuages, & leur fit
parler fort à propos par le sieur Oliuier, truchement, honneste homme,
& bien propre pour ce [227 i.e., 127] pays-cy. Il leur dit donc par la
bouche de cét interprete, que les François les auoient tousiours aimez
& defendus, que luy les auoit secourus en personne dans leurs guerres:
qu'il auoit grandement chery le Pere du Capitaine auquel il parloit;
lequel fut tué à ses costez en vn combat où luy-mesme fut blessé d'vn
coup de fleche, qu'il estoit homme de parole; que nonobstant les
incommoditez des mers, il les estoit reuenu voir cõme ses freres:
qu'eux ayant desiré & demandé qu'on fit vne habitation de François en
leur pays pour les defendre contres les incursions de leurs ennemis,
qu'il auoit eu dessein de leur accorder, & que cela seroit desia mis
en execution sans le détourbier des Anglois: qu'au reste il estoit
pour le present occupé à la reparation des ruines qu'auoient fait ces
mauuais hostes: qu'il ne manquera pas de leur [228 i.e., 128] donner
contentement si tost qu'il aura pourueu aux affaires plus pressantes;
que les Peres (parlant de nous autres) demeureroient parmy eux, & les
instruiroient, cõme aussi leurs enfans. Cependant, nonobstant les
grandes obligations qu'ils auoient aux François, ils estoient descendus
en intentiõ d'aller voir des voleurs qui venoient pour dérober les
François, qu'ils auisassent bien à ce qu'ils feroient, que ces voleurs
estoient passagers, & que les François demeuroient au pays comme leur
appartenant. Voila vne partie du discours que leur fit tenir le sieur
de Champlain, autant que i'ay peu sçauoir, par le rapport qui m'en a
esté fait par ceux qui estoient presents.

On the 24th of May, eighteen canoes of Savages having descended to
Kebec, sieur de Champlain, suspecting that they might go on to the
English, who had three vessels at Tadoussac and a bark far up the
river, went into the Cabins of these Savages, and made to them a
very suitable address through sieur Olivier the interpreter,[49]
who is an excellent man and well fitted for this [227 i.e., 127]
country. He said to them through the lips of this interpreter that
the French had always loved and defended them, that he had assisted
them in person in their wars; that he had greatly cherished the
Father of the Captain to whom he was talking, who was killed at
his side in a battle where he himself was wounded by an arrow;[50]
that he was a man of his word, and that, notwithstanding the
discomforts of the sea voyage, he had returned to see them again,
as if they were his brothers; as they had expressed a wish that
a French settlement should be made in their country, to defend
them against the incursions of their enemies, he contemplated
granting this desire, and it would already have been granted but
for the obstacles created by the English; he was, moreover, then
engaged in repairing the ruins that these wicked guests had left
behind them; that he would not fail to satisfy them [228 i.e.,
128] all as soon as he attended to the more urgent affairs; that
the Fathers (speaking of us), would remain among them and would
instruct them as well as their children. Yet, notwithstanding the
great obligations that they [the Savages] were under to the French,
they had descended the river with the intention of going to see
the thieves who came to pillage the French. He said they should
consider well what they were doing; that these robbers were only
birds of passage, while the French would remain in the country as
it belonged to them. This is a part of the discourse that sieur de
Champlain delivered to them, as far as I have been able to learn,
from the report made to me by those present.

Pendant cette harangue, le Capitaine & ses gens escoutoient fort
attentiuement, luy entr'autres paroissoit profondement pensif, tirant
[229 i.e., 129] de son estomach cette aspiration de temps en temps,
pendant qu'on luy parloit, _hám! hám! hám!_ comme approuuant le
discours du truchement: lequel estant acheué, ce Capitaine prend la
parole pour respōdre, mais auec vne rhetorique aussi fine & deliée,
qu'il en scauroit sortir de l'escolle d'Aristote, ou de Ciceron. Il
gagna au commencemẽt de son discours la bienueillance de tous les
François par vne profonde humilité, qui paroissoit auec bonne grace
dans ses gestes & dans ses paroles.

During this speech, the Captain and his men listened very
attentively. He, among others, appeared to be in deep thought,
drawing [229 i.e., 129] from his stomach from time to time this
aspiration, while they were speaking to him, _hám! hám! hám!_ as
if approving the speech of the interpreter, which, when finished,
this Captain arose to answer, but with a keenness and delicacy of
rhetoric that might have come out of the schools of Aristotle or
Cicero. He won, in the beginning of his discourse, the good will
of all of the French by his profound humility, which appeared with
exceeding grace in his gestures and in his language.

Ie ne suis, disoit-il, qu'vn pauure petit animal qui va rampant sur
la terre: Vous autres François vous estes les grands du monde, qui
faites tout trembler. Ie ne scay comme i'ose parler deuant de si
grands Capitaines: si i'auois quelqu'vn derriere moy qui me suggerast
ce que ie dois dire, ie parlerois plus hardimẽt. [230 i.e., 130] Ie me
trouue estonné, ie n'ay iamais eu d'instruction, mon pere m'a laissé
fort ieune, si ie dis quelque chose ie le vais recueillant çà & là à
l'aduanture, c'est ce qui me fait trembler.

"I am," said he, "only a poor little animal, crawling about on
the ground; you Frenchmen are the great of the earth, who make
all tremble. I do not know how I dare to talk before such great
Captains. If I had some one behind me who would suggest what I
ought to say, I would speak more boldly. [230 i.e., 130] I am
bewildered; I have never had any instruction; my father left me
very young; if I say anything, I go seeking it here and there, at
hazard, and it is that which makes me tremble.

Tu nous dis que les François nous ont tousiours aimez, nous le sçauons
bien, & nous mentirions si nous disions le contraire. Tu dis que tu as
tousiours esté veritable, aussi t'auõs-nous tousiours creu. Tu nous as
assisté en nos guerres, nous t'en aimons tous dauantage, que veux-tu
qu'on responde? tout ce que tu dis est vray.

"Thou tellest us that the French have always loved us; we know it
well, and we would lie if we said the contrary. Thou sayest that
thou hast always been true, and we have always believed thee. Thou
hast assisted us in our wars, we love thee all the more for it;
what dost thou wish that we should answer? All that thou sayest is
true.

Tu dis que les François sont venus habiter à Kebec pour nous defẽdre, &
que tu viendras en nostre pays pour nos proteger. Ie me souuiens bien
d'auoir ouy dire à nos peres que quand vous estiez là bas à Tadoussac,
les Montagnaits vous allerent voir, & vous inuiterent à nostre deceu
de monter çà haut, où nos peres [231 i.e., 131] vous ayant veu, vous
aimerent, & vous prierent d'y faire vostre demeure.

"Thou sayest that the French have come to live at Kebec to defend
us, and that thou wilt come into our country to protect us. I
remember well to have heard our fathers say that, when you were
below at Tadoussac, the Montagnaits went to see you and invited
you, unknown to us, to ascend [the river] above here, where our
fathers, [231 i.e., 131] having seen you, loved you, and prayed you
to make your home there.

Pour l'habitation que tu dis que nous auons demandé aux trois riuieres,
ie ne suis qu'vn enfant, ie n'ay point de memoire, ie ne sçay si ie
l'ay demandée: vous autres vous auez vostre Massinahigan, (c'est à
dire, vous auez cognoissance de l'escriture,) qui vous fait souuenir
de tout: mais quoy que c'en foit, tu seras tousiours le bien venu.
Remarquez la prudence de cét homme, à faire voir que non seulemẽt les
Sauuages, mais encor que les François desirent cette habitatiõ; il
poursuiuit son discours, disant: Quand tu viendras là haut auec nous,
tu trouueras la terre meilleure qu'icy: tu feras au commencement vne
maison cõme cela pour te loger (il designoit vne petite espace de la
main:) c'est à dire tu feras vne [232 i.e., 132] forteresse, puis tu
feras vne autre maison comme cela, designant vn grand lieu, & alors
nous ne serons plus des chiens qui couchẽt dehors: nous entrerons dans
cette maison, il entendoit vn bourg fermé: En ce temps-là on ne nous
soupçonnera plus d'aller voir ceux qui ne vous aiment pas: tu semeras
des bleds, nous ferons comme toy, & nous n'irons plus chercher nostre
vie dãs les bois nous ne serons plus errans & vagabonds.

"As to the settlement thou sayest we have asked for at the three
rivers, I am only a child; I have no recollection, I do not know
that I have asked for it! You, you have your Massinahigan; (that is
to say, you have a knowledge of writing), which makes you remember
everything. But, however that may be, thou wilt always be welcome."
Note the discretion of this man, to make it plain that not only
the Savages, but the French, desire this settlement. He continued
his discourse, saying, "When thou shalt come up there with us thou
wilt find a land better than this; thou wilt make, to begin with, a
house like this to live in" (he indicated a little space with his
hand); "that is to say, thou wilt make a [232 i.e., 132] fortress.
Then thou wilt make another house like that," designating a large
space, "and then we shall no longer be dogs who sleep outside, we
shall go into that house." He meant to say an enclosed village.
"Then we shall no longer be suspected of going to see those who do
not love you. Thou wilt sow wheat; we shall do as thou dost, and
we shall no longer go to seek our living in the woods; we shall no
longer be wanderers and vagabonds.

Voila le sieur de Caën qui a creu que i'auois enuoyé des Castors
vers les estrangers; i'ay enuoyé vers ce quartier là quelques peaux
d'Orignac, non pour traitter, mais pour coupper les bras à nos ennemis.
Tu scais que les Hiroquois ont de grãds bras, si ie ne leur couppois,
il y a longtemps que nous seriõs tous pris: i'enuoye des presents aux
nations qui [233 i.e., 133] leur sont voisines, afin qu'elles ne se
ioignent pas auec eux; ce n'est pas pour offenser les François, mais
pour nous conseruer.

"It was sieur de Caën, who believed that I had sent Beavers to the
foreigners; I sent to those quarters a few Moose skins, not in
trade, but to cut off the arms of our enemies. Thou knowest that
the Hiroquois have long arms; if I had not cut them, we should have
been taken by them long ago. I send presents to tribes who [233
i.e., 133] are their neighbors, to the end that they should not
unite with them; it is not to offend the French, but to preserve
ourselves.

Tu dis que nous voulons aller à l'Anglois, ie m'en vay dire à mes gẽs
qu'on n'y aille point: ie te promets que ny moy, ny ceux qui ont de
l'esprit n'iront pas: que s'il y a quelque ieune homme qui fasse vn
sault iusques là sans estre veu, ie n'y sçaurois que faire, tu scais
bien qu'on ne peut pas tenir la ieunesse. Ie le difendray à tous,
si quelqu'vn y va, il n'a point d'esprit: tu peux tout, mets des
chalouppes aux auenuës, & prends les Castors de ceux qui iront.

"Thou sayest that we wish to go to the English; I will tell my
men that they should not go there. I promise thee that neither I
myself, nor they who have any sense, will do that; but if there is
some young man who jumps over there without being seen, I shall not
know what to do; thou knowest well that youth cannot be restrained.
I shall forbid every one from going there. Any one who does so has
no sense. Thou canst do everything, place thy boats in the way and
capture the Beavers of those who attempt to go.

Tu nous dis que les Peres viuront parmy nous, & nous instruiront,
ce bon-heur sera pour nos enfans, nous qui sommes desia vieux, nous
mourrons ignorans, ce bien n'arriuera pas sitost que nous voudrions.

"Thou sayest that the Fathers will live among us, and will teach
us. This good fortune will be for our children; we, who are already
old, shall die ignorant. This blessing will not come as soon as we
should like to have it.

[234 i.e., 134] Tu dis que nous prenions garde à ce que nous ferons,
tu nous pinse au bras, & nous fremissons: tu nous pinse puis apres au
cœur, et tout le corps nous tremble. Nous ne voulõs point aller aux
Anglois, leur Capitaine a voulu faire alliance auec moy, & me tenir
pour son frere & ie n'ay pas voulu, ie me suis retiré disant, qu'il
estoit trop grand Capitaine. Ie me souuenois bien d'vne parole que tu
nous auois dit, que tu retournerois: ie t'attendois tousiours, tu as
esté veritable, tu le seras encore en nous venant voir en nostre pays:
ie n'ay qu'vne crainte, c'est qu'en ce commerce des François auec nos
gens, il n'y ait quelqu'vn de tué, & alors nous seriõs perdus: mais tu
scais que tout le monde n'est pas sage, les plus aduisez se tiendront
tousiours dans leur deuoir.

[234 i.e., 134] "Thou sayest that we must be careful what we do;
grasp us by the arm, and we shudder; grasp us afterward by the
heart, and the whole body trembles. We do not want to go to the
English; their Captain wanted to make an alliance with me and take
me for his brother, and I did not desire it; I withdrew, saying
that he was too great a Captain. I bethought myself well of a word
that thou hadst said to us, that thou wouldst return; therefore I
always awaited thee. Thou hast been truthful, thou wilt still be so
in coming to see us in our country. I have but one fear; it is that
in the association of the French with our people, some one may be
killed, then we would be lost; thou knowest all are not prudent,
but that the wiser ones will always do their duty.

[235 i.e., 135] Voila à peu pres la response de ce Sauuage qui estonna
nos François, lesquels m'ont tesmoigné qu'il releuoit sa voix selon les
suiets qu'il traitoit, puis la rabbaissoit auec tant d'humilité, & vne
posture ou action si soubmise, qu'il gagnoit l'affection de tous ceux
qui le regardoient sans l'entendre.

[235 i.e., 135] This is about the answer of this Savage, who
astonished our French people. They told me how he raised his voice
according to the subjects he treated, then lowered it with so much
humility, and with such an attitude of submission, that he won the
hearts of all who looked at him, though they did not understand him.

La conclusion fut que le sieur de Champlain leur dit, quãd cette grãde
maison sera faite, alors nos garçõs se marieront à vos filles, & nous
ne serons plus qu'vn peuple: ils se mirẽt à rire; repartans: Tu nous
dis tousiours quelque chose de gaillard pour nous resiouyr, si cela
arriuoit nous serions bien-heureux. Ceux qui croient que les Sauuages
ont vn esprit de plomb & de terre, cognoistront par ce discours qu'ils
ne sont pas si massifs qu'on les pourroit depeindre.

The conclusion was that sieur de Champlain said to them: "When
that great house shall be built, then our young men will marry
your daughters, and we shall be one people." They began to laugh,
answering: "Thou always sayest something cheering to rejoice us. If
that should happen, we would be very happy." Those who think that
the Savages have dull and heavy intellects will recognize by this
speech that they are not so stupid as they may have been painted.

[236 i.e., 136] Ce Capitaine nous vint voir quelques iours apres en
nostre maison, mais ie n'eus pas le loisir de l'entretenir cõmme ie
desirois.

[236 i.e., 136] This Captain came to see us a few days later in our
house, but I did not have leisure to entertain him as I desired.

Le 29. le sieur de Champlain vint entendre la Messe en nostre petite
chapelle, nous le retinsmes à disner: de bonne fortune nostre Sauuage
nous auoit apporté vn petit morceau d'Ours, nous luy en presentasmes;
en ayant gousté il se mit à rire, & me dit si on sçauoit en Frãce que
nous mãgeons des Ours, on detourneroit la face de nostre haleine, &
cependant vous voyez combien la chair en est bonne et delicate.

On the 29th, sieur de Champlain came to hear Mass in our little
chapel and we kept him for dinner. As good luck had it, our Savage
had brought us a small piece of Bear, which we presented to him.
Having tasted it, he began to laugh, and said to me: "If they knew
in France that we were eating Bears, they would turn their faces
away from our breath, and yet you see how good and delicate the
meat is."

Apres le disner, i'allay salüer le Capitaine de Nesle dãs son vaisseau,
quantité de petits Sauuages me suiuoient. I'en pris seulement six ou
sept auec moy, ie les fis chanter leur _Pater_ en Sauuage dans le
Nauire: nos François y prenoient grand plaisir. [237 i.e., 137] Le bon
pour eux fut que le Capitaine de Nesle leur fit donner du Cascaracona,
& du toutouch pimi; c'est ainsi qu'ils appellent le biscuit & le
formage. Au depart comme le Capitaine eut fait tirer vn coup de canon
par honneur, ces enfans regardoient auec estonnement, & se monstroient
si constans, que si on leur vouloit payer leur chanson en mesme
monnoye, ils voudroient gagner leur vie en chantant.

After dinner, I went to greet Captain de Nesle in his ship, a
number of little Savages following me. I took but six or seven
with me, and had them sing their _Pater_ in the Savage Tongue
aboard the Ship. Our Frenchmen enjoyed it greatly. [237 i.e., 137]
The best of all for them [the little savages] was that Captain de
Nesle gave them some "Cascaracona," and some "toutouch pimi;" it
is thus they call biscuits and cheese. Upon our departure, as the
Captain had the cannon fired in our honor, the children looked on
with amazement, and showed themselves so happy that, if one would
pay for their songs in that way, they would like to gain their
livelihood by singing.

Le dernier iour de May, la Nasse nostre Sauuage nous vint dire qu'vn
de leurs gens auoit songé qu'il y auroit des François tuez. Or soit
que le Diable leur ait donné ce sentimẽt, soit que de plusieurs
songes il s'en rencontre quelqu'vn de veritable par cas fortuit. Quoy
que c'en soit, le 2 iour de Iuin les Hiroquois tuerent deux de nos
Frãçois, & en blesserent quatre autres, dont l'vn mourut [238 i.e.,
138] bien-tost apres: voicy comme arriua ce malheur. Vne barque & vne
chalouppe montoient dans le grand fleuue de S. Laurens, la chalouppe
passa deuant; & pour aller plus viste, quelques mattelots mirent pied à
terre pour la tirer, auec des amares ou des cordes: comme ils vindrent
à doubler vne pointe de terre, trente ou 40. Hiroquois qui estoiẽt en
embuscade viennent fondre dessus eux, auec des cris espouuẽtables: ils
tuënt d'abbord les deux premiers qu'ils ont à la rencõtre à coups de
haches: ils decochent vne gresle de fleches auec vne telle vistesse &
promptitude, que nos François ne sçauoient de quel costé se tourner,
n'ayans pas preueu ce coup là. Ils eurent bien la hardiesse de vouloir
aborder la chalouppe auec leur canots, & n'eust esté qu'vn François les
coucha en iouë auec son harquebuse, & que la [239 i.e., 139] barque qui
n'estoit pas loin, équippa viste vne chalouppe pour venir au secours,
ayãt entẽdu les cris du combat, il est croyable que pas vn n'en fut
échappé. Les Hiroquois voyant cette harquebuse, & ceste autre chalouppe
qui venoit au secours, s'enfuirent, écorchant au preallable les testes
de ceux qu'ils auoient tuez, & remportans ces peaux par brauade.

On the last day of May, la Nasse, our Savage, came to tell us that
one of their men had dreamed that some Frenchmen would be killed.
Now, either because the Devil had given them this sentiment, or
that among all their dreams there is now and then one that happens
perchance to be true, however that may be, on the 2nd day of
June the Hiroquois killed two of our Frenchmen and wounded four
others, one of whom died [238 i.e., 138] shortly afterward. This
catastrophe happened in this way: A bark and shallop were ascending
the great river St. Lawrence; the latter went ahead, and, to hasten
its speed, sailors went ashore to tow it with lines or cords. As
they came to double a point of land, thirty or 40 Hiroquois, who
were in ambush, fell upon them with horrible cries; they killed
the two men first encountered, with blows from their hatchets,
then discharged a storm of arrows so suddenly and unexpectedly that
our Frenchmen did not know which way to turn, not having foreseen
the attack. They even dared to try to board the shallop in their
canoes; and, had it not been that a Frenchman took aim at them with
his arquebus, and that the [239 i.e., 139] bark, which was not far
away, speedily equipped a boat to come to the rescue, having heard
the cries of the combat, it is probable that not one of them would
have escaped. The Hiroquois, seeing the arquebus, and the other
boat coming to their help, fled, first skinning the heads of those
whom they had killed and bearing away the scalps by way of bravado.

Le 8. de Iuin, le Pere Masse arriua de Tadoussac, il réueilla nostre
ioye, voyant qu'apres auoir esté si long temps malade sur la mer il se
portoit bien. Il nous dit que Pierre Pastedechouan estoit plus meschant
que iamais. Que les Anglois qui estoient à Tadoussac l'auoient perdu
par l'yurognerie: O que celuy-là sera coupable deuant Dieu, qui a
introduict l'heresie en ces contrées! Si ce Sauuage auoit de l'esprit,
estant comme il est corrompu par ces miserables [240 i.e., 140]
heretiques, il seroit vn puissant obstacle à la publication de la foy,
encore n'y apportera-il que trop d'empeschement, si Dieu ne luy touche
le cœur. Il fait paroistre par ses deportemens qu'il nous estoit donné
pour tirer de luy les principes de sa lãgue, & non pas pour le bien de
son ame, puis qu'il se bande contre son Dieu & contre la verité.

On the 8th of June, Father Masse arrived from Tadoussac, and
caused us great joy, as he had been so long sick upon the sea,
and is now well. He told us that Pierre Pastedechouan[33] was
more wicked than ever; that the English who were at Tadoussac had
ruined him by drunkenness. Oh, how guilty before God will he be
who has introduced heresy into this country! If this Savage were
intelligent, corrupted as he is by these miserable [240 i.e., 140]
heretics, he would be a powerful obstacle to the spread of the
faith; even now, he will cause only too much injury to it, if God
does not touch his heart. To judge from his conduct, it would seem
that he was given to us to draw from him the principles of his
language, and not for the welfare of his soul, as he now leagues
against his God and against the truth.

Il fait icy des chaleurs si violentes en ce mois de Iuin, & vne si
grãde seicheresse, que ie n'ay rien veu ny senty de semblable en
France, tout brusle sur la terre, rien n'aduance par ce temps-là;
& neantmoins il a gelé à glace en vn matin en la maison des Peres
Recolets. La nuict fortifiant la fraicheur des bois, cause de ces
gelées du matin; nous sommes voisins de cette maison, & cependant cela
n'est point arriué chez nous, pource que nous auons vn plus grand air.

I have never experienced in France anything like the heat and
the drought which we have had here during this month of June.
Everything on the earth burns, and nothing prospers in such
weather; and yet it froze one morning in the house of the Recolet
Fathers. The night so intensifies the coolness of the woods as to
cause these morning frosts. We are near that house, and yet it did
not happen with us, because we are more exposed to the air.

[241 i.e., 141] Le 16 du mesme mois de Iuin, nous auons rendu l'vn de
nos petits enfans à sa mere, vostre Reuerence nous ayant mandé qu'il
n'y auoit pas encore dequoy establir vn seminaire: & par consequent
n'ayant enuoyé ceux qu'elle destine pour auoir soin d'instruire les
enfans que nous aurions peu auoir, craignant d'ailleurs que ceste femme
ne retirast son fils en cachette, & s'enfuit dans les bois de peur
qu'on ne fist passer en France: i'ay mieux aimé luy rendre franchement,
afin de luy donner à cognoistre que si nous tenons des enfans, ce n'est
point pour les dérober à leurs parẽts, ains pour leur propre bien: afin
aussi qu'elle dise aux autres Sauuages qu'ils sont bien nourris auec
nous, pour les induire à nous donner les leurs quand on aura moyen de
les nourrir. Cette pauure femme me demanda pourquoy ie [242 i.e., 142]
luy rendois son fils? & quand elle le rameneroit? Ie luy respondis que
depuis la venuë des vaisseaux, ie l'auois tousiours veu en crainte
qu'on ne l'enuoyast en France, nonobstāt les asseurances que ie luy
auois baillé qu'il n'iroit point: & pour luy monstrer que nous estions
veritables, cōme aussi pour luy oster toute crainte que nous luy
remettions entre les mains: qu'aussi-tost que ie sçaurois la langue, &
que nous seriōs bastis, que nous le reprendrions auec plusieurs autres.
Au bout du compte la principale raison qui m'a induit à luy rendre, est
que i'apprehendois qu'elle ne l'emmenast à nostre desceu: car alors
elle eut forgé mille menteries parmy les Sauuages pour se couurir: &
comme ie ne scay pas bien la langue, ie n'eusse peu nous iustifier: ce
qui auroit induit les Sauuages à nous refuser leurs enfans quand il
sera temps [243 i.e., 143] de les demander: ô que c'est vn grãd mal de
ne pouuoir produire ses raisons! de ne parler qu'en begayant, & par
signes!

[241 i.e., 141] On the 16th of the same month of June, we restored
one of our little children to its mother, your Reverence having
informed us that you did not yet have the means to establish
a seminary here, and consequently had not sent those who had
been appointed to look after the instruction of these children.
Apprehending, moreover, that this woman might take away her child
secretly, and fly with it to the woods, for fear that we might
send it to France, I preferred to restore it to her freely, that
she might understand that, if we kept children, it was not to hold
them by force from their parents, but for their own good; also that
she might say to the other Savages that the children were well
fed with us, and so lead them to let us have theirs, when we have
the means to care for them. This poor woman asked me why I [242
i.e., 142] gave up her child, and when she should bring it back. I
answered that, since the arrival of the ships, I had always noticed
that she was afraid we would send it to France, notwithstanding
the assurances I had given her to the contrary. [We did this] to
prove to her that we were true to our word, and also in order to
relieve her of all apprehension that we might not restore it to
her hands; that, as soon as I knew their language, and after we
had built, we would take it again with many others. But, in fact,
the principal reason which induced me to restore it to her is that
I feared she might take it unknown to us; and then she would have
forged a thousand lies among the Savages to excuse herself, and,
as I do not know their language well, I should not have been able
to justify ourselves! This would have caused the Savages to refuse
their children to us when the time comes [243 i.e., 143] to ask
them. Oh, what a great misfortune it is not to be able to give
one's reasons, to speak only stammeringly and by signs.

Le 23. du mesme mois, le sieur du Plessis nous enuoya dire que douze ou
quatorze canots de la nation des sorciers estoient descendus iusques à
Saincte Croix, quinze lieuës ou enuiron au dessus de Kebec, quelques
iours auparavant nous en auions veu descendre vne douzaine d'vne autre
nation nommée la nation d'Iroquet, du nom de leur Capitaine; Dieu
soit beny, puis que la crainte des Hiroquois ne les a point empesché
de venir. Ces sorciers, c'est ainsi que les François appellent ceste
natiõ, pource qu'elle fait vne particuliere profession de consulter
leur Manitou, ou parler au diable. Ces sorciers, dis-ie, sont venus
iusques à Kebec; l'vn deux regardant fort attentiuement [244 i.e., 144]
vn petit François qui battoit vn tambour, & s'approchant fort prés
pour le mieux considerer, ce petit garçon luy donna vn coup de l'vn de
ses bastõs, & le fit saigner par la teste à bon escient; aussi-tost
tous ceux de sa nation qui regardoient ce tambour, voyant ce coup,
s'offencerent: ils s'en vont trouuer le truchement François, & luy
disent: voila l'vn de tes gens qui a blessé l'vn des nostres, tu scais
bien nostre coustume, fais nous des presens pour cette blessure. Cõme
il n'y a point de police parmy les Sauuages, si l'vn d'eux en tuë ou
blesse vn autre, s'il peut euader, il en est quitte pour quelques
presẽs qu'il fait aux amis du defunct, ou de l'offensé. Nostre
truchement luy repartit; toy-mesme tu sçais bien nos façons de faire,
quãd quelqu'vn de nous fait mal, on le chastie: Cét enfant a blessé
l'vn de vos gens, il sera [245 i.e., 145] tout maintenant foüetté en ta
presence. On fait venir le petit garçon; quand les Sauuages veirent que
c'estoit tout de bon qu'on despoüilloit ce petit batteur de Sauuages &
de tambour, & que les verges estoient toutes prestes, ils commencerẽt
à prier qu'on luy pardonnast, alleguans que c'estoit vn enfant, qu'il
n'auoit point d'esprit, qu'il ne scauoit pas encor ce qu'il faisoit;
mais comme on le vouloit chastier à toute force, l'vn d'eux se met
tout nud, iette sa robe sur l'enfant, s'écriant à celuy qui le vouloit
frapper; touche sur moy, si tu veux, mais tu ne le frapperas point:
voila comme le pauure petit euada. Toutes les nations Sauuages de
ces quartiers, & du Brasil, à ce qu'on nous témoigne, ne scauroient
chastier ny voir chastier vn enfant: que cela nous donnera de peine
dans le dessein que nous [246 i.e., 146] auons d'instruire la ieunesse!

On the 23rd of the same month, sieur du Plessis sent word to us
that twelve or fourteen canoes of the tribe of sorcerers had gone
down as far as Sainte Croix, fifteen leagues or thereabouts above
Kebec.[51] A few days before, we had seen a dozen belonging to
another tribe called Iroquet, from the name of their Captain,[52]
also going down. God be blessed, since the fear of the Hiroquois
did not prevent their coming. These sorcerers,--it is thus that
the French call that tribe, because they make a special profession
of consulting their Manitou, or talking to the devil,[43]--these
sorcerers, I say, came as far as Kebec. One of them was looking
very attentively [244 i.e., 144] at a little French boy who was
beating a drum; and, going near to him so as to see him better,
the little boy struck him a blow with one of his drumsticks, and
made his head bleed badly. Immediately all the people of his tribe
who were looking at the drummer, seeing this blow given, took
offense at it. They went and found the French interpreter, and said
to him: "Behold, one of thy people has wounded one of ours; thou
knowest our custom well; give us presents for this wound." As there
is no government among the Savages, if one among them kills or
wounds another, he is, providing he can escape, released from all
punishment by making a few presents to the friends of the deceased
or the wounded one. Our interpreter said: "Thou knowest our
custom; when any of our number does wrong we punish him. This child
has wounded one of your people; he shall be [245 i.e., 145] whipped
at once in thy presence." The little boy was brought in; and when
they saw that we were really in earnest, that we were stripping
this little pounder of Savages and drums, and that the switches
were all ready, they immediately began to pray for his pardon,
alleging that it was only a child, that he had no mind, that he did
not know what he was doing; but, as our people were nevertheless
going to punish him, one of the Savages stripped himself entirely,
threw his blanket over the child, and cried out to him who was
going to do the whipping: "Strike me, if thou wilt, but thou shalt
not strike him;" and thus the little one escaped. All the Savage
tribes of these quarters, and of Brazil, as we are assured, cannot
chastise a child, nor see one chastised. How much trouble this will
give us in carrying out our plans [246 i.e., 146] of teaching the
young!

Le 24. du mesme mois, le Pere Daniel arriuant, nous apporta nouuelle de
la venuë du Capitaine Morieult, dans le vaisseau duquel il auoit laissé
le Pere Dauost à Tadoussac: ayant pris le deuant par le moyen d'vne
barque qui montoit a Kebec.

On the 24th of the same month, Father Daniel,[53] arriving, brought
us news of the coming of Captain Morieult in the ship in which he
had left Father Davost[54] at Tadoussac; he having come up ahead,
by means of a bark which was going on to Kebec.

Le dernier iour de Iuin, le Truchement François qui a demeuré
long-temps parmy ces sorciers, & qui en est reuenu nouuellemẽt, nous
vint voir auec trois Sauuages ses hostes, nous leur donnasmes à mãger:
Ils recognurent fort bien le Pere Brebeuf, ayant hyuerné auec luy aux
Hurons: Nous les menasmes en nostre petite Chappelle, qui a commẽcé
ceste année à s'embellir. L'an passé pour tableau de l'Autel c'estoit
vn meschãt linceul, & deux petites images de carton: en vn mot il n'y
auoit purement que ce qu'il falloit pour [247 i.e., 147] celebrer la
Saincte Messe. Or comme on nous a enuoyé ceste année quelques petits
ornemens, nous l'auons embellie le mieux que nous auons peu: ils
regardoient tous fort attentiuement: iettans les yeux sur le ciel de
l'Autel, ils veirẽt vn S. Esprit figuré par vne colombe, entourée de
rayons: ils demanderent si cét oiseau n'estoit point le tonnerre, car
ils croyent, comme ie remarquay l'an passé, que le tonnerre est vn
oiseau; & quand ils voyent quelque beau panache ils demandent si ce ne
sont point des plumes du tonnerre.

On the last day of June, the French Interpreter, who had been a
long time among these sorcerers, and who but recently came from
them, came to see us with three Savages who were his guests; we
gave them something to eat; they recognized Father Brebeuf at
once, having passed the winter with him among the Hurons.[55] We
took them into our little Chapel, which we have this year begun to
decorate. Last year, for Altar-piece, we had nothing but an old
sheet with two little card pictures upon it. In a word we had only
what was absolutely necessary for the [247 i.e., 147] celebration
of the Holy Mass. Now, as they have sent us this year a few little
ornaments, we have decorated it as best we could. The Savages
gazed at it with fixed attention; raising their eyes to the Altar
ceiling, and seeing the Holy Spirit pictured as a dove, surrounded
by rays of light, they asked if that bird was not the thunder; for
they believe, as I wrote last year, that the thunder is a bird;
and, when they see beautiful plumes, they ask if they are not the
feathers of the thunder.

Ie leur fis demander s'ils seroient bien contens qu'on les allast
instruire en leur pays, & qu'on leur donneroit l'explication des images
que nous leur faisions voir; ils témoignerent qu'ils en seroient bien
contens.

I asked if they would be glad to have some one go and teach them in
their country, and give them an explanation of the pictures that we
showed them. They said that they would be very glad.

Le second iour de Iuillet, vn de nos François fut assommé lauant la
lessiue [248 i.e., 148] en vn ruisseau voisin du fort, on creut que
c'estoit quelque Hiroquois; on court, on cherche, on ne trouue rien. Le
Pere Brebeuf & le Pere de Nouë estoient proche de l'habitation, dans
vne cabane de Hurons: ils accoururent au bruit, ils vont voir le pauure
blessé, qui n'a point parlé, & n'a suruescu que deux iours depuis
les coups receus: En fin deux Sauuages Montagnaits ont donné aduis
aux François du meurtrier, qui a esté pris & cõduit au fort; où il a
confessé qu'il auoit fait ce meurtre: c'est vn Sauuage de la petite
nation. Voicy le suiect qui l'a porté à cette cruauté; Vn sien parent
s'en allant à la guerre, luy recommanda de tuer vn certain Sauuage
qu'il luy nommoit: ce miserable auoit souuẽt tasché de le surprẽdre, &
de le massacrer: mais voyant qu'il n'en pouuoit venir à bout, l'autre
se tenant tousiours [249 i.e., 149] sur ses gardes: il a deschargé sa
cholere sur le premier François qu'il a trouué à l'escart.

On the second of July, one of our Frenchmen was struck down while
washing some clothes [248 i.e., 148] in a brook near the fort. It
was believed to have been the act of some Hiroquois; there was
a great deal of running and searching, but nothing was found.
Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë were near the settlement in a
cabin of the Hurons. On hearing the noise, they ran out and went
to see the poor man who had been wounded; he was speechless and
survived only two days after receiving the blows. Finally two
Savages, Montagnaits, informed the French who the murderer was.
He was seized and taken to the fort, where he confessed that he
had committed the crime. He is a Savage of the petite nation.[56]
This is what led him to the act of cruelty: One of his relatives,
upon going to war, recommended him to kill a certain Savage whom
he named. This wretch had often tried to surprise and kill him;
but, seeing that he had not accomplished it, the other being always
[249 i.e., 149] on the lookout, he vented his wrath upon the first
Frenchman whom he found alone.

Voila comme nos vies sont peu asseurées parmy ces Barbares: mais nous
trouuons là dedans vne puissante consolation, qui nous met hors de
toute crainte, c'est que mourans de la main des Barbares en venant
procurer leur salut, c'est imiter en quelque façon nostre bon Maistre,
à qui ceux-là mesme donnerent la mort, ausquels il venoit apporter la
vie.

This shows you how unsafe our lives are among these Barbarians;
but we find therein exceeding consolation, which relieves us from
all fear; it is that dying at the hands of these Barbarians, whose
salvation we come to seek, is in some degree following the example
of our good Master, who was put to death by those to whom he came
to bring life.

Le 3. du mesme mois, le Pere Dauost arriua de Tadoussac, il fut
contrainct de se faire apporter dans vn canot par des Sauuages,
voyant que le vaisseau auquel il estoit ne pouuoit monter faute de
vent, craignãt d'ailleurs que les Hurons ne descendissent, & ne s'en
retournassent sans luy en leur pays. Dieu soit glorifié [250 i.e., 150]
pour iamais, qui nous a rassemblez tous en nostre petite maisonette,
auec vne grande ioye & vn grãd desir de luy offrir nos vies pour son
seruice.

On the 3rd of the same month Father Davost arrived from Tadoussac.
He was forced to have himself brought down in a canoe by some
Savages, as his vessel could not come up the river, because there
was no wind; he also feared that the Hurons might come down, and
return to their country without him. May God be forever [250
i.e., 150] praised, who has brought us together in our own little
cottage, in great joy, and with a strong desire to give our lives
to his service.

Le 4. Louys Amantacha Hurõ qui a esté baptisé en France, & instruit par
nos Peres, & qui auroit fait merueille en son pays s'il n'eut esté pris
des Anglois, se vint confesser & communier en nostre petite Chapelle.
Il y auoit deux iours qu'il estoit descendu à Kebec, nous venant
visiter dés le commencement de son arriuée, ie l'inuitay à penser vn
petit à sa conscience, il me promit qu'il le feroit, aussi n'y a-il
pas manqué.

On the 4th, Louys Amantacha,[21] a Huron who was baptized in
France, and taught by our Fathers, and who would have done wonders
in his country if he had not been captured by the English, came to
confession and communion at our little Chapel. Two days before, he
had arrived at Kebec, coming to see us immediately. I asked him to
think about his conscience a little; he promised me that he would,
and he has kept his word.

Le 5. trois Capitaines de diuerses nations nous vindrent voir, nous
leur mõstrasmes quelques tableaux, taschant de leur faire entendre ce
qu'ils representoient, nous les fismes manger, puis ie leur fis present
à [251 i.e., 151] chacun d'vn chappelet de rassade, ils estoient les
plus contens du monde; ie leurs fis le meilleur accueil qui me fut
possible scachant que nos Peres qui vont aux Hurons, deuoient passer
par leur pays.

On the 5th, three Captains of different tribes came to see us. We
showed them several pictures, trying to make them understand what
they represented. We gave them something to eat and then I made
each one [251 i.e., 151] a present of a rosary of glass beads.
They were the happiest men in the world. I gave them as warm a
reception as I could, knowing that our Fathers who were going to
the Hurons would pass through their country.

Le 10. on nous donna aduis sur le soir qu'vn petit Sauuage estoit
malade à la mort, il y auoit vne bonne demie lieuë de chemin à faire
depuis nostre maison iusques à sa cabane. La nuict approchoit, la mort
du dernier François a ietté quelque défiance dans l'esprit des autres,
si bien qu'on se tient vn peu sur ses gardes: nonobstant cela, ie ne
pouuois permettre que ce pauure petit fut abandonné: i'auois desir
de l'aller baptiser moy-mesme, mais ayant esté indisposé, & ressenty
quelques accés de fiéure depuis quelque tẽps: nos Peres trouuerent
plus à propos que le Pere Brebeuf y allast. Il part [252 i.e., 152]
donc auec le Pere de Nouë dans vn canot, ils rencontrerent vn François
aupres des Cabanes, qui leur dit que ces Sauuages ne vouloient point
monstrer leur enfant aux François, cela ne les arreste point, ils
entrent dans la Cabane, & le Pere Brebeuf qui iargonne aussi bien que
moy en Sauuage, leur fit entendre le mieux qu'il pût la cause de sa
venuë: le Pere de Nouë courut incontinent vers le Truchement, pour
le supplier de venir faire vn tour vers ce malade. Cõme il est fort
honneste homme & bien vertueux, il quitte son soupper, & s'en vient
trouuer les Peres, qui le supplient de declarer aux Sauuage pourquoy
ils venoiẽt si tard: scauoir est qu'ils aimoient ce petit enfant, & que
s'il mouroit sans baptesme, qu'il n'iroit point au Ciel: au contraire
si on le baptisoit, qu'il seroit tousiours bien-heureux. Ils demandent
en [253 i.e., 153] outre si ses parens ne seroient pas biẽ contens
qu'on le baptisast: la mere respond que pour elle qu'elle en estoit
tres-contente, que son mary estoit yure, & qu'il dormoit dans vne autre
Cabane. Le Pere passe outre, & demande si au cas qu'il mourut, ils ne
voudroiẽt pas bien l'apporter en nostre maison, pour l'enterrer en
nostre Cimetiere: & s'il retournoit en santé, si elle ne voudroit pas
bien nous le dõner pour l'instruire: elle respond que son fils estoit
mort, & que s'il rechappoit, qu'aussi-tost qu'il pourroit marcher (car
il n'a enuiron que six mois) qu'elle nous l'ameneroit. Vn Sauuage
entẽdāt cela, courut voir le pere de l'enfant; & l'éueilla; luy ayant
rapporté tout ce qu'auoient dit les Peres, il respōdit; encore que ie
sois yure, i'entend biẽ tout ce que tu dis: va t'en, & dis à ces Peres
qu'ils baptisent mõ fils? ie scay [254 i.e., 154] bien qu'ils ne luy
feront point de mal; s'il meurt, c'est qu'il est mortel; s'il réchappe,
ie leur donneray pour l'instruire. Le Messager rapporta la nouuelle, &
le Pere Brebeuf enuoye querir de l'eau à la riuiere, cependant le Pere
de Nouë & le Truchement se mettent à genoux, recitent l'Hymne _Veni
Creator_; & le Pere Brebeuf baptise ce pauure petit, luy donnant le
nom de François, en l'honeur de S. François Xauier: disant aux parens
que d'oresnauant il le falloit nommer François, & que s'il mourroit,
qu'il iroit tout droit au Ciel, où il seroit à iamais bien-heureux.
Ces pauures gens témoignerent vn tres-grand contentement, reïterans
souuent ce nom François, François: & faisans voir qu'ils auoiẽt pris
vn singulier plaisir en cette action. L'vn des Sauuages de la Cabane
se mit à dire que si le Sauuage qui a tué le [255 i.e., 155] François
dernier mort estoit de leur nation qu'il auroyent prié le Capitaine des
François de le faire mourir voulãt dõner vne preuue de l'amour qu'il
portoit à tous les Frãçois. Enfin les Peres retournerent à dix heures
du soir bien ioyeux, & comme ie demandois au Pere Brebeuf s'il n'estoit
pas bien content d'auoir si bien conclud la iournée: helas! dit-il,
ie viendrois tout exprés de France, & trauerserois tout l'Ocean pour
gagner vne petite ame à N. Seigneur.

On the 10th, toward evening, we received news that a little Savage
was sick unto death. It was a good half league from our house to
his cabin. Night was approaching; the death of the last Frenchman
had caused some fear in the minds of the others, so much so that
we were on our guard. Notwithstanding that, I could not suffer
this poor little one to be abandoned. I wished to go and baptize
it myself; but, being indisposed, and having felt for some time a
slight attack of fever, our Fathers thought it best that Father
Brebeuf should go. So he started [252 i.e., 152] off with Father
de Nouë in a canoe. They encountered a Frenchman near the Cabins,
who said that these Savages did not want to show their child to
the French. That did not stop them. They entered the Cabin, and
Father Brebeuf, who can jargon as well as I can in Savage, made
them understand as best he could the cause of his visit. Father de
Nouë ran hurriedly to the Interpreter, to beg him to come and do
a service for the sick. As he was a very honest and worthy man,
he left his supper and joined the Fathers, who besought him to
inform the Savages why they had come so late; that it was because
they loved that little child, and that if it died without baptism
it would not go to Heaven; on the contrary, if it were baptized
it would be forever happy. They asked [253 i.e., 153] also if its
parents would not be very glad to have it baptized. The mother
answered that for her part she would be very well pleased, but
that her husband was drunk, and asleep in another Cabin. The Father
continued, and asked, if the child should die, if they would not
bring it to our house and bury it in our Cemetery; and, if it were
restored to health, if they would not give it to us to be educated.
She answered that her son was dead; but that if he revived, as soon
as he should be able to walk (for he was only about six months
old) she would bring him to us. A Savage, who heard this, ran to
the father of the child and aroused him; having reported to him
all that the Fathers had said, he answered: "Though I am drunk,
I understand very well all that thou sayest; go and bid those
Fathers baptize my son; I know [254 i.e., 154] very well that they
will do him no harm; if he dies, it is because he is mortal; if he
recovers, I shall give him to them to be educated." The Messenger
brought the news, and Father Brebeuf sent to the river for water,
while Father de Nouë and the Interpreter knelt down, reciting the
hymn _Veni Creator_; and Father Brebeuf baptized this poor little
one, giving him the name of François, in honor of St. François
Xavier, telling the parents that they must hereafter call him
François, and that if he died he would go straight to Heaven, where
he would be forever blest. These poor people gave evidence of their
great happiness, often repeating the name "François, François," and
showing that they had taken a great deal of pleasure in what we
had done. One of the Savages in the Cabin said that if the Savage
who had recently killed [255 i.e., 155] the Frenchman belonged to
his tribe, he would have prayed the Captain of the French to kill
him, wishing to give a proof of the love that they bore to all
Frenchmen. In short, the Fathers returned home at ten o'clock at
night very happy; and when I asked Father Brebeuf if he were not
glad to have ended the day so well: "Ah!" said he, "I would come
expressly from France, and cross the great Ocean, to reclaim one
little soul for Our Lord."

Il m'adiousta que le Pere de l'enfant s'appelloit la Grenouille, alors
ie le cognus fort bien, c'est vn Capitaine des Algonquains; il nous
est venu voir, ie luy ay quelquefois parlé de Dieu, i'en fais mentiõ
cy-dessus: c'est luy qui me demandoit combien ie voulois d'enfans, &
qui s'estonna quand ie luy repartis que nous en voulions vingt, & bien
dauantage [256 i.e., 156] quand nous les pourrions nourrir.

He added that the Father of the child was called "la Grenouille"
[the Frog]. Then I knew him very well, as a Captain of the
Algonquains. He had been to see us, and I had spoken to him
sometimes of God. I have mentioned him above. It was he who asked
me how many children I wanted, and who was astonished when I
replied that we wanted twenty, and many more [256 i.e., 156] when
we should be able to feed them.

Au reste, c'est chose estrange combien les Sauuages sont addonnés à
l'yurongnerie, nonobstãt les defenses du sieur de Champlain, il y a
tousiours quelqu'vn qui leur traite, ou vend quelque bouteille en
cachette: si bien qu'on ne voit qu'yurongnes hurler parmy eux, se
battre & se quereler. Le Truchement m'a dit que les Sauuages de la
nation de celuy qui est prisonnier au fort pour auoir tué ce François,
luy reprochoiẽt que c'estoit l'eau de vie, & non ce Sauuage, qui auoit
cõmis ce meurtre; voulant dire qu'il estoit yure quand il fit ce
coup: Tiens ton vin & ton eau de vie en prison, disent-ils, ce sont
tes boissons qui font tout le mal, & non pas nous autres. Ils pensent
s'estre bien excusez du mal qu'ils ont fait, quand ils disent qu'ils
estoient yures: ie ne voudrois pas les croire aisément [257 i.e., 157]
en ce poinct, car ils feignent fort bien cette manie quand ils veulent
couurir leur malice.

Further, it is very strange how these Savages are given to
drunkenness. In spite of the prohibition of sieur de Champlain,
there is always some one who trades with them, or who will sell
them a bottle now and then in secret. So that drunkards are
continually seen among them, shouting, fighting, and quarreling.
The Interpreter told me that the Savages of the tribe to which the
prisoner in the fort belonged who had killed the Frenchman, told
him reproachfully that it was brandy and not that Savage who had
committed this murder, meaning to say that he was drunk when he
struck the blow. "Put thy wine and thy brandy in prison," they say:
"It is thy drinks that do all the evil, and not we." They believe
themselves to be entirely excused from the crimes they commit, when
they say that they were drunk. I do not readily believe [257 i.e.,
157] in this, because they feign this madness very well when they
wish to hide their malice.

Pour retourner à cét enfant nouuellement baptisé, il mourut le
lendemain au soir: & le iour suiuant le Pere Brebeuf allant au fort,
veit les Sauuages qui trauersoient le grand fleuue S. Laurens, pour le
porter en terre à l'autre port. Ie croy qu'ils ne l'apporterent pas
chez nous pour auoir plus de liberté de faire festin sur sa fosse, selõ
leur coustume. Quasi à mesme temps vn ieune garçon huguenot qui a passé
dans les vaisseaux, & qui deuoit retourner auec eux, s'est noyé tout
deuant le fort, estrange effect de la prouidence & predestination du
bon Dieu! _vnus assumetur, alter relinquetur_.

To return to this newly baptized child: it died the next evening;
and on the following day Father Brebeuf, going to the fort, saw the
Savages crossing the great St. Lawrence river, to bury it on the
other side. I believe they did not bring it to us, because they
wanted to enjoy more liberty in feasting over the grave, according
to their custom. About the same time, a young huguenot boy who came
over in the ship, and who was to return with them, was drowned
right in front of the fort. Strange effect of the providence
and the predestination of the good God! _Unus assumetur, alter
relinquetur._

Le Pere Brebeuf ne laissa point d'entrer dans la Cabane d'où on auoit
tiré cét enfant mort. Il y en [258 i.e., 158] trouua encor vn autre
malade: il parla de le baptiser, sa grand'mere respondit; ie suis
contente que tu le baptise, pourueu que tu le guerisse. Le Truchement
des Algonquains qui se fait bien entendre des Montagnaits se trouuant
là, le Pere leur fit vn petit discours du Baptesme, & de ses effects:
Vous ne recherchez, leur disoit-il, que le corps, & nous recherchons
l'ame, qui est purifiée par ce Sacrement, faisant approprier leurs
paroles le mieux qu'il pouuoit à nos mysteres. Le Baptesme guarit
tousiours l'ame, ne fait point de mal au corps: ains au contraire luy
rend souuent la santé. Ils demanderent combien il falloit d'eau pour
baptiser: Le Pere respond qu'on n'auoit point d'esgard à la quantité.
La conclusion fut que les parẽs prirent eux-mesmes l'enfant, & le
disposerent pour receuoir cette benediction: [259 i.e., 159] mais le
Pere iugeant qu'il n'estoit pas en dãger de mort, ne se voulut point
haster.

Father Brebeuf lost no time in going to the Cabin from which they
had taken the dead child. Here he [258 i.e., 158] found another
sick child; he spoke of baptizing him, when the grandmother
answered: "I shall be satisfied to have thee baptize him, provided
that thou canst cure him." The Interpreter of the Algonquains, who
makes himself readily understood by the Montagnaits, being present,
the Father gave them a little talk upon Baptism and its effects.
"You care only for the body," said he, "we care for the soul, which
is purified by this Sacrament," adapting their words as best he
could to our mysteries. "Baptism always cures the soul, and does no
harm to the body, but on the contrary often restores it to health."
They asked how much water it took for baptism. The Father answered
that no attention was paid to the quantity. The result was that the
parents themselves took the child, and prepared it to receive this
blessing. [259 i.e., 159] But the Father, thinking that it was not
in danger of death, did not wish to hasten matters.

Le lendemain noꝰ l'allasmes voir le Pere de Nouë & moy, la crainte
que nous auiõs qu'il ne mourut sans estre baptisé, nous fit partir
par vn temps tout à fait violent: les vents & la pluye sembloient
vouloir tout rompre, & tout noyer. Ie voulois aussi aller entendre de
confession vn Bengalois qui auoit esté blessé, & qui me demandoit:
c'eft vn ieune homme amené des Indes Orientales, & fait Chrestien
en Frāce, qui a hyuerné icy auec nous. Ie le veis, & le cõsolay le
mieux que ie pûs. Pour le petit Sauuage m'estant presenté à l'vne des
portes de sa Cabane, on me dit _aouesse_, retire toy: mais ayans ouy
ma voix, ils me dirent que ie passasse par l'autre porte: i'entre donc
pendant que le Pere de Nouë cherchoit le [260 i.e., 160] Truchement.
Vne femme m'arresta au premier pas, me disant, _appitou_, sieds toy
là. Ie luy responds, ouy, ie veux voir l'enfant. attend, attend, me
dit-elle, tu le verras. Le plus grãd sorcier d'entr'eux, à ce que me
dit le Truchement, qui arriua bien-tost apres, chantoit & souffloit
cét enfant pour le guerir. Ils auoient fait vn petit retrenchement où
estoit l'enfāt, i'en voulus deux ou trois fois approcher, mais on ne
me le voulut pas permettre. Les Sauuages m'arrestoient à tous coups.
Attendant que ce beau medecin eut traité son malade, l'enfant estoit
nud comme la main, couché dans vn petit berceau d'écorce, sur de la
poudre de bois pourry. Il auoit vne grosse fiévre qui le brusloit, &
ce charlatan pour le guerir battoit & tournoit vn instrument remply
de petites pierres, fait iustement comme vn tambour de [261 i.e.,
161] Basque. Il chantoit auec cela à gorge desployée: en vn mot luy
& sõ cõpagnon pour oster la fieure a ce petit garçon faisoient vn
bruit capable de la donner à vn hõme biẽ sain. Le sorcier s'approchoit
du malade, le souffloit par tout le corps, à ce que ie pouuois
coniecturer, car ie ne le voiois pas, mais i'entendois son souffle
tiré du profond de l'estomach: il battoit ce tambour à ses oreilles,
cependant il y auoit vn grand silence parmy les autres Sauuages qui
estoient dans la mesme cabane. Sa medecine donnée il m'appelle, & me
dit que ie visse l'enfant, & que ie luy en disse mon aduis: pour luy
qu'il croioit qu'il avoit ie ne sçay quoy de noir dans le corps, &
que c'estoit cela qui le faisoit malade, voila le resultat de ce grãd
bruit. Ie m'approche, ie touche le poulx de l'enfant, ie luy trouue
vne grosse fieure, & leurs dy qu'il auoit vne maladie [262 i.e., 162]
que nous appellions la fieure, & qu'il le falloit laisser reposer, &
non pas le tuer auec ce grand bruit qui augmentoit sa maladie, & qui
depuis peu i'auois eu quelques accés de fiéure, & que le repos m'auoit
guery. Le sorcier me repart, cela est bon pour vous autres, mais pour
nous c'est ainsi que nous guerissons les malades. Helas que les hommes
qui ne cognoissent pas Dieu sont ignorans, voire mesme dans les choses
naturelles! Pour cōclure ce point, nous nous en retournasmes par eau
comme nous estions venus, sans baptiser l'enfant, ne iugeant pas sa
maladie mortelle, la fiebure quoy que bien grande estãt intermittente.

The next day Father de Nouë and I went to see the child. Our fear
lest he should die without being baptized made us set out in
the midst of very stormy weather; the wind and rain seemed bent
on breaking and drowning everything. I also wanted to go and hear
the confession of a Bengalese, who had been wounded, and had sent
for me. He is a young man brought from the East Indies, who had
been converted to Christianity in France, and has been passing
the winter here with us. I saw him, and consoled him as best I
possibly could. As to the little Savage, having presented myself
at one of the doors of the Cabin, they said to me: _aouesse_, "go
away." But, having heard my voice, they told me to come in by the
other door; I went in, while Father de Nouë was seeking the [260
i.e., 160] Interpreter. A woman stopped me at the first step,
saying, _appitou_, "sit thee down there." I answered her, "yes, I
want to see the child." "Wait, wait," said she to me, "thou shalt
see him." The greatest sorcerer they have among them, according
to the Interpreter, who arrived shortly afterward, sang and blew
upon the child to cure him. They had made a little retreat where
the child was. Two or three times I tried to get near it, but was
not permitted. The Savages stopped me every time. I waited until
this fine doctor had treated his patient; the child, naked as one's
hand, lay in a cradle of bark, upon pulverized rotten wood. He
was burning with a high fever; and this charlatan, to cure him,
was beating upon and whirling around an instrument full of little
stones, made exactly like a [261 i.e., 161] tambourine. With all
this he howled immoderately. In a word, he and his companion, in
order to cure this little boy of a fever, made enough noise to
give one to a healthy man. The sorcerer approached the patient,
and blew all over the body, as I conjectured, for I could not see
what he was doing, but I heard his breath drawn from the depths of
his stomach. He beat the tambourine in the child's ears, during
which there was great silence among the other Savages who were in
the same cabin. His medicine having been given, he called me and
told me I might then see the child, and that I should give him
my opinion; as to him, he believed that the child had something
or other black in his body, and it was that which made him sick.
Behold the result of this great noise. I approach, I feel the pulse
of the child, I discover a raging fever; and I tell him that he has
a sickness [262 i.e., 162] which we call fever, that he must be
left to rest, and not be killed by this great noise which makes him
worse; that recently I had an attack of fever, and that rest had
cured me. The sorcerer replied: "That is very good for you people;
but, for us, it is thus that we cure our sick." Alas! how ignorant
are they who do not know God, indeed even in natural things! To
end this story, we returned by water as we came, without baptizing
the child, believing that the disease was not mortal; the fever,
although very high, being intermittent.

A quelques iours de là ie le retournay voir, ses parents nous ayans
signifié qu'ils estoient bien aises que nous y allassions, i'y
rencontray encor vn sorcier qui le souffloit, mais [263 i.e., 163]
celuy cy n'entendoit pas si bien son mestier que l'autre, aussi est
il plus ieune, il me laissa voir ses beaux mysteres, il battoit son
tambour aux oreilles de ce pauure petit qui s'égorgeoit de pleurer,
il luy souffloit sur la teste auec vn sifflement qu'il faisoit bruire
entre ses dents: il tournoit son tambour deçà delà à ses costés,
derrière son dos, puis le ramenoit sur l'enfant; En vn mot il se tuoit
de bien faire, & ne faisoit rien qui vaille. Il n'entendoit rien à
faire le iongleur à comparaison de l'autre. C'est chose estrãge que
les Sauuages aient tãt de creance à ces charlatans! ie ne sçay comme
le mensonge est plus adoré que la verité! Bref ce petit enfant se
guerissant, son pere & sa mere nous sont venus voir, & l'õt apporté
auec eux, nous remercians par cette visite de la peine que nous auions
pris pour luy.

After a few days I returned to see him, his parents having made
known to us that they would be very glad if we should come. Again I
met a sorcerer who was blowing upon the body, but [263 i.e., 163]
this one did not understand his trade so well as the other; he was
also younger, and allowed me to see his beautiful mysteries. He
beat his tambourine in the ears of this poor little child, who was
almost choking with tears. He blew upon his head, with a whistling
sound made between his teeth; he turned his tambourine on this
side and that side of his ribs, behind his back, and then brought
it again over the child. In a word, he nearly killed himself with
exertion, but accomplished nothing of any account. He knew nothing
at all about playing the juggler, compared with the other. Strange
that the Savages have so much faith in these charlatans! I do not
know why falsehood is worshipped more than truth. In short, this
little child being cured, its father and mother came to see us and
brought it with them, thanking us by this visit for the trouble we
had taken for it.

[264 i.e., 164] I'en ay esté voir d'autres de puis au delà du grand
fleuue Sainct Laurens, où vne partie des Sauuages s'estoient cabanés.
Si ie continuë cet exercice les meres me tiendront biẽ tost pour
medecin des petits enfans, car elles me disent desia leurs maladies,
mais nous sommes appointés bien contraires: ils pensent seulement aux
corps, & nous à l'ame.

[264 i.e., 164] Since then, I have been to see others beyond
the great Saint Lawrence river, where a company of Savages were
encamped. If I continue this business, the mothers will soon regard
me as the little children's physician, for they already come to me
with their ailments, but we have a much higher calling; they think
only of the body, and we of the soul.

Le 27 de Iuillet Louys de Saincte Foy surnommé des Sauuages Amantacha,
duquel i'ay parlé cy dessus, retourna vers le sieur de Champlain qui
l'auoit enuoié au deuãt de la grosse trouppe de Hurons qu'on attendoit
de iour en iour: il en estoit desia venu quelques canots en diuers
iours tantost sept ou huit, & tantost dix ou douze à la fois, mais en
fin le 28. de Iuillet il en est arriué cent quarãte ou enuiron tout
à la fois qui portoient biẽ cinq cens Hurons, d'autres disent [265
i.e., 165] 700 auec leurs marchãdises. Les Sauvages de l'Isle & les
Algõquains, qui sont deux nations qu'on rencontre venant des Hurons
à Kebec, les auoient voulu dissuader de venir iusques aux François,
disans qu'on leur iouëroit vn mauuais party à cause de la mort d'un
nommé Bruslé qu'ils auoient tué, & qu'vn Algonquain de la petite nation
aiant tué vn François, on l'auoit pris prisonnier, & que c'estoit fait
de sa vie, qu'on en feroit autant à quelque Huron. Leur dessein estoit
de tirer toute la marchandise de ces Hurons à très-bas prix pour la
venir par apres traiter eux mesmes soit aux François, soit aux Anglois.
Louys Amantacha se rencontrant là dessus asseura ceux de sa nation de
la bienueillance des Frãçois, protestant qu'il estoit content qu'on le
mit a mort au cas que les François ne leurs fissent vn tres-bon [266
i.e., 166] accueil. Que pour Bruslé qui auoit esté massacré, on ne le
tenoit point pour François, puis qu'il auoit quitté sa nation pour se
mettre au seruice de l'Anglois. Enfin il a si bien fait que six ou sept
cens Hurons sont venus iusques à Kebec; vn plus grand nombre s'estoit
mis en chemin, mais les vns s'en sont retournés pour la peur qu'on
leur donnoit, les autres pour auoir ioüé & perdu leurs marchandises,
car les Sauuages sont grands ioueurs, & quelques-vns d'entre eux ne
viennent à la traite auec les François que pour iouër, d'autres pour
voir, quelques vns pour dérober, & les plus sages & les plus riches
pour trafiquer. Ie ne croy pas qu'il y ait nation sous le ciel plus
portée au larcin que la Huronne, il faut tousiours auoir les yeux sur
leurs pieds & sur leurs mains quãd ils entrent en quelque endroit.
On dit qu'ils dérobent [267 i.e., 167] des pieds aussi bien que des
mains. I'en regardois vn chés nous qui auoit ietté les yeux sur vn des
outils de la menuiserie de nostre frere, la pensée me venant qu'il
s'en pourroit saisir, ie le veillay tant que ie peu, mais il fut plus
adroit à prendre que moy à regarder. Il cache l'outil si dextrement
que ie ne luy vy faire aucune action. Voiant neantmoins la place vuide
ie me doubtay de ce qui estoit, i'en donnay aduis au Pere Brebeuf qui
entend assés bien leur langue: il accoste mon homme qui voulut nier le
fait au commencement, mais en fin il cõfesse la debte, rend son larcin
en riant, tant il estoit contrit de son peché. Le Pere de Nouë en
surprit vn autre qui enleuoit vn petit morceau de fer blanc qui seruoit
d'aiguille à vn meschant quadran que i'ay tracé, vn autre déroba vne
lettre par la fenestre de la chambre du Pere Masse. [268 i.e., 168]
prendre & n'estre point decouuert estant vne marque d'esprit parmy eux.
L'vtilité n'est pas tousiours le seul obiet de leur larcin. Vn François
aiant ouy dire que les Sauuages de cette nation estoient grands
larrons, se moqua de leur subtilité, disant qu'il leur donnoit tout ce
qu'ils luy prendroient: quelques vns l'allerent voir, il leur presenta
à boire, pour toutes actions de graces ils luy enleuerent sa tace, mais
si finement qu'il ne s'en prit point garde qu'ils ne fussent partis.

On the 27th of July, Louys de Saincte Foy, surnamed by the Savages
Amantacha,[21] of whom I have spoken above, came back to sieur
de Champlain, who had sent him to meet a great crowd of Hurons
who were expected from day to day. Already a few canoes had
arrived on different days, sometimes seven or eight, sometimes
ten or twelve at a time; but at last, on the 28th of July, there
arrived about one hundred and forty all at once, carrying easily
five hundred Hurons--or [265 i.e., 165] 700, as some say--with
their merchandise. The Island Savages[57] and the Algonquains,
two tribes on the route from the Hurons to Kebec, had tried to
dissuade them from visiting the French, saying we would do them
a bad turn on account of the death of one Bruslé,[58] whom they
had killed; and that an Algonquain of the petite nation, having
killed a Frenchman, had been taken prisoner, and had been condemned
to death; also that the same would be done to some Huron. Their
design was to get all the merchandise from these Hurons at a very
low price, in order afterwards to come themselves and trade it,
with either the French or the English. Louys Amantacha, meeting
them above, assured those of his tribe of the good feeling of the
French toward them, declaring that they might put him to death if
the French did not give them a very warm [266 i.e., 166] welcome.
As to Bruslé, who had been murdered, he was not looked upon as a
Frenchman, because he had left his nation and gone over to the
service of the English. In short, he convinced them so thoroughly,
that six or seven hundred Hurons came to Kebec; a greater number
were on the way, but some of them went back because they had become
frightened, and others because they had lost their merchandise in
gambling. For these Savages are great gamblers, and some of them
come to trade with the French for this purpose alone; others come
to look on, some to steal, and the wisest and the richest to trade.
I do not believe that there is a people under heaven more given to
stealing than the Hurons. It is necessary to have your eye both on
their feet and on their hands, when they enter a place. It is said
that they steal [267 i.e., 167] with their feet as well as with
their hands. I saw one, at our house, casting his eyes on one of
the carpenter's tools of our brother. Thinking he might take it, I
watched him as well as I could, but he was more skillful in taking
than I was in watching. He concealed the tool so adroitly that I
did not see him make any movement. But seeing that the place was
empty, I suspected what had happened. I told Father Brebeuf of it;
and, as he understands their language tolerably well, he spoke to
my man, who tried to deny the theft at first, but at last confessed
and laughingly returned the property, showing how contrite he was
over his sin. Father de Nouë detected another, who stole a little
piece of tin which served as a needle to a poor quadrant that I
had fashioned; another stole a letter through the window of Father
Masse's room. [268 i.e., 168] To steal, and not to be discovered,
is a sign of superior intelligence among them. Utility is not
always the sole object of their thefts. A Frenchman, having heard
that the Savages of this tribe [the Hurons] were great thieves,
sneered at their boasted cunning, saying that he would give them
all they could steal from him; some of them called upon him and he
gave them something to drink; all their thanks was to steal his
cup, and so shrewdly did they do it that he did not miss it until
they were gone.

Ie ne scaurois dire comme cette nation porte les cheueux, chacũ suit
sa fantaisie: les vns les ont longs & pendans d'vn costé comme les
femmes, & courts & retroussez de l'autre, si bien qu'ils ont vne
oreille cachée, & l'autre descouuerte. Quelques-vns sont iustement
rasez à l'endroit où les autres portent vne longue [269 i.e., 169]
moustache. I'en ay veu qui auoient vne grande raye toute rasée, qui
leur trauersoit toute la teste passant par le sommet & venant rendre au
milieu du front: d'autres portent au mesme endroit comme vne queuë de
cheueux qui paroist releuée à cause qu'ils se rasent de part & d'autre
de cette queuë. O que l'esprit des hommes est foible! Il y a plus de
quatre mille ans qu'ils cherchent à s'embellir & à s'orner, & toutes
les nations de la terre n'ont peu encore conuenir au point de la beauté
& de l'ornement.

I could scarcely tell you how the people of this tribe wear their
hair; each one follows his own fancy. Some wear it long and hanging
over to one side like women, and short and tied up on the other, so
skillfully that one ear is concealed and the other uncovered. Some
of them are shaved just where the others wear a long [269 i.e.,
169] moustache.[14] I have seen some who had a large strip, closely
shaved, extending across the head, passing from the crown to the
middle of the forehead. Others wear in the same place a sort of
queue of hair, which stands out because they have shaved all around
it. Oh, how weak is the spirit of man! For over four thousand years
he has been seeking to ornament and beautify himself, and all the
nations of the world have not yet been able to agree as to what is
true beauty and adornment.

Le 29 du mesme mois de Iuillet ayant appris que les Hurons deuoyent
tenir conseil où il se debuoit agir de nos Peres qui sont destinez pour
leur pais, nous les allasmes voir le Pere Brebeuf & moy. Ie trouuay
Louys Amantacha au fort, ie m'entretins auec luy de choses bonnes:
& passant [270 i.e., 170] de discours en discours, il me témoigna
qu'il estoit tres-contẽt de ce que nos Peres alloyent secourir sa
natiõ. Il s'est employé pour trouuer qui les embarquast, ou plustôt
pour les choisir; car vn grand nombre s'offroit au Pere Brebeuf,
luy-mesme en vouloit prendre vn auec soy. Il nous promet merueille,
& pour tesmoigner le sentiment qu'il a du secours que Vost. Reu.
enuoye aux Hurons ses compatriotes, il luy rescrit de sa propre main,
m'asseurãt qu'il retournera l'an qui vient à Kebec pour mener en son
païs les autres Peres qu'õ y enuoyera. C'est trop peu (dit-il) de
trois Religieux pour tant de milles ames qui se trouuent parmy nous.
Il me demãdoit vn liuret d'images des mysteres de nostre Foy, pour les
faire voir à ceux de sa nation, à fin de prendre de là occasion de les
instruire: mais comme ie n'en auois point, il [271 i.e., 171] me dit
qu'il en escriroit au sieur le Maistre. I'ay mis les lettres qu'il
enuoye à V. R. auec celles-cy, ie prie Dieu qu'elle les reçoiue toutes.
Ie croy que ce ieune homme luy est biẽ cogneu: il a esté conduit en
France par nos Peres, baptise à Rouën par leur entremise: Monsieur le
Duc de Longueuille fut son parain, & Madame de Villars sa maraine: il
demeura entre les mains des Anglois par la prise qu'ils firent de la
flotte Françoise & de tout ce païs cy: il estoit si bien instruit, que
l'vn des Capitaines nommé Kers, peu affectionné à nostre Compagnie,
comme estant heretique, témoigna publiquemẽt qu'il appartenoit aux
Iesuistes de biẽ esleuer les enfans, voyant les deportemens de ce ieune
Sauuage. Le sieur Oliuier Truchement des François m'a rapporté cecy
cõme l'aiant ouy de la bouche mesme de ce Capitaine [272 i.e., 172]
Huguenot. Depuis cette prise ce pauure ieune homme a esté quelque temps
auec les Anglois, & puis auec les Sauuages de sa natiõ: Dieu vueille
que la cognoissance de leur heresie & de leurs vices (car il auouë que
les Anglois sont dissolus iusques au dernier point) n'empesche pas que
la premiere semence qu'on a iettée dãs son ame ne produise les fruits
que le Ciel attend, & que nous esperons. Mais venons au Conseil de
sa natiõ. Estant assemblé, le sieur de Chãplain nous fit appeller.
I'ay appris que Louïs XI. tint vn iour son conseil de guerre en la
campagne, n'ayant pour throsne ou pour chaire qu'vne piece de bois, ou
vn arbre abbattu qu'il rẽcontra par fortune au milieu d'vn champ. Voila
le portraict du conseil des Hurons, excepté qu'ils sont assis encore
vn peu plus bas, c'est à dire à platte terre, tous pesle-meslez sans
[273 i.e., 173] aucun ordre, sinon que ceux d'vne nation ou village se
mettent les vns pres des autres, pendant qu'on dispute en France de la
preseance, & qu'õ s'amuse à presenter vne chaire à celuy qu'on iugeroit
impertinent de l'accepter, on auroit acheué, & conclu trois cōseils
parmy les Sauuages, qui au bout du conte ne laissent point d'estre fort
graues, & serieux dans leurs harangues assez longues: ils estoient
enuiron soixante hommes en leur assemblée sans conter la ieunesse qui
estoit esparse çà & là. Chaqu'vn s'estant placé le mieux qu'il pût, vn
Capitaine commença sa harangue, le sommaire estoit que la nation des
Hurons, des Ours & autres estoient assemblées pour tenir cõseil auec
les Frãcois. Sa harãgue finie tous les Sauuages pour approbation de ce
discours tirerent du profond de l'estomach ceste aspiration, _ho, ho,
ho_, releuant [374 i.e., 174] fort la derniere syllabe. Ceste harangue
finie, & le conseil declaré legitimemẽt assemblé par cette belle
approbation, le mesme Capitaine en recommença vne autre, qui ne vouloit
dire autre chose sinon qu'ils estoyẽt venus voir leurs amis & leurs
freres les François, & pour affermir ceste amitié & alliance, qu'ils
offroient tous des presens à leur capitaine le Sieur de Champlain,
& là dessus luy presenterent trois paquets de robbes de castor. La
conclusion fut que tous les Sauuages approuuerent ceste harangue par
leur aspiratiō de ho! ho! reïterée, & les François par l'acceptation
des presens qu'on offroit. Le mesme capitaine poursuivãt son discours,
disant que tous ces peuples se resiouïssoyent du retour du Sieur de
Champlain, & qu'ils se venoyent tous chauffer à son feu: le bois qu'ils
y mirent furent encore [275 i.e., 175] deux ou trois paquets de robbes
de castor dont ils luy firent present. Sur l'heure mesme ce troisiesme
discours fut approuué comme le second.

On the 29th of the same month of July, having learned that the
Hurons were to hold a council, when they would take some action
concerning our Fathers who were destined for their country, Father
Brebeuf and I went to see them. I found Louys Amantacha in their
midst. I had an interview with them about some serious matters;
and, passing [270 i.e., 170] from one subject to another, he told
me that he was highly pleased because our Fathers were going to
the help of his tribe. He was trying to find some one who would
take them, or rather to choose some one, for a great number had
offered themselves to Father Brebeuf; he himself wanted to take
one with him. He promised us wonders, and, as evidence of his
appreciation of the assistance Your Reverence is sending to the
Hurons, his countrymen, he writes to you with his own hand, also
assuring me that he will return the coming year to Kebec, to take
back to his country the other Fathers who will be sent there. "It
is too few," said he, "only three Religious for so many thousand
souls which make up our tribe." He asked me to give him a little
book containing the pictures of the mysteries of our Faith, that
he might show them to the people of his tribe, and thus take the
opportunity to teach them. But as I did not have any he [271 i.e.,
171] told me that he would write sieur le Maistre.[59] I have
enclosed the letters he sends to Your Reverence with these; I
pray God that you may receive them all. I believe that this young
man is well known to you. He was taken to France by our Fathers,
and baptized in Rouën through their agency; Monsieur the Duc de
Longueville was his godfather, and Madame de Villars his godmother.
He remained in the hands of the English, after they had taken the
French fleet and all this country. He was so well taught that one
of the Captains, named Kers,[45] who had but little liking for our
Society, as he is a heretic, publicly confessed that the Jesuits
know how to bring up children well, seeing the deportment of this
young Savage. Sieur Olivier,[49] the French Interpreter, reported
this to me as something which he had heard himself from the mouth
of this Huguenot [272 i.e., 172] Captain. After this capture
[of the French] this poor young man remained some time with the
English, and then with the Savages of his tribe. May God grant that
the knowledge of their heresy and of their vices (for he declares
that the Englishmen are in the highest degree dissolute) may not
prevent the first seed sown in his soul from bringing forth the
fruit that Heaven awaits, and for which we hope. But let us speak
of the Council of his tribe. After it had assembled, sieur de
Champlain had us summoned. I have been told that Louïs XI. once
held his council of war in the country, having for throne or chair
only a piece of wood, or a fallen tree, that he happened to find
in the midst of a field. This is the picture of the council of the
Hurons, only they are seated a little lower still, that is to say,
flat upon the ground, all pellmell without [273 i.e., 173] any
order, unless it be that the people of one tribe or village are
placed near those of another. While in France they are discussing
precedence, and amusing themselves in offering a chair to one whom
they would consider impertinent if he accepted it, here they will
have held and concluded three councils among the Savages, who,
upon the whole, do not cease to be very grave and serious in their
rather long speeches. There were about sixty men in their assembly,
without counting the young men who were scattered here and there.
Each one getting the best place he could find, a Captain began his
harangue, the substance of which was that the Huron tribe, the
tribe of the Bear, and others, had met for the purpose of holding
a council with the French. When this speech was finished, all the
Savages, as a sign of their approval, drew from the depths of their
stomachs this aspiration, _ho, ho, ho_, raising [374 i.e., 174]
the last syllable very high. When this speech was finished, and
the council had declared itself lawfully assembled by this fine
method of assent, the same Captain began another speech, adding
nothing to what he had said already, unless it were that they had
come to see their friends and brothers, the Frenchmen, and, to
strengthen this friendship and alliance, they all offered presents
to their captain, Sieur de Champlain, and thereupon they presented
to him three packages of beaver skins. The end was that the Savages
expressed their approval of this harangue by reiterating their
aspiration, ho! ho! and the Frenchmen by accepting the presents
offered. The same captain, continuing his speech, said that all
these people were rejoiced at the return of Sieur de Champlain, and
that they all came to warm themselves at his fire. The fuel they
brought to the fire was [275 i.e., 175] two or three more packages
of beaver skins, which they gave him as a present. This third
speech was immediately approved like the second.

Là dessus le sieur de Champlain prit la parolle, & leur fit dire qu'il
les auoit tousiours aimés, qu'il desiroit grandement de les voir
comme ses freres, & qu'aiant esté enuoié de la part de nostre grand
Roy pour les proteger, qu'il le feroit très-volontiers: qu'il auoit
enuoié au deuant d'eux vne barque & une chalouppe, & que les Hiroquois
anoient tué trois de nos hõmes en trahison, que cela ne luy faisoit
point perdre cœur, que les François ne craignoient rien, & qu'ils
cherissoient grandement leurs amis: qu'ils ne creussent point ceux qui
les voudroient diuertir de les venir voir, & que leur ayant donné leur
parolle ils estoient veritables, ainsi qu'ils l'auoient [276 i.e., 176]
peu remarquer par le passé qu'il recognoissoit encor les vieillards
de leur nation pour auoir esté à la guerre auec eux: qu'il les
remercioit de leurs presens, & qu'il sçauroit bien les recognoistre.
Il adiousta que nos Peres les alloient voir en leur païs en témoignage
de l'affectiō que nous leur portions, disant des merueilles en nostre
faueur. Ce sont nos Peres, leur disoit-il, nous les aimons plus que
nos enfans & que nous mesmes: on fait grand estat d'eux en France, ce
n'est point la faim ny la disette qui les amene en ce païs cy: ils ne
vous vont pas voir pour vos biens ny pour vos pelleteries. Voicy Louïs
Amantacha de vostre nation, qui les cognoist, & qui sçait biẽ que ie
dy vray: si vous aimez les François comme vous dites, aimez ces Peres,
honorez les, il vous enseigneront le chemin du Ciel, c'est ce qui leur
fait [177] quitter leur païs & leurs amis & leurs commodités pour
vous instruire, & notamment pour enseigner à vos enfans vne si grande
science & si necessaire.

Thereupon sieur de Champlain began to speak, and told them that he
had always loved them, that he wished very much to have them as
his brothers, and, having been sent in behalf of our great King
to protect them, he would do it very willingly; that he had sent
to meet them a bark and a shallop, and that the Hiroquois had
treacherously killed three of our men; that he did not lose heart
on that account, that the French feared nothing, and that they
cherished their friends very dearly; that they must not believe
those who would like to divert them from coming to see the French,
and that, having given them their word, they would keep it, as
they had been [276 i.e., 176] able to observe in the past; that he
still recognized old men among their people, from having gone to
war with them; that he thanked them for their presents, and would
know very well how to requite them. He added that our Fathers were
going to see them in their country, as a proof of the affection
which we bore them, telling marvelous things in our favor. "These
are our Fathers," said he, "we love them more than our children
or ourselves; they are held in very high esteem in France; it is
neither hunger nor want that brings them to this country; they do
not come to see you for your property or your furs. Here is Louïs
Amantacha, of your own tribe, who knows them, and who knows very
well that I tell the truth. If you love the French people, as you
say you do, then love these Fathers; honor them, and they will
teach you the way to Heaven. This is what makes them [177] leave
their country, their friends, and their comforts, to instruct you,
and especially to teach your children a knowledge so great and so
necessary.

Deux Capitaines haranguerent apres cela, ce fut à qui honoreroit le
plus le sieur de Champlain & les François, & à qui nous tesmoigneroit
de l'affection: l'vn d'eux disoit que les François n'estans plus icy,
la terre n'estoit plus terre, la riuiere n'estoit plꝰ riuiere, le ciel
n'estoit plꝰ ciel: mais qu'au retour du sieur de Champlain tout estoit
retourné à son estre, la terre estoit deuenuë terre, la riuiere estoit
deuenue riuiere, & le ciel auoit paru ciel. L'autre confessoit que
les Sauuages estoyent tous craintifs & paoureux, mais que le sieur de
Champlain estoit effroiable en ses regards; qu'estant en guerre il
iettoit d'vne œillade la terreur dans le cœur de ses [178] ennemis;
& apostrophant la ieunesse de son païs il luy disoit: Prenez garde
maintenant, escoutez ce qu'on nous dit: ne dites pas qu'on n'a point
parlé de tout cecy en plein conseil: ie vous aduertis, afin que par
apres voꝰ obeyssiez.

Two Captains spoke after that. They vied with each other in trying
to honor sieur de Champlain and the French, and in testifying
their affection for us. One of them said that, when the French were
absent, the earth was no longer the earth, the river was no longer
the river, the sky was no longer the sky; but upon the return of
sieur de Champlain everything was as before; the earth was again
the earth, the river was again the river, and the sky was again
the sky. The other confessed that the Savages were very timid and
apprehensive, but that sieur de Champlain was frightful in his
looks; that, when he was in battle, a glance from his eye struck
terror into the hearts of his [178] enemies; and, apostrophizing
the youth of his tribe, he said: "Be careful now, listen to what
you are told; do not say we have not talked this all over in open
council; I warn you now, in order that you shall obey later."

La conclusion du conseil fut que le Pere Brebeuf leur dit en leur
langue, que nous allions auec eux pour y viure & mourir: qu'ils
feroyent nos freres, que d'oresnauant nous serions de leur nation: &
que si nos Peres ne demeuroyent point dans tous leurs villages, ce
n'estoit point qu'ils n'aimassent toute la nation, mais qu'ils ne
pouuoyent pas habiter en tant de lieux, estans vn si petit nombre,
que le temps viendroit que nos freres nous viendroyẽt secourir, & que
noꝰ seriõs en chacune de leurs demeures: que nous leur enseignerions
le moyẽ d'estre à iamais bien-heureux. Louys [179] Amantacha confirma
tout cecy, & tous les Sauuages à leurs accoustumées tesmoignerent
leur contentement par leur profonde aspiration ho ho ho ho! Puis
entourant le Pere Brebeuf, c'estoit à qui l'embarqueroit, les vns me
venoient prendre & me toucher en la main, & se disoient l'vn l'autre,
regarde comme ils se ressemblent, parlans du Pere & de moy, ce sont
deux freres: bref les hõmes du village où auoient demeuré nos Peres
s'addressans au Pere Brebeuf luy dirent, ouure nous tõ cœur, ne cache,
rien ou veux tu demeurer en nostre païs? Veux tu estre dans nos
Cabanes, ou en auoir vne à part? I'en veux auoir vne à part, dit le
Pere. Hé bien, repartent ils, nous irons tous nous cabaner à l'entour
de toy, nous nous sommes separés, & auons rompu nostre village à la
mort du François qui a esté tué en nostre païs: [180] chacun s'en
est allé qui deçà qui delà. Si tost que tu auras pris place, nous
reuiendrons tous auec toy, & tu nous defendras; car que serions nous
sans toy? Voila comme nos Peres estoiẽt aimez de ce pauure peuple.
O que ie dirois volõtiers mes sentimens voiãt ces pauures barbares
caresser auec tant d'amour ceux qu'ils ne cognoissent pas! O s'ils
penetroyent dans les desseins que nous auōs! Que Dieu soit beny pour
iamais, ie le supplie de leur ouurir le cœur: pour moy i'espere que
si vn seul village se couuertit, le feu ne tardera point d'en brusler
beaucoup d'autres, & que les nations voisines qui sont fort peuplées,
se voudront chauffer aussi bien que les Hurons à ce diuin brasier.

The conclusion of the council was that Father Brebeuf told them, in
their language, that we were going with them to live and to die in
their country; that they would be our brothers, that hereafter we
would be of their people; and, that if our Fathers did not live in
each one of their villages, it would not be because they did not
love the whole tribe, but because they could not live in so many
places, being so few in number; that the time was not distant when
our brothers would come to aid us, and then one of us would live in
each one of their villages, and that we would teach them how to be
forever happy. Louys [179] Amantacha confirmed all this; and all
the Savages, according to their custom, evinced their satisfaction
by their profound aspiration: ho, ho, ho, ho! Then they surrounded
Father Brebeuf, each one wanting to carry him away in his boat.
Some came to me and touched my hand, saying to each other: "See
how much they look alike," speaking of the Father and of me, "they
are two brothers." In short, the people of the village where our
Fathers had lived, addressing Father Brebeuf, said to him: "Open
thy heart to us, conceal nothing; where dost thou wish to live
in our country? Dost thou wish to live in our Houses or have one
apart?" "I wish to have a separate one," said the Father. "Very
well," answered they, "we will all go and build our houses around
thee; we separated, and broke up our villages on the death of the
Frenchman who was killed in our country; [180] and every one went
away, some here and some there. As soon as thou shalt have chosen
thy place, we will return with thee, and thou wilt defend us; for
what would we do without thee?" This shows how our Fathers were
loved by these poor people. Oh, how I wish I could describe my
feelings on seeing these poor barbarians so lovingly caress those
whom they did not know! Oh, if they could only penetrate into our
purposes! God be forever blessed! I beseech him to open their
hearts. As for me, I hope that, if a single village is converted,
the fire will not be long in spreading to a great many others; and
that the neighboring tribes, which are very populous, will wish to
warm themselves with the Hurons at this divine flame.

Le dernier de Iuillet iour de feste de nostre S. Pere Ignace, le Sieur
de Champlain & les capitaines des vaisseaux qui estoyent icy, estans
venus [181] gagner les Indulgences en nostre petite Chapelle, quantité
de Hurons nous venans voir, nous fusmes contraints de fermer nostre
porte, & de leur dire qu'on faisoit festin, afin de les empescher
d'entrer. C'est vne maxime entr'eux qui'ils ne mettront iamais le pied
dans la cabane de celuy qui fait festin: il n'y a que les conuiez à
qui cela soit loisible. Or neãtmoins comme ils desiroient de voir,
l'vn d'eux ayant mis la teste à vne fenestre appella ses compagnons,
& le sieur de Champlain prenant plaisir à les voir admirer, donna à
l'vn d'eux vn morceau d'écorce de citron, il en gouste, & commence à
s'escrier, ô que cela est bon! Il en depart a ceux qui estoient auec
luy, qui furent saisis de la mesme admiration: ils demanderent ce que
c'estoit, le sieur de Champlain leur dit en riant, que c'estoit de
l'écorce des citroüilles de [182] France, les voila bien estonnés, &
cōmencēt à se dire les vns aux autres, que nos citroüilles estoient
admirables: là dessus ceux qui n'en auoient point gousté se mettent à
la fenestre, & demandent au sieur de Chāplain si toutes les citrouilles
estoient mangées, & qu'ils voudroient bien en taster, pour en porter
les nouuelles en leur païs. Ie vous laisse à penser si tous ceux qui
estoient dans la chambre se mirent à rire. On les fit entrer apres
les Vespres dans la Chappelle qui estoit gentiment ornée selon nos
petites richesses, ce nous est vn contentement bien sensible de voir
que nostre Seigneur ait vne petite maison au milieu des grands bois
que nous habitons: c'est icy qu'ils furent estonnés tout à fait: nous
auions mis les Images de S. Ignace, & de S. Xauier sur nostre autel,
ils les regardoient auec estonnement: ils croyoient que [183] ce
fussent personnes viuantes, ils demandoient si c'estoient des Ondaqui:
le mot _Oqui_ & au plurier _Ondaqui_ signifie entre eux quelque
diuinité, en vn mot ce qu'ils recognoissent par dessus la nature
humaine: ils demandoient encor si le tabernacle estoit leur maison, &
si ces _Ondaqui_ s'habilloient des ornemens qu'ils voyoient à l'ẽtour
de l'Autel. Le Pere Brebeuf leur aiant expliqué ce que representoient
ces Images, ils mettoient la main à la bouche, & se la frappoient en
signe d'estonnement; Il y auoit trois Images de la Vierge, en diuers
endroits: ils demanderent successiuement de l'vne apres l'autre qui
c'estoit: le Pere leur disant à toutes que c'estoit la mere de celuy
qui a tout fait, ils se mirent à rire, demandans comment cela se
pouuoit faire qu'vne seule persõne eut trois meres: car ils prenoient
ces trois figures [184] pour la representation de trois personnes
differentes, on leur fit entendre que ces trois images figuraient la
mesme persõne. ô qu'il seroit bon d'auoir tous les mysteres de nostre
foy bien figures! ces images aident grandement, & parlent desia d'elles
mesmes.

On the last of July, the fête day of our Holy Father Ignace, Sieur
de Champlain and the captains of the vessels here, having come
[181] to receive Indulgences in our little Chapel, so many Hurons
came also that we were compelled to close our door, saying that
we were having a feast, in order to prevent them from entering.
It is a maxim among them that they will never put their feet in
the cabin of any one who is having a feast. It is only to the
invited that entrance is permitted. Now, notwithstanding this, as
they were very curious to see, one of them put his head in at a
window and called his comrades; sieur de Champlain, enjoying their
wonder, gave a piece of lemon peel to one of them, who, on tasting
it, cried out: "Oh, how good that is!" He divided it with those
who were with him, who were all seized with the same admiration.
They asked what it was; sieur de Champlain said to them, laughing,
that it was the rind of a French [182] pumpkin. This astonished
them very much, and they said to each other that our pumpkins
were wonderful. Thereupon, those who had not tasted appeared at
the window, and asked sieur de Champlain if all the pumpkins were
eaten, saying that they would like to taste them, so as to tell
about them in their country. You can judge for yourself how all in
the room began to laugh! After Vespers, they were allowed to enter
the Chapel, which was neatly decorated according to our limited
means. It is a source of infinite satisfaction to us to see that
our Lord has a little house in the midst of the great forests in
which we live. It was here that they were completely astonished.
We had placed Statues of St. Ignace and of St. Xavier upon our
altar; they looked upon them with awe, believing [183] them to be
living persons; they asked if they were Ondaqui. The word _Oqui_,
and its plural _Ondaqui_, signifies among them some divinity; in a
word, what they recognize as above human nature. They asked also
if the tabernacle was their house, and if those _Ondaqui_ dressed
themselves in the ornaments which they saw around the Altar. Father
Brebeuf having explained to them what these Images represented,
they put their hands on their mouths and struck them in sign of
astonishment. There were three Images of the Virgin in different
places. They asked successively about each one, who it was; the
Father explaining to them, that it was the mother of him who had
made everything. They began to laugh, asking how it could possibly
be that a single person had three mothers; for they took the three
figures [184] for the representation of three different persons.
They were made to understand that these three images represented
the same person. Oh, how fortunate it would be if all the mysteries
of our faith could be well represented! These images help a great
deal, and speak for themselves.

Sur le soir le Pere Brebeuf estant allé à Kebec ou au fort des
François, où estoient les Hurons pour voir ceux auec lesquels nos
Peres s'embarqueroient, le Capitaine de la Rochelle (c'est ainsi que
nos François, ont appellé l'vn de leurs villages ou Bourgades) dõnans
les noms des villes de France à ces pauures bicoques. Ce Capitaine
donc aborde le Pere Brebeuf, & s'efforce de luy persuader qu'il aille
demeurer en sa bourgade se presentant pour l'embarquer ou tout autre
qu'il voudra, viẽs, disoit il, auec moy, tu seras assuré parmy nous,
[185] on ne te dérobera point, ie soustiens tout le pays sur mes
espaules, ie te protegeray, nous t'aimõs tous, tu ne manqueras de rien,
nostre pays est le meilleur entre les Hurons. Le Pere s'arrestãt vn
petit sãs respõdre. Ie voy bien, dit-il, que tu crains d'offenser ceux
du village où tu as demeuré qui te veulent auoir, tu es maistre de tes
actions, dy leur que tu veux venir auec nous, & ils ne te diront plus
riẽ. Le pere prent delay pour y penser. Nous aiant communiqué cette
emulation entre les villages qui vouloient tous auoir nos Peres, ie
luy dy qu'il me sembloit qu'ils deuoient imiter S. Pierre & S. Paul,
qui s'en allerent attaquer l'idolatrie dans la principale ville du
monde, & ainsi que la Bourgade la plus renommée entre les Hurons
deuoit estre le lieu de leur demeure: car celle-cy faisant ioug à la
loy de Dieu, toutes les autres [186] s'y soubmettroient aisement.
Le voila donc deliberé de demeurer dãs la Rochelle, cette bourgade
estant l'vne des plus grandes, & des plus peuplées de cette nation,
veu mesme que c'est là où les Conseils de tout le païs se concluent
en dernier ressort: le mal estoit qu'il n'osoit declarer sa volõté,
de peur d'ẽcourir la disgrace des autres Bourgades. Il s'aduisa de
prier le sieur de Champlain de tesmoigner à tous les Capitaines que sa
volonté estoit que tous les Francois allassent demeurer à la Rochelle,
ce qu'il fit. ces Capitaines demanderent pourquoy les autres villages
seroient priués de ce bien, & puis que six Frãçois alloient là, qu'il
les falloit loger en six villages ou bourgades. Non pas, dit le sieur
de Champlain, ie desire qu'ils soient tous ensemble, pour deux raisons
(remarqués qu'il faut payer ces peuples de raison pour calmer [187]
leur esprit) I'enuoye, ce dit-il, deux petits garçons & vn ieune hõme
auec les Peres: s'ils sont separez, ils feront peut estre des querelles
auec vos gens, car ils n'auront personne qui les gouuerne: de plus,
si nos François sont dispersez, ils s'en iront où ils voudront, & si
quelqu'vn des autres François ou de vous autres desire de luy parler,
on ne sçaura où il est: mais s'ils demeurent tous ensemble, ceux qui
demeureront à la maison scauront le lieu où se seront transportez
ceux qui en sortiront. Ayez un peu de patience, & vous aurez tous
des François en vos bourgades. Les voila donc tous contens, horsmis
le capitaine du village où le Pere Brebeuf & le Pere de Nouë auoient
demeuré; car il s'attendoit qu'on retourneroit là pour restablir ce
village, qui s'est dispersé. Voila donc le lieu de la demeure de nos
[188] Peres arrestée, reste à voir qui les embarquera. Pour euiter
toute enuie, le Pere Brebeuf fit assembler les capitaines, & les plus
âgez d'entr'eux en conseil. Ce capitaine mescontent ne s'y trouua
point, ains reprocha au capitaine de la Rochelle qu'il estoit cause
que les Frãçois n'alloyẽt point en son village. Celuy-cy se purge
le mieux qu'il peut, disant que c'estoit le Sieur de Champlain qui
auoit desiré cela: au reste, pour ne point choquer cet homme fasché,
il s'excusa d'embarquer l'vn de nos Peres, disant qu'il n'auoit dans
son canot que de la ieunesse qui n'estoit pas propre à ramer, mais
que nous ne trouuerions que trop de personnes qui noꝰ porteroyent.
Nos Peres auoyent bien desir d'estre embarquez dans les canots d'vn
mesme village, mais il fut arresté dans leur conseil qu'il falloit
donner ce contentement aux [189] autres villages, d'en passer quelqu'ũ
iusques dans le pays & ainsi nos Peres deuoyent estre portez en diuers
villages, pour se rassembler par apres dans la Rochelle.

Toward evening, Father Brebeuf having gone to Kebec, or to the
French fort, where the Hurons were, to see those with whom our
Fathers were to embark, the Captain of la Rochelle[60] (it is
thus our French people have named one of the Huron villages or
Settlements, having given the names of the French cities to these
poor straggling villages) accosts Father Brebeuf and tries to
persuade him to go and live in his village, offering to carry him
and as many more as he wished to have go. "Come with me," said he,
"thou wilt be safe with our people, [185] no one will steal from
thee; I hold the whole country upon my shoulders; I shall protect
thee; we all love thee, thou wilt want for nothing; our country is
the best among the Hurons." The Father, pausing a little before
answering, "I see clearly," continues he, "that thou hast fear
of offending those of the village where thou hast lived, and who
wish to have thee. Thou art master of thy actions, tell them that
thou wishest to come with us, and they will say nothing more to
thee." The father took time to think it over. Having told us of
this rivalry among the villages, each desiring to have our Fathers,
I said to him that it seemed to me they ought to imitate St. Peter
and St. Paul, who went forth to attack idolatry in the principal
city of the world, and in like manner the most renowned Village
of the Hurons ought to be their dwelling place; for, if that one
came under the yoke of the law of God, all the others [186] would
easily submit to it. So he decided to remain at la Rochelle, this
place being one of the largest and the most populous of this tribe;
and besides, it is there that all the Councils of this country are
held for final action. The trouble was that he dared not declare
his wish, for fear of offending the other Villages. He made up
his mind to ask sieur de Champlain to notify all the Captains
that it was his wish that all the French should go and live at la
Rochelle, which he did. These Captains asked why all of the other
villages should be deprived of this blessing, saying that, as six
Frenchmen were going, they ought to be lodged in six villages or
towns. "No," said sieur de Champlain, "I desire that they should
all live together, for two reasons" (notice that reasons must be
given to these people to pacify [187] them): "I send," said he,
"two little boys and a young man with the Fathers. If they are
separated, they will perhaps quarrel with your people, for they
will have no one to govern them; besides, if our Frenchmen are
separated, they will go where they please, and, if some of the
other Frenchmen or your people wish to talk to one of them, they
will not know where to find them. But, if they all live together,
those who remain at home will know where the absent ones can be
found. Have a little patience, and you will all have Frenchmen in
your villages." They were all then satisfied, except the captain
of the village where Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë had lived,
for he expected that they would return to rebuild the village
which had been abandoned.[61] Thus, the place of habitation of our
[188] Fathers being fixed, it remained to be seen with whom they
would each embark. To avoid all jealousies, Father Brebeuf had
all the captains and the oldest among them assemble in council.
This discontented captain did not go there, but he reproached the
captain of la Rochelle with having been the cause of the French
not going to his village. The latter defended himself from the
charge as best he could, saying that such was the wish of Sieur
de Champlain. Finally, lest he should offend this angry man, he
excused himself from furnishing passage for one of the Fathers,
saying that his canoe was manned only by young people who were not
fit to paddle, and that we would find only too many other persons
who would be glad to convey us. Our Fathers were very anxious to
embark together in the canoes of one village, but it was decided
in the council that it was necessary to satisfy the [189] other
villages by allowing them to carry some of the Fathers up into
the country. And so it was that our Fathers were to be taken to
different villages, to meet afterward at la Rochelle.

Le premier iour d'Aoust les Hurõs venoyent voir nostre Chapelle en
ayant ouy parler à ceux qui l'auoient veuë, & ie croy que s'ils
faisoyẽt quelque seiour à Kebec qu'il n'y en a pas vn qui ne la vint
visiter. Leur foire est bien tost faicte. Le premier iour qu'ils
arriuent ils font leur cabane, le second ils tiennent leurs conseils,
& font leurs presents; le troisiesme & quatriesme ils traittent, ils
vendent, ils acheptent, ils troquent leurs pelleteries & leur petun
contre des couuertures, des haches, des chaudieres, des capots,
des fers de flêches, des petits canons de verre, des chemises, &
choses semblables, C'est vn plaisir de les voir pẽdant cette traitte,
laquelle [190] estant finie ils prennent encore vn iour pour leur
dernier conseil, pour le festin qu'on leur fait ordinairemẽt, & pour
danser, & puis le lendemain de grand matin ils passent comme vne volée
d'oiseaux. Or ceux qui auoient debité leur marchandise de bonne heure
venoyent voir nostre maison allechez par le recit qu'on leur faisoit
de la beauté de nostre Chappelle. Le Pere Brebeuf les entretenoit: &
comme il eut parlé du Paradis & de l'Enfer à l'vne de leurs bandes,
l'vn d'eux l'arreste, & luy dict: Et que ferons nous, _Eschom_, (c'est
le nom qu'ils donnẽt au Pere) afin que nous n'allions point dans ces
grands tourmens? Le Pere leur ayant dit ce qu'il falloit faire; ils
tesmoignerent qu'ils estoyent prests d'obeir. Il leur dit que cette
Chapelle estoit le lieu où nous prions le grãd Dieu du ciel, & qu'ils
se missent tous à genoux, & [191] qu'ils luy fissent leurs prieres en
leur cœur. Ie les vey tous s'y mettre les vns apres les autres, ou
plustost s'accroupir deuant l'Autel, car ils ne sçauent que c'est de
s'agenouiller, ce n'est point l'vne de leurs postures. Leur oraison
faicte, qui ne fut pas longue, le Pere demanda à l'vn d'eux ce qu'il
auoit dit à ce grand Dieu: Il repart: Ie luy ay dict, Prens courage à
nous aider & à nous secourir, & à nous donner vn bō voyage: Voila la
priere de ce pauure barbare. Pendant que l'vn d'eux prioit, vn autre
luy dit: Regarde bien en ton cœur ce que tu diras à ce grand Maistre.
O que ne sçauons nous les langues de ces pauures Sauuages! Ce sera
quand il plaira à Nostre Seigneur; Que son sainct nom soit beny pour vn
iamais.

On the first day of August, the Hurons came to see our Chapel,
having heard it spoken of by those who had seen it; and I believe
that, if they had made a longer stay at Kebec, there would not
have been one who did not visit it. Their fair is soon over. The
day of their arrival they erect their huts; the second, they hold
their councils and make their presents; the third and fourth, they
trade, sell, buy, barter their furs and their tobacco for blankets,
hatchets, kettles, capes, iron arrow-points, little glass beads,
shirts, and many similar things. It is a pleasure to watch them
during this trading. When it [190] is over they take one day more
for their last council, for the feast which is generally made for
them, and the dance; and early the next morning they disappear
like a flock of birds. Now those who had sold their goods early
came to see our home, attracted thither by the description they
had heard of the beauty of our Chapel. Father Brebeuf entertained
them; and, after he had discoursed upon Paradise and Hell to one
of their companies, a man interrupted him, asking: "And what shall
we do, _Eschom_" (that is the name they give to the Father), "that
we may escape these great torments?" When the Father told them
what they must do, they assured him that they were ready to obey.
He said that this Chapel was the place in which we offered prayers
to the great God of the sky, that they must kneel down, and [191]
that they should pray to him in their hearts. I saw them all get
on their knees one beside the other, before the Altar, or rather
they squatted down, for they do not know what kneeling is, as it
is not one of their postures. Their prayer, which was not long,
having been made, the Father asked one of them what he had said to
the great God. He replied: "I said to him, 'Have courage to aid and
succor us, and to give us a good voyage.'" That was the prayer of
this poor barbarian. While one was praying, another said to him:
"Look well into thy heart for what thou wilt say to this great
Master." Oh, if we only knew the language of these poor Savages!
That will come when it pleases Our Lord. May his holy name be
forever blessed!

Le 3. du mesme mois d'Aoust le Sieur de Champlain festina tous les
[192] Hurons. Les mets du festin furent de la sagamité cõposée de
pois, de pain esmié ou de galette puluerisée, & de pruneaux, tout
cela bouilly dans vne grande chaudiere dont on se sert pour faire de
la biere, auec de l'eau sās sel, leur a semblé tres-excellente. Ie ne
declareray point les particularitez de ce banquet, ny de leur chant &
de leur danse: ce sera pour vn autre fois.

(_Continued in Vol. vi._)

On the 3rd of the same month of August, Sieur de Champlain made
a feast for all the [192] Hurons. The dishes of this feast were
sagamité, composed of peas, of bread-crumbs or powdered sea
biscuit, and of prunes; all this was boiled together in a great
kettle which is used for making beer, with water and no salt, and
they thought it very good indeed. I shall not go into details about
this banquet, nor about their songs and their dances. That will be
for another time.

(_Continued in Vol. vi._)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. V

In reprinting Le Jeune's _Brief Relation_ (1632), commonly classed as
the first _Relation_ of the regular series, we follow the original
Cramoisy in Lenox Library. This is the copy marked "GB" in Winsor's
list; it was formerly in the Bancroft collection, which was absorbed
by the Lenox, being considered the chief jewel therein. Other copies
are known to be in Brown Library, Providence; British Museum; and
Bibliothèque Nationale and Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, Paris. Winsor
mentions a copy in the Murphy collection, but it was not included in
the sale catalogue; the Kalbfleisch collection mentioned by Winsor had
a copy, but that library is now dispersed.

Extracts from this _Relation_, for which "privilege" was issued Nov.,
1632, appear in _Mercure François_, vol. xviii., pp. 56-72; the date
of the "privilege" for this volume of _Mercure_ is March, 1633. The
_Relation_ given in the Quebec Reprint (1858), is after the copy in the
Bibliothèque Nationale.

Further references are in Sabin, vol. x., no. 39946, and vol. xvi.,
under caption "Relations;" Carayon, no. 1260; Winsor, p. 301; Brown,
vol. ii., no. 381; Lenox, p. 4; and Harrisse, no. 49. Harrisse, in
describing the title-page, misspells Barthelemy Iacquinot, "Bartelemy
Iacquinet,"--an error in which Lenox and Sabin follow him; the Brown
Catalogue gives the name correctly, and has a facsimile of the page.

_Title-page._ We present a photographic facsimile of the original at
Lenox.

_Collation._ Title, 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-68; privilege, dated
Nov., 1632, 1 unnumbered p.; blank, 1 p.

XXI

In our reissue of Le Jeune's _Relation_ of 1633 (No. 2 of the Cramoisy
series), we follow the original in the Brown Library, at Providence,
R. I. Harvard College Library possesses a copy which is evidently,
in the main, from the same setting of type as the Brown copy, but
with variations. It is apparently the Harvard copy which is described
in Harrisse's _Notes_, no. 55, although, in the catalogues of these
respective libraries, each example is entered as "H. 55." We shall
for convenience designate them as "Brown H. 55," and "Harvard H. 55,"
respectively.

A word-for-word collation of these two examples of H. 55 convinces
us that the original issue of the press is the one at Brown, making
this, so far as we are aware, a unique copy. As the working of the
edition progressed, some occasion arose for changing the phraseology
of the text upon pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126, correct pagination)
in signature H, these two pages being in part reset. The following
sentences, which appear on p. 225 (i.e., 125) of the Brown copy, were
expunged from the sheet, and do not appear in the Harvard and other
examples of this _Relation_:

pour
toute sa Prouince, & pour tous ceux
qui cooperent au salut de tant de
pauures ames esgarées: Vne petite
gouttelette de ce diuin calice
nous enrichira tous: & puis que mes prieres
sont trop foibles pour obtenir
vn si grand bien, ie supplie V. R. d'interposer
les siennes, & celles encore
de tant d'ames sainctes qui sont dessous
sa charge: Mais passons outre.

There was also expunged from pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126) the
following paragraph, which appears only in the Brown copy:

Ie remerciay le mieux qu'il me fut
possible Mõsieur de Champlain de
la charité qu'il auoit exercée enuers
nos Peres qui a esté tres-grande, cõme
me témoignoit le Pere Brebeuf.

To occupy the space, the following fifteen lines were substituted on
pp. 225, 226 (i.e., 125, 126), and these appear in the Harvard and
later issues of the document, but not in the Brown copy:

Il me vient quelquefois en pensée,
que ce Grand Homme, qui par
son admirable sagesse, & non-pareille
conduite ez affaires s'est tant acquis
de renommée sur la terre, se prepare
vne couronne de gloire tres-
esclatante dans le Ciel, pour le soing
qu'il tesmoigne auoir en la conuersion
de tant d'ames que l'infidelité
perd en ces pays sauuages: I'en prie
tous les iours affectueusement pour
luy, & nostre compagnie ayant par
son moyen occasion de glorifier
Dieu en cette si noble entreprise, luy
en aura vne obligation eternelle.

While form H was off the press, and the above alteration of text taking
place, certain types appear to have dropped out or been moved in other
pages of the same form, making a half-dozen verbal errors on pp. 115,
119. The form, with the text thus altered, was again sent to press,
and apparently Harvard H. 55 is the result. Another peculiarity in the
Harvard copy is,--and this is noted by Harrisse,--that the letter P
in the word "Par," on the title-page, has been partially dropped: the
Brown copy is perfect, in this respect.

In due course, a second issue of the _Relation_ became necessary,--but
in what year it is now impossible to say; for, after the custom of
Cramoisy, the dates of the original title-page and Privilege were
reproduced in the new edition, which is the one known to bibliographers
as "H. 56," having been described by Harrisse in his _Notes_, no. 56.
This edition--we describe the example in Lenox Library--was printed
from an entire resetting of type, the altered text of Harvard H.
55 having been selected for "copy," although the orthography was
occasionally modernized. Harrisse, in giving the title-page of H. 56,
accidentally omits two line-ending indicators; with these exceptions,
his description applies to the copy of H. 56 in Lenox. But he errs in
saying that H. 56 does not differ from H. 55 (he describes the Harvard
copy), save in the arrangement of the title with its repetition of
"de," in the substitution of a ram's head for a cupid in the vignette
of p. 1, and a few errors in pagination. The differences are more
numerous: in page-numberings, are many discrepancies; in the contents
of lines, on several of the pages of each, there is considerable
variance,--although both continue to end their pages uniformly, save
that H. 56 is on p. 57 a line short; there are also frequent variations
in spelling and capitalization.

An abridgment of the _Relation_ appears in _Mercure François_, vol.
xix., pp. 771-802. The Privilege for this volume, which covers events
in 1633, bears date March, 1636.

The Quebec reprint (1858) follows H. 56.

See further references in Carayon, no. 1261; Sabin, vol. x., nos.
39,947, 39,948. and vol. xvi., p. 536 (this bibliographer strictly
follows Harrisse); Brown Catalogue, vol ii., nos. 118, 417; Pilling's
_Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages_ (Washington, 1891), p. 307;
O'Callaghan Sale Catalogue, no. 1212 (wherein the description follows
Lenox H. 56); Barlow's _Rough List_ (N. Y., 1885), no. 338, p. 77;
Barlow Sale Catalogue, no. 1273 (the copy therein mentioned sold for
$120); Græsse, tome iv., livr. i., p. 154; Murphy Sale Catalogue, no.
1344; O'Callaghan's _Bibliography_ (1850), p. 36; Sommervogel, tome
iv., p. 795, no. 2; Winsor, p. 301 (the Bancroft copy referred to is
now in Lenox); and Dodd, Mead & Co.'s _Trade Catalogue_ (April, 1896),
wherein a copy, with "the date cut from title," is priced at $200.

Examples of the _Relation_ of 1633 may be found in the following
libraries: Harvard (H. 55), Brown (H. 55 and 56), Lenox (H. 56, two
copies), and British Museum (ed. not specified).

_Title-page._ Given in photographic facsimile, from the copy of H. 55,
in Brown Library, Providence.

_Collation of Brown H. 55._ Title, 1 p.; blank at back of title, 1 p.;
text, pp. 3-216; Privilege, in small type, on p. 216.

NOTES TO VOL. V

(_Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of
English text_.)

1 (p. 11).--Paul le Jeune was born in July, 1591, at Chalons-sur-Marne,
France. His parents were Huguenots; but, upon attaining his majority,
he became a Catholic, and entered the Jesuit novitiate, at Rouen,
Sept. 22, 1613. Pursuing his studies at La Flèche and Clermont, he
became an instructor at Rennes and Bourges, and, later, professor of
rhetoric at Nevers (1626-28) and at Caen (1629-30). He then spent two
years as a preacher at Dieppe, and two years more as superior of the
residence there. On the return of the French to Quebec, he came there
with De Caen, as superior of the Canadian mission. His first year was
spent in the French settlements; in the second, he wintered among the
Montagnais, in order to learn their language. When the settlement of
Three Rivers was founded (1634; see vol. iv., _note_ 24), he went there
with Buteux, returning to Quebec before the death of Champlain, whose
funeral sermon he preached. Le Jeune remained superior of the mission
until 1639, and continued his labors in Canada during ten years more.
In 1649, he returned to France, where he became procuror of foreign
missions; and died there Aug. 7, 1664. Besides his _Relations_ of
the missions, he wrote several religious works; one of these, _A Ten
Days' Retreat_, was reprinted at Rennes in 1843. Rochemonteix says of
Le Jeune: "He carried a will of steel in a heart of fire." Suite thus
characterizes him: "He was a typical missionary--fervent, devoted,
asking only to be directed towards sacrifice."

2 (p. 11).--This document is given in Martin's _Bressani_, pp. 295,
296. It states that Richelieu had already offered the Canadian mission
to the Capuchins, but that they had declined to enter the field
formerly occupied by the Jesuits.

3 (p. 11).--The order of Ursulines was founded Nov. 25, 1535, at
Brescia, by, Angela Merici. To the three vows of Augustine, it added
a fourth, requiring the instruction of girls. It became established
in France by the end of the sixteenth century, thence spreading to
Germany. The first Ursuline convent in America was established at
Quebec, in 1639, by the efforts of Madame de la Peltrie.

4 (p. 11).--_Low Sunday_: the first Sunday after Easter, so called
because Easter is High Sunday. It is also called White Sunday, because
on that day the neophytes wear their white robes to the church; and
Quasimodo Sunday, because the introit for this day begins with the
words, "Quasi modo geniti infantes."

5 (p. 19).--See vol. i., _note_ 69.

6 (p. 19).--Cartier (_Brief Récit_, fol. 12) describes "a sort of fish
as large as porpoises, but not like them; their bodies well-shaped,
and heads like that of the greyhound; as white as snow, without any
spot; in that river [Saguenay] there are a great number of them, living
between the sea and the fresh water. The people of that country call
them Adhothuys; and we were told that they are very good to eat."
Packard, in _Labrador Coast_ (N. Y., 1891), p. 443, mentions the white
whale (_Delplanapterus Catodon_, Linn.) as "not uncommonly seen passing
in schools along the [Labrador] coast, in the summer time."

7 (p. 19).--_Gaspay bay_: on the coast of Gaspé, (see vol. iii., _note_
45), south of Cape Rosière. This bay appears on De Fer's map (1705), as
G. de Gas; its present name is Gaspé.

8 (p. 35).--_But one wife_: Cf. the accounts of Membertou's unique
monogamy, given by Lescarbot and Biard,--vol. i., p. 215; and vol. ii.,
pp. 23, 227, 229.

9 (p. 35).--_Basque scaffold_: a point two leagues above Tadoussac;
mentioned by Champlain, and shown on a map by Lotter (n. d.), as Cape
Chafaut aux Basques; Bellin (1744) names it Echafaut aux Basques;
obviously a place used by the Basque fishermen for drying fish.

Margry says (_Navig. Fr._, pp. 113, 114): "The Basques made their
way at first to the ports on the eastern shore of the island
[Newfoundland]. There they invented the process of drying codfish, that
they might carry a greater quantity on their ships. This was done on
scaffolds, which they called _pignalac_; and the "shipowners of St.
Jean de Luz and Siboure sent out vessels expressly for this catching
and drying fish, independently of those sent for the whale fishery."

10 (p. 37).--_St. Lawrence Island_: evidently another name for the Isle
of Orleans.

11 (p. 41).--These were the sons of Gervase (or Jervis) Kirk (see vol.
iv., _note_ 46), who was born in 1566, in Derbyshire, England, the
eldest son of a gentleman's family; later, he became a merchant in
London. In 1596, he married Elizabeth Gondon, of Dieppe, France, by
whom he had seven children. His sons David, Lewis, and Thomas, were
aged respectively 32, 30 and 26 years, at the time Quebec was taken.
They were all prominent members of the Merchant Adventurers to Canada.
Gervase died Dec. 17, 1629. David was knighted by Charles I., in 1633,
as a reward for his services in taking Quebec; but (according to H.
Kirke) neither he nor his heirs ever received any pecuniary recompense
for the heavy losses he incurred in that enterprise, although, in the
negotiations for the restitution of Canada, the French King had agreed
to pay the sum of 82,700 livres to Kirk. Brymner (_Can. Archives_,
1894, pp. viii.-x.) gives a document (probably 1683) detailing the
claims of the Kirks to the territories of Nova Scotia and Quebec.

A colony had been established in Newfoundland, in 1621, by George,
Lord Baltimore, who received from James I. a large tract of land in
the southeastern part, extending westward to Placentia Bay, which he
named Avalon; but he abandoned it in 1629. A grant of the whole island
was made by Charles I., Nov. 13, 1637, to the Duke of Hamilton, Sir
David Kirk, and others; and Kirk, who after a few years became the sole
owner of Newfoundland, continued as its ruler until his death (about
1653). He did much to develop the resources of the island,--encouraging
immigration, opening the fisheries to other nations as well as to
the English, and protecting the industry from pirates. As the Kirk
family were devoted loyalists, they suffered many losses under the
Commonwealth, and Sir David's property was for some time sequestrated
as that of a malignant. Finally, in 1660, his heirs were obliged to
yield possession of Newfoundland to Cecil, Lord Baltimore, who claimed
it under the grant made to his father.--See Henry Kirke's _First
English Conquest of Canada_ (London, 1871); Prowse's _Hist. N. F._, pp.
138-157; and Kingsford's _Canada_, vol. i., pp. 142, 143.

The name is also variously spelled Ker, Kerk, Kertk, Kirke, Kirtk,
Kyrck, Quer, Querch, and Quercq.

A daughter of David Kirk became the second wife of Pierre Radisson, the
Hudson Bay explorer.

12 (p. 41).--Laverdière gives (at end of _Champlain_, "Pièces
justificatives," pp. 25, 26) the letters from Charles "to ye Canadian
marchants and ye com̃anders under them for rendring Kebeck." The
merchants claimed to have spent £60,000 in their Canadian expedition;
and they were greatly incensed at the restitution of Canada to France,
ignoring as it did the rights granted them by the crown. Their letter
to Isaac Wake, the representative of England in the treaty of St.
Germain, is also given by Laverdière (_ut supra_, pp. 27-31); they
complain that the interests of English subjects were neglected in the
treaty.

13 (p. 41).--The widow of Louis Hébert (see vol. ii., _note_ 80). Her
name was Marie Rollet; her second husband was Guillaume Hubou, whom she
married May 16, 1629; she died May 27, 1649, at Quebec.

14 (p. 53).--_Moustache_: a name applied, in olden times, to a long
lock of hair hanging from one side of the head.

15 (p. 67).--Raymond de la Ralde has been already mentioned as De
Caen's successor (see vol. iv., _note_ 27); he was a Catholic, but
was unfriendly to the Jesuits, who complained of him as leagued with
De Caen against them. He attacked the English fishing vessels in
Newfoundland, in the summer of 1628, capturing several of them, but
on one occasion losing 67 of his men as prisoners; an account of this
affair is given in letters from Lord Baltimore to Charles I. and the
Duke of Buckingham.--English _Colonial Papers_, vol. iv., nos. 56, 57.

16 (p. 69).--The phrase in the original is _trois brasses_; the
brasse was a linear measure, of five old-French feet, or 1.62 metres,
equivalent to 5.318 English feet.

17 (p. 71).--_Nation of the Bear_ (Attignaouantans).--The territory
of this nation, the most westerly of the Huron confederacy, was
sharply defined on all four sides. Portions of Georgian Bay formed
two of these,--Nottawasaga Bay, on the west, and Matchedash Bay, on
the north. Along their eastern side, the river Wye separated them
from the other Huron tribes. Another natural boundary afforded them a
partial protection on the south; this was Cranberry Lake and marsh,
which extended up the Wye River to Orr Lake, twelve miles farther
east, forming a wide, impassable marshy tract, which protected all of
the Huron tribes along their southern frontier. This important water
system is indicated by the name of Lake Anaouites on Ducreux's map.
The country of the Bear clan nearly coincided with the boundaries of
the present township of Tiny, in which have been found, up to the
present year (1897), the remains of about thirty-five village sites
and twenty ossuaries. The surface of Tiny is undulating, nowhere
exceeding 500 feet above the level of Georgian Bay. At the north, the
ground rises as it recedes from the shore, around which there still
remains a fringe of the original forest. Along the southern half,
there is a long reach of shore, with bleak sand-dunes, where a stunted
vegetation barely exists,--a feature common to the southeastern shores
of all the great lakes. Behind these, the soil of the interior is now
occupied by agricultural settlers. It was also on the higher ground of
these interior parts that the Attignaouantans, as their remains show,
had their habitations when the Jesuits were among them. It should be
observed that Champlain used the name Attignaouantans (Ochatequins; see
vol. ii. of this series, _note_ 58) for the entire Huron confederacy.
The generic name, Ouendat (Wyandot), including the Attignaouantans
as one of the confederates, appears to have been brought into use at
a later date (Lalemant's _Relation_, 1639). If the others were in
the district at the time of Lalemant's visit, he overlooked their
differences, as he makes so distinction in the case of the inhabitants
of even the most easterly town of the district, Cahiagua. Yet we know
that Arendarrhonons were at Cahiagua in his time, as these were said to
cherish his memory twenty-two years afterward (Lalemant's _Relation_,
1640).--A. F. HUNTER.

18 (p. 71).--_Tobacco Nation_ (Khionontaterrhonons; also called, by
the French, Nation de Petun).--The territory of this tribe coincided
closely with the present township of Nottawasaga, Simcoe county, their
villages having been situated on rising spurs along the eastern side
of the Blue Mountains. This country is now covered by well-cultivated
farms. Remains of the aborigines are abundant there, as many as
thirty-two village sites and forty ossuaries having been found at
various times. David Boyle, of the Provincial Archæological Museum, has
devoted much time to a minute examination of several of these, and the
museum contains many relics from this locality. Most frequently found,
has been the tobacco-pipe, especially the trumpet-mouthed variety,
which is found in great abundance and diversity of pattern, and of
which many specimens are contained in the museum. This is a natural
result of their extensive raising and marketing of tobacco, from which
their name was derived. In a scholarly paper, "Historical Sketch of
the Tionontates, or Dinondadies, now called Wyandots," (_Hist. Mag._,
vol. v., p. 262), J. G. Shea traces the wanderings of the remnant of
this tribe, after it was almost annihilated by the Iroquois in 1649-50,
down to their settlement on the reserve in Anderdon township, near
Amherstburg, Ont., where their descendants may be found to this day.
James H. Coyne, B. A., of St. Thomas, Ont., points out, in a recent
pamphlet, _The Country of the Neutrals_ (St. Thomas, 1895), p. 19, that
some of the survivors of the Neutrals had united with this remnant of
the Tobacco Nation while they were at Mackinac.--A. F. HUNTER.

19 (p. 71).--_Nation of the Sorcerers_ (Aoueatsionaenrrhonons; also
named "Gens puants").--This was an Algonkin tribe of Nipissings, at
the lake of that name. They were also called Bissiriniens; and their
Huron name was sometimes spelled Askicouaneronons. Like other Northern
Algonkin nations, they rendezvoused at the lake only in the winter
season (Lalemant's _Relation_, 1641, chap. vii.). During the later wars
between the Hurons and Iroquois, they withdrew toward Hudson Bay, to
avoid the fury of the latter, and there mingled with other nations. In
recent years, graves, and other remains of this tribe, have been found
on Biscuiting Island, and at other points about Lake Nipissing.--A. F.
HUNTER.

20 (p. 73).--_Fire Nation_: so named by the French--a translation of
Assistaeronnons, the name applied to the tribe by the Hurons; also
known as Mascoutins (with numerous variants in spelling). This was an
Algonkin tribe, located in Southern Michigan, Northern Indiana and
Illinois, and Central and Southeastern Wisconsin. Nicolet visited them
(1634) on the upper Fox River of Wisconsin, probably near Berlin.
Champlain mentions them as enemies of the Ottawas and Neutrals; they
were probably driven by those tribes westward from the vicinity of
Detroit. Shea thinks the Mascoutins "were probably at last confounded
with the Kickapoos," of Western and Southwestern Wisconsin.

21 (p. 73).--_Amantacha_: also known among the French as Louis de
Sainte-Foi; the Huron lad mentioned by Lalemant (vol. iv. of this
series, p. 225), who in 1626 was sent to France by the missionaries,
and baptized. Having been instructed there by the Jesuits, he returned
to Canada before the capture of Quebec, after which event he entered
into the service of the English; but, after the return of the French,
he was very useful to the missionaries in their intercourse with the
natives.

22 (p. 75).--Sebastien Cramoisy, a well-known publisher, was born at
Paris in 1585, and died there in January, 1669. The Imprimerie Royale
was established in 1640, by Louis XIII., who placed it in charge of
Cramoisy. His brother Gabriel was his partner during 1644-58, and,
beginning with 1663, Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy (according to Harrisse, a
son of another brother, Claude; but, according to Baillet, Sebastien's
grandson). Upon Sebastien's death, he was succeeded by Mabre-Cramoisy,
who retained the title of Printer to the King, until 1687. This family
became widely known as the printers of the entire original series of
the Jesuit _Relations_ (1632-73); but some of their other publications
have been more famous as specimens of book-making,--for instance, their
_Nicephori Callisti historiæ ecclesiasticæ_, lib. 18, etc. (1630).

Sebastien was an alderman, an administrator of the hospitals, and
president of the Grande Navire, an association of the booksellers
of Paris; his name also appears as a charter member of the Hundred
Associates (1627).

23 (p. 83).--Otherwise known as the "Hundred Associates" (see vol. iv.,
_note_ 21).

24 (p. 87).--This "MS. dictionary" was probably the work of Massé or
Brébeuf, while engaged upon the first Canadian mission (1625-29); some
of their translations into Montagnais are mentioned in vol. iv., _note_
30. In acquiring the native dialects, they were greatly aided by the
Récollet missionaries. Le Clercq states that the latter had prepared
Huron, Montagnais, and Algonkin dictionaries, and that he himself had
seen fragments of these, in their hand-writing. He also says that
copies of these dictionaries were presented to Louis XIII., in 1625;
but Shea remarks that "no trace of these has ever been found."--Shea's
_Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp. 248, 249.

Dictionaries and other MSS. in Algonkin, the work of Jesuit
missionaries, are still extant, in the archives of the mission of Lac
des Deux Montagnes (Oka), Quebec; one of these is dated 1661.--See
Pilling's _Bibliog. Algon. Lang._, pp. 6, 7. Several MSS. of this
character are also in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal.

25 (p. 87).--Hakluyt's account of Cartier's third voyage (1540) thus
mentions the "diamonds" of this locality: "And vpon that high cliff wee
found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: adioyning whereunto
we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamants....
the most faire, pollished, and excellently cut that it is possible
for a man to see, when the Sunne shineth vpon them, they glister as
it were sparkles of fire." Afterwards, meeting Roberval at St. John's
Bay, Cartier "tolde him that hee had brought certaine Diamonts, and
a quantitie of Golde ore, which was found in the Countrey. Which
ore the Sunday next ensuing was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be
good."--Goldsmid's _Hakluyt_, vol. xiii., pp. 150, 151, 164. On p. 155
of the same volume is a letter from Jacques Noel, a grandnephew of
Cartier, in which Noel declares that he has seen a map of Canada, drawn
by his uncle, on which the latter had written these words: "By the
people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land of
Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones."

Champlain says, in _Voyages_ (Prince ed.), vol. i., p. 253: "Along the
shore of Quebec, there are diamonds in some slate rocks, which are
better than those of Alençon." Kalm describes the black limeslate of
this region, in his _Travels into North America_ (Forster's trans.,
London, 1772), vol. ii., p. 371, and adds: "The large cracks are almost
filled up with transparent quartz crystals, of different sizes. One
part of the mountain contains vast quantities of these crystals, from
which the corner of the mountain which lies to the S. S. E. of the
palace has got the name of Pointe de Diamante or Diamond Point."

26 (p. 93).--_La Nasse_: Champlain mentions this savage as warning
the French of Kirk's approach to Quebec (1629). Le Jeune describes
(_Relation_, 1634, _post_) the baptism of La Nasse, under the name of
Joseph, and his pious death some months later.

27 (p. 95).--Cf. Jouvency's account of a similar occurrence (vol. i. of
this series, p. 269).

28 (p. 97).--_Sagamité_: a word derived by Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_,
p. 13) from sôgmôipi, "the repast of chiefs." The most common form
in which the Indians prepared maize as food; termed "samp," or
"hominy," by the English. The corn, usually pounded into meal, was
boiled in water, with the addition of meat, fish, or oil, when they had
such, to enrich and flavor it. Various kinds of vegetables, in their
season,--beans, peas, pumpkins,--were boiled with the corn, especially
when the latter was still green: a survival of this usage remains in
our modern "succotash," of corn and beans. Sagard describes, in _Grand
Voyage_ (Tross ed., 1865), pp. 94-98, this and various other methods
of cooking maize. Creuxius gives (_Hist. Canad._, p. 23), a picture
of Indian women preparing corn; and Lafitau describes at length the
cultivation of maize, its use as food, and the preparation of sagamite,
in his _Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains_ (Paris, 1724), t. ii., pp.
63-89. Cf. Carr's _Food of Amer. Ind._, pp. 178-182.

29 (p. 103).--The bulbs were those of the yellow lily (_Lilium
Canadense_), which have been, from the earliest historic times,
used as food by the Indians.--Pickering's _Chronological History of
Plants_ (Boston, 1879), p. 641; and Thoreau's _Maine Woods_, p. 194,
284, 326. Trumbull says (_Conn. Hist. Colls._, vol. ii., p. 26) that
"_sheep'nak_ is the modern Abnaki name for the bulbous roots of the
yellow lily,"--possibly the Micmac _sgabun_ or _shuben_ (see our vol.
ii., _note_ 77). Cf. Josselyn's _New England's Rarities Discovered_
(London, 1672), reprinted, with introduction and valuable annotations
by Tuckerman, in _Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, vol. iv., (Boston, 1860),
pp. 105-238; on p. 176, he says of the water lily (_Nuphar advena_):
"The Indians eat the roots, which are long a-boiling. They tast like
the liver of a sheep. The moose-deer feed much upon them; at which time
the Indians kill them, when their heads are under water."

Cf. also Brunet's note on _Nelumbium luteum_, in Tailhan's ed. of
Nicolas Perrot's _Memoire sur les Sauvages_ (Leipzig and Paris, 1864),
p. 194. Nuttall says of the _Nelumbium_ (which he calls _Cyamus
luteus_): "The Osages and other Western natives employ the roots of
this plant for food, preparing them by boiling. When fully ripe, after
a considerable boiling, they become as farinaceous, agreeable, and
wholesome a diet as the potato. This species is everywhere made use of
by the natives, who collect both the nuts and the roots."--"Flora of
Arkansas Territory," in _Trans. of Am. Philos. Soc._, new series, vol.
v. (Phila., 1837), p. 160.

30 (p. 103).--Cf. the legend of Gougon (vol. ii., _note_ 44).

31 (p. 105).--Cf. vol. i., p. 261; and Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 271-273,
for descriptions of the vapor-bath as a therapeutic agent, among the
North American aborigines.

32 (p. 105).--Maurault (_Hist. Abenakis_, p. 15) says that the
Abenakis "were not wont to show their discontent or hatred by oaths
or blasphemies. The same thing may still be noticed among them. They
have the greatest horror of imprecations and blasphemies; and there
are no words in their language to express these, so often uttered
by Canadians." Cf. Schoolcraft (_Ind. Tribes_, vol. vi., p. 682):
"The Algonquin language has no words for the expression of oaths; an
Algonquin can neither swear nor blaspheme."

33 (p. 107).--Pierre Antoine, surnamed Pastedechouan (Patetchounon, or
Atetkouanon); a young Montagnais or Canadian, who was taken to France
(1620) by the Récollet missionaries, and there baptized and educated.
Sagard says that "he became proficient in Latin and French; and, on
his return to Quebec [1625], the missionaries were obliged to send
him back to his relatives for a time, that he might regain his native
language, which he had almost forgotten." Captured by Admiral Kirk in
1628, he refused to serve as an interpreter, and soon after escaped.
See an account of this youth in Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 865, 936-938;
cf. Creuxius's _Hist. Canad._, p. 110; Shea's _Le Clercq_, vol. i., pp.
235, 273, 294-296.

34 (p. 111).--Guillaume Guillemot, sieur Duplessis-Bochart (sometimes
written Duplessis-Querbodo); the lieutenant of Emery de Caen, upon the
latter's return in 1632, and afterwards admiral of the fleet, under
Champlain. In 1634, he transported Robert Giffard's colony to Beauport;
and, in the same year, he took an active part in the foundation of
Three Rivers. He seems to have been a prominent and influential
member of the Quebec colony, for nearly twenty years, though but few
details of his life are known. In November, 1651, he was appointed
governor of Three Rivers (his salary being 5,250 livres per annum),
in which position he remained until Aug. 19, 1652, when he was slain
by the Iroquois, while endeavoring to repel their attack upon his
post. Charlevoix mentions him as "a good officer and a worthy man;"
and Mother Mary of the Incarnation writes of him as "a very brave and
honorable gentleman." See Sulte's account of him, _Chron. trifluv._,
pp. 126, 136, 137; and _Can.-Français_, vol. ii., p. 45; also Ferland's
_Cours d' Histoire_, vol. i., p. 406.

35 (p. 113).--Nicolas Marsolet (Marsollet), born at Rouen, 1587; he
seems to have come to Canada with Champlain (about 1608, according to
Sulte; but 1613, according to Tanguay), and was long an interpreter
for the Montagnais and Algonkin tribes. Champlain says (Laverdière's
ed., pp. 1229, 1249-1263) that, when Kirk captured Quebec, Marsolet,
with several other Frenchmen, deserted to the English; and that it was
through Marsolet's trickery that he himself was not allowed by Kirk to
take with him to France the three Indian girls who had been presented
to him some time before. Marsolet, however, afterwards asserted that
the English forced him to remain with them. He married Marie La
Barbide, probably about 1636; and their daughter Marie, born in the
following year, is mentioned in the _Journal des Jésuites_, under date
of 1647. In 1646-47, Marsolet figures as a leader of the _habitants_
in their quarrels with the Hundred Associates. April 16 of the latter
year, he obtained from the company the fief of St. Aignan, with a
half-league frontage on the St. Lawrence, and a depth of two leagues;
but in 1669 he sold it to Michel Pelletier. In 1672, Marsolet obtained
from Talon another grant, nearly as large as the former, on the Grande
Rivière du Chêne, apparently in the present Lotbinière county; this
fief was known as Prairies Marsolet. He died May 15, 1677.--Sulte's
_Can.-Français_, vols. ii.-v.; and Ferland's _Cours d'Histoire_, vol.
i., p. 234. Sulte calls him "the little king of Tadoussac;" during
most of his life, he was engaged in trade at that port. Many of his
descendants now live in the vicinity of Three Rivers.

36 (p. 115).--_Alien word_: Maurault, speaking of the alliance between
the English and the Mohicans (1621), says of the latter that "many
of them had learned to speak English passably." He adds: "All the
savages of New England showed great aptitude for learning the English
language, and gradually introduced many English words into their own.
The Abenakis showed the same aptitude for that language. But it was
not the same with the French; these savages knew only a few words of
that language, which they pronounced almost unintelligibly, although a
great many of them spoke English quite readily."--_Hist. Abenakis_, pp.
vii.-ix., 39.

37 (p. 115).--_Sagamo_: cf. vol. i., _note_ 16. This word appears, in
varying forms, in many Algonkin dialects. The Abenaki word, according
to Kidder, is "s_o_gm_o_,"--_o_ being a nasal vowel; Vetromile writes
it "saghem," or "sangman," and defines it as "over the whole world."
Maillard gives the Micmac word as "cha_k_man." The Lenâpe word was
"sakima;" the Algonkin is "okima," as given by Cuoq.

Schoolcraft relates (_Ind. Tribes_, vol. vi., p. 202) a legend current
among the Ottawas, concerning "Sagima, a renowned personage, to whom
they attribute the origin of their tribe."

38 (p. 117).--See Cuoq's "Grammaire de la langue algonquine," in
_Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc._, vol. ix., sect. 1, p. 85; and vol. x., sect.
1, p. 41. Cf. Pilling's _Bibliog. Algon. Lang._, pp. 6-9.

39 (p. 127).--_Raquettes_: snowshoes. This word is very old; its
earlier forms were _rachete_ or _rasquete_. It is derived by Littré
(through Low Latin _racha_) from the Arabic _rāha_, "palm of the hand;"
by Menage and others, from Latin _reticulata_, "netted." In either
case, its present use is traceable to certain ball-games. The earliest
of these was that called by the French "paume" (from Latin _palma_),
in which the ball was struck with the palm of the hand; it was
exceedingly popular in the countries of Western Europe, and was common
at least as early as the thirteenth century, afterwards becoming known
as "tennis" (a word of uncertain derivation). Of historic interest,
in this connection, is the _serment du jeu paume_ (oath of the tennis
court), a name given to that session of the Third Estate at Versailles,
June 20, 1789, at which the deputies swore not to adjourn till they had
given a constitution to France.

Heathcote, in _Tennis_ (London, 1890), says: "It is probable that the
Italians, when playing _la paume_, found that a glove was a useful
protection to the hand; and, when balls were made harder and heavier,
that a thicker glove was required. The transition from the thick glove
to a network of strings, and the adoption of the leverage afforded by
the use of a handle, may have suggested to an ingenious inventor the
prototype of the implement we now use." The racket was introduced into
France, probably in the fourteenth century.

To apply the name of this instrument to the snowshoe, so similar in
shape to the former, was an obvious and easy transition. The use of
netted snowshoes was universal among the North American tribes, from
whom it has been adopted by the white inhabitants of Canada and the
mountainous regions of the United States. Lafitau describes snowshoes
and their use, in his _Mœurs des Sauvages_, tome ii., pp. 220-223;
as does Schoolcraft, in _Ind. Tribes_, vol. iii., p. 68,--several
illustrations being given, of specimens from Minnesota, Utah, and
Oregon. Among the different tribes, they are of various sizes and
shapes; their length varies from fifteen inches to six feet, and the
width from thirteen to twenty inches; those used by the Western tribes
turn upward at the front end. The snowshoes worn by the women are
shorter, often painted and otherwise ornamented.

40 (p. 133).--Concerning the division of labor between men and women,
see vol. ii., _note_ 33. Cf. the references given by Carr, in _Mounds
of Mississippi Valley_; this paper has also been published separately
(Cincinnati, 1883); see pp. 7-35, in that edition. Cf. also Tailhan's
_Perrot_, pp. 29, 30, 181.

41 (p. 157).--The aborigines of North America had but vague and
uncertain ideas of a Supreme Being or Creator. They believed in
certain supernatural Beings, called Manitous (Algonkin), or Okis
(Huron-Iroquois), which they conceived under the forms of beasts,
birds, or reptiles,--occasionally in human form, or even that of
stones. Another class of beings embodied the polytheistic tendencies
of the savage mind,--the manitous of the sun and the moon, of the
water, of the winds, etc.; and the progenitors or "Kings" of various
animals,--of which Michabou, Messou, or Manabozho ("the Great Hare")
was the chief. The Huron deity Jouskeha and the Huron-Iroquois Areskoui
are apparently personifications of the Sun. Sometimes, too, are found
deifications of heroes, as the Iroquois Taounyawatha, or Hiawatha, the
Northern counterpart of the Peruvian Viracocha, the Carib Tamu, or
the Aztec Quetzalcoatl,--all suggestive, in personal characteristics,
and in their influence upon their respective peoples, of the Greek
Prometheus.

Charlevoix, in _Journal Historique_ (Paris, 1744), pp. 344-347, gives
an account of Michabou, Areskoui, and other deities, and of the
tutelary genius that each Indian adopts. Lafitau (_Mœurs des Sauvages_,
tome i., pp. 126, 127, 145) says that Areskoui is the Supreme Being, in
the belief of the Hurons; and he cites the saying of a Huron convert
that Areskoui was such as the missionaries described their God to be.
Lafitau tries to prove, by arguments more ingenious than convincing,
that Areskoui was the same as the Ares (or Mars) of the Thracians.
Perrot relates the legends of the Great Hare, in his _Mémoire_
(Tailhan's ed.), pp. 3-7. Many legends of Manabozho and Manitou are
collected by Schoolcraft in his _Algic Researches_ (N. Y., 1839); cf.
_Ind. Tribes_, vol. i, p. 317. Parkman (_Jesuits_, pp. lxxii.-lxxv.)
outlines the whole subject as connectedly as is possible, giving many
references to other authors. Brinton has just issued (1896) a third and
revised edition of his _Myths of the New World_, which fully treats
these legends; he regards Manabozho as an impersonation of Light, and
belonging to the world-wide cycle of Sun-myths. Cf. A. F. Chamberlain's
"Nanibozhu among the Algonkian Tribes," in _Jour. Am. Folk-Lore_, vol.
iv. (1891), pp. 193-213.

42 (p. 183).--The mountains here referred to are the Laurentian; they
extend along the north shore of the St. Lawrence from Belle Isle
Straits to Quebec, and thence N. W. to the Arctic Ocean,--a distance of
about 3,500 miles. They form the watershed between the St. Lawrence and
Hudson Bay, and also between that bay and the region of the Mackenzie
River. The general elevation of the Laurentian range is 1,500 to 2,000
feet, although some peaks in the neighborhood of the Saguenay reach
a height of 4,000 feet. The valleys are often worn into deep pits,
containing ponds and lakes; and some of the streams are formed by a
succession of these lakes, united by short outlets. These mountains are
generally thickly wooded; the rocks are eozoic; and the region is rich
in minerals,--graphite, asbestos, phosphates, mica, iron, etc.--See
_Annual Reports_ of Canadian Geological Survey.

43 (p. 187).--_Consulter of Manitou_; diviner or soothsayer, often
called "sorcerer" by the French; the _aoutmoin_ or _pilotois_ described
by Lescarbot (_Nouv. France_, pp. 678-681, 683), Biard (vol. ii., of
our series, pp. 75, 77), and Champlain (Laverdière's ed.), pp. 335.
336--See _note_ 41, _ante_; cf. Rochemonteix's _Jésuites_, vol. i., pp.
110, 111.

44 (p. 193).--_Eschom_: more correctly written _Echon_, since,
according to Brébeuf (_Relation_ 1636, part 2, chap, iv.), the sound
of _M_ is unknown in the Huron dialect. A name given to Brébeuf by the
Hurons, during his first stay among them (see vol. iv., _note_ 30).
After his death, they similarly named Chaumonot, in accordance with
their custom of bestowing a dead man's name upon one of his relatives,
or upon some person adopted by the tribe, who thus became the
representative and successor of the deceased. The word _echon_ is the
Huron name of a certain tree, valued by the natives for its medicinal
properties,--according to _Suite de la vie du Chaumonot_ (1693), pp.
13, 14.

45 (p. 197).--This negro lad is mentioned by Le Jeune in the _Relation_
of 1632, p. 63, _ante_. Ker is one of the numerous variants of Kirk's
name. "The estimable family living" at Quebec was that of Madame Hébert
and her son-in-law, Guillaume Couillard (vol. ii., _note_ 80; vol.
iv., _note_ 38); see _note_ 13, _ante_. For value of écu, see vol. i.,
_note_ 34.

Le Baillif, a native of Amiens, had come with De Caen, in 1622, as
a clerk. Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1228-1231) that this
man was discharged by his employer, as being extremely vicious; that
he deserted to the English, in 1629; that Kirk gave him the keys of
the company's buildings; that Le Baillif availed himself of this
opportunity to plunder the stores of all their contents, including
3,500 to 4,000 beaver skins belonging to De Caen; that his scandalous
conduct displeased even the English; and that he illtreated the French
who remained at Quebec. Le Clercq says that Le Baillif tried to induce
the English to plunder the Jesuit residence.

46 (p. 201).--_Grand Chibou_: see vol. iv., _note_ 46.

47 (p. 201).--The remainder of this paragraph is not found in the Lenox
copy (H. 56); see Bibliographical Data, _ante_, document xxi.

48 (p. 203).--An important variation in the text occurs at this point
in the Lenox copy, for which see Bibliographical Data, _ante_, document
xxi.

49 (p. 203).--_Oliver the interpreter_: Oliver Le Tardif, born at
Honfleur, in 1601. He probably came over with Champlain, when a mere
lad; his name first appears as one of the signers of a petition from
the Quebec settlers to Louis XIII., dated Aug. 18, 1621, asking that
the disputes between the rival commercial companies in Canada, and the
disorders arising therefrom, might be settled by royal authority. This
petition was sent to France by the Récollet Father George Le Baillif;
it is given in full by Le Clercq (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 161-174). By
Champlain we are told (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1042, 1113, 1228) that Le
Tardif was serving as an interpreter in 1623; that he was proficient in
the Montagnais, Algonkin, and Huron dialects; that he was, in 1626-29,
a sub-agent for the Hundred Associates; and, at the capture of Quebec,
he gave up the keys of the storehouse to Kirk. Returning at that time
to France, he came back to Quebec with either De Caen or Champlain.
Nov. 3, 1637, he married the eldest daughter of Guillaume Couillard,
Louise, then less than thirteen years of age. Seven years later,
his adopted daughter, Marie Manitouabewich, was married to Martin
Prevost,--the first marriage in Canada of a Frenchman to an Indian
woman. In 1642, he was general manager for the Hundred Associates; and,
in 1650, the agent of a company (including Lauson Rosée, Cheffault, and
others) to whom had been conceded the Isle of Orleans. Laverdière says
that Le Tardif was at one time seignior over part of Beaupré. His death
occurred Jan. 28, 1665.--Sulte's _Can.-Français_ vols. ii. and iii.

50 (p. 203).--_Assisted in their wars._ Champlain here refers to his
expeditions, with the Ottawas and other tribes of the St. Lawrence
valley, against the Iroquois, in 1609, 1610, and 1615. In the last of
these, during an attack made by the allies on an Iroquois fort (Oct.
11), Champlain was wounded by arrows, as were also two Ottawa chiefs,
Ochateguin and Orani (_Voyages_, Laverdière's ed., pp. 528, 532, 533,
919). Laverdière reproduces Champlain's illustration of the battle,
and thinks this fort was near the foot of Lake Canandaigua, in Ontario
county, N. Y.; but Slafter identifies it with one, the remains of which
were discovered years ago, on the shore of Nichols's Pond, in Fenner
township, Madison county, N. Y.--_Champlain_ (Prince Soc.), vol. i.,
pp. 130-132.

51 (p. 219).--_Sorcerers_: the Nipissiriniens, or Nipissings, around
Lake Nipissing; Ferland says (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 92) that
the term "Sorcerers" was given them "because more sorcerers [medicine
men] were found among them than among other tribes." Charlevoix
says of them (_Journ. Hist._, pp. 186, 187): "These are the true
Algonquins, and they alone have retained the Algonquin Language without
alteration."--See Hunter's account of their habitat, _note_ 19, _ante_.

In regard to Ste. Croix, see vol. ii., _note_ 66.

52 (p. 219).--Iroquet (also written Hiroquet, Hirocay, Iroquay, and
Yroquet): the name of both the tribe and its chief, the latter being
frequently mentioned by Champlain. He took part in two of the latter's
expeditions against the Iroquois (1609 and 1615). In 1610, Champlain
persuaded Iroquet to allow a French lad to spend the winter with his
tribe, to learn their language and become acquainted with the country
and its people; Laverdière thinks this boy was Étienne Brulé (see
_note_ 58, _post_). After the Iroquois expedition of 1615, Iroquet and
his men, as well as the French, spent the winter in the Huron country;
and quarrels which then arose between the Iroquets and their hosts
compelled Champlain reluctantly to abandon a journey of exploration
northward from Lake Nipissing, which he had long desired to undertake.
He states that Iroquet lived about 80 leagues from the Grand Sault
(Sault St. Louis); Ferland (_Cours d'Histoire_, vol. i., p. 91) says
the tribe "occupied, southwest of the Ottawa, the interior of a
triangular territory of which Vaudreuil, Kingston, and Ottawa form the
angles." Their Huron name was Onontchataronons (_Relation_ of 1646).

Charlevoix relates, in his _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Paris,
1744), vol. i., p. 228, that in August, 1642, two old men of the
Iroquets told Maisonneuve, at Montreal, that "their tribe formerly
lived on this island; that they were driven out by the Hurons; and that
they took refuge, some with the Abenakis, some among the Iroquois, and
some with the conquering Hurons." He also describes (_Journ. Hist._,
pp. 110, 111) a sanguinary conflict which had occurred, in former
times, between the Iroquets and the other Algonkin tribes, in which the
former were almost exterminated. This battle took place near the mouth
of the Becancourt River, a little below Three Rivers. So many dead
bodies remained in the stream and on its banks, that it was called,
even till Charlevoix's time, "la Rivière Puante" (stinking river).

Sulte (_Can. Français_, vol. i., pp. 76-83) thus epitomizes the
successive changes in tribal locations on the St. Lawrence: "The
Algonquins dwelt along the Ottawa; the Iroquois, on the St. Lawrence.
About the year 1500, the Algonquins drove the Iroquois from the
shores of their river, and there established themselves. The Iroquois
settled between Lake Champlain and Lake Ontario. Between 1500 and
1530, the Hurons (or some other Iroquois tribe) retook Montreal
from the Iroquets, an Algonquin tribe; and most of the Iroquets
passed into the ranks of the Iroquois by this conquest [adopted by
the conquerors, according to the custom prevalent among most of the
aboriginal tribes].... In 1535, Jacques Cartier visited, at Montreal,
the Huron-Iroquois.... Towards 1560, the Algonquins massacred nearly
all the Iroquet warriors at the Rivière Puante, and the rest of this
tribe returned to the Algonquins. Between 1560 and 1600, the Iroquois
tribe of Agniers [Mohawks] was the one chiefly at war with the
Algonquins. From 1560 to 1600, the Algonquins gained the ascendency
in every direction. The Iroquois tribe that held Montreal retired
westward; this was, apparently, the Huron tribe that Champlain found,
in 1615, near Lake Simcoe. It was about 1600 that the league of the
Five Nations seems to have commenced, and it swept the shores of the
river.... The Algonquins, crushed by the Iroquois, fell back upon the
Ottawa. In 1609, Champlain was accompanied, in his expedition against
the Iroquois, by bands of Hurons, Algonquins, Iroquets, and Montagnais;
and the French alliance again attracted Algonquins to the St. Lawrence,
who settled chiefly at Three Rivers.... About 1630, the Iroquois gained
ascendency over the Algonquins, thanks to the firearms sold them by
the Dutch. In 1647, Piescaret, an Algonquin chief, was assassinated;
and, after that, his tribe, as well as the Hurons, was destroyed. Until
1665, the Iroquois reigned supreme in the greater part of Canada." See
also Perrot's _Mémoire_, chap, iv., and Tailhan's notes thereon, pp.
165, 166.

53 (p. 221).--Antoine Daniel was born at Dieppe, May 27, 1601; and,
at the age of twenty, entered the Jesuit novitiate at Rouen. This
completed, he was an instructor there, during 1623-27; then for three
years studied theology at Clermont. He was, after 1630, a teacher and
preacher at the college of Eu, until his departure for Canada (1632),
whither he went with his brother, Captain Charles Daniel (see vol.
iv., _note_ 46). He endeavored, with Brébeuf and Davost, to go at
once to the Huron country; but the savages refused to take them, and
they were compelled to wait for a more favorable opportunity. This
came a year later, when these three returned with the Hurons who had
come down to Three Rivers for trade,--reaching their destination,
after a journey full of hardships and suffering, in which Daniel was
abandoned on the way by his savage guides. They established themselves
at Ihonatiria (see _note_ 60, _post_), and Daniel remained there
until his death,--except during the two years 1636-38, when he was
at Quebec, attending to some Huron lads whom he had taken thither to
instruct in religion and in the ways of civilization. In the summer of
1648, the Iroquois made a sudden raid, and, on July 4, surprised and
utterly destroyed the town of Teanaustayé (called by the missionaries
St. Joseph). Daniel, after doing all in his power to encourage and
console his people, was murdered at his church door by the Iroquois;
his body, riddled with arrows, was thrown into the flames that consumed
the building. He was the second martyr among the Jesuits sent to New
France. The Hurons called him "Antwen" (also written Antouennen),
a corruption of his Christian name. He was distinguished for his
humility, obedience, patience, and courage.--See Rochemonteix's
_Jésuites_, vol. ii., p. 74.

54 (p. 221).--Ambroise Davost came (1632), with Charles and Antoine
Daniel, to St. Anne's, Cape Breton Island (see vol. iv., _note_ 46);
but in May, 1633, both missionaries went to Quebec with Champlain, who,
on his way thither, had stopped at Cape Breton. In July, 1634, he was
assigned to the Huron mission, where he tarried two years, returning
to Quebec with Daniel in 1636. He seems to have remained there and at
Montreal until 1643; then, with health broken by toil and hardship, he
departed for France, but died while on the voyage.

55 (p. 221).--For sketch of Brébeuf, see vol. iv., _note_ 30.

56 (p. 223).--_Petite nation_: an Algonkin tribe, living east of the
Ottawa River, which is "even to this day," says Laverdière, "called the
river of the Petite Nation." Their name was also given to the falls of
the Chaudière; and to a seigniory granted, in 1674, to Mgr. de Laval,
and situated some fifteen leagues below the falls. Champlain mentions
this tribe (1613) as the Ouescharini (their Algonkin appellation,
written by Ferland Ouaouechkaïrini).

57 (p. 239).--The French called this tribe Nation de l'Isle, because
their principal habitat was on Allumettes Island, in the Ottawa River.
Their Algonkin name was Kichesipiirini; the Huron (used by Lalemant,
in _Relation_ of 1639), Ehonkehronons. Around their island the river
was obstructed by dangerous rapids, involving a portage of canoes and
goods. They profited by this position to levy a toll on all travelers
who passed them.

58 (p. 239).--Étienne Brulé, a native of Champigny, France, came to
Quebec with Champlain, at an early age, probably as early as 1608. He
was an interpreter for the Hurons during many years, and lived with
various tribes,--spending thus eight years, according to Champlain. In
1615, he went with the latter to the Huron country, and was sent by his
commander to the Carantouanais (allies of the Hurons, and probably the
Andastes, living on the upper Susquehanna), to hasten the coming of
their warriors on the expedition against the Iroquois. Champlain saw
no more of him until three years later, when he came down to Quebec
with the annual trading party of the Hurons. He told Champlain that he
had been obliged to remain among the Carantouanais, and had explored
the country southward to the sea (Slafter thinks, to Chesapeake Bay);
had been captured by Iroquois, and narrowly escaped death by torture;
but had finally succeeded in making his way back to the Hurons. After
the capture of Quebec (1629), Brulé deserted to the English; but, soon
afterward, he went with Amantacha to the Huron country, where (1633) he
was murdered by the savages. Sagard says this was in revenge for some
misdemeanor he had committed there, and that his flesh was eaten by
his murderers. Champlain says that Brulé was licentious and otherwise
depraved, thus setting a bad example to the savages, for which he
should have been severely punished.--See _Voyages_ (Laverdière's ed.),
pp. 523, 621, 629, 1065, 1249-51; also Sagard's _Canada_, pp. 465-467.

59 (p. 245).--This was Simon Le Maistre, a merchant of Rouen, and one
of the Hundred Associates,--later, a member of the royal council and
receiver-general of tithes in Normandy. He aided in fitting up the
expedition sent by Madame de Guercheville to found St. Sauveur (see
vol. iii., p. 261). Jan. 15, 1636, he obtained a seigniory on the
Bruyante (Chaudière) river, extending three leagues on each side of the
river, and six leagues in depth. Two weeks later, he transferred this
concession to Jean de Lauson, for whom it was named Côte de Lauson.

60 (p. 259).--_La Rochelle._ Sagard mentions (_Canada_, p. 208)
"Tequeunoikuaye, also named Quieuindohian; by the French called La
Rochelle, and by us [the Récollets] the town of St. Gabriel ... the
chief town of that region, and the guardian and rampart of all the
towns of the Bear Nation, where they generally decide all affairs of
great importance." This town was afterwards known as Ossossané; and
the Jesuit mission established there was named for the Immaculate
Conception.

A. F. Hunter supplies the following information regarding La Rochelle:
"There is scarcely any doubt as to its location. It was on the
frontier toward the Iroquois, near the pass between Cranberry Lake
and Nottawasaga Bay. Du Creux's map places it (under the name of
Conception) at a short distance from Nottawasaga Bay, in the S. W. part
of the Huron territory; and there is, within and adjoining the sixth
concession of Tiny township, a group of remains of village sites and
ossuaries corresponding exactly with this position. All the references
in Champlain, Sagard, and the _Relations_, seem to indicate the same
locality. The identity is so evident, that this group has been regarded
as Ossossané since the first discovery of remains there, several years
ago. When first visited by Champlain, it was well palisaded, as it also
was when, twelve years later, the Récollets conducted there the mission
of St. Gabriel. Afterwards, its position was changed; and again, in
1636, five villages were consolidated into one. The 'feast of the
dead,' witnessed by Brébeuf in that year, was held at this place. These
data, and the discovery of ossuaries, indicate the existence of various
village sites in one neighborhood. From the earliest visit of Champlain
(1615) until the dispersion of the Hurons, it was the capital of their
confederacy,--the place where the most important councils were held.
Pijart founded the mission of the Conception there in 1637; and it was
the headquarters of the entire Huron mission, after the destruction of
Ihonatiria by a pestilence, in 1638, until the establishment of Ste.
Marie-on-the-Wye. At a meeting of the Canadian Institute on March 19,
1887, the Reverend Father Laboreau, of Penetanguishene, presented to
the Provincial Archæological Museum a brass finger-ring found in one of
the ossuaries at Ossossané. On the seal of this ring are engraved the
letters I. H. S., with a cross standing on the bar of the H."

(See Hunter's "Archæological Research in the Huron Country," at end of
this volume.)

61 (p. 263).--This abandoned village was known among the Hurons as
Toanché. As stated in _note_ 58, _ante_, Étienne Brulé was murdered
there in 1633. The Indians, dreading lest the French should take
revenge upon them for this deed, hastily abandoned Toanché, and fixed
their dwellings at a spot two or three miles distant naming their new
village Ihonatiria (see vol. iv., _note_ 30). A. F. Hunter writes,
concerning the locality of these towns:

"The exact positions of these villages have not yet been established
beyond question. Martin thinks the various data furnished by Sagard
and Brébeuf 'seem to indicate the west entrance of what is now called
Penetanguishene Bay' (_Life of Jogues_, appendix A.). But Taché thinks
the borders of the small inlet called Thunder Bay, fully six miles
farther west, the more probable location. This bay is a small natural
harbor, where landing is easy. At the time of Taché's researches
(1865), it was the nearest point to any village site then discovered,
the remains of one having been traced at a place distant about a mile
from its shore. Parkman and Laverdière adopted Taché's opinion,--the
latter assuming that Toanché was identical with Otoüacha, where
Champlain had landed. The evidence in favor of Thunder Bay as the
landing place of Brébeuf, although scanty, is superior to that produced
for any other locality. The exact site of Toanché, however, can not yet
be determined, because, except in a few places, the original forest
still covers the shores of the inlet, with those of Matchedash Bay
adjoining it, and to some distance inland. Farther back in the country,
the farms of the settlers are mostly cleared, and village sites have
been exposed by plowing; but these are too far distant from the Bay to
correspond with either of the villages in question. A large ossuary in
this vicinity, discovered in 1846, at the distance of about two miles
from Thunder Bay, is described by Martin in his edition of Bressani's
_Relation_, p. 101; also more fully by Edward W. Bawtree (_Edinburgh
New Philosophical Journal_, July, 1848), whose account is reprinted
in Squier's _Antiquities of the State of New York_ (Buffalo, 1851),
pp. 100-107. Bawtree there describes another bone-pit, found two miles
farther west, and at about the same distance from the inlet. The
present writer also examined, in July, 1887, another large ossuary,
and a small one beside it, then in the woods, and distant about a mile
from the southwest angle of Thunder Bay. Martin and Taché apparently
agree in placing Ihonatiria west of Penetanguishene Bay; but no site
has yet been found there which will entirely correspond with the
statements made by early writers. As in the case of Toanché, Du Creux's
map is silent as to its position. Rough estimates of its distances from
other villages sometimes appear in the _Relations_; as, that it was two
leagues from Aronté, or four leagues from Ossossané (La Conception).
But, even when the positions of these others are known, such data,
without the direction of the compass being given, are insufficient to
determine its position, or distinguish it among the sites of any given
neighborhood. It was the seat of the mission of St. Joseph, and for
nearly four years (1634-38) the headquarters of the Huron missions,
until the destruction and dispersion of the village by a pestilence."

[Illustration: MEMORIAL CHURCH AT PENETANGUISHENE, ONT.]

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE HURON COUNTRY.

BY ANDREW FREDERICK HUNTER, A.M.

Father Brébeuf and his associates planted the missions to the Hurons
in what is now the extreme northern part of Simcoe County. Or, more
exactly defined, they were included within the boundaries of the
present townships of Medonte, Tay, and Tiny, which the Canadian
Government surveyed and opened for settlement in the period between
the years 1820 and 1828. An influx of European settlers began soon
after the latter date, and, in the course of clearing the forest and
cultivating the soil, they found numerous remains of the Hurons, with
here and there traces of the Jesuits. Brief notices here follow of
those students of history and archæology who have labored to identify
the sites of the Huron missions, or to throw light upon the subject.
Other references to their work will be made in the notes on the
respective mission sites.

In 1835, Father Jean Baptiste Proulx came to St. Anne's church,
Penetanguishene, as its first resident pastor. His attention was soon
drawn to the Jesuit remains in that vicinity; and in June, 1845, he
purchased, for the sum of £43. 15s., (old Canadian currency), the east
half of lot no. 16 in the third concession of the Township of Tay (100
acres), on which are situated the ruins of Fort Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye.
On account of its associations with the pioneers of their church in
Canada, this property is still owned by the Jesuit Society.

Father Felix Martin, S. J., visited, in 1845, the ruins of Fort Ste.
Marie-on-the-Wye, and the mission sites whose exact positions were then
known with certainty. His descriptions of these appear in his edition
of Bressani's _Relation_, and in his _Life of Jogues_. The former work
contains a reproduction of Creuxius's map (1660), which includes his
"Chorographia Regionis Huronum."

Rev. Geo. Hallen, an Episcopal clergyman resident at Penetanguishene
after 1840, contributed tracings of the two mission forts (one on the
Wye, the other on Christian Island), to Father Martin's _Bressani_.

During two years of service as staff assistant-surgeon at
Penetanguishene (1846-48), Dr. Edward W. Bawtree examined six large
Huron ossuaries, the first found in the district. He described these
at some length in an article, "Indian Sepulchral Pits in Canada" (see
reference to this article in _note_ 61, _ante_). Bawtree's collection
of Huron relics is in the Museum of the Army Medical Department at
Netley, Eng.

Within the first six years after his appointment to the chair of
history, in Toronto University (1854-60), Sir Daniel Wilson made
several visits to the Huron country, to examine village sites and
ossuaries, and his publications concerning the Hurons were numerous,
not only during this period but throughout the rest of his lifetime.
His visits after 1860 appear to have been less frequent, probably
because Taché's survey had covered the ground. Wilson made a special
study of crania; and of his archæological memoirs his best known is
"The Huron Race and its Head-form," in _Canadian Journal_, 2nd series,
vol. xiii. (1871-73), pp. 113-134, in which he compares the Huron skull
with that of the mound-builder.

While Dr. J. C. Taché held the chair of physiology in Laval University,
Quebec (1860-64), he devoted his summer vacations to explorations in
the Huron country, and attempted, by examination of the published
records and maps, to identify the sites of the missions. In this
period he carefully examined some fourteen village sites and sixteen
ossuaries, his identifications of which are adopted by Parkman
and Laverdière. Taché drafted a map of the Huron country, which,
together with the records of his explorations, is in the Museum of
Laval University, besides many Huron relics secured by him. With the
exception of some extracts from letters to the historians just named,
and to a few others, scarcely anything appeared from his pen on the
subject.--See Hamel's sketch of Taché in _Annuaire de l'Université
Laval_ (Quebec, 1894), pp. 98-103.

Prof. Henry Montgomery, of Trinity University, Toronto, visited, during
1876-78, twelve Huron ossuaries. He minutely examined one of these,
as well as several village sites and earthworks, in the immediate
neighborhood of St. Louis, at which town Brébeuf and Lalemant were
captured in 1649. He gave a short account of his investigations in an
article, "Indian Remains in Simcoe and Muskoka," (Toronto _Globe_,
August 3, 1878); and he donated the principal part of his collection of
Huron relics to the Toronto University museum, since destroyed by fire.

Charles A. Hirschfelder, Toronto, in a paper, "Anthropological
Discoveries in Canada" (Toronto _Mail_, Dec. 2, 1882; also,
_Proceedings_ of Brit. Assoc. for Adv. of Science, Montreal, 1884,
pp. 915, 916), described the Huron ossuaries and other remains which
he had examined. He made, in the Huron country and in other parts of
Ontario, a collection of four thousand specimens, which are preserved
in the museum of the Dominion Government at Ottawa. In the course of
his work, he investigated the sites of the missions of St. Joseph, St.
Ignace, and Ste. Marie, on Christian Island.

Rev. J. W. Annis, M. A., of the Methodist Episcopal church, while
residing in the district (1884-87), made a collection of Huron relics,
many of them from the sites of the mission towns. Since his death,
this collection (400 specimens) has been placed in the Provincial
Archæological Museum at Toronto. His investigations extended to the
sites of St. Ignace, St. Louis, Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye, and Wenrio.

James Bain, Jr., librarian of the Toronto Public Library, has thrown
some light on the subject of the Huron missions. A paper read by him
before the Canadian Institute in April, 1885, on "The Present Condition
of the old French Fort at St. Marie," of which an abstract appears
in the _Proceedings_, 3rd series, vol. iii. (1886), pp. 278, 279,
describes, from personal inspection at different times, the razing of
these ruins during the previous thirty years.

Since Father Th. F. Laboreau became (1873) pastor of St. Anne's,
Penetanguishene, he has devoted much time to the examination of
mission sites. A paper, "Reminiscences of the Huron Missions," read
before the Canadian Institute, Toronto, March 19, 1887, describes
some of his investigations. Another paper read before the same body,
Sept. 25, 1891, on "The Early History of the Mission of St. Anne's,
Penetanguishene," reviews its history from the year of its foundation
(1835) until the commencement of the memorial church in memory of the
martyred Jesuits, Brébeuf and his companions, in the erection of which
Father Laboreau himself has shown so much zeal. The corner stone of
this edifice was laid Sept. 5, 1886; and by 1890 the work had advanced
so far that the basement could be used for regular services.

David Boyle, curator of the Ontario Archæological Museum, Toronto, in
the course of his scientific work has made numerous visits to the Huron
country. More than a thousand relics in the museum have been taken from
village sites of the Hurons and Tobacco Nation, including the mission
towns in both. His nine _Annual Reports_, and a small work, _Primitive
Man in Ontario_, which are the most valuable contributions to the
archæology of Ontario yet published, abound in many references to the
relics of these localities.

A. C. Osborne, a journalist, formerly of Penetanguishene, has written
various articles on the Huron missions--"The Land of the Wyandots,"
"The Flight of the Hurons from Ste. Marie to Christian Island," etc.

An article by Joseph Wallace, Sr., Orillia, Ont, in _The Canadian
Indian_ (Sault Ste. Marie, Ont.), Feb. 1891, p. 134, entitled "A
Fishing Station of the Ancient Hurons Identified," describes the
channel between Lakes Simcoe and Couchiching, staked across by the
Hurons for catching fish, the stakes having been preserved under water
to the present day. A series of eleven articles, "Scenes from the
Past," in the Orillia _Packet_ (Feb.-June, 1896), relates the story of
the Huron missions in a concise form.

Space is lacking to enumerate all those who have devoted their energies
to this work, though in less degree than the foregoing. Notwithstanding
all their efforts, however, the work cannot be regarded as complete.

Transcriber's Note.

Variable spelling and hyphenation have been retained. Minor punctuation
inconsistencies have been silently repaired.

Corrections.

The first line indicates the original, the second the correction.

p. 129:

At the time of this occurence
At the time of this occurrence

Errata.

The first line indicates the original, the second how it should read.

p. 10:

à la charité de de monsieur le Curé du Haure
à la charité de monsieur le Curé du Haure

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Vol. V: Quebec, 1632-1633" ***

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