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Title: Travels in Kamtschatka, during the years 1787 and 1788, Volume 2
Author: Lesseps, Jean-Baptiste-Barthélemy de
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Travels in Kamtschatka, during the years 1787 and 1788, Volume 2" ***
TRAVELS
IN
KAMTSCHATKA,
DURING THE YEARS 1787 AND 1788.
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF
M. DE LESSEPS, CONSUL OF FRANCE,
AND
INTERPRETER TO THE COUNT DE LA PEROUSE, NOW
ENGAGED IN A VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY
COMMAND OF HIS MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOLUME II.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, ST. PAUL’S CHURCH-YARD.
1790.
CONTENTS TO VOL. II.
Page
Departure from Poustaretsk 1
Find some concealed provisions 4
Painful travelling 5
Am guilty of an imprudence that injures my health 6
Cured by exercise 9
Meet three convoys sent to M. Kasloff 10
River Penguina 12
Arrival at Kaminoi _ib_
Koriacs falsely accused of rebellion 13
Description of Kaminoi 16
Baidars, or large boats 17
M. Schmaleff is obliged to quit me 18
Gives me a soldier named Yegor-Golikoff _ib_
Tempest 20
Arrival of seven Tchouktchis 21
Conversation with their chief 22
Account of two women who accosted me 31
Arrival at the camp of the Tchouktchis 36
Description of the camp 39
Dress of the women 42
Features 43
Commerce of the Tchouktchis 44
Arrival at Pareiné 46
History of a woman of Ingiga 47
Alarmed by a Koriac chief, who wishes to detain me 49
Departure from Pareiné 59
Meet a horde of wandering Koriacs 63
Contest with my people respecting the weather 65
Surprise them by the use I made of my compass 67
Terrible hurricane 70
Arrival at Ingiga 74
Account of a Koriac prince called Oumiavin 79
Extent of the country 83
Population _ib_
Manners of the fixed Koriacs 84
Their inflexible courage 85
Mode of life 87
Occupations 88
Food 89
Drink 90
Features 92
Cradle in which the women carry their children 93
Marriages _ib_
Funerals 96
Religion 100
Idiom 105
Preparations for my departure from Ingiga 106
Superstition of my soldiers 113
Departure from Ingiga 115
Description of a Koriac sledge 117
Mode of travelling with deer 122
In danger of my life, from being my own charioteer 124
Receive a visit and present from prince Amoulamoula 130
Arrival at the yourt of Oumiavin’s brother 132
Details respecting my host 134
Flocks of rein deer 143
Yourts of the wandering Koriacs 147
Hot springs of Tavatoma 151
Mountain of Villegui 154
Ostrog of Toumané 157
Tempest 160
Take shelter in a deserted yourt 161
Plan of my journey 168
Bay of Iret 170
Arrival at Yamsk 172
Dress of the wandering Toungouses 174
Mountain called Babouschka, or grandmother 177
Ostrog of Srednoi 180
Of Siglann 181
Ola, a Toungouse ostrog 183
Toungouse yourts _ib_
Coquetry of the women 185
Features and character of the Toungouses 186
Perplexities to which we are reduced by the ice being
broken up 188
Obliged to pass over a cornice of ice that adhered to a
rock 190
Stop at the house of a Yakout 197
Fort of Taousk 200
Village of Gorbé _ib_
Of Iné 202
Arrival at Okotsk 204
Visit Mrs. Kasloff 208
Impossibility of procuring deer 210
Description of Okotsk 211
Departure from Okotsk 214
Dangerous situation on a river 215
Remonstrance of one of my guides 217
Obliged to return to Okotsk 219
News of the arrival of M. Kasloff at Ingiga 225
Historical details respecting the commerce of Okotsk 227
Its government 242
Expedition of M. Billings 246
Breaking up of the river Okhota 249
Famine occasioned by the length of winter 252
Preparations for my departure 254
Description of my wretched steeds 257
Salt work twelve wersts from Okotsk 259
Particulars of my journey 260
Manner of our halt 265
Food of the Yakouts 269
Meet a caravan of merchants 270
In danger of being drowned 272
Arrival at Ouratskoï-plodbisché 277
Custom observed by the Yakouts when they leave a horse in
the high way 279
Accident that happens to Golikoff 280
Arrival at the cross of Yudoma 281
Difficulties we experience from the wretched condition of
the boats 282
A cataract 286
Arm of the Yudoma, called the Devil’s arm 292
Enter the river Maya 294
Meet nine boats loaded with military stores for M.
Billings’ expedition 295
A fortunate supply of horses 296
Yakout songs 298
Particulars of my journey as far as Amgui 299
My reception at Amgui 301
Description of a Yakout yourt 302
A drink called koumouiss 303
Customs and manners of the Yakouts 304
Fables 308
Funerals 310
Wooden images of a malicious divinity 314
Summer habitations of the Yakouts 315
Arrival at Yarmangui 316
Width of the Lena at Yakoutsk 317
Arrival at Yakoutsk 318
Sup with M. Billings 319
Description of Yakoutsk 321
Inhabitants 322
Navigation on the Lena 323
Persons employed in this service from stage to stage 324
Town of Oleckma 328
Meet a Toungouse _ib_
Toungouse canoes 329
Visit a horde of these people 330
Particulars respecting them 331
Town of Pelodui 334
Of Kiringui 336
Particulars of the Bratskis 338
Arrival at Irkoutsk 339
Commerce carried on between Russia and China 345
Desert of Barabniskoi-step 362
Adventure in this desert 364
Arrival at Tomsk 366
At Tobolsk 369
At Catherinebourg 370
Head dress of the Tcheremisses 371
Town of Casan 372
An accident that endangers my life 373
Nijenei-novogorod 377
Arrival at Moscow _ib_
At Petersburg 379
At Versailles 381
Vocabulary of the Kamtschadale, Koriac, Tchouktchi, and
Lamout languages 383
Vocabulary of the Kamtschadale language at St. Peter and
St. Pauls, and at Paratounka 404
TRAVELS IN KAMTSCHATKA, &c.
At length the 18 arrived, and I took leave of M. Kasloff. I shall
pass over our adieux; it will be supposed that they were equally
affectionate and distressing. I departed from Poustaretsk at eight
o’clock in the morning, in an open sledge drawn by seven dogs, which I
drove myself; the soldier appointed to escort me had eight harnessed
to his; and we were preceded by a guide chosen from the inhabitants of
this hamlet[1], whose sledge, loaded with the remainder of my effects,
and our provisions, was drawn by a team of twelve. I was accompanied
also by M. Schmaleff and the subaltern officers of his suite; but
instead of travelling together, as had been agreed, as far as Ingiga,
we separated a few days after.
Upon leaving Poustaretsk, we descended the gulf. We proceeded at first
with tolerable ease; the ice was solid and even, and in a few hours
we arrived at the mouth: there our progress was attended with more
difficulty. Obliged to travel upon the sea without leaving the coast,
we were every moment interrupted with piles of ice, that appeared like
so many rocks, against which we were to be dashed to pieces. It was
impossible to avoid them by turning and winding; an unequal chain of
these little mountains extended all along the coast, and intercepted
our passage; we had no resource but to attempt to surmount them, at the
risk of being overturned every step. More than once, in these falls, I
had a narrow escape from being dangerously wounded. My musquet, which
was fastened to my sledge, was bent to the shape of a bow; many of my
companions were severely bruised, and not an individual came off unhurt.
In the dusk of the evening we arrived at a hamlet situated upon the
border of the sea, consisting of two yourts and three balagans, in a
very wretched condition, and totally deserted. The only person who
lived in the yourt which we entered, had fled upon our approach[2]. I
was informed that this man was a chaman or magician: seized with terror
at the news that we were to arrive the next day, he flew immediately
for refuge to the Oluterians[3], where he would probably remain till M.
Kasloff had passed.
The Cossac who gave me this information, had been sent forward the
evening previous to our departure from Poustaretsk, by M. Schmaleff,
with orders to stop at this hamlet till we should arrive, and endeavour
in the mean time to discover some concealed store of fish. This
precaution was very serviceable to us. The Cossac, upon our arrival,
conducted us to a cave which we found to be well stocked. I took a
tolerable portion, having brought from Poustaretsk only provision
enough for two days.
The 19, early in the morning we pursued our route. This day’s journey
was still more fatiguing than the preceding one. The way was terrible.
Twenty times I saw my sledge ready to be shattered to pieces, which
would certainly have been the case, if I had not at last determined
to proceed on foot. I was compelled to this, in order to guard myself
against the danger of being overturned, and thus was I obliged to walk
almost the whole day; but I only avoided one misfortune to fall into
another.
In a few hours I felt myself so fatigued that I was going to remount
my sledge, when a sudden jolt instantly turned it upon its side, and
effectually cooled my desire. I had no resource but to drag myself
on as well as I could. My legs bent under me, I was in a profuse
perspiration, and a burning thirst still added to my weariness. The
snow was a poor relief, and I had nothing else with which to quench my
thirst. Unfortunately I perceived a little river; absolute necessity
conduced my steps to it, and, without reflecting upon the consequences
of my imprudence, I instantly broke the ice, and put a piece into my
mouth. This precipitation was purely mechanical, and I soon repented
it. My thirst was relieved; but from the excessive heat of which I
before complained, I passed to the contrary extreme; a universal chill
seized me, and all my limbs trembled.
The sharpness of the night increased my agueish feeling, and my
weakness at last was so extreme, that I was unable to proceed a step
farther. I entreated my companions to halt in the midst of this desert.
They complied out of pure civility to me, for the difficulty of
procuring wood was otherwise a sufficient reason to determine them to
proceed. Scarcely could they collect enough to place under a kettle;
it consisted of a few little shrubs, so green that it was almost
impossible to make them burn. How happy were we to succeed so far as to
be able to make tea!
After drinking a few cups, I retired to my tent[4], where I lay
down upon a small mattrass spread upon the snow, and covered myself
up with a number of furs, in order to revive perspiration. It was in
vain; I did not close my eyes during the whole night. To the anguish
of a dry and burning fever, were added a continual oppression, and
all the restlessness peculiar to the first symptoms of a disorder. I
conceived myself, I acknowledge, to be dangerously ill, particularly
when I found, upon getting up, that I could not articulate a single
sound. I suffered infinitely both in my breast and throat; the fever
was not abated; nevertheless the idea that a longer halt in this place
would be of no benefit to me, and that I could only hope for succour
by proceeding, determined me to conceal my extreme illness from M.
Schmaleff. I was the first to propose going on, but in this I consulted
my courage more than my strength.
I had advanced but a few wersts, when my sufferings became
insupportable. I was obliged to drive myself, and consequently to be in
continual motion; frequently also I was compelled from the badness of
roads, either to run by the side of my sledge, or call to the dogs to
make them proceed. My hoarseness prevented their hearing me; and it was
only by efforts that exhausted my strength, and tortured my lungs, that
I at last succeeded. This exercise however, painful as it was, proved
salutary to me; by degrees it created a perspiration; in the evening I
could breathe more freely; the fever left me; I had no complaint but
a violent cold, which was removed in a few days. Fatiguing exercise
was the only remedy I used. I took particular care to continue the
perspiration it occasioned, and to this I am persuaded I owe the
rapidity of my cure. My breast however was so sore, that I felt the
effects of it for a considerable time.
During this interval I had nothing to suffer from the rigour of
tempests; the air was calm, and the weather clear. We were blessed with
the finest days of winter, or I should perhaps never again have seen my
native country. Heaven seemed to favour my journey, that I might forget
my sufferings.
The most lively joy soon succeeded to the sorrow that had depressed
me. We met, in different detachments, three convoys sent by sergeant
Kabechoff to M. Kasloff. This unexpected succour gave me the more
pleasure, as the deplorable state in which I had left the governor,
was continually recurring to my mind. What a sudden change in his
situation! He was upon the point of receiving a supply of provisions,
together with an hundred and fifty dogs well fed and well trained. He
will be able, said I to myself, to proceed immediately on his journey;
and if I cannot flatter myself that I shall see him again, I know at
least that he will be extricated from his embarassment. This certainty
relieved the anxiety which I had felt on his account.
The soldier who conducted the convoys, offered me part of his
provisions; but I refused them. He had no profusion, and we were not in
want. I detained him therefore as short a time as possible.
Before he quitted us, he told me that prince Eitel, or chief of the
Koriacs of Kaminoi, who had been accused of rebellion, was advancing to
undeceive the governor, and prove the falsehood of the charge.
In pursuing our route, we perceived, beyond a small river bordered
with some shrubs, a chain of steep mountains, which it was necessary
to climb one after the other, in order to descend upon another river,
called Talofka. Its banks diverged as it approached the sea; they
were well wooded, and I perceived some trees of a tolerable size. We
left this river at a distance from Kaminoi, in order to traverse an
extensive heath, then a considerable lake; at length we crossed the
river Pengina, almost at its mouth, and in a direction from south-east
to north-west. Its breadth is striking, and the aspect of the heaps of
ice that covered it, and which were of an extreme height, would have
been still more picturesque, if we could have taken a more convenient
way; but we had no choice, and were reduced to the necessity of
hoisting, as I may say, our dogs and our sledges from heap to heap.
The difficulty and slowness of this manœuvre is easily conceived; it
required my utmost exertion and care to get off unhurt.
It was still near two hours before we reached Kaminoi, where we
arrived the 24 before noon. We were received by the inhabitants with
the utmost civility. In the absence of Eitel, another prince called
_Eila_, had the command. He came to meet us with a Russian detachment,
and we were conducted to the yourt of Eitel, which had been cleaned and
prepared a long time for the reception of M. Kasloff.
Eila conferred upon us every mark of respect; we had constantly a
centinel at our door, whose orders were to open it to such persons only
as we had no reason to distrust.
This was not owing to any doubts we entertained respecting the report
that had been spread of the rebellion of the Koriacs; it was evidently
false[5]. Their behaviour to us, and the reception they had prepared
for the governor, plainly proved what was their disposition at present.
Nor is it to be presumed that this was the effect of the arrival of
the soldiers sent from Ingiga[6]. Their wretched condition was little
calculated to awe men like the Koriacs, who are too little attached
to life, I understand, to be ever intimidated; and whom nothing can
restrain, if they have the least ground for discontent.
The sight however of the cannon, and of the Cossacs in arms, who had
entered the village without announcing any hostile intention, gave
them at first some alarm. Immediately advancing towards the subaltern
officer who commanded the troop, they called upon him to declare,
whether he was come to strike a blow at their liberty, and extirpate
them; adding, that if such were the project of the Russians, the
Koriacs would all die to a man, rather than submit. The officer removed
their fears, by artfully answering, that the occasion of his embassy
ought not to alarm them; that he was sent to meet M. Kasloff, which was
an honour due to his rank, and prescribed by the military regulations
of Russia towards their governors. This explanation was sufficient to
remove their suspicions; and the Koriacs and Russians lived together
upon terms of the best understanding. The confidence of the Koriacs was
so great, that they took no precautions against a surprise, and would
have paid no attention to the continued abode of these soldiers among
them, but for a famine, which began to render such guests burthensome.
I had intended to stay no longer at Kaminoi than was necessary to
rest my dogs; but on the night of the 24, the sky became obscured, and
frequent gusts of wind threatened an approaching tempest; the fear of
encountering it in the open field, made me defer my departure.
This ostrog is three hundred wersts from Poustaretsk, and is situated
upon an eminence near the sea coast, and at the mouth of the river
Pengina. It contains a great number of balagans and twelve yourts,
all of them very large, and built in a similar manner to those I have
already described. Though very near to one another, these habitations
occupy a considerable space of ground. The palisades which surround
them are fortified with spears, bows and arrows, and musquets. They are
thicker and higher than those placed round the Kamtschadale yourts.
Within these wretched fortifications the Koriacs consider themselves
as impregnable. Here they repel the attacks of their enemies, and
among others, the Tchoukchis, who are the most formidable of their
neighbours, both in point of number and courage[7].
The population at Kaminoi scarcely exceeds three hundred persons,
including men, women, and children. I shall say nothing of the manners
of the inhabitants till my arrival at Ingiga, which will I hope be in a
few days.
Before I left the village, I saw a dozen baidars, or boats, of
different sizes, similar to the one I mentioned upon coming out of
Khaluli[8], except that they were better constructed, and from their
superior lightness, had the advantage in sailing. I admired also their
remarkable breadth. Many of these baidars would hold from twenty-five
to thirty persons.
From the moment of our arrival, M. Schmaleff had foreseen that he
should not be able to accompany me from this village. Beset evening
and morning by the whole detachment of soldiers, who came to acquaint
him with the urgency of their wants, he considered it as his duty not
to abandon them, but to employ all the means which his office and
his perfect knowledge of the country afforded him for procuring them
assistance. He was equally impatient with myself to get to Ingiga,
where his brother had long expected him: but he resolved nevertheless
to let me depart without him.
He informed me of this circumstance with regret, and gave me at the
same time a confidential soldier, named _Yegor-Golikoff_[9]. He made
me, he said, in this man a valuable present; and we shall find in the
sequel that he was not deceived.
This kindness increased the reluctance I felt at being obliged so soon
to leave this good and gallant officer. My gratitude would lead me to
repeat in this place, what the English have written of his humanity
and politeness; but I leave to count de la Perouse the pleasure of
acquitting the debt which every individual in the expedition owes to M.
Schmaleff, for his assiduity in rendering it, while at Saint Peter and
Saint Paul’s, all the services that were in his power.
I came out of Kaminoi at eight o’clock in the morning of the 26, the
weather being tolerably calm[10]. At the distance of fifteen wersts, I
again met with the chain of mountains which I had before passed on this
side of the village. I traversed them a second time, and then crossed
a river called _Chestokova_, from a subaltern officer of that name,
who had been killed there at the head of a detachment sent to keep
the revolted Koriacs in awe. Under advantage of the night the Koriacs
had taken them by surprise upon the border of this river, and had not
suffered an individual to escape: all the Russians were massacred. I
halted in the same place.
I was roused from my sleep by the gusts of wind that blew with extreme
violence. The clouds of snow obscured the air to a degree, that it
was not easy to distinguish if it were day. In spite of this dreadful
hurricane I resolved to proceed; but I could not prevail on my guides
to make even the attempt. They persisted in not quitting the place,
from the apprehension of losing their way, and encountering other
dangers in such bad weather.
Opposed on all sides, I retired to my tent in no very pleasant humour.
At noon I was agreeably consoled by the arrival of seven Tchoukchis.
They were in sledges, similar to those of the wandering Koriacs, and
drawn in like manner by rein deer. I received them under my tent, and
invited them to remain till the storm was dissipated. Nothing could
have flattered them more, as I judged from the air of satisfaction
which my offer imparted to the countenance of every individual.
Among these Tchoukchis was the chief of the horde, called _Tummé_. He
addressed himself to me in order to express the gratitude they felt
for the reception I gave them. He assured me that ever since they had
heard of me, they had desired nothing so ardently as my acquaintance,
and had been greatly alarmed lest they should lose the opportunity. He
added, that they would never forget either my person or my kindnesses,
and that they would give an exact account of every thing to their
countrymen. I answered with a profusion of thanks, informing them that
I had been already made acquainted with their obliging curiosity, and
that I had not been less desirous of the present interview.
After this preface, we talked upon general subjects, particularly upon
their country and mine. My curiosity was equal to theirs, and the time
passed in perpetual questions. As I told them that, in returning to
France, I must pass through the town that was the residence of their
sovereign, they begged me to give her a faithful account of them, and
to lay at her feet the tribute of their respect and submission. They
added, that they were by so much the more happy in being tributaries
of Russia, as they every day found the Russians more easy of access,
and more affectionate in their behaviour. They spoke with particular
commendation of M. Gaguen, governor of Ingiga.
The kindness they had experienced, made them regret the want of
opportunity to maintain a more frequent intercourse with the Russians.
The only mode, they said, of surmounting these difficulties, would be
for the subjects of the Czarina to form afresh their establishment
upon the river Anadir. They promised for the future that, far from
giving any interruption to the settlers, they would exert themselves
by every office of friendship to make them forget the injustice of
their past conduct. That conduct had originated in an error, under
which they laboured as well as the Koriacs, in having formerly figured
to themselves the Russians as consisting only of that small number of
individuals, who came in this adventurous manner to plant themselves
in their territory and neighbourhood. By a natural sentiment of
jealousy, they had regarded these emigrants as so many adversaries,
whose industry and activity were the objects of their suspicion; and
they conceived that nothing could be of more importance to them than to
rid themselves of the intruders, persuaded that in exterminating the
settlers they should destroy the race.
The Tchoukchis professed to have discovered their mistake, and their
folly as soon as they had been properly acquainted with the Russians.
It was in vain that they were now persuaded to revolt, they being
on the contrary disposed to counteract the seditious intrigues of a
prince, or chief of the Tchoukchis, whose residence was fixed, by name
_Kherourgui_, either by curtailing his authority, or even by delivering
him up to the Russians.
Not being able to conceive in what part of the world I was born,
they asked me if my country were not on the other side of the great
river. Before I answered them, I desired to know the meaning of their
question; and I found they imagined that beyond Russia, with which
country itself they had little acquaintance, there was a very large
river that divided them from another country inhabited by different
people.
It was not easy to instruct them upon this subject. I talked a long
while without their understanding a single word of my geographical
dissertation. They had no accurate idea either of number or extension.
It was not less difficult to give them a notion of the strength of
a state, or the riches and power of its sovereign. They had never
attempted an estimation even of that of Russia. That I might enable
them to judge of it, I was obliged to illustrate the abundance of its
commodities, its money, and its population, by comparisons drawn from
the number of animals they hunted, and the quantity of fish they caught
every year, without destroying the breed. This explanation, which I
exerted all my ability to make level to their capacities, extremely
pleased them. I adopted the same method to give them a notion of the
way measure extension. I began with the ground that my tent covered,
and the taking a sheet of paper, drew a sort of geographical chart, in
which I marked pretty nearly the situation and distances of Russia and
France, with respect to their country.
It was not without some labour that I made myself understood. But
for this I was indemnified by the eagerness and attention with which
they listened to me. In general I was astonished at the solidity of
their understanding, and the thirst they felt for the acquisition of
knowledge. Superior in these respects to the Koriacs, they appear both
to respect more upon what they say themselves, and what they hear
and behold. These two people have nearly the same idiom; the only
difference is, that I found in the Tchoukchis a habit of prolonging the
final syllables of words, and a pronunciation slower and sweeter than
that of the Koriacs. With the assistance of my guide, who served me for
an interpreter, I kept up the conversation tolerably well.
The attention with which I examined their dress, inspired them with a
desire of seeing the French habit[11], and I ordered my uniform to be
taken out of my portmanteau. At sight of it they expressed admiration
in every part of their attitude. Every one was eager to touch it,
every one exclaimed upon its singularity and its beauty. My buttons,
marked with the arms of France, were particularly inspected, and it was
necessary anew to exert my ingenuity to describe to them intelligibly,
what this figure represented, and what was its use. But they did not
allow me to finish. They eagerly reached out their hands, and intreated
me to divide them among them. I consented, upon the promise they gave
me to preserve them with extreme care. Their object in keeping them,
was to employ them as a mark of affection, which they might shew to all
the strangers that touched upon their coast, in hopes that among the
rest there might possibly arrive a Frenchman.
Their countrymen had seen the English some years before. “Why, said
they, do not the French also visit us? They might depend upon being
received by us with cheerfulness and cordiality.” I thanked them for
their obliging disposition, and represented to them that the distance
was an insuperable obstacle, and would not permit us to put their
kindness often to the proof. Meanwhile I promised to give a faithful
representation of it upon my arrival in France.
After regaling them in the best manner I could with tobacco, having
nothing that could afford them greater pleasure, we parted upon the
best terms of friendship. Upon leaving me, they said, that I should
probably soon met their equipages and their wives, whom they had left
behind in order to make the greater haste.
The wind became calm shortly after the departure of these Tchoukchis,
and I pursued my journey.
The next day, at the very moment when I was about to stop, upon seeing
a convenient place by the side of a wood, I perceived farther on before
me a numerous troop of rein deer browsing at liberty upon the top of a
mountain. Upon examining them more attentively, I distinguished some
men who appeared to be guarding them. I hesitated at first whether I
should avoid, or join them; but curiosity at length prevailed, and I
advanced to reconnoitre them.
By proceeding along the skirts of the wood I was told I should come up
with them. I conceived however that at the extremity I should be still
separated from them by a river, a small arm of which I had crossed a
quarter of an hour before: at this place it was tolerably wide. While I
was examining these people from one bank to the other, I was approached
by two women who were walking about. The eldest accosted me. How great
was my surprise to hear both her and her companion speak the Russian
language! They informed me that I was but two hundred yards from the
camp of the Tchoukchis, the view of which was intercepted by the wood.
As soon indeed as I got down to the side of the river I could see their
sledges and their tents, and I entreated these women to conduct me
thither.
As we went on, I asked them of what country they were, their language
telling me that they were neither born, nor had always lived among
these people.
One of them informed me that she was a Russian, and had been induced
to accompany the Tchoukchis from a sentiment of maternal affection.
Dangers, fatigues, ill treatment, she had braved every thing, from the
sole motive of reclaiming her daughter, who was retained by them as an
hostage. She had lost her in the following manner.
This young woman was travelling, two years before, with her father
and a number of other Russians upon the river Pengina. Their caravan,
consisting of nine persons, was proceeding quietly along in the midst
of the Koriacs, threatened at that time by a party of Tchoukchis,
headed by this very Kherourgui whom we just now mentioned. To get rid
of their dangerous neighbours, the Koriacs conceived the design of
informing the Tchoukchis of the passage of these strangers[12], as a
prize that ought not to escape them. The artifice succeeded. Seduced by
the expectation of an immense booty in iron and tobacco, the Tchoukchis
followed these travellers. Their courage could not save them, and
four of them, with their arms in their hands, became the victims of a
fruitless resistance. The husband of this woman was killed in defending
his daughter, whom the conquerors carried off with the three remaining
companions of her misfortune. The Russians had incessantly demanded the
surrender of these prisoners, and the Tchoukchis had promised to send
them back; but only two of them had yet been released.
The affecting recital of this unfortunate mother, which was frequently
interrupted by her tears, interested me strongly in her favour.
Without knowing whether the mediation would have any weight with the
Tchoukchis, I felt myself disposed to join my intreaties to hers, and I
had the satisfaction to perceive that they were not nugatory.
The other woman told me that she was by birth a Tchoukchi. In her
infancy she had been taken by the Russians upon the river Anadir, and
carried to Yakoutsk, where they had given her the best education in
their power. She afterwards married a soldier, by whom she was in a few
years left a widow. At length, by order of government, she was sent
back to her own country with her children, to render an account of the
obligations that she owed to the Russians. It had been recommended to
her to give the minutest details to the Tchoukchis, even such as lived
to the greatest distance[13], and insinuate to them the innumerable
advantages they might derive from establishing a safe and peaceable
commerce with the Russians.
This woman spoke the Russian, the Yakout, and the Tchoukchi languages
with equal facility. She told me, that the little knowledge she
derived from her education, had gained her a sort of credit with her
compatriots; that she had already taken advantage of her ascendancy
over their minds, to destroy several of their prejudices; and she
flattered herself that by degrees they would be taught to see their
interest in its true light. Her hopes were chiefly founded upon the
character of this people, which she assured me was perfectly generous,
hospitable, mild, and preferable in every respect to that of the
Koriacs.
The conversation of these women had so engrossed my attention, that
I was in the camp of the Tchoukchis before I perceived it. Their joy
at seeing me was extreme, and I was surrounded in an instant. They all
addressed themselves to me at once, to prevail on me to spend the night
with them. I had no sooner answered that it was my intention, than
they saluted me with new transports and huzzas. I ordered my tent to
be erected at the extremity of the camp, and while it was performing
I invited the chiefs to visit me. Eager to accept my invitation, they
could not wait till I had entered my tent, and I found a more numerous
assembly than it could contain.
After the first compliments were over, we entered into conversation,
mutually desirous of receiving information. We talked in a summary way
of our respective countries, manners, and customs; and the questions
they asked me were nearly similar to those of Tummé and his companions.
They expressed their submission to Russia, their desire of forming an
alliance with that country by means of a commercial intercourse, and
of seeing the establishment upon the Anadir revived. They then entered
into particulars upon the motives of their journey. Their principal
inducement was to visit some relations who had intermarried with the
Russians, and settled at Ingiga. They had also, it was probable, some
commercial project in view, though from their own account, attachment
to their countrymen was their only motive; and in reality, this
patriotic sentiment was visible I thought in their attention to this
Tchoukchi woman, and the caresses they bestowed upon her children.
They frequently entreated me to banish all distrust from my mind, and
to rely upon their friendship. They seemed to suppose that I partook
of the reserve which the Russians discovered in their intercourse with
them; but not having the same reasons to fear them, I was a stranger
to suspicion. I wished them to understand this by my answer, which
was, that being unwilling to offend any individual I might meet with
in my way, I imagined that no one would be desirous of incommoding me,
particularly in the midst of a nation whose civility and rectitude were
already known to me. This mode of reasoning pleased them, and they
appeared to be flattered by my security. I conceived of course that I
ought to conceal my arms, and reject the proposal made by my soldiers
of placing a centinel before my tent.
I distributed tobacco to the most distinguished of these Tchoukchis,
and afterwards treated them with tea and rye biscuit. Their chief, or
prince, named _Chegouiaga_, of the same rank and authority as Tummé,
two of his relations, and the two women who served as interpreters,
supped with me. The repast was perfectly frugal but very gay, and my
guests were as well pleased as if they had fared ever so sumptuously.
The necessity of taking rest obliged us to separate.
As soon as I was alone, I embraced the opportunity of writing down
the notes with which their conversation and my own observations had
furnished me.
The camp of these Tchoukchis was pitched upon the border of the
river, by the side of their equipages, and at the back of the wood
which I mentioned. It contained about a dozen tents ranged in a line
along the bank. They were of a square form, and made of rein deer skin,
suspended by leathern straps to four poles erected at the four corners.
Bundles of spears and arrows, fixed in the snow before every tent, seem
to guard the entrance[14], which is very low, and shuts _hermetically_.
The tents are extremely hot. The partitions and the covering being made
of deer skin, the air cannot penetrate, and there is besides a stove in
the middle of each of them. The bed resembles that of the Kamtschadales
when they halt, and consists of small branches of trees spread on the
snow like litter, and covered with deer skins. Here a whole family will
lie down and sleep together without distinction of age or sex. The
space is so narrow that it is astonishing how so many people can crowd
into it. The air and filthiness occasioned by it are insupportable;
let it suffice to say, that they feel no disgust at seeing their food
and their drink close to the most offensive objects, for no words can
describe the excess of their indolence.
Among these Tchoukchis, whose number amounted to about forty, there
were fifteen or sixteen women[15], and nearly as many children, who are
employed in preparing the tents and provisions. Every principal person
has valets in his service to take care of the deer, and guard them
during the night from the wolves with which these coasts abound.
The dress of the women is very remarkable. It consists of a single
deer skin that is fastened round the neck, where it has an opening both
before and behind, and which descends in the shape of large breeches
below the knee. This garment is put on by means of the opening at the
neck, and there is no other way of taking it off but by loosening the
strings which tie it under the chin, when it instantly falls from the
body, and leaves the woman naked. The inconvenience of this habit
may easily be imagined, from the frequent necessity there must be of
divesting themselves of it. When they travel, they wear a _kouklanki_
over their common dress, and their feet have no other covering than
boots made of the legs of rein deer. Their hair is of a deep black.
Sometimes it is turned up in tufts behind, but it is oftener separated
upon the forehead, and hangs in long braids on each side. Their ears
and their neck are loaded with ornaments of glass beads of different
colours; and when they are cold, the hood of their parque serves them
for a head-dress.
Their countenance is by no means agreeable; the features are coarse,
though their nose is not flat, nor their eyes sunk in their head like
the Kamtschadales. They resemble them in these respects less than do
the Koriac women. They are also taller, but not slender. The thickness
and bulk of their dress give them an appearance the very opposite
to alert. In the mean time they perform the most laborious offices,
such as lighting fire, cutting wood, fetching water, and other things
required in their domestic œconomy. These cares devolve principally
upon the oldest.
The features of the men seemed to be more regular, and not at all
Asiatic. Their complexion, like that of the women, is very tawny; and
their dress, their sledges, and in short, all their customs are exactly
similar to those of the wandering Koriacs. I shall take an opportunity
of describing them together.
These Tchoukchis at present go every year to Ingiga. They leave
their country in the beginning of autumn, and do not arrive at this
settlement till March. As soon as their business is transacted, which
only requires a few days, they set out upon their return, that they may
not lose the advantage of travelling in sledges; but they seldom reach
their home till the latter end of June.
The merchandise they take with them consists chiefly of sable and
fox-skin parques, and moose teeth, which afford a very fine ivory.
They receive in exchange kettles, tobacco, lances, musquets, knives,
and other iron instruments. As yet they are little accustomed to the
musquet, and scarcely make any use of it; but they are very expert in
shooting an arrow, and managing a lance, which are therefore their
principal arms.
Like all the northern people, they have an astonishing propensity to
drunkenness. Their love of brandy is so extreme, that if you once let
them taste it, you must repeat your kindness till they are perfectly
intoxicated, or they would consider themselves as insulted, and
probably have recourse to menaces and violence, to obtain their ends.
As incessant smokers as the Koriacs, they have the same pipes and the
same method of using them.
Being unwilling to prolong my stay, I went as soon as it was light to
take leave of these Tchoukchis in their tents, but the unwholesome
air and the heat soon obliged me to withdraw. Our parting was very
affectionate; each in his turn overwhelmed me with embraces. It may be
supposed I did not fall short in my compliments, nor could I in reality
too highly extol the reception of this hospitable people.
I set off early enough to travel this day thirty wersts. About half way
I found upon the sea coast two balagans and a yourt, inhabited by a
Koriac family, and an hour after I reached the ostrog of Pareiné.
This village is less than Kaminoi, but more populous and well
situated. It is upon a river, from which it takes its name, and about
three wersts from where it pours its waters into the sea of Pengina,
which forms at this place so narrow a gulf, that in clear weather one
can see from one shore to the other.
The first person I saw in the village was an old woman of a mixed
breed, whose melancholy appearance struck me. Either from compassion
or curiosity, I instantly approached her. Upon my questioning her
respecting the cause of her distress, she uttered a loud shriek, and
answered me only by her tears. My intreaties, and the sympathy I
discovered, at last drew from her the recital of her misfortune.
About a fortnight before, she had left Ingiga with her husband, her
son, and a number of friends, to visit some relations at Pareiné.
Overtaken in their way by one of those terrible hurricanes, whose fatal
effects I have been twenty times upon the verge of experiencing, these
travellers had strayed from the road, and been separated from one
another. The father and son were in the same sledge. Having wandered
a long time in pursuit of a shelter, or to discover some vestiges of
the road, they were at length totally lost. After two days search,
they were found buried in the snow, and dead with cold. Their bodies
were completely frozen, and their posture indicated, that these two
unfortunate beings, no longer able to drag themselves on, had lain down
close together to keep themselves warm, and died in each others arms.
More successful than her husband, this woman had found a shelter by the
side of a river, fifteen wersts from Pareiné, where she had arrived
with her companions, exhausted with fatigue, and half dead with grief.
She added, that during this tempest it was impossible to see either
the heavens or the earth. The snow, frozen in the air, grew thicker
as it fell, and was like a shower of icicles. Their clothes had been
so pierced by it as to be perfectly useless. But what still increased
this woman’s affliction, was the inability in which she found herself
of returning to her country. No person seemed disposed to supply her
with the means, which she continually solicited, but without effect.
Upon this she burst into a flood of tears. I said every thing that
compassion suggested to me to console her; and quitted her with regret,
at not being able to afford her any relief, and showing her only a
fruitless pity.
While I was conversing with her, the inhabitants of Pareiné crowded
about me. Their chief or prince, called _Youltitka_, approached to
invite me to pass the night in the village. His sinister countenance
confirmed every thing that had been said of his perfidy, and I gave
him to understand, that I had no desire to stop. Upon my refusal, he
mentioned the impossibility of procuring me dogs and provisions till
the next morning. The reasons he assigned plainly discovered his ill
will[16], and betrayed, I thought, some fatal intention. Resolved to
escape, whatever it might cost me, I replied, that I could very well do
without what I was unable to obtain, but that no consideration should
induce me to stay. He feigned not to comprehend me, and alledged some
new obstacle, regarding me at the same time with a bitter smile, that
seemed to defy me to proceed. I felt that I must arm myself with the
utmost firmness, or patiently submit to whatever law it might please
this wretch to impose upon me. The whole village was present. Two
hundred men at least pressed tumultuously about me, either to inspire
me with terror, or to observe my embarassment. In this perilous
conjuncture, I conceived the design of addressing myself to them in the
Russian language, hoping that there might be some among them who would
understand me, and who might be less unmanageable than their chief.
My harangue was short, but vehement. I enforced the consideration of
my character as a stranger, my claims upon their assistance, my desire
of meriting it by my behaviour towards them, and the kindness I had
received from their countrymen in the course of my journey. I added,
that except in the present instance, I had never had occasion to demand
the succours of which I stood in need; far from waiting till I produced
my orders, they had showed the utmost readiness to anticipate my
wishes, before I could make them known.
At the mention of the word order, I perceived that they looked with
a kind of astonishment upon one another. In proportion as my address
made an impression upon them, I assumed more warmth and assurance. Then
drawing on a sudden my passport from my pocket, and fixing my eyes with
an air of displeasure upon Youltitka, I presented it to him, declaring
at the same time that I meaned to depart in two hours at latest. This
abrupt conclusion disconcerted him. He perceived that he could not
avoid complying with my wishes, without rendering himself criminal;
and the mandate of the governor was too formal and too authoritative
for him to dare to oppose it. He therefore ordered that the quantity
of fish which I wanted, should immediately be collected, intreating me
at the same time to have some regard to the smallness of their stock,
which I should very considerably diminish. It was this idea, he said,
that had induced him to make any difficulties, as he was afraid that I
should totally exhaust their caves. This was a mere subterfuge, as I
was soon convinced that they were abundantly stored.
In the mean time, that he might be thought desirous of making some
amends for his uncivil reception, or perhaps with a view of making me
repent the having forced him in his last intrenchments, he invited
me to wait in his yourt, till my people had made the necessary
preparations for my departure. To refuse would have shown a degree of
inquietude; I wished, on the contrary, fully to convince him of my
intrepidity. It was besides the hour for dining, and with the hope of
imperceptibly gaining the traitor, I accepted his invitation, offering
to treat him with a better repast than it was in his power to provide
for me. I followed him with a countenance as tranquil as if I had felt
myself in perfect security. To speak the truth, however, I was not
without trouble, when, upon coming to his yourt, I found it necessary
to descend forty feet under ground. The extraordinary depth of this
retreat delivered me entirely to the mercy of my host. My companions
could neither have heard nor assisted me. I shuddered at my own
imprudence, but it was too late to draw back. I was well armed, and I
prepared to defend myself as well as I could in case of an insult.
The first care of Youltitka was to seat me in the place of honour,
that is, in a kind of alcove reserved for the chief of the family. His
was a very numerous one, nearly eighty persons living with him in this
yourt. They had all deserted it upon the report of my arrival, and were
still about my people, so that I was alone to contend with three or
four companions or relations of Youltitka, who surrounded me, thrusting
their noses almost in my face. Supposing themselves to be adepts in
the Russian language, because they were able to murder a few words,
they asked me, in turn, a variety of questions, each more absurd than
the preceding. My situation dictated politeness, and I answered them
with mildness and precision. I thus passed an hour in the midst of
these savage figures, truly calculated to inspire dread, particularly
that of their chief[17]. My soldier did not make his appearance, and
I began to be uneasy. Upon a motion which I made to come out, these
Koriacs placed themselves before me. One of them caught hold of my arm
to make me sit down, asking me if I wanted to escape. I endeavoured to
look as stoutly as I could, but I confess my heart palpitated. I again
took my seat; and in spite of the alteration which they might perceive
in my face, I replied, that I did not imagine I had any reason to fear
them. Youltitka then endeavoured to excite my confidence. He swore that
he had the highest esteem for me, and that I was in perfect safety.
His past conduct, he added, might have given me reason to suspect his
character, but he considered it as a point of honour to set me right.
Proud of having been received among the judges of the tribunal of
Ingiga[18], he valued his reputation too much to suffer any one to
treat me ill in his presence.
I knew my man too well to place any faith in these asseverations,
and I considered myself as happy that he dared not do what was in his
power, and probably what was in his heart. I hastened therefore to quit
the yourt, upon the pretext of seeking for my people, and giving them
orders for dinner. I could not however rid myself of this treacherous
Koriac. He persisted in accompanying me. Every word I uttered seemed to
alarm him. Not understanding the Russian language, he immediately asked
the meaning of what I said, and watched all my motions with singular
attention.
I found my people occupied in bartering the bad dogs they had left,
for furs, and articles of dress made of rein deer-skin. Their avarice
had made them forgetful of what I had recommended to them, and the
danger in which they had left me; but I concealed my displeasure on
account of my witnesses. I again descended the yourt, accompanied
by Youltitka and my two soldiers, who began immediately to prepare
our dinner. The women assisted them in cleaning the dishes[19]; and
with the help of brandy, good humour gradually succeeded to fears and
distrust. Our repast was very jovial, and I frequently endeavoured
to imitate my guests in their loud peals of laughter, outrageous
expression of sentiment being the only thing that pleases them. The
dinner being finished, I sent one of my soldiers to order the dogs
to be harnessed, a part of which was a fresh supply. My provisions
were also ready, and in ten minutes I was prepared to take leave of
my Koriacs. They appeared to be satisfied with me; I know not whether
they were really so, but I acknowledge as to myself that I was glad to
escape from them, and I set off therefore as quick as possible.
It was only two o’clock in the afternoon; but I conceived that I
ought to make up for the forced delay I had experienced, and did not
therefore halt till I was fifteen wersts from Pareiné.
This day and the next, which was the 30, afforded nothing that was
worth reciting. I crossed a variety of rivers, not one of which was
considerable, but there were a few shrubs on the banks of some of them.
Upon leaving Pareiné I had quitted the sea, and should see no more of
it on this side of Ingiga, of consequence we had no chance of procuring
dry wood, which we sometimes found while we travelled upon the coast.
This was a considerable loss to us, from the necessity to which it
reduced us of gathering every little shrub we could perceive, and the
fear that even this paltry resource might fail us.
For a long time my principal food had been rein deer. Delicious
as this meat is, there is I believe none of which one is so soon
tired. The worst circumstance however was, that our stock began to be
exhausted. We only eat of it once a day; our other meals consisted of
dried fish and the flesh of the sea wolf boiled. I was highly gratified
this day by a brace of partridges, which I had the good fortune to
kill, and which were added to my table. This gave an agreeable relief
to the tedious uniformity of my daily food.
The day was beautiful, and a clear sky seemed to promise us colder
weather, which was what we wished, the snow being so soft that our dogs
sunk to their bellies. To open a way for them, each of us was obliged
to run before with our rackets. The hope that the next day would afford
us better travelling, animated my guides, and we made tolerable speed.
It was late when we stopped at a place that was not at all sheltered;
there was no wood except a sort of dwarf cedar, resinous, crooked, and
grovelling.
Before I retired to my tent, I perceived at the horizon some
ill-boding clouds. I had been sufficiently habituated to the climate
to be able to judge of the weather from the most trivial appearances,
and I communicated my conjectures to my guides. They considered
their knowledge in this respect as infinitely superior to mine, and
replied, that the setting sun had been too beautiful to give us any
reason to apprehend foul weather. According to their own account they
were never deceived, and I might implicitly rely upon their judgment.
Upon reflection I was not sorry to find them in this security, as it
relieved me from the fear of being constrained by them to pass the day
in this place, which would not be tenable against the first gust of
wind.
As soon as it was light I was waked by one of my guides, who, in a
tone of raillery, came to hasten my departure, that we might not lose
the advantage of the fine day we were likely to have. The moon still
shone, and the sky was without a cloud. While I was at breakfast, as
usual, upon tea and rye biscuit, which my people had reserved for me,
willing rather to want it themselves than that I should be without it,
they questioned me one after another respecting the weather. It was a
contest who should banter me most. I persevered however in my opinion,
desiring them to wait till the evening before they judged whether I was
right or wrong in prognosticating a storm.
We had scarcely broke up our camp, when we perceived at some distance
a company consisting of five Koriac sledges, drawn by rein deer. Our
dogs, allured by the scent of these animals, advanced towards them with
astonishing ardour. The nearer we approached, the more these Koriacs
seemed to avoid us. I imagined at first that it was the natural effect
of their distrust, but the cry and eagerness of our dogs, soon told
me what was the source of their terror. They would infallibly have
rushed upon them if they had been more at liberty. I ordered my guides
therefore to halt. The difficulty was to restrain our steeds, which
we did not effect without considerable exertion. We then endeavoured
by signs to make the Koriacs understand that we were desirous of a
moment’s conversation with them. They appeared to hold a consultation,
and after a few minutes one of their company was dispatched to us.
He stopped about three hundred yards from us, and desired us in like
manner by signs to send also one of our body, and particularly to keep
back our dogs. I ordered one of my soldiers to go with his rackets to
meet this Koriac, and to ask him whence they came, whither they were
bound, if they knew any thing relative to M. Kasloff, and what distance
they imagined us to be from Ingiga.
In the course of half an hour my messenger came back with the following
information. These people were wandering Koriacs, returning to their
families from Ingiga, where they had been to see their friends and
sell their deer skins. They had heard they thought of a supply of dogs
and provisions being sent a short time since to the governor-general,
but they could give us no certain intelligence. Their account of our
distance from Ingiga corresponded with the opinion of my guide, whom I
had just before interrogated upon the subject, in consequence of a new
debate between my people and me. It originated thus.
While we waited the return of the soldier, I observed some clouds
pass rapidly over our heads, the form and direction of which confirmed
me in the idea that we were threatened by an approaching tempest. My
confidential soldier, Golikoff, had been equally incredulous with the
rest, and readily defended the contrary opinion; in the mean time he
agreed that at present there was every appearance that my predictions
would be verified; he had even mentioned me, he said, to the Koriacs,
as a prophet in this respect, and he should be sorry to see me mistaken
in the very first instance, and lose my credit.
This simple avowal was the more diverting to me, as my conductors were
witnesses to it. It suggested to me the desire of amusing myself in my
turn with their ignorant simplicity. The opportunity was favourable.
I repeated, that in two hours at latest, they would be convinced of
my knowledge, but that it was first necessary I should be informed
whether we should meet with any place of shelter in our way. One of
them answered me in the negative. “Till we came to the river Ingiga, we
had to traverse an immense and naked plain, where the eye could merely
discern a few inequalities, occasioned by the soil, or the snow drifted
by the hurricanes, and congealed by the frost.” This intelligence
embarassed me, apprehensive that we should be compelled to return for
shelter to a little wood which we had just passed. We were scarcely
half a league from it, but the obstinacy of my guides in support of the
opinion that we had nothing to fear, removed the difficulty. Imboldened
by their supposed experience, they were desirous that we should
proceed. I agreed with them, hoping to arrive at Ingiga in the evening.
To execute my project with greater certainty, I intended to have
recourse to my compass, which would be a sufficient guide in the
midst of the whirlwinds. I asked therefore, the most intelligent of
my conductors in what direction Ingiga lay, and he made it known to
me immediately by pointing out at a great distance a mountain, the
summit of which seemed to be lost in the clouds. “The town,” said he,
“is a little on this side, and in the same line. We are as yet fifty
or fifty-five wersts from it.” I interrupted him to examine in what
point of the compass it was, and to calculate with my watch the pace
we travelled. From the time we sat out we had gone at the rate of six
or seven wersts an hour, but I considered that the hurricane would
considerably impede us, and I counted therefore only upon three wersts.
It was now six o’clock in the morning, and according to my calculation,
I hoped to be at Ingiga before midnight. I learned also from my guide,
that to gain the river which led to the town, it was first necessary
that we should arrive at a very large forest through which it flowed. I
was satisfied. The immense extent of this wood to the right and left,
convinced me that we could not lose ourselves or miss finding it.
Having taken these precautions, I told my people that I desired
nothing better than to proceed, and that I was resolved not to stop,
whatever might happen. I recommended to them to inform me when they
thought that they had lost their way, and I would then set them right.
The seriousness with which I gave this order, confounded them; they
looked at each other with an air of astonishment, not daring to tell
me in plain terms that I was out of my senses. The most intrepid of
them however, addressed himself to me, and represented, that having
never passed this way, it was impossible I could undertake to guide
them, without running the risk of entirely losing them, and that I was
certainly in jest. I made no other reply than ordering every one to his
sledge, threatening to punish whoever should disobey, and I immediately
gave the signal to depart.
At half after eight we had advanced fifteen wersts, and according to
my estimate had only forty remaining; but the horizon had been for
almost an hour covered with dark clouds. We saw the tempest gradually
approach, and the wind began to raise the snow in eddies. My companions
were silent. Terror acted upon them almost as strongly as their
confusion, and they knew no longer where they were. The hurricane soon
attacked us with a violence that deranged several of our sledges.
By dint of vociferation we rallied them. My conductors confessed
themselves conquered, and conjured me to halt, though we were in the
open country. Blinded by the wind, which blew in their faces, they were
afraid of misleading us.
I reminded them of my promise, and persisted in wishing to go on. I
ordered that all the sledges should keep as close as possible together,
that we might be informed of the least accident that should happen, and
be able to assist one another. Then, by means of my compass, which I
had fastened under my fur cloak, that it might be continually before
my eyes, I began the office of directing our caravan. We travelled in
this order during the rest of the day, and I might say in the midst
of darkness, for I could not see the soldier who was in the sledge
immediately behind me, and scarcely his foremost dogs.
About seven o’clock in the evening, weary of the complaints and
remonstrances of my people, who continually requested me to stop, and
judging beside that we could not be more than five or six wersts from
the wood, I assured them that if we did not reach it by nine o’clock,
we would go no farther that night; unless when arrived at the wood
and the river, they preferred going on, as we should be so near to
Ingiga; but that they should be at liberty to do as they pleased. This
condition appeared to pacify them; not because they imagined themselves
to be so far advanced, on the contrary, they probably considered
themselves as out of the road, and only wished to repose themselves,
that with the advantage of day-light they might recover it again.
At a quarter before nine a kind of dark veil began to be perceptible
before us. As we drew nearer, it became blacker and more extensive.
The next moment my conductors cried out that they could see the trees,
and that they were safe. It was in reality the forest of Ingiga. I
sent them a little way on to examine it, and they presently returned
transported with joy to tell me that we were close to the river.
The respectful tone with which they delivered themselves diverted
me extremely. After thanking me for having guided them so well, the
Koriac asserted that none of their chamans had ever performed any
thing so miraculous. To have predicted the bad weather, at a time
when every thing seemed in their eyes to promise the very reverse; to
have been afterwards able to guide and preserve them in the midst of
this _pourga_[20], was a sagacity, in his opinion, supernatural. The
gratitude of the rest of my company was almost equally absurd. They
could not recover themselves from their astonishment. It was in vain
I showed them my compass, and endeavoured to explain to them how I
derived from it all my knowledge; they replied, that such a conjuring
book was unintelligible except to persons like me, skilled in the art
of magic.
At so short a distance from Ingiga, I was fully assured they would
no longer be desirous of stopping; each of them was anxious to see
his wife, and embrace his children. So far were they from accepting
my proposal to pitch our tent and pass the night in the wood, that
they importuned me to gain the river, and they engaged in three hours
to reach the town. I complied, and we coasted along the bank till we
arrived opposite to Ingiga, where it was necessary to cross the river,
which passed close to the walls. The ice was sufficiently firm, but the
violence of the wind had covered it with water, so that our feet were
very wet.
At the gates of the town I answered the interrogatories usual in
fortified places, and was obliged to wait till a report was made to the
governor. Having long received intelligence that I was on my way, major
Gaguen had the civility to come immediately to welcome me, and offer
me his house. I entered Ingiga the 31, exactly at half after eleven
o’clock.
This town is the largest and most populous I have yet seen. It is
situated upon a river of the same name, thirty wersts from its mouth,
and is defended by a square inclosure of palisades, the height and
thickness of which surprised me, and by wooden bastions, erected on
piles, at the four angles. These bastions are provided with cannon, and
contain a variety of warlike stores. They are guarded day and night
by centinels[21], as are also the three gates of the town, of which
one only is open. There is a small square, before the house of the
governor, and a guard, stationed on one side of this square, defends it
from attack. I was equally struck with the houses. They are of wood,
and very low, but have all a regular front, and are evidently built
upon one plan. M. Gaguen intends by degrees to give this uniformity to
the whole town. The isbas that have been constructed since his arrival,
besides a pleasant appearance, have all the conveniences on the inside
that such habitations will admit of. He has it in contemplation also to
rebuild the church, which is a wretched edifice, and almost in ruins.
The population amounts to about five or six hundred inhabitants, who
are either merchants, or in the service of government. The latter are
most numerous, and form the garrison of the place. They are kept under
the severest discipline, which is indispensible, from the frequent
occasion there is to defend themselves. The circumspection and zeal of
the governor in this respect cannot be surpassed. Their tribunals are
the same with those of Nijenei Kamtschatka.
The commerce of Ingiga consists of furs, and particularly the skins of
rein deer. It is in general superior to Kamtschatka both in the variety
and quality of its skins. It is true that we get the otter and sea
wolf-skin from that peninsula, but the sables of Ingiga are much finer,
though they are at the same time scarcer. The Kamtschadales besides
have no common martens[22], rabbits, or American rats, called _rissei_,
which the Koriacs get by means of exchange from the neighbouring
Tchoukchis, and which they bring to Ingiga with their rein deer-skins.
These deer-skins are sold in their raw state, and at a very good price.
They are afterwards tanned and manufactured with such surprising art,
that the laborious activity of the workmen supersede the necessity
of instruments invented by European industry. The skill and beauty
of their work can only be surpassed by its durableness. Gloves and
stockings come from their hands in a state of perfection. Their sewings
and embroideries are wrought with the hair of the rein deer, with silk,
and with gold, and would do credit to our most skillful glovers.
But it is time I should speak of the customs of the Koriacs. I have
only deferred my account so long that I might be more minute. To the
imperfect observations which I have myself made in passing through
their different ostrogs, I shall add others that are more exact, and
derived from unquestionable authority. In my conversations with M.
Gaguen and the principal inhabitants, I endeavoured to derive some
light upon the subject; but my chief source of information was a
Koriac, whom I shall here introduce to the reader.
My first acquaintance with him was at Kaminoi. Struck with the
civilities which M. Schmaleff bestowed upon him, I was curious to know
the rank and situation of this personage. He was, they informed me, a
_zassédatel_, or Ingiga judge, and was come to meet us to offer us his
services. The facility with which he expressed himself in the Russian
language, and the rectitude of his mind charmed me. I should have taken
him for a Russian, if I had not heard him a moment after speak his
native tongue. I understood also that he was a Koriac prince, called
_Oumiavin_, and brother to one of the chiefs of the wandering Koriacs.
Curiosity led me to ask him a thousand questions. He answered with
a shrewdness and sagacity that I had not observed in any of his
countrymen. The being able to talk with him without the assistance
of an interpreter, rendered his conversation more valuable, and
during my short stay at Kaminoi it was a source of instruction and
amusement to me. Of the various topics upon which we discoursed,
that of religion was the most interesting. Though equally informed
respecting the Russian and the Koriac mode of worship, he in reality
professed neither. He seemed disposed however to be baptized, and only
waited till he was better instructed upon certain points which he did
not comprehend. Full of admiration at the sublimity of the Christian
morals, and the majestic pomp of its external worship, he acknowledged
that nothing could give him a greater desire to become a convert to
it; but the imperious severity of some of our religious rites[23],
the uncertainty of celestial happiness, and particularly the idea of
a God threatening eternal torments, filled him with inquietude and
dismay. With all its visions and all its absurdities, the religion of
his country, he said, offered him at least more hope than fear; its
punishments were confined to the present world, and it promised him a
recompence in the next; the evil spirit could only torment him during
his life, and happiness awaited him at his death. Agitated by these
considerations, his mind floated in continual doubt and perplexity.
He dared neither abjure, nor continue stedfast in the faith of his
fathers. He blushed at its errors, yet his heart cherished them.
The simplicity with which he avowed his irresolution, interested me
the more, as I could discover in his conversation and in his heart,
an uncommon fund of virtue, and a singular love of truth. To fix
his wavering mind, it would have been first necessary to clear away
the prejudices that obscured it, and which had originated from the
false principles that he had imbibed. Any other person would perhaps
have undertaken the talk. I was deterred from it by the fear of not
succeeding in my attempt, from the short time I should be able to spend
with him. He arrived at Ingiga the day after me, as he had promised,
and rendered me very considerable services by his endeavour to furnish
all the information respecting his country that I desired, and to
supply me with what I wanted for the continuance of my journey.
There is in many respects a great resemblance between the fixed and
the wandering Koriacs: we cannot therefore but wonder at the little
cordiality, or rather at the misunderstanding that subsists among
them, on account of which they may be considered as two different
people. Their country however is the same, and takes in a vast extent,
terminated to the south by the peninsula of Kamtschatka, and the gulf
of Pengina; to the east by the country of the Oluterians; to the north
by that of the Tchoukchis, and to the west by the Toungouses, the
Lamouts, and the Yakouts.
It is confidently asserted that this country was formerly very
populous, but that the small-pox had made very considerable ravages.
I doubt whether it has carried off more of the inhabitants than their
frequent contests with their neighbours and with the Russians. The
number of fixed Koriacs scarcely exceeds at present nine hundred; and
though it is not easy to calculate that of the wandering Koriacs, it is
imagined that they do not much surpass this amount.
The manners of the former are the reverse of estimable, and are a
mixture of duplicity mistrust, and avarice. They have all the vices of
the northern nations of Asia, without the virtues. Robbers by nature,
they are suspicious, cruel, incapable either of benevolence or pity. To
procure the least service from them, it is first necessary to offer,
and even to give them some recompence. Nothing but presents can excite
their attention, or rouse their activity[24].
From this perfidious and savage disposition, it would not be easy for
them to live in peace, or form any durable ties with their neighbours.
So unsociable a spirit must also give them an abhorrence of all foreign
dominion. Hence their continual insurrection against the Russians,
their atrocious robberies, their daily incursions on the people who
surround them; hence the respective animosities and revenge that
incessantly spring up.
This state of war foments in every individual a ferocious spirit. The
practice of attacking, and of defending themselves, creates in them an
inflexible courage that delights in perpetual combats, and glories in a
contempt of life. Superstition lends its aid to ennoble in their eyes
this thirst of blood, by imposing a law that obliges them to conquer or
to die. The more important is the cause that calls them to arms, the
more greedy are they of death. Neither the bravery, nor the number of
their adversaries, can at all intimidate them: it is then they swear
_to destroy the sun_. They discharge this terrible oath by cutting the
throats of their wives and children, burning all their possessions,
and rushing madly into the midst of their enemies. The combat can
only terminate by the total destruction of one of the parties. The
vanquished never seek their safety in flight; honour forbids it; and
not a Koriac will survive the slaughter of his countrymen.
The vicinity of the Russian settlements has hitherto produced no
change in the mode of life of the resident Koriacs. Their commercial
intercourse with the Russians, only renders them susceptible to the
attraction of wealth, and desirous of plunder. Insensible to the
advantages of a more polished life, they seem to feel a repugnance
to civilization, and to consider their own manners and customs as
absolutely perfect[25].
Their regular occupation is hunting and fishing; but every season will
not permit them to follow it. During these intervals, shut up in their
profound habitations, they sleep, smoke, and get drunk. Thoughtless of
the future, without regret for the past, they come not out of their
yourts till the most urgent necessity compels them. These yourts are
larger than those of the northern Kamtschadales, but are distributed
nearly in the same manner. I am not sure whether their filthiness be
not still more disgusting: as there is neither door, nor _joupan_, or
vent-hole, the smoke must be insufferable.
These people, enemies to industry, live like the Kamtschadales upon
dried fish, and the flesh and fat of the whale, and sea wolf[26].
The whale is commonly eaten raw, and the sea wolf dried and cooked
in the same manner as their fish, except the sinews, the marrow, the
brain, and now and then a slice of the flesh, which they devour raw
with extreme avidity. Rein deer is their favourite dish. Vegetables
also form a part of their food: they gather in autumn various sorts
of berries, of a part of which they make themselves a refreshing
beverage[27], and the rest is bruised to powder, and kneaded with the
oil of the whale, or sea wolf. This paste, or sweetmeat, is called
_toltchoukha_; it is held in high esteem in this country, but nothing
is to my taste more disagreeable.
Their passion for strong liquors, increased by the dearness of
brandy, and the difficulty of procuring it on account of their extreme
distance, has led them to invent a drink, equally potent, which they
extract from a red mushroom, known in Russia as a strong poison by
the name of _moukhamorr_[28]. They put it in a vessel with certain
fruits, and it has scarcely time to clarify when their friends are
invited to partake of it. A noble emulation inflames the guests, and
there is a contest of who is best able to disburden the master of the
house of his nectar. The entertainment lasts for one, two, or three
days, till the beverage is exhausted. Frequently, that they may not
fail of being tipsy, they eat the raw mushroom at the same time. It is
astonishing that there are not more examples of the fatal effects of
this intemperance. I have seen however some amateurs made seriously
ill, and recovered with difficulty; but experience does not correct
them, and upon the first occasion that offers, they return to their
brutish practice. It is not from absolute sensuality, it is not from
the pleasure of drinking a liquor, that by its flavour creates an
irresistible craving for more; they seek merely in these orgies a state
of oblivion, of stupefaction, of total brutishness, a cessation of
existence, if I may so call it, which constitutes their only enjoyment,
and supreme felicity.
The features of the majority of the Koriacs are not Asiatic, and they
might be considered as Europeans, but for their low stature, their
ill shape, and the colour of their skin. The other Koriacs have the
same characteristic outlines as the Kamtschadales; among the women
particularly, there are very few who have not sunk eyes, flat noses,
and prominent cheeks. The men are almost entirely beardless, and have
short hair. The hair of the women is very much neglected; it commonly
flows upon their shoulders, though there are some who wear it in tufts,
or wrapt up in an handkerchief. Their dress I have already described.
The women carry their children in a sort of cradle, the form of which
I thought singular. It is a kind of nest or basket arched over, in
which the infant is placed in a sitting posture, and sheltered from the
weather.
Among their strange customs I shall mention the probation to
which a young man subjects himself when he is desirous of marrying.
As soon as he has fixed his choice, he waits upon the relations of
his mistress, and offers to drudge for them, as the phrase is. The
young lady is immediately enveloped in a multiplicity of garments,
which conceal her to such a degree, that the face itself is scarcely
visible. She is not left alone for a single instant; her mother, and
a number of old matrons accompany her wherever she goes sleep with
her, and do not lose her from their sight upon any pretext whatever.
The aim of the lover, the point of happiness to which all his cares
tend, is to touch her naked body, the only way by which he can obtain
her. In the mean time he executes with zeal and submission all the
functions that the relations impose on him. Become as it were the
slave of the family, he is employed in all the domestic labours, to
cut wood, fetch water, provide ice, &c. Love, and the presence of
his intended, inspire him with courage. If he relax, a single look,
however indifferent, is sufficient to make him forget the fatigues
and drudgery of his servitude. The hope of abridging its duration
influences all his actions. His eye is invariably fixed on the idol
of his heart, he watches her motions, follows her steps, and intrudes
himself incessantly in her way. But how deceive the Argus eyes of the
duennas that surrounded her! It is a continual contest of vigilance
against cunning; each party acts with equal zeal and perseverance. From
such assiduities, from the agitation of the lover, and the precautions
that are taken to counteract his manœuvres, one would suppose that he
was about to carry off some extraordinary beauty. Who would imagine
that the object of the thoughts and desires of this whining Koriac, was
ugliness itself, and that he aspired to no other reward for so many
exertions, than to touch a callous, yellow, greasy skin? In his leisure
moments, at liberty to see and approach his mistress, he endeavours
to merit her affection by some sly attempt to obtain a touch; but the
number and thickness of her garments are an invincible barrier. Enraged
at so many obstacles, he tears and pulls off this teazing dress. Woe
betide him if he be surprised in his rash attack! The relations, the
inexorable spies, dart upon him, and force him to relinquish his
prize. It is commonly by the eloquence of the foot, or a stick, that
they entreat him to withdraw, and find some better opportunity. If he
resist, he is dragged by the hair, or the nails of these old hags are
imprinted on his face. If he be disheartened, or murmurs at this cruel
treatment, he is instantly dismissed, and forfeits for ever all claim
to the alliance, which is considered as the most signal disgrace that
can be inflicted on a Koriac lover. But difficulties only render his
desires more vehement. Far from complaining, far from desponding at
these rigorous proceedings, he considers himself as the more worthy
of the felicity he has in view. He rejoices, he glories in all the
tribulations he experiences during his amorous and painful servitude.
It is frequently not till after the expiration of two or three years,
more or less, that he obtains his end. Elate with his victory, he flies
to inform the relations of his success. The witnesses are summoned,
and the young lady interrogated[29]. Her confession is necessary, as
well as some proof that she was taken by surprise, and made fruitless
efforts to defend herself. Her hand is then bestowed on the conqueror,
but he is obliged still to wait till it is seen whether she can
reconcile herself to living with him. From this moment, freed from his
labours, he makes his court without restraint to his future wife, who
is not perhaps sorry to find herself delivered from her cumbersome
attire. This second stage of courtship is seldom very long; the damsel,
in the presence of the family, soon accords her consent, and nothing
more is requisite to give him all the claims of a husband. The nuptial
ceremony and feast consist merely in assembling the relations of the
parties, who are eager to get drunk in imitation of the new married
couple. A plurality of wives is not allowed among the Koriacs; I have
seen instances however of its being practiced without scruple.
Their funeral rights have a striking similarity to the ancient
institutions of paganism, still observed by various uncivilized people
of the new hemisphere. When a Koriac dies, his relations and neighbours
assemble to pay him their last respects. They erect a funeral pile,
upon which they place a portion of the wealth of the deceased, and a
stock of provisions, consisting of rein deer, fish, brandy, in short
whatever they conceive he will want for his great journey, and to keep
him from starving in the other world. If it be a wandering Koriac, his
deer conduct him to the pile; if a resident Koriac, he is drawn by his
dogs, or carried by his relations. The body is exhibited, clothed in
his best attire, and lying in a kind of coffin. There it receives the
adieux of the attendants, who, with torches in their hands, consider
it as an honour speedily to reduce their relation or friend to ashes.
They feel only the regret of a short absence, and not of an eternal
separation. They wear no mourning, and the funeral pomp terminates
in a scene of intemperance, where the fumes of their liquor and
tobacco gradually efface the remembrance of death. After a few months
widowhood, the women are permitted to marry again.
The superstitious practices observed at their funerals, and their
transient grief at the loss of persons the most dear to them, are
in my opinion an evident proof of their indifference to life, the
brevity of which neither astonishes nor afflicts them. Their religious
system deadens them apparently to the consoling hope of a protracted
existence. Death is in their eyes but the passage to another life;
and in quitting the world, they do not imagine that their pleasures
terminate, but that other enjoyments are reserved for them. This
flattering prejudice, which I mentioned in my conversation with
Oumiavin, sufficiently accounts for his religious perplexities, and
the ferocious courage of his countrymen. But their absurd dogmas are
entitled to a more particular relation, though the worship upon which
they are founded is very simple, and what is marvellous in it by no
means attractive. The following account contains the whole theogony of
the Koriacs[30].
They acknowledge a supreme being, the creator of all things. He
inhabits the sun, whose burning orb they consider as the throne or
palace of the lord of nature, whom they probably confound with that
celestial fire, which is supposed to be his dwelling. I am led to
believe this, as they neither fear, nor worship him. They address no
prayer to him: goodness, they say, is his essence; all the good that
exists in the world proceeds from him; and it is impossible he should
do an injury. May we not conclude from this statement, that the view
of the constant and universal benefits conferred by this king of the
celestial orbs which gives life, action, and power to all things
terrestrial, while it taught them to consider this luminary of the
world as their tutelary divinity, imbued them with the blind confidence
I have described?
The principle of evil they consider as a malignant spirit, who
divides with the sovereignly good being the empire of nature[31]. Their
power is equal. As the one is intent on the happiness of mankind, the
other endeavours to render them unhappy. Diseases, tempests, famine,
calamities of every kind, are his work, and the instruments of his
vengeance. It is to pacify his wrath, that they sacrifice their
personal interest, and have recourse to devotion. Their homage is
dictated merely by the terror with which this menacing deity fills
every heart, and consists of expiatory sacrifices. They offer to him
various animals, that have just began to exist, rein deer, dogs[32],
the first fruits of their hunting and fishing, and whatever they
possess that is most valuable. Their devotional exercises consist of
supplications and thanksgivings. There is no temple, no sanctuary set
apart for his votaries. This fantastic god is equally worshipped in
all places, and hears the Koriac who prays alone to him in the desert,
as well as the assembled family, who conceive that they render him
propitious by piously getting drunk in their yourt; for drunkness is
become with these people a religious practice, and the basis of all
their solemnities.
This demon, this formidable spirit, is doubtless the same being as
the Koutka of the Kamtschadales, whose ministers and interpreters the
chamans consider themselves. Here, as in the peninsula, the mystic
language of these magicians works upon the credulity, and obtains the
veneration of the multitude. They exercise physic and surgery with
equal success. These exclusive functions, which are supposed to be
aided by inspiration rather than the light of experience, procures them
an unbounded power. They are sent for from all parts of the country,
and testimonies of gratitude heaped upon them before-hand. They demand
with haughtiness whatever they please, and consider every thing that is
given them as a tribute. It is upon the pretext of making an acceptable
offering to the god, whose organ they are, that they appropriate to
themselves whatever the inhabitants possess, that is most costly and
beautiful. It is not necessary to suppose that these imposters gull
their votaries by a parade of virtue, by rigid observances, and a more
scrupulous life; on the contrary, they surpass them in their vices, and
fall short of them in sobriety. On the eve of their magic ceremonies,
they pretend indeed to fast all the day, but they make up for this
abstinence at night by a profusion of the moukamorr, the intoxicating
poison I have described, which they eat and drink to satiety. This
preparatory intoxication they consider as a duty. It is probable that
they feel its effects the next day, and that they derive from it an
elevation of spirits that contributes to derange their minds, and give
them the necessary strength to go through their extravagant transports.
The idiom of the Koriacs has no affinity to that of the Kamtschadales;
their pronunciation is more shrill, and slower, but it is less painful,
and has not those uncommon sounds, those hissings, as difficult to be
uttered as they are to be written.
I have still to give an account of the wandering Koriacs; but not
satisfied with the information I have obtained upon the subject, I
shall wait till my arrival at the house of Oumiavin’s brother, where I
shall have an opportunity of ascertaining its truth, by comparing it
with the objects that will be immediately before my eyes.
From the time of my arrival at Ingiga, M. Gaguen, in compliance
with my entreaties, had been employed upon the means of hastening my
departure as much as possible. Had it depended on myself, I should not
have stopped more than twenty-four hours; but unfortunately my dogs
were fatigued, and there were very few to be procured throughout the
whole town, and these not in the best condition[33]. It was therefore
proposed to me to take rein deer, which I accepted the more readily,
as I hoped to travel the quicker, and as I had long been desirous
of trying this mode of conveyance. I was not left in ignorance of
the inconvenience attending it. I had to expect greater risks, more
fatigue, and less repose; but my impatience made me regardless of every
thing but the possibility of proceeding, and the pleasure of being able
to judge for myself of the speed of these animals.
To satisfy my impatience, and enable me to continue my journey without
interruptions, M. Gaguen resolved to concert with the chiefs of the
wandering Koriacs that were in the neighbourhood, and accordingly sent
to invite them to his house. Two days after, twelve of these princes
arrived, and a number of other Koriacs, who had received similar
invitations.
After the usual compliments[34], he presented me to the assembly,
explaining to them, in a few words, by an interpreter, who I was, the
importance of my embassy, and the necessity in which I stood of their
assistance. This short explanation excited a general murmur. It was in
vain M. Gaguen alledged the absolute orders of government respecting
me; their clamours increased to such a degree, that it was impossible
to be heard, or to learn the cause of their discontent. At last, amidst
this confused noise, it was understood that they complained of all the
labour of the averages falling upon them, while the fixed Koriacs were
exempt from any share in it. What claim had they to this over bearing
immunity? By what privilege, like idle drones, should they be allowed
to vegetate in their yourts? Why not, like them, be subjected to the
conveyance of travellers? These remonstrances, justly founded, but
peevishly urged, began to alarm me respecting the success of my demand,
when an aged prince rose up: “Is this,” cried he, “the fit time to make
our complaints? If our zeal be abused, is this stranger responsible
for it? Has he the less claim to our good offices? He shall have my
assistance, and I will conduct him as far as he shall think necessary.
Consent only to escort him to my house. There are surely some among you
who will render him this trifling service.”
Upon this short address, shame was visible in the countenance of the
whole assembly, and the most mutinous were silent. After a moment’s
pause, every one attempted to exculpate himself from the reproach
which he feared he had merited, and there was an emulation who should
have the preference of conducting the stranger and his attendants to
the _Stoudénaïa-reka_, or cold river, upon the border of which lived
the obliging Koriac, who had voluntarily proffered his services.
Every difficulty being thus removed, my departure was fixed for 5
April, and the whole company engaged to attend my orders on that
day. The old prince, who had so generously pleaded my cause, was the
first to withdraw from my thanks, upon the pretext of having various
preparations to make before my arrival. How great was my joy to learn,
that the person to whom I owed this change of disposition in my favour,
was the brother of Oumiavin, whose acquaintance I had so ardently
desired!
From this instant, M. Gaguen put every thing in motion for my
departure. A number of small wheaten loaves were made under his
immediate inspection, and a supply of rye biscuit. A variety of
eatables, reserved for his own use, was, in spite of my remonstrances,
packed up with my baggage. He added also several presents, which I was
obliged to accept, from the polite and friendly manner in which they
were offered. In short, I know not how to enumerate all his kindnesses
to me. Every hour, during my stay with him, was marked by an attention
to my wishes and an endeavour to oblige. His cares contributed equally
with my repose to re-establish my health, which had been in no very
enviable state since the cold I had caught upon leaving Poustaretsk.
Prepared to depart 5 April, as had been agreed, how great was my
surprise to see none of my conductors arrive! Various expresses were
sent off; but the whole day passed before we had any intelligence. It
was night when they made their appearance, each alledging that the
delay had been unavoidable.
The next day there was a new obstacle. It was Sunday, and the timorous
consciences of my soldiers made them averse to travelling. Was it
necessary to attend to this scruple, or rather this terror? for it
was superstition more than devotion; it was not the sacredness of the
day that influenced them, but the idea that they should meet with
some misfortune. Notwithstanding the care I took to attend a Russian
mass with them, they were not to be prevailed on to set out. After
various intreaties to no purpose, I was obliged to stay and dine with
M. Gaguen, who politely congratulated himself upon the delay. Finding,
however, that it deprived me of all enjoyment, he proposed to cure my
people of their chimerical fears. I defied him, and he accepted my
challenge. Immediately he ordered brandy to be profusely dealt out to
all my attendants, Russians as well as Koriacs. Imperceptibly their
heads were warmed, and gaiety made them forgetful of the pretended
danger. The most reluctant were the first to assist in harnessing the
deer. It was no sooner said than done, and my sledges were ready in an
instant.
During this interval, a scene took place that diverted me extremely.
Oumiavin, out of compliment to me, became completely fuddled. The
vivacity of his regrets led him to practice every species of absurdity,
which he called taking leave of me. He went out, came in again,
officiously assisted in every thing. My sledge was no sooner ready than
he must lift it, to judge of its weight; but unable to keep himself
steady, this good Koriac fell, and in falling, broke the point of my
sabre. His grief, at the sight of this trifling accident, was truly
poignant. He precipitated himself at my feet, which he embraced, and
washed with his tears, conjuring me not to depart till I had forgiven
him. I attempted to raise him, and assured him of my friendship; but he
persisted in his posture, and his tears continued to flow. It was not
till half an hour, that, by means of entreaties and kindnesses, I was
able to pacify him.
I came out of the town on foot, escorted by almost all the
inhabitants, who were desirous, they said, of doing honour to the only
Frenchman that had ever visited them. M. Gaguen, and the officers of
the garrison, insisted upon conducting me to the gates, where, having
repeated my thanks for their civilities, we separated.
Of the four soldiers who composed my suite when I left Kaminoi,
two only remained with me, Golikoff and Nedarezoff; I had left the
others at Ingiga, which was the place of their residence. Upon the
recommendation however of M. Gaguen, I accepted the services of a young
merchant, who asked leave to accompany me as far as Okotsk. During my
abode at Ingiga, I had had frequent opportunities of conversing with
him, and knowing the value of his society, and considered myself as
fortunate in meeting with so agreeable a companion.
It was to no purpose that I had prepared to guide my own sledge; every
one opposed me, from the fear that the want of knowledge and skill
as to my new steeds, might occasion me some fatal accident; they had
beside been expressly injoined not to permit me, during the first day
at least. When I came to my vehicle, I found my guide already seated in
front, and I took my place, without paying any attention to him; but
upon his looking round, I recognized in his features a Koriac prince,
named _Eviava_. He was eager to express his joy in having the honour to
conduct me, and then prepared to join the file.
I have long owed the reader a description of a Koriac sledge, and
am now able to satisfy his curiosity. The picture, I hope, will be
sufficiently interesting to obtain his pardon for the delay.
Upon two skates, placed parallel to each other, that is, upon two
branches of a tree, six feet and an half long, three inches wide, and
very roughly finished, the extremities of which in front are bent
upwards in the form of a demi-crescent, is placed the body of the
sledge, which is really nothing more than a frame of open work, five
feet long and eighteen inches wide, raised two feet and a few inches
above the ground. Two small poles, about five inches in circumference,
constitute the frame of this vehicle, the minuter parts of which are
formed of thick laths, inserted the one in the other. A cross bar,
more substantial than these poles, unites their forward extremities,
which are prolonged to the arches of the skates, and fastened to them
with leathern thongs. The lower part of this open work rests upon a
sort of curvilinear feet, the lower ends of which, spreading out, are
inserted in the skates, and the back is constructed in the form of an
open calash, being sixteen inches high and twenty-four deep, disposed
in a semi-circular form, with short poles ranged at the top, in the
perforations of a demi-hoop, nearly like the backs of our arm chairs in
a garden. In this narrow inclosure, the traveller commonly places his
provisions, or whatever else is destined for continual use. For myself,
I employed it to receive my box of dispatches, and seated myself upon
it till the moment that I took the place of my guide. His seat is
towards the middle of the open work, not far from the cross bar; here
he places himself astride, with his feet resting upon the skates of the
sledge.
The team consists of two rein deer placed abreast, with no other
harness than a leathern collar, which passes across the breast and
between the fore legs of the animal, and is fastened to his flank by
a thong, in the manner of a trace, so that that which belongs to the
deer on the right, is fastened to the cross bar of the sledge, and
that which belongs to the deer on the left, to the bottom of one of
the bent supporters of the carriage, and on the same side. As reins,
they have two slender thongs, one end of which is twisted about the
root of the horns of the deer[35]. When they want to go to the right,
they pull the rein gently in this direction, giving at the same time
a sort of back handed lash to the animal on the left. When they want
to go to the left, they give two or three smart shakes to the right
rein, touching at the same time the deer to which it belongs. The
left rein has no other use than as a curb to the deer to which it is
fastened. The driver has also a stick, one end of which is armed with
a sort of hammer. The head of the instrument consists of an horizontal
bone, one of whose extremities is very sharp, and is principally used
to disengage the traces of the deer, while they are going on, if they
happen to become entangled about their feet; and this is considered
as one of the nicest accomplishments of a driver. The other end of
the bone is round and blunted, and serves the purpose of a whip; but
the blows that are given with it are much more severe; and are beside
distributed so liberally, that the poor animals are sometimes covered
with streams of blood. These sticks are very apt to break, and they
therefore take care to provide themselves with a number of them, which
are fastened lengthwise to the sledge.
We travelled very slowly till the evening. The only inconvenience I
felt was the not being able, for want of an interpreter, to enjoy the
conversation of my princely guide. It doubtless deprived me of a fund
of information which it was in his power to have furnished, and our
mutual taciturnity did not render my journey the more pleasant.
We stopped at seven o’clock. It was necessary to gain a mountain well
known to our Koriacs, and which had been marked in our itinerary as our
first stage. I should in vain have wished to seek shelter in a wood, as
had been my custom when drawn by dogs. The convenience of the traveller
is left out of the account in the choice of a resting place; that of
the rein deer only is consulted, and the spot that most abounds with
moss is invariably preferred. Half way up the mountain our steeds were
unharnessed, and no other care taken of them than that of tying them
with leathern thongs. I saw them instantly scrape away the snow, under
which they well knew how to come at their food. At a short distance
we made a fire, and set on our kettle, and the length of our supper
answered to its frugality. I admitted my Koriac prince to my mess, who
appeared to be highly flattered with the honour. I then laid myself
down on the snow, and was permitted to sleep a few hours; but when the
time was expired, they awoke me without compunction to proceed on our
journey.
It is necessary to observe that the Koriacs will travel four, five, or
six days incessantly without taking scarcely any repose. The rein deer
are habituated to run day and night. In every two or three hours they
are unharnessed, and allowed the interval of an hour to feed, after
which they set off again with equal ardour; and this mode is repeated
till they arrive at the end of the journey. It may be supposed from
this account, that I considered myself as fortunate, when the night
came, to be indulged with two hours uninterrupted sleep. The favour
however was not long accorded to me, and by degrees I was obliged to
accustom myself to the practice of my inflexible conductors, though it
was not without extreme difficulty.
Before I remounted, Eviava informed me that he was under the necessity
of lightening our vehicle, the weight of two persons being for a
continuance too much for our steeds, and that if I wished to make
the experiment of being my own charioteer, he would take one of the
empty sledges, with which we were furnished as a resource in case of
accident, or the loss of any of our deer. The proposal coincided too
well with my inclination for me to hesitate a moment in accepting it,
and I instantly seized the reins, and began my new apprenticeship.
I found it equally arduous with that to which I subjected myself
at Bolcheretsk, with this difference, that I was then the first to
laugh at the frequency of my falls; whereas in the present case, I
obtained the conviction of their danger at the risk of my life. The
trace of the deer on the left, being fastened to the supporter of the
sledge on the corresponding side, nearly touches the left foot of the
conductor, who must be continually on his guard to keep clear of it.
From forgetfulness or inexperience, I failed in this precaution, and
my leg became entangled. The violence of my fall, or more probably
the sudden and acute pain I felt in my leg, led me imprudently to
relinquish my hold of the reins, in order to apply my hand to it. By
what means could I disengage myself? The deer, finding no longer the
same restraint, advanced with greater speed, and every effort I made to
get free encouraged and irritated them. Dragged along in this manner,
my head sweeping the snow and striking continually against the skate
of the sledge, and feeling every moment as if my leg would be shivered
in pieces, it is scarcely conceivable what I suffered. I was no longer
able to cry out; I had lost all consciousness; when, by a motion purely
mechanical, I extended my left hand exactly upon the reins that floated
by chance. A new jolt of the sledge made me draw back my hand, and this
involuntary check stopped my deer. Some of my people came up at the
same time, expecting to find me either dangerously wounded, or already
deprived of life. Meanwhile after a swoon of a few minutes, my senses
returned, and I recovered my strength. The only injury I sustained was
a violent contusion on my leg, and a head-ache, which were attended
with no very material consequences. The joy of having escaped from
this danger, gave me additional courage, and I ascended my sledge, and
pursued my journey as if nothing had happened.
Become more circumspect, I took care in future whenever I was
overturned, to check immediately my deer, for I ought to consider
myself as fortunate that, in their impetuosity, they did not proceed
with me to the mountains[36]. In that case how could they have been
stopped? Three or four days are frequently spent in this pursuit, and
sometimes without success. This intelligence, which I received from
my Koriacs, made me tremble for my dispatches, which were in a box
fastened to my sledge, and were thus liable to be taken from me every
moment.
I perceived at the left of our road the village of Karbanda, situated
on the sea-coast, and ninety wersts from Ingiga. We did not pass nearer
than a werst to it, and it appeared to be a very inconsiderable ostrog.
Three wersts farther on I saw two yourts and six balagans, which are
occupied only in summer.
We had still seven wersts to the place destined for our halt, which was
a wretched hamlet in the middle of a small wood watered by the river
Noyakhona. It consists of a single yourt and three or four balagans,
inhabited winter and summer by ten or twelve Koriacs, who gave me a
tolerable reception; for they sheltered me at least; and this was no
trifling convenience to a man frequently obliged to sleep in the open
air, and upon a bed of snow.
About two o’clock in the morning we sent for our deer, which had
been conducted to a distance from the hamlet, that they might have an
opportunity of feeding, and be out of the reach of the dogs. We pursued
our journey, but the day afforded nothing interesting.
In the evening, Eviava, who was not well acquainted with the situation
of the yourt of Oumiavin’s brother, proposed to me to ascend a mountain
at the left, where he expected to find one of his countrymen that could
direct us. In the space of an hour and an half we reached the summit,
but upon looking round, could perceive no trace of an habitation. The
night would not permit us to extend our search. Perceiving that I was
tired and little disposed to go any farther, Eviava was unhappy. To
satisfy him, I desired that he would make the search without me, and
that I would in the mean time, repose myself in this place till his
return. In about three hours he came with joy to awake me. He had found
his friend, prince Amoulamoula and all his herd. They entreated me not
to quit the place where I was till the next morning, being all desirous
of coming to meet me. I was not sorry for the event, as it procured me
almost a whole night’s rest.
As soon as it was light my visitors came. The chief approached me
first, to pay me his compliments in the Koriac mode. He accompanied
them with a beautiful black and red fox skin, or _sevadouschka_, which
he drew from his parque, and obliged me to accept[37]. In return for
this civility, I treated them all with brandy and tobacco, with which I
had amply provided myself at Ingiga; and having thanked them for their
kindness, I took my leave, supplied with the necessary information to
direct our course.
Though the snow was very deep, and not at all firm, our deer ran with
surprising ease and lightness. Having broader feet, they do not sink
so much as the dogs, and have in this respect the advantage, as there
is no necessity of going before them with rackets to clear the way.
But then the dogs are not so soon tired, and spare the traveller the
disagreeable circumstance of stopping every two or three hours.
In my way I killed a number of partridges. From the quantity we saw,
these cantons must be congenial to them. Some wild rein deer fled upon
our approach with a velocity that scarcely gave me time to observe
them. Happily the abundance of my provisions took from me all desire to
kill them.
At noon we could distinguish the Stoudenaïa-reka, and in an hour after
we had crossed it, or rather we were arrived at the yourt of the
brother of Oumiavin, in whose hands Eviava had undertaken to place me.
My new host came to meet me at the head of his family. Their
satisfaction at seeing me was visible in their countenances, and they
seemed to strive who should press closest. The address of the old
prince was short, but replete with the cordiality which he had before
demonstrated. Every thing he had was at my disposal, and I might
command the services of himself and his family. They immediately began
to place my sledges and effects under cover. I had no other care than
that of my dispatches, and before they would permit me to have even
this trouble, I was obliged to explain to them that I never trusted
this box out of my own hands.
When I entered the yourt, my first care was to pay prince Eviava
my post expences. I had twelve sledges, each drawn by two deer; the
distance we had travelled was a hundred and eighty-five wersts; and I
was indebted therefore seven roubles forty kopecks. In receiving this
sum, my good conductor exclaimed upon my generosity. It was in vain
I endeavoured to prove that I paid him no more than his just due; he
could not comprehend my calculation; and it was the continual burden
of his song, that he had never met with so honest a man. To pay him
for having conferred an obligation upon me, was in his opinion an act
of sublime virtue. So many encomiums, give room for suspicion that the
Russians practice something more than œconomy; and it is asserted, that
their travelling in this country is not attended with much expence.
We sat down to our dinner, which was very joyous. Eviava and my host
eat with me; the brandy was not spared; and my enchanted guests never
remembered to have fared so sumptuously.
I employed the rest of the day in making observations, and
interrogating the people about me. But the reader may have perhaps the
curiosity to know something more of the brave Koriac who received me
with so good a grace.
His name also is Oumiavin, but he is distinguished from his brother by
that of Simeon, in which he was baptized when an infant. He confessed
to me with the utmost frankness, that he had no idea of the nature of
the Christian religion. So little care had been taken to instruct this
young proselyte, that he was ignorant of the very first principles
of the gospel. Accustomed to an absurd mixture of the errors of his
country, and a few external practices of Christianity to which he had
habituated himself[38], he happily found in his heart the principles of
natural rectitude, by which alone his conduct was governed.
Like all the Koriacs, he is small and sallow. His head is
characteristic of his mind. An expression of frankness and benevolence,
confirmed by the whole of his figure, prejudices us in his favour;
and his short white locks, added to the regularity of his features,
give him an air of true distinction. He is lame of his right-arm, in
consequence of an obstinate contest with a bear. His companions fled
through fear, and he was left alone to oppose the monster, and though
he had no other weapon but his knife, he defeated and killed him. The
chace is his favourite amusement. Equally skilful and intrepid, he is
regarded also as a very fortunate hunter.
But it is the strength of his mind, that renders him most estimable
and interesting. The project he formed, and which he laments the not
having been permitted to execute, could only have been dictated by a
head strongly organised. It proves at least much good sense and deeper
reflection than can be ascribed to the rest of his countrymen. It
originated thus.
Indocile and jealous of its liberty, this people had for a long time
impatiently brooked the idea of being tributary to Russia. The severe
administration of the governors was accused by this savage tribe as
being a tyrannical abuse of power; and doubtless, among the numerous
subaltern officers there were many who felt no compunction in harassing
these new subjects of the empress.
Simeon Oumiavin was the first whose indignation was roused. More
enraged at the obduracy of these extortioners, than at what was taken
for them, it was impossible, he said, they could be authorised by a
sovereign whose justice and lenity were incessantly vaunted. This
judicious reflexion made the strongest impression upon his mind, and
awakened all his natural courage. Immediately assembling a few of his
countrymen, who, like himself, were victims of the iniquity of these
petty tyrants, he communicated to them his suspicions, and his design.
“My brethren,” said he, “do you feel the weight of your chains? Were
you born to wear them, to be the prey of these avaricious rulers, whose
rapacity, abusing every day the power entrusted to them, leads them
to regard us as a property which they may squander at their pleasure?
How do we hope to deliver ourselves from this scourge? We cannot have
recourse to arms; we are too weak; and new and more formidable enemies
would spring up from the ashes of the dead. But we dare pass the
immense tract of country which they traversed to come to us; we dare
carry our complaints to the palace of our sovereign. It is in her name,
but not by her order, that we are harassed, that we are robbed. The
mildness of her government gives the lie to such injurious treatment,
such perfidies. Her licentious ministers are the most forward to boast
of its lenity. Let us go in person to claim it, throw ourselves at her
feet, and declare our grievances. She is our common mother, and will
not turn a deaf ear to the cries of a part of her subjects, of whom she
can have no knowledge but from the false accounts of her wicked agents.”
This speech, which I have reported nearly as it was delivered to me
by Oumiavin, inspired every mind with the indignation and enthusiasm
of its author. It was a zealous contest among them who should go to
Petersburg. Meanwhile the most wealthy and intrepid were selected
for the office. Oumiavin, from his ability to speak with tolerable
readiness the Russian language, had the honour of being placed at the
head of the deputation, and they departed, furnished with a variety of
valuable articles which were intended as presents. Arrived at Okotsk,
our travellers stood in need of succour. They applied to the governor,
intreating him to supply them with the means of gaining Irkoutsk at
least. He had got some intelligence of their design, and foreseeing
its danger, took measures to prevent it. Under the specious pretext of
first obtaining the consent of the governor general, he detained them
several months. During this interval, he employed every means to seduce
them. Reasonings, intreaties, kindness, every thing was resorted to;
but nothing could dissuade them from continuing their journey; they
were inflexible. Violence was then made use of; a thousand snares were
spread for them; it was easy for monopoly and persecution to create
wrongs; and as a punishment, they were constrained to return, with the
shame and mortification of having sacrificed to no purpose the greatest
part of their wealth, and their deer.
This melancholy experience discouraged not the chief of the Koriac
confederacy; it was in his eyes an additional proof of the utility
of his design, and the necessity of executing it. From this moment
he treasured up the remembrance of it, hoping that more fortunate
circumstances would one day offer. At the time of my visit, his heart
was still inflamed with the desire of undertaking this expedition.
“Yes,” said he, “in spite of my age, I would set off this moment. My
motive indeed would be different, and I should no longer have the
same obstacles to fear, as our present governors are entitled to our
confidence and praises. My ambition would be to see my sovereign. I
endeavour sometimes to form an idea of her splendid palace, and the
wealth and variety with which it abounds, and it revives my regret at
not having been permitted to behold her in all her magnificence and
glory. We should have considered her as a divinity, and the faithful
account we should have given to our countrymen, would have filled every
heart with respect and submission. Influenced still more forcibly
by love, than we had before been by fear, we should cheerfully have
paid every tribute imposed by moderation. We should have taught our
neighbours to venerate her government, by making them the witnesses of
our satisfaction and gratitude.”
Almost my whole conversation with this honest Koriac was of this
nature. I considered myself as bound to transcribe it in this place,
to give the fuller description of his character. I beg leave to add
another anecdote.
The expences he had incurred had nearly ruined him. A considerable
time was necessary to repair his flock, which, from the neglect
and infidelity of the keepers, had during his absence fallen into
decay. It was at this very moment that he gave a striking proof of
his generosity. One of his relations had some months before lost all
his deer, and was reduced to servitude. Simeon Oumiavin came to his
assistance, and made up for him a small flock which he lent him without
interest. On his return from his fatal embassy, he refused to take it
back, because it was not yet sufficiently augmented to leave his friend
wherewith to support himself.
Their deer is the only source of riches to this wandering people. The
chief of a horde has seldom less than two or three hundred, and many of
them have three or four thousand. Oumiavin’s flock amounted, when I was
with him, to about eight or nine hundred, the view of which afforded me
very great pleasure.
This multitude of deer are seen on the top of a mountain, near the
Stoudenaïa-reka, sometimes collected, and sometimes scattered, seeking
under the snow for moss. It is seldom that any of them wander from the
flock, and they are always caught without difficulty. On the evening
of my arrival I had an opportunity of enjoying this spectacle. They
had been assembled in order to select what were necessary for my use,
which required only a quarter of an hour. Upon a particular cry of
their keepers, the tame deer came towards us. The young ones, and
those which are unaccustomed to, or exempt from, labour, go off in a
different direction. The slow and the restive ones were next separated
from the rest, and those that were wanted were easily caught by means
of a running noose which they threw over them with singular dexterity.
The choice being made, they separated those destined for my use, and
which if they had not been detained by force, would speedily have gone
to rejoin the rest.
They do not ordinarily employ in labour the female deer, which are
reserved for the propagation of the species. They are coupled in
autumn, and foal in the spring. The young males designed for draught,
are castrated nearly in the same manner as the dogs of Kamtschatka.
There are almost always three or four deer in a flock that are trained
for the chace. The instinct of these animals is inconceivable; they
hunt even while they are feeding. If a tame deer perceives a wild one,
he immediately, without showing any sign either of joy or surprise,
imitates in browsing the gait and manner of the other, who sometimes
approaches him without suspecting a snare. Presently one sees them
play together; their horns become entangled, they part, they join each
other again, they fly and pursue each other by turns. In these sportive
amusements the tame deer gradually draws his prey within musquet shot
of the hunter. With a well managed deer, one is able to seize his
companion alive; a cord is hung upon the horns of the former, which, in
their play, he entangles in the horns of his adversary. From that time
the greater the efforts made by the wild deer to escape, the closer the
running knot is drawn, and the more strongly the tame deer pulls at
the cord, in order to give his master time to come up. It frequently
happens however that the wild deer suspects the trick, and escapes the
danger by flight.
When a Koriac comes out of his yourt in the morning, the deer flock
about him in expectation of a drink, which is the highest treat to
them; this is nothing more than human urine, which is carefully
preserved in vessels, or hampers made of straw, and of so nice a
contexture that the liquor cannot penetrate through them. The flock are
so extremely fond of this beverage, that whatever quantity you give
them, it is all swallowed in an instant.
Simeon Oumiavin ordered a young deer to be killed, the best of his
flock. It was cut up for my use, and the half of a wild deer added to
it, the flesh of which appeared to be still more succulent. He gave me
also four very beautiful skins[39]. We then entered the yourt, where I
passed the night upon a mattrass spread in one corner.
Though the appellation be the same, there is no kind of resemblance
between the habitations of the wandering, and the underground dwellings
of the fixed Koriacs. Not knowing how to distinguish the different
lodgings of these people, the Russians have given the name of yourt
to all of them, without troubling themselves with the primitive
signification of the word, which means a subterraneous apartment. The
yourts in question are, properly speaking, mere tents in the form of
huts placed on the surface of the ground. No other care is taken as to
the foundations, than that of drawing the boundary, and removing the
snow that may be within the line. Round the circumference, a number of
poles are erected at equal distances, which uniting at the top, serve
as supports to each other. This rustic timber work has a wretched
covering, of tanned deer skins, extended from the base[40] to within a
foot or two of the summit, which is left open for the admission of air,
and as a passage for the smoke. A considerable inconvenience results
from this circumstance, as there is nothing to protect the centre of
the habitation from the rain and the snow; in the mean time it is on
this very spot they make their fire, and cook their victuals. The
family, and the servants, who have the care of the flocks, sleep under
_pologs_, which are a kind of huts, or low tents ranged in distinct
apartments round the wall of the yourt, and resembling the square tents
of the Tchouktchis.
The unsettled state of these wandering people led them to invent
this species of habitation. The conveyance of their whole house being
equally easy and commodious, they feel the less reluctance to changing
their quarters. Upon the first necessity or inconvenience, they take up
their tents, fasten the poles lengthwise to the sledges, and stow the
coverings with their baggage. A new spot is fixed upon, and deserted
again almost immediately, and thus they remove from one place to
another every moment. Their sledges are of course always kept loaded
by the side of their habitations, and the provision and other articles
taken out in proportion as they want them.
On my arrival I found twelve sledges prepared for me. The first care
of Simeon Oumiavin was to assure me, that he would himself be my
guide, and would conduct me, if it were necessary, as far as Yamsk.
I manifested a becoming sense of this obliging offer, and at eight
o’clock in the morning of 10 April, we took our flight, and at noon had
reached the Tavatoma, being a space of twenty-five wersts.
Desirous of seeing a hot spring which Oumiavin pointed out to me
in the neighbourhood, I put on my rackets to cross on foot a small
wood, by the side of which it forms a stream three fathom wide, which
pours itself into the Tavatoma. I left my people therefore at an
elbow, formed by the river at this place, and it was agreed that they
should proceed over a high mountain that was at the right, and take
the opportunity while they waited for me, of feeding the deer, and
preparing our dinner. Accompanied only by M. Kisselioff, I travelled
two wersts to reach the spring.
It is said to be composed of a number of others issuing from a
mountain at the left of the river, and which unite in their descent. A
thick smoke rises in clouds above these waters, but it has no offensive
smell. The heat is extreme, and the bubbling continual. Their taste is
sharp and disagreeable, which seems to imply that the waters contain
sulphurous and saline particles; by analising them, they would probably
also be found to have iron and copper. It is certain that the stones
we picked up along the stream had all a volcanic quality, but the most
singular circumstance was the effect the water produced upon us. I
merely, in a slight manner, washed my mouth with it, and M. Kisselioff
his face; he had the skin of his face taken off, and I had my tongue
and palate flayed, and for a long time was unable to eat any thing hot
or high seasoned.
Having satisfied my curiosity, we prepared to join our company. To
effect this, we imagined that we were to pass a mountain opposite to
that from which the hot spring issued. Our rackets made us retreat
instead of advancing, and we were obliged to take them off, and ascend
by the help of our hands and feet. About three fourths of the way,
overcome with fatigue, and apprehensive that we had mistaken the road,
I intreated my companion, who was more accustomed to this mode of
climbing upon the snow, to endeavour to gain the summit, from whence
I hoped he would be able to discover our equipage. He succeeded, and
after waiting an hour and half in anxiety, I saw the good Koriac
coming with a sledge to my assistance. We had in reality taken the
wrong direction, he informed me, and Kisselioff had been ten times on
the point of perishing before he found our camp. Upon my arrival we
proceeded immediately on our journey, and did not halt till it was
late, and we were twenty-five wersts from the hot springs of Tavatoma.
We had determined the 11, to push for the chain of mountains called
_Villeguinskoi-khrebeut_, but it was not practicable. At the close of
day we could but just perceive them; we advanced however till we came
near enough to be sure of reaching them early in the morning.
They appeared to be close to us, when we were still at the distance
of eight wersts. Having passed this place, we had to cross a small
river that winds at the bottom of these mountains, when we came to
that of Villegui, which is the loftiest, and gives its name to the
rest. At first sight it appeared to be inaccessible. A narrow passage
presented itself, and, confiding in my princely conductor, we entered
it. Four hours scarcely sufficed to bring us to the peak. Conceive
of an enormous mass, at least two hundred yards high, and nearly
perpendicular, with rocks and stones projecting in various places, and
cleared by the hurricanes from the snow. The little that remained made
the footing so slippery that our deer fell down every moment. In spite
of our exertions to support the sledges, the steepness of the declivity
made them recoil, and we were under the continual apprehension of
their falling upon us, which would infallibly have happened if we had
slipped. Frequently in laying hold of a rock that seemed to adhere to
the mass, it gave way, and I lost my equilibrium. But for Oumiavin
and my soldiers, who were by my side, and gave me timely assistance,
I should infalliably have precipitated to the bottom. Arrived at the
summit, I became giddy upon looking down the precipice I had climbed,
and my heart shuddered at the danger I had escaped.
I was far from thinking myself safe, as I had to descend. My obliging
Koriac, to give me confidence, minutely explained the method I was to
take, and his instruction freed me from all fear of accidents; but I
was still uneasy, having left a part of my baggage at the foot of the
mountain. Who, thought I to myself, will have the courage to go for it?
The intrepid Oumiavin undertook the office, attended by some of his
people.
I was tormented by a burning thirst. The top of the mountain was
covered with snow, but how were we to dissolve it, as there was not
a shrub to be seen? The hope of finding some at the bottom made me
resolve not to wait for my guide, but to avail myself of his lessons,
and descend. We began by unharnessing our deer, and fastening them
to the back part of our sledges, in each of which two men placed
themselves. We then slid down in the manner of the inhabitants of
Petersburg, who, during the carnival, thus amuse themselves upon the
mountains of ice which they form on the Neva. With the aid of our
sticks we guided and kept back our vehicles, and in less than ten
minutes we were safe. I had the good fortune to perceive some small
cedars, and a fire having been kindled, I allayed my thirst. It was
now two o’clock, and at seven we were all assembled; Oumiavin met with
no accident, but he was so fatigued that it was nine before we could
proceed.
The next day’s journey was less painful to us than to our deer. The
snow was more than three feet deep, and so little firm that they sunk
to their necks. Many of them refused to draw, and it was necessary
to leave them behind us. Such is the inconvenience attending these
animals, when one wishes to make a long journey with only short
intervals of rest; as soon as they are tired, we must abandon them or
stop; it is no longer possible make them move.
I had hoped to reach Toumané in the morning of 14, and we were within
ten wersts of it, when a violent gale of wind, accompanied with snow,
almost blinded us. It obliged us to relax our speed, and we did not
enter the village till four o’clock in the afternoon.
It is situated south-west of Ingiga, at the distance of four hundred
and forty wersts, in a little wood through which the river Toumané
flows. Three yourts, an equal number of wooden magazines, and a dozen
balagans make up the whole ostrog, the population of which amounts to
twenty families. Though the river abounds with fish[41], I saw the
inhabitants, either from indolence, or a vitious taste, feed upon the
bark of the birch tree steeped in the oil of the whale.
The bad weather continued during the 15 and 16; but it would have been
impossible to have proceeded if we had been ever so desirous, as our
deer were incapable of drawing us any farther. Oumiavin dared not avow
it, but his melancholy appearance told me what he would willingly have
concealed. Upon my mentioning it to him, he began to make apologies, as
if I had a right to complain, because he found it impossible to conduct
me, as he had intended, as far as Yamsk. I had much difficulty to make
him understand that I was fully satisfied of his good will, and owed
him my thanks for all his civilities; it was necessary to assume an
air of displeasure before he would accept some presents that I thought
myself bound to add to my post expences.
By his advice, I intreated the inhabitants to supply me with what dogs
they had, but with all their efforts they could only procure me a very
small number, and there was no other way of making up what I wanted,
than that of harnessing young dogs, and even females that were ready to
whelp. The generosity of these people was carried so far as to offer me
a part of their dried fish, of which they had no abundance.
The 17 the wind abated, but the sky was covered with black, and
very ill boding clouds. In the mean time having taken leave of
Simeon Oumiavin, and my Toumané hosts, I departed at one o’clock
in the afternoon with my escort, and all my baggage, in five open
sledges. Each team consisted of eight or ten dogs. I had taken a man
extraordinary to serve me as charioteer, having no longer either
strength or courage to undertake the office: this fatiguing exercise
had wholly overcome me.
We soon came to the sea, upon which we travelled in order to avoid
seven mountains, which rendered the common route extremely difficult.
We had scarcely advanced fifteen wersts, partly upon the ice, and
partly upon the coast, when fortunately for us, we were obliged to
return, as the snow began to fall, and the wind to blow with an
impetuosity that drove our dogs back, and made our sledges totter. My
guides delayed not to inform me of the danger; and from the fear of
misleading us, they proposed that we should take shelter in a deserted
yourt that was at no great distance, and the situation of which they
were perfectly acquainted with.
It is upon a small river called _Yovanna_, twenty wersts from Toumané.
When we came up to it we were covered with snow, and almost frozen. We
were all eager to descend that we might be screened from the tempest,
but we found its entrance stopped up with snow four feet deep. Having
hastily arranged our sledges, we took our rackets, for want of shovels,
and began to open a passage. This work occupied us an hour. We were
still in want of a ladder; the most hardy ventured to leap down, and
the rest followed them. We fell upon the carcasses of sea wolves
entirely frozen, and some of them half devoured, doubtless by ravenous
beasts, who, in the depth of winter, had made this subterraneous
habitation their den. A leathern seine in one corner of the yourt, was
the only indication that it had been visited by human beings. It is
to be presumed that the neighbouring Koriacs had made use of it as a
reservoir. The walls were surrounded with icicles, which fell down in
chrystallizations; and in truth, I can only compare this dwelling to
a large ice house. Its form was square, and its dimensions about five
feet deep by ten large.
While we were employed in placing the sea wolves out of the way,
that we might have more room to lie down, my conductors fastened our
dogs[42], and gave them their allowance of food; at the same time a
fire was kindled, and having warmed ourselves and eaten our supper,
I extended myself upon the leathern net we had found in the yourt. A
sea wolf under my head served me as a pillow. My companions imitated
my example; and, excepting the disadvantage of having too confined a
space, we passed a very good night. We ceded an entire corner to the
Koriacs of my suite, who huddled together, and were unable to stretch
themselves at their length; but they made no complaint, and appeared
not to be conscious of any inconvenience. I saw them squat down, like
apes, their head muffled up in their parque, and their elbows resting
upon their knees; and in this posture they slept as soundly as if
wholly at their ease.
The next day the wind changed, but its violence did not abate, and it
was the more troublesome to us, as it drove the smoke into the yourt to
such a degree that we were suffocated and blinded, and were obliged not
to light our fire except at our meals.
I was desirous of remedying this inconvenience by some external
contrivances; but I had no sooner placed my foot out of the yourt than
I was almost blown down. M. Kisselioff, who accompanied me, had his cap
carried away, and was willing to pursue it with some of our conductors;
but it was to no purpose; at the distance of fifteen paces he entirely
lost sight of our retreat, and was only able to find his way back by
the cries we made in answer to his.
We at last succeeded in placing a fence sufficiently high to secure
a free passage to the smoke. From this moment we continued our fire,
without intermission, night or day; but in spite of this care, we
were all chilled. The dampness became equally insupportable with the
cold. The fire gradually melted the ice that surrounded us and we had
a thousand dribblings over our heads, and a stream of water under our
feet. To increase our difficulties, the sea wolves began to thaw,
and diffuse a noxious odour. That which exhaled from our bodies[43]
was more than sufficient to make our asylum a true sink. As it was
impossible to purify the air, we endeavoured at least to get rid of our
neighbours, the sea wolves; and my guides were the first to propose
that our dogs should be fed with them while we continued in this
frightful situation. I consented the more readily, as the scantiness
of our dried fish obliged me to consult œconomy. In thus appropriating
to myself what chance threw in our way, I doubtless did an injury to
some unfortunate inhabitants of this quarter; but when reduced to
extremities, selfishness is sometimes pardonable.
Impatient to pursue our journey, I sent my Koriacs to observe the
weather. In two minutes I saw them descend perfectly covered with snow,
and so chilled, that they could not open their mouths. Their report
corresponded with their sad appearance; but of all their exclamations,
I was most struck with the account they gave me, that the rocks, which
were a few paces from our yourt, and very perceptible the preceding
evening, were now wholly invisible.
The 20, the weather becoming calmer, and the snow having almost
subsided, I ordered preparations to be made for our departure. Our
dogs were therefore harnessed, and we had hoisted ourselves out of the
yourt, when a terrible gust of wind deranged all our measures. The
snow came on as thick as ever, and we were obliged to retreat with
precipitation, happy that we were within reach of shelter. Almost
instantly I found myself ill. I know not whether it were occasioned by
passing suddenly from cold to heat, or by the putrid air I breathed
in plunging myself into this sink, or the vexation I felt at so
many obstacles; but I continued nearly a quarter of an hour without
sensation. The zeal of my soldiers manifested itself on this occasion;
in order to restore me, one deluged me with water, while the other
chafed my temples so roughly with snow, that he rubbed off, I believe,
the skin.
My reflections, after this swoon, were as melancholy as my situation.
I considered my plan as wholly defeated by these impediments and
delays, and was apprehensive of not arriving at Okotsk till the rivers
were broken up. In the mean time this was indispensible, if I intended
to make use of the mode of sledge travelling, to reach the place called
the Cross of Yudoma, or _Yudomskoi-krest_. Hence I had designed to
proceed to Yakotsk by a circuitous passage down the rivers Yudoma,
Maya, and Aldann[44], by which means I found that I should escape the
inconveniencies of the thaw, which renders the road impracticable even
to horses. But according to the calculation I had made, the hindrance
of a single day might occasion me a delay of more than two months. It
is necessary to have been in my place, to judge how very discouraging
was my prospect; the dangers that beset me appeared in my eyes to be
less terrible.
At length, the 21, it was possible to proceed. The sky was still
covered with clouds, and the snow fell heavily, but the wind had
ceased, and we resolved to set off in spite of our apprehension of
another hurricane, which would exceedingly have distressed us, as we
had no hope of refuge till we came to Yamsk. We directed our course
towards the sea, upon which we constantly travelled at the distance of
two wersts from the shore; but in the evening we thought it prudent to
approach nearer, in order to halt. The ice was perfectly smooth, and
our little camp was easily erected.
The next morning we rose tolerably early, and in order to avoid the
curvatures of the shore, we made for the main ocean. We had observed
some bays the preceding evening, but they were less extensive than one
which we crossed in the afternoon of this day. Unfortunately, when we
were opposite to it, a gust of wind prevented us from examining it.
I understood, from my guides, that it was called from the river Iret,
which falls into it, that it is almost entirely closed, and is dry in
summer, when the sea is low. In spring it abounds with water fowl. The
inhabitants of Yamsk and its environs catch them with nets, and hunt
them with sticks in the moulting season. The shallowness of the bay,
which is in all places fordable, is favourable to the diversion of
these sportsmen.
Upon the approach of night we came on shore, and halted till the
morning in a wood of firs, upon the banks of the river Iret.
The 23 furnished nothing remarkable. The wind assailed us with
considerable violence in the middle of a plain, the extent of which was
twenty five wersts. I had again recourse to my compass, and we had not
proceeded fifteen wersts, when the sky suddenly cleared up. We met a
sergeant with dispatches from Okotsk; and a little farther, about three
wersts from its mouth, the river Yamsk presented itself. We pursued its
course, and passed at the right an habitation of fishermen, resorted
to only in summer. Six wersts farther we came to the ostrog of Yamsk,
which is more than a hundred and fifty from Toumané. My biscuits were
nearly consumed, and I was constrained not only to sleep there, but to
remain a considerable part of the next day, to supply myself with a
fresh stock of provisions.
The serjeant who commanded the garrison, which was composed of twenty
men, received me with civility. Upon the recommendation of the governor
of Ingiga, he assiduously provided every thing of which I stood in
need, and gave me the necessary information.
The ostrog, or fort of Yamsk, is upon the border of the river, ten
wersts from its mouth, where it forms a bay that seems to promise
excellent anchorage; but a variety of capes advancing a considerable
way, and a great number of shoals with which the entrance is as it were
blocked up, render it the more dangerous, as the passage is narrow, and
obliges the ships frequently to beat about, or lie to for a favourable
wind, in order to pass over them, for it is almost impossible to
succeed with a side wind. From this account it is evident, that if the
place were more considerable and more frequented, shipwrecks would be
more common[45].
There are at Yamsk only twenty five houses, built of wood; a part of
which, where the church[46] is situated, is surrounded with a square
enclosure of pallisades, like that of Ingiga, but not so high or so
thick. The inhabitants amount to twenty families, whose mode of life is
similar to that of the Russians.
They have a method of making salt, that was new to me. The wood which
the sea throws now and then upon the shore, is collected with the
greatest care. When it is dry, they burn it; the ashes are afterwards
boiled, and the sediment which it leaves is a very white salt.
Two days previous to my arrival at Yamsk, a troop of wandering
Toungouses had left this settlement. To console me under the
disappointment of having missed them, I was favoured with a sight of
the full dress, both of the men and women. They wear no chemises, but a
kind of stomacher fastened behind, and which descends to the knees like
an apron. It is embroidered with the hair of rein deer, and ornamented
with glass beads of various colours, to which are added at the bottom
plates of iron and copper, and a considerable number of small bells.
Under this apron they wear a sort of breeches, or pantaloon, made of
skin, and their legs are covered with long boots, which have the hair
on the outside, and are embroidered. A long waistcoat covers their
shoulders, to the extremities of the sleeves of which gloves are
fastened, with an opening under the wrist for the sake of pulling them
off more conveniently. This waistcoat, close at the breast, and fitted
to the shape, terminates near the middle of the thigh, and is also
ornamented with embroidery and beads. From the small of the back hangs
a tail, two feet long, but not very large. It is made of the hair of
sea wolves, died of different colours. The head dress is a small round
cap, which widens a little on each side to cover the ears. The whole
attire is made of the skin of young deer, and trimmed with sables,
otters, or other furs of equal value.
The garb of the women is nearly the same, except that it has no tail or
gloves, and that there is a small opening in the crown of their caps of
about two inches in diameter, which is doubtless made for the purpose
of passing the hair through.
Such is the mode of these people. In winter they wear thick fur
clothing; but they are careful, for fear of injuring it, to change
their dress the moment they enter their yourts, and to put on their
worst garments; and upon the most trivial occasions they strip
themselves entirely naked.
We felt this day the force of the sun, which announced an approaching
thaw. Of consequence I furnished myself with plates of whale-bone to
be fastened under the skates of my sledges, in case of necessity; and
by the advice of the people of the country, founded on the experience
of travellers in this season of the year, I resolved to travel in the
night, and to rest in the day, when the sun had most power. I came out
of Yamsk at eleven o’clock in the evening, our caravan consisting of
nine large sledges, or _nartas_[47].
At break of day we found ourselves at the foot of a mountain, fifty
wersts from Yamsk. The Koriacs have given it the name of _Babouschka_,
or _grandmother_. The summit, they say, is the tomb of an old
sorceress, equally renowned and formidable. My guides maintained that
it was the loftiest mountain in this part of the world; but their
superstitious fears seem to have magnified it, as, in my opinion,
that of Villegui is much steeper, at least I found more difficulty in
ascending it. Arrived at the top of the Babouschka, they placed iron
cramps under their feet, in the form of small tripods, and fastened,
transversely under the sledges, tolerably large sticks, in order to
impede the velocity in descending. No farther care was necessary than
that of guiding them with the _oschtol_, or stick pointed with iron,
and we came to the bottom without any accident. The inhabitants of the
country however consider this descent as dangerous, particularly when
the inequalities are filled up with snow, which in that case become so
many concealed and inevitable gulphs, and, I am inclined to believe,
frequently prove fatal to travellers.
In all probability, the dread which the Koriacs entertain of this
Babouschka originated in the following manner. As a natural effect of
their prejudice, they feel disposed to acts of gratitude the moment
they find themselves out of danger. The Koriacs who attended me were
eager to hang up their offering, which consisted of small quantities
of tobacco, scraps of fish, pieces of iron, &c. upon the summit where
they suppose the sorceress to sleep. Others had left there before them
old cramps of iron, knives, arrows, and broken arms. I perceived a
Tchouktchi javelin ornamented with ivory, and I advanced to seize it
with a view of keeping it, but the cry of my conductors stopped me.
“What would you do?” said one of them. “Are you desirous of ruining us?
Such a sacrilege would draw down upon us the most dreadful calamities,
and you would be unable to pursue your journey.” At this apostrophe I
could have laughed in the face of the timid prophet, if I had not stood
in need of the succour of these people. To continue to merit it, it was
necessary to respect their error, and I assumed therefore a becoming
gravity; but no sooner had they turned their backs, than I laid hold of
this terrible arrow, as a monument of their absurd credulity.
The first village I came to was Srednoi There is something picturesque
in its situation, which is upon the border of the sea, at the entrance
of a deep bay that loses itself in the land, by forming the channel
of a small river, the water of which is always free from any brackish
taste. The Koriacs, who inhabit it, received me with cordiality. I
rested myself for a few hours in one of the two yourts, which, with
a number of magazines, constitute the whole ostrog. The yourts are
constructed like those of the fixed Koriacs, with this difference, that
they are not subterraneous, and that the entrance is by a door upon
a level with the ground. Muscles abound on these coasts, and are the
principal food of the inhabitants.
I came away in the evening with fresh dogs, and travelled eight wersts
upon the river Srednoi. The ice, in various places, broke under our
sledges, but the hardiness and skill of my guides extricated us from
the difficulty. Obliged to go on shore to free the vehicles, they
had the precaution to put on their rackets, that they might have a
more extensive footing on the ice. But the greatest inconvenience in
travelling on this river was occasioned by the slipperiness of the ice;
our dogs were unable to support themselves, and fell down every moment
one upon another.
Before noon of the 26, we reached the ostrog of Siglann, the last in
the Koriac territories, which is upon a river of the same name. It is
seventy seven wersts from the preceding, and is neither larger nor more
populous. It contains only one yourt, built like those of the Yakoutes,
the description of which I shall defer till my arrival with these
people. I stayed at Siglann to arrange the skates of our sledges, that
is, to fasten plates of whale-bone under them, which the melting of the
snow rendered necessary, and I departed at five o’clock in the evening.
I first crossed a bay, called by the name of the village. It was
large, and appeared to be well defended, except at the south and south
east. The whole coast is of considerable height, and the bay extends so
far, that I was eight hours in gaining the western cape. Farther on I
found another curvature not less considerable, called the _Bay of Ola_.
In spite of the velocity of our pace, we were ten hours in passing over
the widest part of it.
The 27, about three o’clock in the afternoon I stopt at Ola, a
Toungouse ostrog, a hundred and fourteen wersts from Siglann. It is
situated upon a sandy flat at the mouth of the river Ola, which,
widening at this place, affords a small harbour, to the extremity of
which the Toungouses retire in the severe weather. They had quitted it
two days before, and had taken possession of the ten yourts that make
up the village, and in which they reside as long as the warm weather
lasts.
These yourts are not formed underground, like those of the
Kamtschadales and the majority of the fixed Koriacs; they are also
longer and of a superior construction. The walls are supported by thick
posts, and there is a narrow opening at the top of the roof, that
extends from one end to the other; the fire place is in like manner of
the same length as the house. Eight feet above the fire, which is kept
in during the whole summer, they hang upon cross beams their stock of
fish and sea wolves, in order to dry and smoke them, and this indeed
is the chief advantage of these buildings. By means of two doors in
opposite sides of the yourt, they are able to introduce whole trees and
enormous pieces of wood, with which the fire is supplied. Each family
have their bed in little distinct huts in the sides of the building.
The yourt I entered was divided into apartments, the walls of which
consisted merely of prepared fish skins, sewn together, and stained
with different colours. This singular tapestry has by no means a
disagreeable appearance.
The winter yourts are round, and built upon the ground like the summer
ones. The walls are constructed of large beams, placed perpendicularly,
and the covering is inclined like the roofs among us, with a hole in
the top for the evaporation of the smoke. They have a door, the bottom
of which is upon a level with the foundation. Some of them have within
a kind of corridor, which breaks the column of air, so that the smoke
issues more freely.
The instant of my arrival at Ola, I was visited by a number of
women, some dressed in the Russian, and others in the Toungouse
mode. Expressing my surprise at seeing them so fine, I was informed
that it was the village feast; it was also, I understood, a part of
their coquetry to appear in their best attire before strangers. Of
their most esteemed ornaments, embroideries of glass beads seem to
have the preference. Some of them are wrought with tolerable taste;
among others, I observed one on the boot of a young girl that had an
admirable air of lightness; it concealed in no respect the beauty of
the leg, that was covered with a kind of pantaloon of skin, nicely
fitted, over which hung a small petticoat.
There is a striking resemblance between the Russians and Toungouses;
they have similar features and the same language. The men are strong
and well made; some of the women have an Asiatic appearance, but not
the flat nose and broad face of the Kamtschadales and the majority
of the Koriacs. Mildness and hospitality seem to be characteristic
qualities of these people. It was not from a defect of zeal, on their
part, that I did not procure the succour I wanted; but their ability
was so small, that they could only change a part of my dogs.
Upon leaving this village we proceeded on the sea. The ice embarassed
us considerably in the course of the night, and the frequent cracks
which we heard under us, were not calculated to dispel our fears.
At break of day we reached the main land, in order to surmount a steep
promontory. Our way was so complicated, that we had allowed ourselves
seven hours to gain the sea again, but the descent was more difficult
than had been represented, and it was necessary to make ourselves a
passage through a wood of birch trees. One of my guides, suffering
himself to descend like the rest, by the mere force of the slope, from
the top of the mountain to the bottom, was overturned by the shock of
a sledge, which struck against him just as he was turning an angle. He
endeavoured to lay hold of the trunk of a tree, and unfortunately fell
upon the pointed end of his stick, which entered his side; he had also
received a violent blow in the head, and we were obliged to place him
on one of our baggage sledges.
At the foot of the mountain we had another perplexity, occasioned by
the sea being broken up. How great had been our risk during the night!
My conductors were terrified at it equally with myself. “What will
become of us,” cried they? “It is now that we have the most alarming
dangers to encounter.” Dissembling my uneasiness, I attempted to
encourage them. We continued our course for some time along the shore;
a melancholy silence prevailed among my people, whose countenances were
expressive of consternation.
In about half an hour the person at the head of the file suddenly
stopped, exclaiming that it was not possible to proceed any farther. I
conceived at first that his terror magnified the difficulties, and I
sent my soldier Golikoff with one of the most experienced of my guides
to examine our situation. They quickly came back, and confirmed the
ill tidings. Golikoff advised that we should return, and endeavour to
find a way by land, but my guides rejected his counsel, declaring that
it was nearly impossible to ascend, on this side, the mountain we had
just passed, and that even if we succeeded, the route would be too
considerable, and also too dangerous on account of the rapidity of the
thaw, and their little acquaintance with the country. They concluded
by proposing to us to abandon our sledges, to select the most valuable
part of my property, and to cross the bay by leaping from one sheet of
ice to another. But the current began to put them in motion, and the
sea was covered with isolated pieces; it may be supposed therefore that
I felt no great inclination to adopt this mode of travelling, to which
however the people of the country are frequently reduced. I knew not
what plan to follow; at length I resolved to try myself if I could not
find some practicable path along the shore.
A chain of rocks, which, through its whole extent, presents to the
sea a flat perpendicular surface, and consequently without the least
appearance of strand, was the description of the shore I visited. The
sea, in carrying off the mountains of ice which had concealed its
surface, had left a horizontal crust suspended to the side of this
enormous wall, which was not more than two feet wide, frequently not
more than one, and scarcely one foot in thickness. Eight feet below
this sort of cornice, you saw the waves beating against the rock, and
innumerable shelves that the eye discovered in the sea, and that seemed
about ten feet below its surface.
I did not suffer these observations to discourage me, but immediately
committed myself to this perilous cornice. Emboldened by its solidity,
I advanced softly in a sidelong direction, my face turned towards the
rock. It offered no hold to the hands, but only now and then a narrow
cavity, into which I threw myself to recover breath; after having
passed the gaps of the crust, which continually presented themselves to
my steps, the ice being in certain places completely washed away, and
a breach left of two or three feet in length. At first I must confess
I felt myself intimidated, and did not leap them without trembling:
the least error in position, the most trifling accident would have
destroyed me. My companions could not have relieved, nor even so much
as have seen me. This progress continued for three quarters of an hour,
at the end of which I reached the other extremity of the rock, and no
sooner had I arrived than I forgot the dangers of the way to think
only of my dispatches. I had left them under the care of my soldiers,
but I alone could undertake to save them. The experiment I had made
encouraged me, and proud of my discovery, I did not hesitate to return
upon my steps.
My people condemned my conduct, which they considered as rashness, and
expressed their astonishment at seeing me again. I concealed not from
them that the way was hazardous; “but as no accident had happened to
me, why, I asked, should you be deterred from following me? I will once
more make the attempt, and I hope upon my return to find you free from
apprehension, and disposed to imitate my example.”
I immediately took up my port-folio, and the box that contained my
dispatches. My two soldiers Golikoff, and Nedarezoff, whose dexterity
I had already experienced, consented to accompany me. Without their
assistance it would, I believe, have been impossible to save this
precious deposit; we carried it in turn, exchanging it from one to
another. He that had last received it, for instance, who always marched
foremost upon this narrow parapet, threw it suddenly into a hollow
place of the rock, advancing at the same time a few steps; the others
came after him, took up his burthen, and relieved themselves from it by
the same manœuvre. I cannot express what I felt during this operation;
at every stride of the bearer over the gaps of the path, I imagined I
saw my box ready to fall into the sea. Twenty times it was upon the
point of escaping from our hands, and I felt my very blood curdle as
if I had seen death itself gaping under my steps. Indeed I am not able
to say what would have been the effect of my despair, if I had had the
misfortune to lose it. I knew not a moment’s ease till I had deposited
this solemn charge in a place of safety; my joy was then as vehement as
had been my anxiety.
This second success inspired me with so much confidence, that I no
longer doubted of the possibility of transporting our sledges in the
same manner. I communicated my ideas to my soldiers: animated by my
example, and by the event of their first experiment, they cheerfully
returned with me for this new undertaking. By my order they had
unharnessed a part of the dogs; they now fastened to the four corners
of the sledges long thongs of leather which I directed to be held by
those who were before and behind the vehicle. We presently found the
utility of this precaution; our sledges were sometimes wider than the
parapet, and of consequence only rested on one skate, so that the load
must have overturned them into the water if they had not been strongly
supported; at other times the ice, as I have said, was entirely
gone, when it was necessary to give them a sudden elevation in order
to preserve their equilibrium. The muscular arms of my guides were
scarcely equal to the weight, and it was sometimes as much as all of us
could do to keep one another from falling. It was to no purpose, for
us to grapple the rock; it was perpetually to be feared that one of us
should draw in the other, or that the ice should suddenly fail under
our feet. We however suffered nothing but the apprehension.
We returned once more to fetch the rest of our dogs. It seemed as
if these poor animals judged better than ourselves of the extent of
the danger, so much did they bark and draw back, particularly at the
difficult passages. It was to no purpose to cheer them with our voice,
it was necessary to strike them, or to pull them rapidly after us.
There were four of them, who from aukwardness or terror, could not leap
like the rest. The first perished in our sight without the possibility
of our assisting him[48], the second remained suspended by his fore
feet; one of my guides, supported by his comrade and leaning forward,
was fortunate enough to save him; the other two were supported by their
traces, and were easily extricated from the peril.
These various crossings backward and forward occasioned us seven hours
incessant labour and apprehension. We were no sooner out of danger than
we returned thanks to heaven like so many persons escaped from death.
We embraced one another with transport, as if each had owed to his
companion the preservation of his life. In short, our happiness was
better felt than it is in my power to describe.
We made all possible haste to remedy the disorder of our equipage, and
immediately proceeded on a flinty strand, the breadth and solidity
of which relieved us from all disquietude. In about two hours, at a
little distance from the ostrog of Armani, we met a number of sledges
returning empty to Ola, and which of course could have no other way
than that which we had just passed. We informed the conductors of the
difficulty, and wished them equal success.
The village of Armani is eighty wersts from Ola. It consists merely
of two yourts, a summer and a winter one, situated by a river of the
same name. We passed on to the house of a Yakout, three hundred paces
farther, where, it was said, I should find a better lodging. It was
a yourt in the middle of a large wood of fir trees, and had been
inhabited by him thirty years.
In his absence his wife received me with the utmost cordiality. She
offered us milk, and a sourish beverage made chiefly of mare’s milk,
called _koumouiss_. Its taste was by no means disagreeable; and my
Russians, in spite of their superstitious aversion for every kind of
food that comes from the horse, highly relished it. The husband arrived
while this was passing, who was a venerable old man, but as yet full of
health and vigour. Informed of the object of my journey by his wife,
and my soldier Golikoff, who, being a native of Yakoutsk, served as
interpreter, my host instantly cleaned the most distinguished place
in the room that I might repose myself. I was awaked by the lowings
of the herd which came into the yourt. Eight cows, a bull, and a
number of calves, divided the apartment with me. Notwithstanding this
company, there was an appearance of cleanliness, and the air was sweet
and wholesome. This Yakout does not pass his time like the Koriacs
and Kamtschadales, in catching and preparing fish, a species of food
upon which he sets little value; hunting, and the care of his cattle,
occupy his whole attention, and supply all his wants. Besides his herd,
he has also ten horses, which he uses for various purposes, and which
are kept in an inclosure at a little distance from the yourt. Every
thing about this habitation has an air of ease, and creates in the
spectator tranquil and cheerful feelings. I know not whether the sight
of the herd, the appearance of plenty, or the excellence of the milk
provisions communicated some charm to our repast, but I conceived it to
be the most sumptuous I had made for a considerable time. The master of
the house had the kindness before my departure to add some game to my
stock of provisions.
We separated the same evening mutually satisfied with each other. I
travelled the whole night, and arrived in the morning at the fort of
Taousk, being a distance of forty-two wersts. This ostrog, where, in
conformity to the plan we had laid down, we spent the day, is situated
on the river Taon. It contains twenty isbas, a small church served by
the vicar of Okotsk, and a building for the reception of tributes,
surrounded by palisades in the form of bastions. Twenty Yakouts, two
chiefs, and some other Koriacs, who, attracted by the situation, have
settled there, make up the whole of the inhabitants. The garrison
consists of fifteen soldiers, commanded by a serjeant named Okhotin, at
whose house I took up my abode till the evening.
In the night I passed through the village of Gorbé, peopled by
Yakouts, and a small number of Koriacs. At break of day we lost sight
of the sea. We had for some time journeyed upon the banks of the Taon,
and gradually we advanced farther into the land. During 1 and 2 May, we
travelled through fields, and upon the river Kava, without perceiving a
single habitation.
The 3, at the very instant when we were about to halt in the middle
of a wood of fir trees, a gale of wind rose, accompanied with a heavy
snow. My tent, suspended over the sledges containing our baggage,
served us for a shelter. But it was necessary to have a fire. My
conductors, who undertook to procure wood, were buried as high as their
waists in snow, and even with their rackets they sunk up to their
knees. In the afternoon the wind changed, and the sky became clear. We
immediately mounted our sledges, but the depth of the snow obliged us
to alight in turns to open a passage for the dogs.
In the morning of 4 May, we passed over the mountain of Iné, two
hundred and twenty wersts from Taousk. It may be compared in height to
that of Babouschka. When at the summit, the cold pierced us to such a
degree that we stopped to kindle a fire. In about five hours we came
again to the sea, which we left at a short distance from the village of
Iné, where we arrived in the dusk of the evening.
This ostrog is thirty wersts from the mountain, and is peopled by
Russians and Yakouts, whose habitations are isbas and yourts. They have
the care of a stud of two hundred horses, which we had an opportunity
of seeing, ten wersts from the village. I intended to have changed
my team, and sat off again immediately, but I was detained by the
difficulty of procuring dogs. The chief of the place was dead drunk,
and it was not till after an hour’s importunity and search that we were
able to procure an adequate supply.
Twenty-five wersts from Iné, where, that I might make the greater
speed, I had left my equipage under the care of my faithful Golikoff,
with orders to follow me as quickly as possible, I passed two yourts
inhabited by Yakouts and Toungouses. The name of this hamlet is
Oulbé. Farther on I met a number of convoys with flour, which was to
be distributed in the neighbouring villages, and made into biscuits
to supply the ships of M. Billings, of whom I shall presently have
occasion to speak.
We came again upon the coast, and I travelled forty-seven wersts
without quitting it, during which time I saw a number of sea wolves,
and a whale driven upon the shore. At the top of the mountain called
Marikann, that is at the distance of twenty-five wersts, I had the
pleasure to discover the town of Okotsk, but I was attacked by a gale
of wind that made me apprehensive of a new delay. Regardless of every
thing but my impatience, I continued my route, resolving to brave
all accidents. My courage however was not put to the test; before we
reached the shore the weather was calm, and I was able to satisfy
my curiosity by examining the wreck of a vessel that was driven on
the coast. Having crossed, with trepidation, the river Okhota[49], I
entered Okotsk 5 May, at four o’clock in the afternoon, accompanied
only by Nedarezoff.
I alighted at the house of major Kokh, vested with the command in the
absence of M. Kasloff, whose arrival with me he had long expected. The
governor’s letter informed him of the cause of our separation, and I
gave him a brief account of the melancholy circumstances attending it.
I hastened to pay my compliments to Madame Kasloff, and deliver the
packets entrusted to my care, but she was in the country four wersts
from Okotsk, and I was so fatigued that M. Kokh would not permit me to
wait upon her that day. An express was sent off with the letters, and
my apologies, and I fixed on the next day for my visit. Presuming that
I principally stood in need of repose, the major obligingly conducted
me to the apartment destined for me in the house of M. Kasloff. I found
every convenience of which I had been deprived ever since my departure
from Ingiga. In the space of three hundred and fifty leagues I had not,
except once at Yamsk, slept in a bed.
As soon as I rose in the morning I was visited by M. Kokh, and the
principal officers and merchants of the town. M. Allegretti, surgeon
to the expedition of M. Billings, was among them. From the facility
with which he spoke the French language, I should have taken him for a
countryman, if he had not, upon introducing himself, informed that he
was an Italian. My meeting with him was the more fortunate, as the pain
in my breast had returned. I hesitated not to consult him, and am happy
in having an opportunity to declare, that to his skill, and the care he
bestowed upon me during my stay, I am indebted for the perfect cure of
my complaint.
M. Kokh conducted me to his house to dinner, where I had an
opportunity of becoming better acquainted with him[50]. His kindness
extended so far as to form a thousand plans of amusement, which he was
eager to communicate with the hope of inducing me to make some stay
with him.
If my duty had not prohibited every voluntary delay, I could
not easily have resisted the urgency of his invitations, and the
fascinating pleasure of his society; but faithful to my trust, it was
necessary to sacrifice my inclinations and my repose to the rapidity of
my journey. I convinced my host of this, and yielding to my reasons, he
became satisfied with my eagerness to quit him, and even seconded my
zeal by assiduously providing the means for my departure.
The rain had been incessant since my arrival, and the people who were
sent out to examine the roads, conceived them to be impassable, at
least with dogs. From their report, the daily increase of the thaw
deprived me of all hope of advancing farther, unless by means of rein
deer, and M. Kokh therefore sent an express to a horde of wandering
Toungouses that had left Okotsk a few days before, to procure me a
supply of these animals.
Having taken these measures, the major accompanied me to Boulguin,
the country house of Madame Kasloff, who received me as the friend
of her husband, and the companion of his dangers. The object of her
affections was the subject of our whole conversation. She demanded an
account of all our difficulties at the period of our separation. It was
in vain that I attempted to soften in my description such circumstances
as were calculated to impress themselves too forcibly; her sensibility
told her that it was from an unwillingness to give her pain, and it
only alarmed her the more. I did not well know how to console her,
for I was not myself without anxiety respecting this valuable man;
but assisted by M. Kokh, I assumed with tolerable success an air of
serenity. I had recourse to conjectures; and the major, on his part,
mentioned a variety of consoling expedients; and at last we restored
tranquillity to the mind of this affectionate wife, by flattering her
with the speedy arrival of M. Kasloff. This lady was born at Okotsk,
and appeared to have had the best education; she spoke the French
language with elegance. In the solitude of her retreat, her chief
happiness was placed in educating a daughter about three years old, the
express image of her father.
Having made all my visits to the officers of the garrison, I returned
to Boulguin to dine with Mrs. Kasloff, as I had promised, when she gave
me letters to her relations at Moscow.
The next day our express arrived, but he had not been able to overtake
the Toungouses, who had separated, and were dispersed through the
country. Here ended of course our hope of rein deer. Meanwhile it
seemed necessary that I should not defer my departure, as the roads
became worse every day. The longer I wait, said I to myself, the less
capable shall I be of reaching the cross of Yudoma before the rivers
are entirely broken up, and the greater will be the risk of my being
stopped by the floods. Filled with these reflections, I renewed my
entreaties that M. Kokh would allow me to proceed. It was in vain he
alledged the many disagreeable circumstances I should experience, the
obstacles I should encounter, the dangers to which I should be exposed,
from the season being too far advanced to travel with sledges; I
persisted in my resolution. At last he complied, and promised to give
the necessary orders, that nothing might prevent my setting off the
next day, upon condition that I would return the moment I found myself
in any imminent danger. I was glad to obtain my liberty, and consented
to all that he proposed. I spent the remainder of the day in walking
about the town in order to give a description of it, accompanied by a
number of persons who were able to assist my enquiries.
Longer than it is wide, the town of Okotsk extends nearly in a direct
line from east to west; the sea is at the south within a hundred yards
of the houses, and the interval between consists of a flinty strand; at
the north the walls are washed by the Okhota; to the east is the mouth
of this river, that is, at the extremity of a neck of land upon which
the town is built, and that extends from thence to the west. The town
has nothing in it extraordinary; the structure of the houses has little
variety, as they are only isbas, a few of which, situated to the east,
are larger and more commodious than the rest, and are destined for the
use of the officers. M. Kokh lives at the other end of the town; the
gate of his court yard opens into the high street, the regularity of
which is broken by a square, in which are the house of the governor,
and the sessions-house, both of them under the same roof. Opposite
to them is the guard-house, and on the left side of the square the
parish church. These buildings have no very splendid appearance. They
were formerly enclosed with palisades, of which there are still some
vestiges. The remains of a gate to the west of the government house,
shews that this was what they called a fortress. Behind it is a street
reaching almost to the river, inhabited by tradesmen, whose shops,
regularly arranged, line each side of the street.
The port is so very insignificant, that I could not have called it
by this name, if I had not counted in it seven or eight vessels or
galliots, some of them belonging to the crown, and others to merchants,
who carry on a fur trade with America. The port is to the east,
almost at the extremity of the town, and near the river, by a kind
of appendage to which it is formed. Upon the invitation of M. Hall,
lieutenant in the navy, I accompanied him to the dock to see two small
ships that were building for the voyage of discovery intrusted to M.
Billings. The sailors, soldiers, and carpenters, had been sent out at
a very considerable expence; and the armament, which goes on rapidly,
must cost the empress an immense sum.
Faithful to his promise, M. Kokh had made all the preparations for
my departure, and 10 May in the evening, my sledges being loaded and
harnessed, I took leave of him and the rest of the officers, who
expressed their desire of seeing me return.
My company was augmented by two men, who were to serve me as pilots on
the river Yudoma. I travelled all night, notwithstanding the wretched
state of the roads, which corresponded with the report that had been
made. They were completely covered with water, and in some places, the
woods in particular, it reached to the bellies of our dogs. The wind
continued south, the sky became more clouded, and every thing indicated
that the thaw was not likely to cease.
In the mean time, having crossed the river Okhota, I arrived without
accident to the village of Medvejé-golova, or _bear’s-head_, which
is forty-five wersts from Okotsk, and is inhabited by Russians and
Yakouts. I entered very early in the morning, but our dogs were so
weary that I was obliged to spend the day and even the night there,
being unable to procure a fresh supply.
I had hoped to be at Moundoukan the next day, which is twenty wersts
from the preceding ostrog. Half way a part of our dogs refused to
draw, and we reluctantly ventured upon a river that seemed to offer us
a more commodious way. We had scarcely advanced a few paces, when we
heard a sudden crack under our sledges; the next moment I felt myself
gently sink, but a piece of ice still kept me up. It broke a second
time, and my skates became almost invisible. Every effort to extricate
myself would have been fruitless, as the least motion must have carried
me forward and plunged me into the water. Fortunately it was only
four feet deep; by their exertions, my people at last drew me from
my embarassment, but they were nearly as much in want of assistance
themselves. Deaf to the remonstrances of my conductors, I was desirous
of proceeding, but we soon found it necessary mutually to aid each
other in gaining the bank. Meanwhile the snow melted so rapidly, that
our dogs paddled in the water without advancing a step, and fell one
upon another exhausted with fatigue.
Among my guides was a serjeant, whom M. Kokh had given me for my
better security. His reputation for courage and experience led me to
consider him as my compass and guardian, and I kept my eye fixed upon
him, observing his motions and studying his countenance, which had
hitherto been inflexibly composed. In the midst of the murmurs of the
rest of my company, he had not uttered a word nor altered a muscle of
his face, so as to discover any emotion. I naturally construed this
silence into a disavowal of the fears with which they attempted to
fill me, and his tranquillity as an encouragement to go on. Never had
my astonishment been greater than to see him suddenly stop, protesting
that he would not proceed a step farther. I interrogated him, and urged
him to explain himself. “I can no longer be silent,” he answered,
“influenced by a sentiment of vanity, and a desire to display superior
courage, I have hitherto withheld from giving my opinion respecting the
hazardous measure you are desirous of pursuing; but the more I admire
your intrepidity, the more I think myself bound to prevent the fatal
consequences it may occasion, and to inform you of the many dangers and
obstacles that will every instant spring up before you. The majority
of the rivers are already disencumbered of their ice, and could you so
far succeed as to pass them, you would soon be overtaken and surrounded
by the floods. What will then be your resource? To seek an asylum on a
mountain or in a forest, if you should be fortunate enough to meet with
one. Like the inhabitants[51] of these cantons in such circumstances,
can you build yourself a cabin on the tops of the trees, there to
remain a fortnight or three weeks till the waters shall subside? And
are you sure that even in this lofty retreat they will not reach you,
or force you down, together with the tree that serves as your support?
Are you sure that your stock of provisions will preserve you, during
this interval, from the apprehensions of famine? If this summary view
of the calamities that await you are not sufficient to intimidate you,
proceed; you are your own master; I have done my duty, and must beg
leave to quit you.”
This blunt remonstrance, and the terrible prediction it contained, did
not fail to make a strong impression on my mind, and I considered that
I could not do better than return immediately to Okotsk, from which we
were only fifty-five wersts distant.
We reached Medvejé-golova the same evening, where I stayed till four
o’clock in the afternoon of the next day. From thence to the river
Okhota I felt no other inconvenience than that of travelling very
slowly, but to compensate for this short respite, we experienced, when
we came to cross the river, new perils and new alarms. I confess that
I was equally terrified with my people, and dared neither measure with
my eye the width of the river, nor lose sight for a moment of the trace
of my sledge. The instability of the ice, which was moved up and down
by the current, made me apprehensive that it could not bear the weight
of so many passengers, and I expected every instant that an abyss would
open and swallow up some of us. At length having gained the bank, we
counted over the company one after another, to convince ourselves that
no one was lost, and the pleasure of having escaped this tremendous
danger, gave wings to the remainder of our journey to Okotsk, where we
arrived the 14 at noon.
So speedy a return, occasioned some pleasantries on the part of M.
Kokh and the other officers; each reminded me of his prediction; but
I was less confused at the folly of my attempt, than mortified and
distressed at its failure. I calculated with grief that my stay in this
town would not perhaps be less than a month. Engrossed by a thousand
melancholy ideas, I was for some time incapable of returning any
answer to the demonstrations of joy and friendship which were heaped
upon me. All the obstacles I had met with from my first landing at
the port of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, occurred at once to my mind,
and I conceived that the invincible hand of fate opposed itself to
the success of my embassy. It was to no purpose that I employed every
means of being expeditious; it was to no purpose that I had pushed
my zeal to rashness, and on many occasions hazarded both my life and
my dispatches. What a distance was I still from Petersburg! In the
mean time six months are frequently known to be sufficient for this
journey; and a vessel leaving Bolcheretsk in July, will, if it meet
with no accident, commonly arrive at Okotsk in three weeks or a month,
and sometimes in twelve or fifteen days. From Okotsk to Yakoutsk, on
horseback, is only the business of a month, and in like manner from
Yakoutsk to Irkoutsk, whether we sail down, the Lena, or ride along
its banks. At Irkoutsk it will probably be necessary to wait six weeks
till the frost sets in, and by means of sledges it is easy travelling
to Petersburg in a similar portion of time; the governor general has
performed it in twenty eight days.
It is impossible to express my impatience and despair, when I
contrasted the tediousness of my journey with this expeditious mode
of travelling. Eight months had already elapsed, and I was no farther
than Okotsk. It is true, I had no choice of season, and had been
detained nearly three months at Bolcheretsk; obliged beside to make by
land the tour of the peninsula of Kamtschatka, I had had to contend
with tempests and a thousand obstacles, each more grievous than the
preceding. These delays had been equally involuntary and unavoidable;
and though they may be pleaded in my justification, they do not remove
the regret that is inseparable from the recollection of them. It is
always distressing not to be able to execute the trust reposed in
us, particularly when it is known, that at a different season, and
under other circumstances, the task would have been easy; but it is
still more distressing, when attended with the anxiety to see our
native country and our dearest friends. Such were the reflections
which agitated my mind on my return to Okotsk; and for many days they
poisoned the pleasures that every one was desirous of procuring me. At
length, however, the attentions I experienced, and the amusements that
poured in upon me on all sides, dispelled my chagrin, and there was no
longer any merit in my resignation.
Among the officers of the garrison, I owed peculiar obligations to M.
Loftsoff, inspector general. He gave instant orders that the belt of
their wretched horses should be collected from the environs, and kept
in readiness to set off at a moment’s warning[52]. This precaution
enabled me to seize the first favourable opportunity, which, I
flattered myself, would be sooner than they gave me reason to expect.
Mrs. Kasloff, informed of my return, had the kindness to send me every
day an abundance of milk, which she knew had been prescribed by M.
Allegretti, as the only food that could relieve my breast. I was the
more obliged by this attention, as it was not possible to procure milk
at Okotsk at any price.
In a few days I heard news that gave me real pleasure. An express from
Ingiga informed us of M. Kasloff’s arrival in that settlement; but he
had brought no letter from the governor; and our joy soon gave place to
anxiety. In what situation had he arrived? Why had he not written? His
health perhaps would not permit him? We all questioned the messenger
in turns, and it was with difficulty he could convince us of his
safety; but the probability of his account, its invariable uniformity,
and our own hopes, so natural, when the person in question is dear to
us, persuaded us at last that our fears were vain; and in spite of
my melancholy experience of the difficulties of the route, and the
unfavourableness of the season, blinded by my attachment, I frequently
deceived myself, and lessened the obstacles, from my desire to see him
before my departure.
Okotsk being the seat of administration, and the entrepôt of the
Russian commerce in this country, I found myself at the fountain
head of knowledge respecting these subjects. The society in which I
lived, offered me a thousand opportunities of instruction, which it
was impossible not to embrace. I first applied myself to the study of
commerce, by enquiring into the causes that gave rise to, that favoured
and increased the enterprises of the Russian colonies in this quarter
of the world. I was assisted in my enquiries by the most enlightened
persons and the best informed merchants; and to ascertain the truth
of their accounts, I frequently contrasted them with each other, and
compared them with the assertions of Coxe. I beg leave to transcribe,
in this place, the notes which I minuted down for my own information.
If they should contain any details sufficiently interesting to obtain
pardon for the digression, I shall have gained my end, and be amply
rewarded for my labour.
By the conquest of the eastern part of Siberia, the Russians came into
possession of the fruitful mines with which it abounds, and which were
held in no estimation by the inhabitants. To the extraction of iron,
the conquerors added that of silver, gold, and other precious metals,
the eternal objects of the avarice of mankind. The discovery of these
new sources of wealth, enflamed the courage of the adventurers; the
result was, that they were desirous of extending their dominion still
farther, and their eager regards reached beyond Irkoutsk, which ought
on this side to have bounded their empire.
Upon their first incursions into the neighbouring countries, they
perceived, with regret, that they had not the same advantages to hope
for. Nature appeared every where to have acted as a step-mother. The
sterility of the soil, which equalled the rigour of the climate,
and the stupid sloth of the savage inhabitants, who were chiefly
hunters, herdsmen, or ichthyophagi, men who subsist on fish, offered
no flattering resources to industry, and was directly calculated to
check all speculative ideas. But ingenious avarice knew how to acquire
wealth even here. The view of the clothing of the savages, suggested
instantly the idea of robbing them of it, and the emigrants calculated
the possibility of succeeding by the lure of exchange, and the immense
profit that would accrue from this branch of commerce, when it was once
in their possession.
As they proceeded farther to the east of Asia, it was remarked that
the furs were more beautiful; and this was sufficient to persuade
Russia that it was her interest and glory to subject every part of this
vast country to the obedience of her laws. Hitherto it had been the
theatre of the piracies of a herd of Cossacs and Tartars, with whom
some Russians, instigated by the same spirit of plunder, had united
themselves. The success of their attempts being known, the allurement
of riches attracted a greater number of emigrants, whose audacity
increased in proportion to the resistance they met with from the
indigenes. In vain had nature placed these savages in barren deserts,
in the midst of forests, where their independence seemed to be out of
the reach of attack; in vain had she given them frosts, mountains, and
seas of ice as barriers; every thing is surmountable by ambition, a
rage for conquest, and a thirst for riches. The courage of the natives
incited them every day to fresh combats, but it could not save them
from oppression; the conquerors, if I may so speak, sprung up again
in proportion as they perished in these bloody contests. Frequent
reinforcements, countenanced by the government, repaired these losses,
and gave no time to the vanquished to recover from the surprise and
shame of having yielded to a handful of foreigners, whose usurpations
became more enormous on every victory. By force of arms they were
already masters of the whole territory as far as Okotsk, and northward
had advanced to the banks of the Anadir.
To secure so many advantages, a system of government and commerce was
necessary; and immediately forts were constructed and towns built.
These establishments, paltry as they were, opened an asylum to Russian,
and other commercial speculators, who were acquainted with the route
through these provinces. Here they could resort, when tired of their
perilous expedition, and derive succour against the insults of the
primitive inhabitants, who were always disposed to throw off the yoke
and make reprisals.
Independently of the vexations of every kind that were exercised
against them, doubtless without the knowledge of the court to which
they were become tributary, the natives frequently suffered still
farther from the treachery, cruelties, and all the excesses practised
by ferocious conquerors, when intoxicated with success, and goaded
on by the abuse of riches and power, and the hope of impunity. In
practising these barbarities, individuals were emboldened by the
example of their superiors, even of such as were appointed to stop
the disorders, which became at last so enormous as to excite the
indignation of the empress. The produce of the customs no longer flowed
with equal abundance into the treasury; the tributes were either
annihilated or diminished by the persons appointed to collect them.
Hence the frequent change of governors, whose depravity or incapacity
was justly accused, and merited at least an instant recall. Hence the
want of discipline among the troops, the confusion of all order among
the colonists, the daily accusations, the murders, and all the crimes
that anarchy engenders.
It happened exactly the same at Kamtschatka, when a chief of the
Cossacs[53] reduced the inhabitants of that peninsula to submit
themselves to the Russian yoke. How heavily did it at first bear upon
them! how many troubles, how many depredations, how many revolts did it
occasion! This intestine and cruel war ceased not till a better mode of
government was adopted.
A new order of things then took place; the rights of the indigenes
were more respected, the taxes were less arbitrary, every function
was more faithfully discharged. Freed from the shackles that loaded
it, commerce began to prosper, speculations multiplied, the wealthy
merchants of Russia sent their factors to Okotsk, and this town became
the metropolis to other settlements that gradually sprung up. The
eligibleness of its situation in the center of the conquered provinces,
gave it this preference, notwithstanding the smallness of the port; but
the navigation is almost entirely confined to coasting, and the ships
that trade to Kamtschatka are chiefly galliots.
The cargos which they brought back, that is, the valuable skins
obtained from the inhabitants by way of exchange, or as tribute, were
afterwards sent to the center of the empire, where they were sold under
the eyes, as it were, of government, and chiefly on its account. The
caprice of the purchasers, whether natives or foreigners, was the only
standard of the market: the art of the sellers was directed to raise
the price of their merchandise; but from the skill of the one, and the
eagerness of the other, no real benefit accrued, except to the revenue,
in consequence of the enormous duties levied upon every thing that is
bought and sold.
In the mean time Okotsk flourished, and the number of merchant ships
that arrived in and sailed out of the port increased every day: more
considerable connections gave rise to more extensive views.
Russian caravans, leaving Siberia behind them, passed from desert to
desert to the very borders of China. After some warm contests, and a
variety of treaties infringed and broken, it was at last settled that
the two nations should trade together on the frontiers. This privilege,
which China had not granted to any of the neighbouring powers, was
calculated to give to Russian commerce[54] an unbounded extension.
The merchants were no sooner informed of this new market for the
sale of their furs, than they exerted themselves to procure a greater
abundance. Their vessels, entrusted to pilots chosen from government
ships, sailed for the east of Kamtschatka. These navigators, more
daring than skilful, were fortunate beyond what they had reason to
expect; they not only discovered some unknown islands, but returned
from their voyage loaded with so considerable a cargo of most beautiful
skins, that the court of Petersburg considered herself as bound to
bestow a more particular attention to these discoveries.
Resolved to pursue them, from the hope of one day adding these islands
to the number of her possessions, she entrusted the execution of her
designs to the most able marine officers, such as Behring, Tchirikoff,
Levacheff, and others equally celebrated. Some fitted out their vessels
at Okotsk, and others sailed from the port of Avatscha, or Saint Peter
and St. Paul, at the point of Kamtschatka; all were eager to traverse
the vast archipelago that opened before them; all proceeded from one
discovery in pursuit of another. Copper island, Behring island, the
Aleutienne and Fox islands, were found in turns, and new tributes
enriched the royal treasury. Having wandered a long time over the
seas, these happy Argonauts reached the coast of America. A peninsula
(that of Alaxa) presented itself to their view; having landed, they
understood that it formed a part of the main continent; every thing
indicated that it was the new quarter of the world, and full of joy,
they sailed back to their country.
Scarcely had they given an account of the success of their voyage,
proved by the useful observations they made, when the views of commerce
were eagerly directed towards a region that offered inexhaustible
resources. Russian factories were established at Alaxa[55], and
the immense profit accruing to them has, in spite of the distance,
supported ever since between the factors and their principals, the
strictest correspondence. The following is the mode of traffic adopted
at Okotsk, whence a number of vessels sail every year for America.
When a merchant has resolved to make this voyage, either in person
or by means of one of his agents, he asks the consent of the governor,
which is seldom refused. The cargo is divided into shares, and every
person is at liberty to purchase. The shares amount only to the sum
necessary to defray the expences of fitting out, and purchasing the
articles of merchandise, which consist of stuffs, iron utensils, glass
trinkets, handkerchiefs, brandy, tobacco, and other things held in
estimation by savages. The officers and sailors have no wages, but are
allowed a part of the cargo, which is called _paï_. The voyage lasts
three, four, or six years; and from a spirit of avarice, the vessel
is conducted to such places as are the least frequented, and even new
discoveries are attempted[56].
Upon their return, these ships undergo a strict search. The owners pay
duties to government, regulated by the nature of their cargoes, and
estimated by the bills of lading. An appraisement is then made of the
remainder, which is divided into equal portions: each owner receives
either in kind or in money the amount of his capital, (allowing for
freightage, and loss) and his share in the profits, if any have
accrued. It will readily be perceived that it is chance alone in a
manner that decides upon the quantum of dividend or deficit. In fine,
part of the goods are sold at Okotsk, and part transported to Yakoutsk,
from thence to Irkoutsk, and last of all to Kiakhta, where the Chinese
are the established purchasers.
The mode of government is equally entitled to attention. During my
abode in the peninsula, the tribunals of which, as I have already
observed, hold from those of Okotsk, I obtained the fullest information
on this subject[57]. I had only therefore to consider more attentively
the discipline of the garrison, and the police of the town, which
equally astonished me.
I expected to see, as it formerly was, a licentious soldiery; that
is, a band of ferocious Cossacs, robbers by nature, and ignorant of
every law but their caprice or interest. Not a day passed without some
of them deserting with arms and baggage, and frequently the magazines
were pillaged by this audacious troop. It was to no purpose that the
representatives of the sovereign practiced severity to put a stop
to these desertions and plunderings; it was to no purpose that all
the criminals, whom it was possible to apprehend, were subjected to
the _battogues_, or gantlet, and other punishments practiced in the
Russian army. These desperadoes were so hardened to stripes, or so
incorrigible, that they incurred the next day new penalties; nor could
the severest punishment restrain them, or deter others. At present
however the garrison is subjected to a still severer discipline, and
instances of disobedience are more rare. Great praise is due to the
reformers, whose perseverance and ability have operated such good
effects.
Equal attention has been paid to the department of the police, which
it was no easy task to establish in a town that has a considerable
number of exiles among its inhabitants. The majority bear the indelible
marks with which the hand of justice has branded their guilty heads,
and the rest, condemned to the gallies, meditate incessantly during
their labours in the port, how to break their chains with impunity.
Sometimes escapes are effected, and woe to those places where these
culprits betake themselves! But the continual vigilance of the governor
does not long permit them to enjoy this fatal liberty; they are soon
apprehended and punished, and by being loaded with heavier chains, all
fears for the public safety are removed. The conduct of M. Kokh on
this occasion struck me as equally prudent and determined; to a spirit
of moderation, which forms the essence of his character, the utmost
inflexibility is united.
The Lamouts, the Toungouses, and the Yakouts, fail not also to find
employment for administration, either by the complaints which they
occasion, or by their frequent insurrections, particularly at the
time of levying taxes. This department is intrusted to the care of M.
Loftsoff, inspector general, who, by his activity and prudence, has the
art of appeasing the tumults, accommodating the disputes, and executing
without violence the decrees of his sovereign. I had an opportunity of
judging how perfectly satisfied all parties were with his conduct.
Such was the prosperous situation in which I found this branch of the
general government. May the testimony which I am desirous of giving
in its favour, be contrasted with the first accounts, and guard the
reader against the disadvantageous prejudices, which a view of the
former defective government is calculated to inspire. The new governors
are at least intitled to this justice, that if abuses still prevail,
they exert themselves without intermission to put a stop to them, in
proportion as such abuses become known.
A report lately prevailed, I know not from what authority, that there
was an intention of removing the inhabitants of Okotsk, either to
Oudskoi, or some neighbouring settlement. If the court have really
such a project in view, it must have felt, I should suppose, the
necessity of having a more considerable town in this quarter, and that
convenience, extent, and security, will determine its choice of a new
port.
I have promised the reader some account of the commission of M.
Billings. I have already observed, that he has two ships building in
the dock of Okotsk, but I should be considerably at a loss to say what
is their destination. It is not possible to penetrate the mystery;
and all I know is, that M. Billings, from his reputation, and the
abilities he displayed in one of the voyages of captain Cook, who was
his countryman, has been invited into Russia, and, with the rank of
captain, appointed to command a secret expedition, the object of which
is supposed to be that of discovery. The powers accorded to him seem
to be boundless; and materials, workmen, sailors, every requisite, in
short, have been supplied by the court.
For the sake of dispatch, M. Billings had divided his men, and sent
a part of them to Okotsk under the superintendance of M. Hall, his
lieutenant, to construct two vessels, while he himself made, with
the remainder, for the Frozen Ocean, in stout sloops and other ships
hastily built in the river Kolumé.
The end of this first expedition is as yet a secret, and various
conjectures are formed respecting it. The most intelligent persons
agreed in supposing that he was to make the circuit of this part of
Asia, to double cape Svetoï, and endeavour to return to Okotsk by
the sea of Kamtschatka. If such were his project, it is probable
that he met with some insurmountable obstacles in its execution, as
he returned, after three months navigation, to the river Kolumé, and
sailed from thence for Yakoutsk.
The armament under the direction of M. Hall had been suspended for a
considerable part of the winter, but was revived and carried on with
vigour during my abode at Okotsk. The hull of one vessel was already
finished, and the keel of another laid in the dock. The ropemakers,
blacksmiths, carpenters, sailmakers, caulkers[58], had separate
workshops. The continual presence of the superintending officers
animated the zeal of the workmen. Notwithstanding this diligence on all
sides, to which I was a witness, I doubt whether these ships will be
fit for sea these two years.
The river Okhota had always been disencumbered of its ice before 20
May; to the great astonishment of the inhabitants it did not begin
to float this year till the 26 in the afternoon. It was a spectacle
for the town, and I was invited as to a party of pleasure; but from
the idea that it must be similar to what I had seen at Petersburg, I
discovered little inclination or curiosity. Importuned however upon the
subject, I went to the river. The crowd was already assembled, and I
was immediately assailed on every side by the unanimous vociferations
of those about me, who exclaimed in full chorus at sight of the
enormous sheets of ice which were lifted up by the rapidity of the
current. The noise of some seemed to drown that of others, and the
multitude flocked together without end. The next moment loud groans
struck my ears. I endeavoured to discover whence these cries proceeded,
and I saw a number of men and women running like so many persons in
despair along the bank. I approached with trepidation, persuaded that
some unfortunate child was in danger of being drowned; but I soon
discovered my error.
A troop of about a dozen dogs was the cause of this lamentation.
Their masters, either from avarice or compassion, bewailed in concert
the fate of these poor animals, whose loss seemed inevitable. Seated
tranquilly on the ice that supported them, they looked with an air of
astonishment at the crowd collected upon the bank, whose clamours and
signs could not move them from their posture. Two only had the instinct
to attempt to save themselves, and gained with difficulty the opposite
side; the rest were out of sight in a few minutes, and, conveyed into
the main ocean, must there infallibly have perished.
These dogs were the only victims of the breaking up of the ice; but
its effects have been sometimes so terrible, as to have occasioned the
removal of all the houses[59] near the river. The scattered ruins bear
witness that many of them have been overturned by this fatal event, and
I was informed, that in the course of some years, nearly a fourth part
of the town had been destroyed by it.
The inhabitants wait with impatience for the period when the river
shall regain its natural state; it is time that the fishing season
should commence, and relieve them from the famine that begins to
prevail. The stock of fish procured in the preceding summer had
been scanty, and was nearly exhausted. The supply of meal was also
considerably diminished, and what remained was so dear that the common
people were unable to purchase. The humanity of M. Kokh signalised
itself on this occasion. There was a reserve of rye flour in the stores
belonging to government, and he distributed it among the indigent class
of the inhabitants. This afforded them some relief, but it was not of
long duration. M. Kokh, who received a number of persons at his table,
was reduced to the necessity of having recourse to a few eatables which
he had laid by in the preceding year. At last we had nothing to eat but
beef dried in the sun. To get a supply of fresh provisions, the major
sent out a party to hunt deer and argali, but they had only once the
good fortune to be successful.
The thaw being ended, he ordered the seine to be immediately used. I
was present with a large party, and the spectacle was much superior, in
my opinion, to that to which I had before been invited. It is not easy
to express the pleasure, the transport of the multitude of spectators
upon the first cast of the net. A prodigious quantity of small fish,
like smelts and herrings, were caught, and the joy and clamour
redoubled at the sight. The most famished were first served, and the
whole produce of this fortunate beginning given up to them. I could
not restrain my tears on perceiving the ravenousness of these poor
creatures; whole families contended for the fish, which were devoured
raw before my eyes.
To these fishing enterprises, which became more successful every day
from salmon[60], and other large fish coming up the river, succeeded
the diversion of hunting water fowl[61], which were so abundant as to
cover the surface of the water: this was a new means of subsistance for
the inhabitants.
In the mean time the season advanced, and in spite of the frequent
fogs, we had now and then some fine days. They were the more
acceptable, as the snow had fallen during the night of the 29 two
inches deep, and the cold was so severe as to be one degree below zero.
The waters gradually abated, but there was no appearance of vegetation.
Some blades of rotten grass, the melancholy fruit of the last efforts
of Nature at the close of autumn, was the only nourishment that the
earth afforded to the horses, till the return of the genial influence
of spring.
I was already anxious to be gone, and though I could not deceive
myself respecting the miserable state of these animals, I intreated M.
Kokh to order such as had been appointed for my use to be collected,
resolving to leave Okotsk 6 June at latest. His orders were punctually
executed; and thanks to his cares, to the kindness of Mrs. Kasloff, and
the liberality of a number of friends, whom I left in this settlement,
I found myself all at once amply provided with bread and biscuit. Had
it not been for the recollection of the famine, I should have felt
myself flattered by these presents; but the idea that I was to support
myself with the sacrifices of friendship, hurt my feelings, and it
was not without considerable pain that I was obliged to keep what no
refusals could induce them to take back.
The evening preceding my departure was devoted to taking leave. I had
the pleasure to learn that M. Loftsoff intended to accompany me to
Moundoukann, and that lieutenant Hall, called to that place by some
affairs relative to the armament under his care, was to go with us.
I had little expected a third companion, doubly dear to me, but M.
Allegretti informed me, that he had prepared every thing to conduct
me as far as the cross of Yudoma. How great were my surprise and
gratitude, when I understood that personal attachment was the sole
motive of his journey! Of my two soldiers, Golikoff only attended me;
Nedarezoff staid at Okotsk, but I took his father to serve me as pilot
on the river Yudoma. A number of workmen, as I had agreed with the
major, were to set out immediately after me, to repair the boats, which
would be found unfit for service, that I might not be exposed to new
dangers or new delays.
All my preparations being completed, I tore myself from the arms of M.
Kokh. A number of inhabitants did me the honour to attend me to the
gates of the town, where our horses waited for us, and where, after
mutual reiterations of good wishes, we separated: my hosts carried with
them, I trust, the conviction, that they had not entertained a man
insensible to obligation.
At sight of the horse I was to mount, I drew back with horror and
compassion. I had never seen so wretched an animal. His sides were lank
and hollow, his buttocks narrow and peaked, so that you might count
every bone they contained, his neck unsupported, his head between his
legs, his haunches nerveless and weak. Such is the exact description
of my steed. You may judge of the figure of the other horses, among
which mine passed for one of the least despicable. The saddle had a
considerable resemblance to our own. Those which were provided for our
baggage were smaller, made of wood, and perforated with holes; upon the
top there were two sticks fastened cross-wise on which the load[62] was
suspended, taking care however to make the weight equal on both sides,
as the smallest disproportion would infallibly have prevented the
beasts from maintaining their equilibrium.
It was in this pitiful plight that our caravan sat out. To console
ourselves for the slow pace we travelled, each was merry at the expence
of his steed. Twelve wersts from Okotik, a tolerably large salt work
was pointed out to me on the sea coast; the men employed in it were all
malefactors or convicts. Beyond this house we left the sea at our left,
and travelled for some time on the banks of the Okhota.
If the breaking up of this river occasion such alarm to the
inhabitants of the town, its overflowings are not less fatal to the
environs. Rising above the banks, the water not only floods the
adjacent country, but becomes a torrent, that swells as it extends
itself. It has been said to rise two feet above the tops of the highest
trees. From this account one may suppose its ravages to be dreadful,
and certain it is that I saw in the forests gulfs of an astonishing
depth, said to be the work of these floods.
Within a short distance from Medvejé-golova, my horse fell under me,
and it was impossible to make him get up again; I had fortunately time
to quit the saddle, and received therefore no injury. We left the beast
on the spot[63], where it doubtless expired a few hours after. We had
still eleven horses remaining; I was therefore remounted in an instant,
and reached the village without meeting with any other accident.
We proceeded the next day, at nine o’clock in the morning, and forded
the river Okhota, the course of which we were no longer to pursue. I
perceived here and there some Yakout yourts at a considerable distance
from each other: seldom are any number of them seen together.
The disposition of these families to live in this isolated manner,
results from a motive of interest that is of the first importance.
Horses being their chief source of wealth, if the proprietors (some of
whom possess more than a thousand) built their habitations nearer to
each other, how would they be able to procure nourishment for their
numerous studs? The neighbouring pastures must soon be exhausted, and
it would be necessary to send multitudes of them to a considerable
distance; but how many inconveniences would result in consequence of
the negligence or dishonesty of the keepers.
Arrived at Moundoukann, our horses were so fatigued that we passed the
night there and all the next day, which was 8 June. I have already
observed that this village is twenty wersts from Medjevé-golova; it
gives its name to a river on which it is situated.
At break of day I separated from M. Hall and M. Loftsoff, who were to
stay in this place. I first climbed a high mountain called _Ourak_, the
summit of which was still covered with snow; it reached to the bellies
of our horses, who suffered extremely in this passage.
A river of the same name runs at the foot of the mountain. It is wide,
deep, and rapid; and on its bank is a yourt inhabited by watermen. They
were at this time all absent, probably a hunting, as their open house
indicated that they had not long been departed.
Tired of calling and waiting for them, we launched the least defective
of the boats that were fastened on the bank, and after searching about
we found some oars. We unloaded and unsaddled the horses, and placed
the baggage in the boat, which in turn conveyed us to the other side.
Our steeds still remained, and I trembled lest they should not be able
to swim across. The security of my Yakouts in this respect appeared to
me unaccountable; by dint of whipping them, they forced them into the
water; the boat went before to guide them, and one of our conductors
was left on the bank to pelt them with stones and frighten them with
his cries, so as to prevent their turning back. In about half an
hour they all arrived safe, when they were immediately saddled and
reloaded[64], and we pursued our journey.
The weakness of our horses obliged us to halt twenty-five wersts from
Moundoukann, in a place that offered us most pasture, and that seemed
to have few traces of bears. From a fast of six months, it is easily
conceived how much the voracity of these animals is to be dreaded.
Deserting their dens, they prowl about the country, and from the want
of fish, with which the rivers do not yet abound, they ravenously
attack every animal they meet, and particularly horses. We were obliged
to take precautions even for our own safety. From the following
description, the reader will be able to form an idea of the nature of
our halts.
Having fixed upon the spot, the horses were eased of their burthens
and permitted to graze at liberty. Fires were then kindled at equal
distances round our little camp, and at the entrance of my tent I
repeatedly discharged my musquet, being assured that the report and
smell of the powder would terrify and drive away the bears. At break of
day our horses are assembled; if any of them were dispersed they came
at the cry of my Yakouts, who possess the same talent in this respect
as the Koriacs with their rein deer.
Surprised at seeing tufts of horse hair suspended to the branches
of trees, I asked the cause of it, and was informed that they were
offerings made by the people of the country to the gods of the woods
and highways. My guides had their favourite places, where they piously
deposed similar gifts. This superstition is at least productive of
one good effect, as the offerings may serve to point out the road to
travellers.
In the course of the preceding day we had crossed various branches
of the river Ourak, the ramifications of which are infinite, but
none of them occasioned us any delay. The 11, about five o’clock
in the afternoon, we met this river again: its width was not very
considerable, and, but for the rain[65] that had fallen and swelled
the current, we should have felt no hesitation in fording it as we had
done in the preceding instances. My principal guide represented it
as dangerous; but having been forewarned that if I listened to their
advice they would frequently make me halt even at noon day, to repose
themselves rather than from a wish to refresh their horses, I resolved
at least to have the depth founded. The experiment however convinced me
that my guide was in the right. The person whom I ordered to go into
the river was quickly obliged to return, as his horse lost footing a
few steps from the bank. It was necessary to pitch our camp in the
neighbourhood, where our horses fortunately found something to eat.
That I might lose less time, I restricted myself to one regular meal
in the evening, satisfied with the refreshment of rye biscuit in the
course of the day; but I had desired my people to inform me whenever
they perceived any game[66], and we lived for some time on the fruits
of my success. Necessity is an able master, and custom supplied the
want of skill.
If I happened to kill any small animals, they fell to the lot of my
Yakouts, except the skins, which they returned to me. Golikoff had
given me a disgust to this food, which I conceived from his report
to be very nauseous. Tempted however one day by the whiteness of the
flesh, when boiled, I eat part of one of these little animals: they
taste of the fir, but are less disagreeable than I had been led to
believe. In a time of scarcity, I should have considered them as very
acceptable, and can forgive the Yakouts their high relish of them.
Their principal food, which they call _bourdouk_, gave me infinitely
more repugnance. It is a kind of thick frumenty, made of rye meal and
water, into which, after it is taken off the fire, they pour fish
oil: the quantity they eat of it astonished and shocked me. I was
told that in general they were not very great eaters; it was however
added, that they now and then, as a treat, roast a horse, which is
demolished in a few hours by a very small number of guests, and the
intestines of the animal are by no means the least precious morsel. Who
would suppose that men of such voracious appetites, practice at other
times a frugality that seems scarcely sufficient to support life, and
frequently continue a number of days together without food?
I was awaked at an early hour by my guides, who came to inform me that
the river had considerably abated during the night. While they were
loading our baggage a number of horsemen arrived, who had in like
manner been detained on the opposite side; they crossed without any
risk, and inspired us with the fullest confidence.
They were bankrupt merchants going to try their fortune, as factors
of a man of property, whose speculation had obtained the concurrence
of the court, and all the succours that he wanted. Its object was
the fur trade, particularly that of sables, caught by the Koriacs
and Tchouktchis. These factors were to separate at the mouth of the
Pengina, and advance considerably into the country. They were allowed
four or five years for their undertaking, and their intention was not
only to collect furs from every quarter in the way of purchase, but to
hunt themselves the animals that furnished them. Apprehensive of no
other obstacles but what might be occasioned by the natives, they were
provided with ammunition and arms to repel their insults.
In quitting us they turned an eye of pity on our poor beasts, while
we on the contrary observed with envy the strength and good condition
of theirs. Coming from the environs of Yakoutsk, where there is no
scarcity of winter provisions, these horses were a perfect contrast
with ours, which appeared still more wretched from the comparison.
When we had passed the river, I asked my guides if I might hope that it
was the last we should cross. They replied in the negative, informing
me that we should meet with three others in the course of the day. From
their description I judged that they must be new branches of the Ourak.
Be this as it may, my fears increased every time, and the idea that the
horse might fall with my box, made me shudder.
Upon coming out of a thick wood, I found myself on the bank of a
real torrent, the stream was so rapid, and the breadth of the river
scarcely less than two hundred yards; at a little distance it poured
itself into the Ourak. In the mean time we conceived it to be fordable,
and with this confidence I spurred my horse to make him descend. In
the middle of the river I felt his legs tremble. I encouraged him;
he proceeded, and the water now reached no farther than my knee.
Emboldened by this circumstance, I placed myself firm in my seat,
having been thrown something off my center by a sort of dizziness
which the continual view of the current perpetually excited. Already
I approached the opposite bank, the climbing of which required new
efforts. To ascend it, it was necessary to surmount a ridge of ice
which still remained attached to it. The declivity was steep, but it
would have been in vain to have fought for a better landing-place.
My resolution was soon taken, and I directed the animal towards the
perilous ascent; already he had gained a position for his fore feet,
and he rested them as well as he could to bring forward his hind ones.
He lost his footing, and fell backward into the water; the horse and
the rider floated in different parts of the stream. The water was deep,
and the cumberousness of my dress restrained my efforts. Both the
animal and myself were carried along by the violence of the current,
and I insensibly grew weaker. I was approaching the place where the
two rivers joined, when on a sudden I heard a voice saying, “Catch at
the bridle of your horse, or it is over with you!” The sound, the idea
of the danger re-animated me; I struck forward with all my strength,
stretched out my hand, and seized the rein. Providence was undoubtedly
watchful for my preservation, for at the same moment my horse took
footing and breath; an instant later, and we had been lost. I slided my
hand to the upper end of the bridle, and then threw my arms strongly
round the neck of the animal. Thus I remained suspended as it were
between life and death, not daring to move a finger, and calling aloud
for succour. My faithful Golikoff had in vain endeavoured to follow me
in my misfortune; the vigour of his horse did not correspond to the
zeal of the rider; anxious and impatient, it was he that had given me
the salutary and terrible advice of grasping at my horse; and no sooner
did he perceive its happy effects, than he hastened on his part to
climb the shore. To land, to run towards me, to lay hold of my horse
and drag him out of the water, and to restore me to life, was all the
affair of five minutes.
My first care, having leaped on the neck of my deliverer, was to tear
off the port-folio which was fastened to my girdle. In spite of the
oil case in which it was enveloped the water had penetrated into it,
and I trembled for the fate of two important packets which count de la
Perouse had particularly recommended to my care. I had the pleasure to
find that they were but little injured.
My box I had left on the other side; my uneasiness respecting it was
soon dispelled by the arrival of M. Allegretti and my other companions,
who placed it in my hands. They were still pale and dismayed at the
accident I had encountered, and considered it as a miracle that I had
been able to save myself. I had seen death too near me, not to be of
the same opinion.
We again mounted our horses, but I confess that my blood froze in my
veins, when we approached a river; I took care in future to send one of
my guides before, and was not free from apprehension till he made me a
signal from the opposite bank.
During this day, as well as in every preceding one since our departure
from Okotsk, we constantly travelled through forests, or along the
banks of rivers. In the woods the trees[67] that line the roads are
small, but so bushy and so beset with briars, that my Yakouts were
frequently obliged to clear the way with their hatchets[68], which
still slackened our pace, though we never went at a greater rate than a
walk.
I arrived in tolerable time at Oratskoï-plodbisché. This was the first
habitation I had seen since the yourt belonging to the watermen, and I
spent there the rest of the day. The river Ourak flows at the foot of
this hamlet; the number of inhabitants amounts only to five soldiers,
each of whom has an isba. They are appointed to guard a magazine for
the reception of effects belonging to the crown, sent from Okotsk or
Yakoutsk. Upon occasion they convey the merchandize as far as the mouth
of the Ourak; but this river is so obstructed, sometimes with flats and
sometimes with cataracts, and the embarkations at the same time are so
weak, that the navigation is equally painful and dangerous.
The next morning, which was the 13, I crossed this river in a boat;
it takes its rise at no great distance, from an immense lake where we
halted in the evening. The lake is situated upon an eminence, is about
seven wersts in circumference, and is said to abound with fish.
I cannot pass over in silence a scene that took place this day
among my Yakouts, respecting a horse that it was necessary to leave
in the road. They had stopped, and were holding a consultation round
the animal. Impatient at seeing no end to their discussion, I was
about to witness my discontent, when they forestalled me, intreating
my indulgence for the delay they occasioned me. Accountable for the
horses committed to their care, it is customary, when they lose any of
them either by accident or from excess of fatigue, to cut off the tail
and the ears, which they are obliged to produce to the proprietor to
exculpate themselves, or pay the value of the animals. The dispute at
present was, whether they should put an end to the poor dying beast.
This required some time, which I was not in a humour to sacrifice to
them, and I replied therefore somewhat angrily, that there was a more
simple, more expeditious, and less cruel way of effecting this end. I
promised them a certificate, that should attest the loss and supply the
place of the usual proofs, by taking the blame of their failure in this
respect upon myself. They acquiesced without hesitation in my proposal,
and this deference was no small proof, I was told, of their respect.
From the hope of travelling quicker, I committed our baggage to
the care of old Nedarezoff, and went on before with M. Allegretti,
Golikoff, and a Yakout. A pond presented itself, the depth of which
might be about a foot. I rode into it with M. Allegretti, and Golikoff
followed holding my box on his saddle. He had scarcely advanced ten
steps when the horse stumbled and threw him off sideways; but more
intent upon his deposit than his own preservation, he fell upon the
box, having taken care not to relinquish his hold. I immediately
alighted to assist him; but having fallen in the mire, he had sustained
no injury. His greatest trouble proceeded from my box being wet, but I
consoled him by shewing him that the water had not touched the inside.
Our horses were so fatigued, that we were obliged to alight and lead
them by the bridle, while the Yakout whipped them severely behind. We
travelled in this manner the whole day, resting every half hour, where
the new grass[69] began to appear, in order to recover in some measure
our poor beasts.
About three o’clock in the afternoon we arrived at the cross of
Yudoma[70]. On an eminence, secure from the overflowings of this river,
which extends its impetuous waves to a great distance, are a number of
magazines guarded by four soldiers, and which serve them as an asylum
when their common habitations by the side of the Yudoma are flooded:
these soldiers practice also the business of watermen, and are at the
service of travellers.
Upon seeing my passport they submitted themselves entirely to my
disposal. Unfortunately all their boats were in a condition the most
wretched that can be imagined, and we had neither materials nor workmen
to refit them. Those who had been sent from Okotsk were not likely to
arrive soon, and I was impatient to embark[71] in order to sail down
the rivers Yudoma, Maya, and Aldann. Among these soldiers, one only
had ever made this voyage, and nine years having since elapsed, he had
totally forgotten the course. I was advised not to try him, unless all
the others refused.
My only resource therefore was Nedarezoff, who had attended me in order
to serve as pilot; but what a pilot! He had once, twelve years ago,
been upon this river, and all he remembered was, that he was three
years in going from Yakoutsk to Okotsk. He conducted at that time a
considerable convoy of timber, anchors, cordage, and other materials
for fitting out an armament.
Of the four boats that were on the strand, I chose the best and the
narrowest, which was twelve feet long by six wide[72]. On examining
it, I found that it must be caulked, tarred, and have an additional
plank at the head to enable it to resist the force of the waves. With
two boards, and some nails from an old boat, one of the soldiers, who
understood a little the trade of a carpenter, effected the latter part
of the business, but we wanted every material for the other repairs.
We ransacked the magazines to no purpose, and during the whole night I
ceased not to puzzle my brain in order to invent some expedient.
At break of day, as I was going to visit the workmen, I trod on an
old and large cord that lay on the bank. Elate with my good fortune,
I carried it to my soldiers; instantly it was cut to pieces, and
unravelled; we had thus a supply of tow, and the three most important
leaks were stopped. The difficulty was to fasten and keep in the tow;
my workmen proposed to me to cover the chinks with laths, but we had no
nails of any sort. Necessity is the mother of invention. With a wimble,
which was the only tool we had, we made holes round the leaky places;
some small cord, which I found in my baggage, being passed through
them, and the holes afterwards filled up with pegs, the laths were so
firmly fastened as to prevent the water from penetrating the boat. At
three o’clock in the afternoon our repairs were completed, the helm
fixed, and the oars adjusted; and I ordered my people to be ready by
the next morning.
When we were just on the point of setting off, a caravan of Yakoutsk
merchants appeared; they were going to Okotsk, and I entreated M.
Allegretti to embrace the opportunity of accompanying them. Our
separation took place at nine o’clock. On leaving him, all the services
he had rendered me, and the proofs of attachment he had evinced,
presented themselves to my view, and made an impression on my heart.
I engaged two of the soldiers to row me, one of whom was the man that
had before made this voyage; Nedarezoff was at the helm; and Golikoff
and I were to relieve him when he should be tired. The rapidity of
the current carried us on with such violence, that we could easily
dispense with the oars. At the rate we sailed my soldiers had no doubt
that we should reach the famous cataract before night, which was more
than eighty wersts from the place of our departure. Their conversation
turned solely upon the dangers we should have to encounter. Though
I was already prepossessed with the idea of their inexperience, by
continually hearing these discourses, dictated by fear, I began at last
to be alarmed myself, and resolved to act with all possible prudence,
that I might have no reason to reproach myself. I frequently went on
shore, and walked along the river to see how far the navigation was
safe. Towards the evening a west north-west wind, brought on rain.
Rather than run any risk in such bad weather I halted, and ordered my
tent to be pitched over the boat.
The next day, after four hours navigation, interrupted by frequent
landings to observe the approach of the cataract, we at last perceived
it. Accompanied by my two pilots, I went to examine the spot. At a
short distance from it I saw a little stony island, which is only
perceptible when the waters begin to fall. My soldiers advised me to
pass, if the waters were sufficiently high, by the way of a canal which
we should find at the right; though the descent was very rapid, they
assured me that it was nothing in comparison with that of the cataract.
This advice engrossed my whole attention, and having convinced myself
of its utility, I returned to the boat, resolved to put it in practice.
I encouraged my people in the best manner I could, and then took the
helm. Nedarezoff sat by me, and Golikoff assisted one of the rowers,
for we had only two oars. We proceeded in this manner till we reached
the conflux of the two streams, one of which led to the canal, and
the other lost itself in the cataract. The impetuosity of the latter
would have drawn us into the abyss, but for the skill and strength of
my rowers. The instant the signal is given, their nervous arms are
stretched to strike the oar, and to struggle against the waves; the
waters rage and foam, and the violent shocks they give to our boat, my
unceasing exhortations, and more than all the fear of being destroyed,
redouble the ardour of my soldiers. We are at length extricated from
the treacherous current, and enter into the canal. How smooth did its
waters appear after this terrifying passage! To give my people rest, I
abandoned myself to the gentle declivity of the stream: the helm was
sufficient to direct the boat.
When we were at the foot of the cataract, curiosity led me to turn my
head. I trembled at its dreadful aspect, and thanked heaven for having
afforded me a different way. Nine boats out of ten that should attempt
this passage, would infallibly be wrecked:--the reader shall judge.
What must be the fate of so small and feeble a float, if, in defiance
of danger, it should be permitted to follow the course of the torrent?
In its precipitate descent, I see it the sport of the waves that roll
one upon another, and fall with a deafening noise from a height of
twenty feet upon three enormous rocks concealed by the foam, and over
which it must necessarily pass. Without a miracle, how should it avoid
sinking, or escape the being dashed to pieces? Meanwhile, when the
water is so low as to render the canal not navigable, there is no other
way left. My guides informed me that the boats were always unladed
before the risk was attempted, and that this was all the precaution
that was taken, and all the skill that could be displayed by the
pilots. These cataracts are called _porog_.
We had still a difficult pass to make, that terrified my people; it
is called _Podporojenei_, or the ebb of the cataract, which is about
the distance of a werst from it. They were still talking of it when
we arrived, and I had scarcely time to explain to them the manœuvre
which I thought it necessary to practice. Our object was to choose the
deepest side; the blackness of the water seemed to point it out, and
I steered towards it. The multiplicity and bulk of the waves tossed
us about with more violence than if we had been in the open sea. All
at once our boat was pitched upon a rock that was on a level with the
water, and which none of us had perceived. We were thrown down by the
force of the shock; my companions imagined themselves to be lost, and
had not the courage to raise themselves; it was in vain I called upon
them to row on; they paid no attention to my cries. I caught hold of
the helm, and perceiving that the boat had sustained no injury, I
animated their drooping spirits, and prevailed on them to take their
stations. We owed our safety to the moss with which the rock was
covered; the boat touched it in its passage, and glided along without
suffering any damage.
To avoid this accident, it is necessary to pass exactly in the middle
of the stream, and to pay no attention to the waves which rise, and
seem to break against the rocks. The passage is about three hundred
yards. At the bottom of this podporojenei, another river empties
itself; the clearness of its water, and the smoothness of its current
by the side of the agitation and turmoil of the Yudoma, form so
striking a contrast, that the eye for a long time distinguishes the one
from the other.
At the left of this last is another arm equally formidable, and which
is called _Tschortofskoï-protok_, or devil’s arm. It pours itself into
the Yudoma about thirty wersts from where this river joins the Maya.
It is known by the number of rocks and dead trees that obstruct its
entrance; if you are not careful to steer constantly to the right, you
are drawn in by a very rapid current, and your ruin is inevitable.
I hoped to kill a bear that was prowling on the bank; I loaded my gun
with deer-shot, and fired at it, but in spite of its wound it fled to
the woods, and I lost sight of it. The next moment a beautiful rein
deer started fifteen paces before me, but my gun not being charged, it
escaped. I saw also a number of argalis, swans, geese, and a fox, but I
could reach none of them.
This day I perceived, for the first time since my departure from
Yudomskoi-krest, a forest of pine trees. To make up for it, I had not
been able to count the numerous woods of firs that presented themselves
to my view, both on the right and left, and it is this tree[73] that
furnishes the masts and other timber used in all the dock yards on this
coast.
I felt myself indisposed by the attack of a fever, but I paid no great
attention to it; I merely laid myself down in the boat, and observed
no other regimen than that of drinking cold water. We no longer halted
during the night, as our navigation was become perfectly easy.
Notwithstanding the assertions I had heard, I could not easily believe
that the Ourak was more rapid than the Yudoma. We sailed on the latter
ten, twelve, and frequently fifteen wersts an hour. Its most regular
direction appeared to be west, and it forms at its mouth a great number
of small islands.
I entered the Maya on the 22, at two o’clock in the morning, and
proceeded in a direction nearly north, but inclining now and then to
the east. The banks of this river are less steep, less dreary than
those of the preceding, though at intervals there are mountains and
even rocks. The difference of the current was still more perceptible,
as we only sailed four wersts an hour.
About noon we met nine boats loaded with a variety of military stores
for M. Billings’ expedition. They were drawn by men, and were going
up the rivers that we had descended. I was not able to approach them,
but I knew that they were bound for Okotsk, under the command of M.
Behring, son of the navigator, to whom Russia owes such interesting
discoveries on the north-west coast of America. He expected, I was
told, to be six weeks in performing what had cost us only four days.
The gnats became troublesome to us to a degree that was almost
insupportable. We had no other way of keeping them off than by the
smoke of rotten wood, with which we were obliged to make an incessant
fire in the night as well as in the day.
In the afternoon of the 23, I quitted the river Maya for another,
larger and more rapid, called the Aldann[74]; but I merely crossed it,
in order to gain a habitation on the other side, opposite to the mouth
of the Maya[75].
I found there some marines belonging to M. Billings’s expedition,
who advised me to embrace the opportunity of a number of horses of
burthen, lately arrived, and that would on their return convey me as
far as _Amgui_. According to my itinerary, I was to go by water to
_Belskaïa-pereprava_, which is in the usual course from Okotsk to
Yakoutsk, but in going by way of Amgui I should considerably shorten
it. This certainty, and the happy chance that provided me with horses,
induced me to alter my previous plan.
I paid my guides[76], and as their orders were to leave the boat at
Belskaïa-pereprava, which was a hundred and fifty wersts farther, they
continued their course on the Aldann. They were not a werst from me,
when I repented the having dismissed them. The Yakouts, to whom the
horses belonged, and who were apprehensive of fatiguing them too much,
heard with regret that I intended to make use of them. Not daring
openly to refuse me, they endeavoured to escape by stealth: they were
pursued, and by dint of promises brought back. To make sure of them we
were obliged to shut them all up in one isba, from which they were not
permitted to come out till they had consented to conduct me to Amgui;
the precaution had in the mean time been taken of selecting ten of the
best horses for my use.
After a good night’s rest, which effectually recovered me from my
slight indisposition, I gaily mounted my horse, accompanied by the
Yakouts, who had been lectured by Golikoff, and were become more
docile. I was astonished at their good humour, which made them sing the
whole way.
Their music is by no means agreeable, and consists of a monotonous and
continual shake in the throat. They are however great improvvisatori.
Their words cost them no labour or efforts of genius, and the subject
is derived from whatever passes before them, or occurs to their mind.
If a bird flies by their side, they will make a song of it that shall
last for an hour. Not that their imagination accumulates ideas; the
song, on the contrary, is nothing more than an endless repetition of
the words, _Lo! the bird in his flight!_
For the space of a hundred wersts we travelled across a moving swamp,
in which our horses sunk so deep that we were obliged to alight in
order to assist in extricating them; the rest of the way was not so
bad. In the midst of a large wood, I saw upon the border of a lake
two fishermen employed in making their winter provisions. Their whole
habitation was merely a roof made of the bark of trees; when the summer
is at an end, they seek among their relations a less exposed and warmer
retreat.
The 25, we had a great deal of rain, particularly while I halted,
which was from four o’clock in the afternoon till eight in the evening.
My Yakouts, to defend themselves from it, placed upon their shoulders
a bears’ skin in the manner of a cape. The tail of a horse, fixed in
the large handle of a whip, served to keep off the flies. We were so
harassed by them, that I hesitated not in having recourse to this
species of fly flap.
The 26 furnished nothing remarkable. I arrived in the evening at the
border of the river Amga, two hundred wersts from the harbour of the
mouth of the Maya. Its depth took from us all desire of crossing it by
fording, and the boats in the mean time were all on the opposite side.
We called for assistance, but it was to no purpose. Out of patience at
seeing no person appear, one of my Yakouts stripped himself, and swam
over to fetch us a boat. The crossing of our whole caravan was not
completed in less than an hour. We immediately mounted our horses, in
order to reach the habitation of a Yakout prince, named Girkoff. In
our way I saw a number of yourts, but they were all at least a werst
from one another. At a little distance from that of the _knesetsk_,
or prince, Golikoff went on before, to endeavour to procure us a good
reception.
The prince really showed me great civility; he not only offered me
his yourt, and treated me with milk and excellent butter, but promised
that his best horses[77] should the next day be at my service. Being
informed that I stood in need of repose, he pointed out the hut he had
destined for me, and while it was preparing, he had the politeness to
show me the conveniences of his yourt, which was one of the best I had
yet seen.
The size of these houses varies according to the wealth of the
proprietor, and the number of his family. Beams, placed by the side
of one another, and plastered with clay, form the walls, which are
not like ours, perpendicular. Inclining towards the top, they support
a roof, the slope of which is very inconsiderable: in some yourts
the roof is supported by posts. The house has but one door, and is
divided, as I have already observed, into two apartments. The cleanest
is inhabited by the family, who sleep in distinct huts, distributed at
equal distances against the walls, and which I can compare to nothing
better than the small cabins in Dutch ships: every couple have a hut
to themselves. The other part of the yourt is for the cattle, and is
nothing more than a stable. In the center of the building is a round
chimney made of wood, and guarded from accidents by a thick clay
covering. When they light a fire, the wood is placed perpendicularly.
Cross beams are occasionally placed in the chimney, upon which they
hang their kettles, and these are repeated, in proportion to the number
of vessels they have to boil.
In one corner of the yourt a leathern trough is fixed, and mare’s
milk every day put into it, and stirred with a stick, similar to what
is made use of in churning butter. Every person who enters, the women
particularly, before they attend to any other business, stir the milk a
few minutes; it is by this means they procure that sourish, but at the
same time pleasant beverage, called _koumouiss_. If allowed to ferment,
it becomes a very potent liquor.
My host spoke the Russian language tolerably well[78]; I embraced
the opportunity of drawing from him some information respecting the
customs, manners, and religion of his countrymen, which I shall insert
in this place, together with some notes that I had before made on these
subjects.
When summer commences, they leave their winter habitations, and
with their families, and a small number of horses, go to make their
harvests of fodder for consumption during the frost season. They repair
to a considerable distance from their yourt, and to the most fertile
cantons. In their absence, the horses are left to the care of the
servants, and the neighbouring pastures serve for the maintenance of
all their herds.
I very much regret the not having been present at their festival in the
month of May, in celebration of the return of spring. They assemble in
the open country, where they roast oxen and horses; and being supplied
with an abundance of fermented koumouiss, they eat and drink to
satiety, dancing and singing at intervals, and concluding at last with
necromancies. Their chamans preside in these festivals, and deal out
their extravagant predictions.
These sorcerers are more at liberty and more revered than in
Kamtschatka. Regarded as interpreters of the gods, they grant their
mediation to the stupid Yakout, who implores it with trembling, but
always pays for it. I have seen these dupes give their finest horse to
conduct a chaman to his village. Nothing can be more frightful than
the magic exhibitions of these impostors. As I knew nothing of them
but from report, I was desirous of being present. I was astonished at
the veracity of the account that had been given me: as I have already
accurately related it[79], I shall content myself with describing the
chaman that exhibited before me.
Dressed in a habit that was ornamented with bells and plates of iron,
which made a deafening noise, he beat besides on a _bouben_, or tabor,
with a degree of force that was terrifying. He then ran about like a
maniac, with his mouth open, and his head turned in every direction.
His black deshevelled hair[80] concealed his face, and beneath it
proceeded at one moment real groans, the next tears and sobs, and then
loud peals of laughter, the usual preludes of these revelations.
In the idolatry of the Yakouts, we find all the absurdities and
superstitious practices of the ancient Kamtschadales, Koriacs,
Tchouktchis, and other inhabitants of these countries. They have
however some more solid principles; and amidst the ridiculous
fictions under which they are buried, we meet with ideas ingenious
enough respecting the supreme being, miracles, and future rewards and
punishments.
But I was chiefly struck with the vivacity and singularity of their
turn of mind. They delight in the fables drawn from their absurd
mythology, and they relate them with all the confidence of credulity
itself. By comparing them with our own, one is tempted no longer to
hold in such esteem our ancient and modern fabulists, when we see this
species of composition cultivated by such rivals. The two following
fables were translated for me by Golikoff, word for word.
There arose one day in a large lake, a violent contest
between the different species of fish. The question was the
establishment of a tribunal of supreme judges, whose business
it should be to govern the whole finny tribe. The herring, and
most diminutive fish, conceived that they had as much right
to the prerogative as the salmon. From one thing to another
the dispute became so warm that the small fish united in a
body against the large, who took advantage of their weakness
to insult and persecute them. Hence intestine and bloody wars
that end in the destruction of one of the two parties. The
vanquished, who escaped from being killed, fled to the small
canals, and left the large fish, who had the victory, masters
of the lake. Such is the law of the strongest.
The other fable bears a greater resemblance to our old women’s tales,
with which children are terrified, and the tediousness of a rustic
evening beguiled. I should be apt to suspect that it was the production
of a chaman.
A Yakout had failed in respect, or done some injury to his
chaman. The devil, to avenge the latter, transformed himself
into a cow; and, having mixed in the herd, contrived, while it
was feeding by the side of a wood, to steal the finest heifers.
In the evening when the herdsman returned, his enraged master
ascribed all the loss to his negligence, and drove him from
his house. Immediately the devil appeared in the dress of a
herdsman, an agreement was made, and the next day he drove the
cows to field. One, two days passed, and the Yakout saw nothing
of his herd. In his distress he went with his wife, searched
every where for his cows, and at last found them--but in what
disorder! Upon his approach they began to skip and dance to the
sound of the flute[81] of the perfidious herdsman. The master
stormed and raved. “Hold there,” said the devil to him. “It
well becomes thee indeed, who hast abused the confidence of
the most respectable of chamans, to accuse me of stealing thy
herd. May this serve thee as a lesson, and teach thee to give
to every man that which belongs to him.” Upon this the herd
and the herdsman disappeared, and the poor Yakout lost all his
property.
The place where this scene passed, has since that time been considered
as the abode of infernal spirits. The incredulous scruple not to
assert that the devil who stole the cows, was no other than the chaman
himself; but such is the simplicity of the honest Yakouts, that they
feel a repugnance at this suspicion, and treat it as horrible blasphemy.
Remains of old tombs of the Yakouts were frequently pointed out to me
in the woods. They were coffins clumsily made, and suspended on the
branches of trees. I know not from what motive they have renounced this
custom of exposing their dead in the open air, and at a distance from
their habitations; but at present their mode of interment is similar to
that of Christians.
The funerals are attended with a kind of pomp more or less
magnificent, in proportion to the rank and wealth of the defunct. If
a prince, he is arrayed in his finest habits, and most splendid arms.
The body, placed in a coffin, is carried by the family to the tomb;
deep groans announce the solemn procession. His favourite horse, and
another the best of his stud, both richly caparisoned, and led by a
valet, or near relation, walk by the side of the corpse. When arrived
at the burying place, they are tied to two stakes[82] fixed near the
grave, and while the master is interred, their throats are cut over
the corpse. This bloody libation is the homage paid to his attachment
to these animals, who are supposed to follow him into the other world,
where it is imagined that he will again be able to enjoy them. They
are then flayed; the head and hide, in one entire piece, are fixed
horizontally upon the branches of trees at a small distance from
the grave; and such is the memorial that is erected. A fire is then
kindled, and the last proof of friendship for the deceased consists in
roasting and eating upon the spot these favoured animals. The feast
being concluded the company disperses. The same ceremonial is observed
for a woman, except that instead of a horse, they sacrifice her
favourite cow.
The Yakouts are robust, and in general large. They resemble the Tartars
in the cast of their features, and there is said also to be a great
similarity in the idioms of these two people; I can only affirm that
the Yakouts are very abrupt in their manner of speaking, and do not
connect their words.
Their dress is simple, and nearly the same all the year round, the
only difference is, that in winter it is made of skins. Over their
chemise they commonly wear a large striped waistcoat with sleeves.
Their breeches do not extend below the middle of the thigh, but their
long boots, called _sarri_, reach above the knee. In hot weather they
wear nothing but the breeches.
They pretend to ride better than any other nation in the world, and
their vanity in this respect is carried so far, that they avoid, from
a sentiment of disdain, giving to travellers their most mettlesome
steeds[83].
Polygamy forms a part of the political code of these people. Obliged
to make frequent journies, a Yakout has a wife in every place where
he stops, but he never assembles them together. Notwithstanding this
licence, they are jealous to excess, and the sworn enemies of whoever
shall dare to violate the rights of hospitality.
Thanks to the cares of prince Girkoff, I found when I awoke nine
excellent horses ready saddled[84]. He wished me to ride his favourite
horse, because it ambled with perfect ease. Overwhelmed with his
civilities, I left him the 27 at an early hour, with the consoling hope
of more frequently meeting with habitations, where I might sometimes
rest myself, and get a fresh supply of steeds.
A few paces from the preceding habitation, which is called
_Amguinskoi-stanovie_, or Amgui halt, I saw in the road wooden
images of a bird about the size of a duck, or a cormorant; they are
emblematical representations of a malicious divinity, the terror of the
whole canton. The most absurd stories are told upon this subject; it
is said, for example, that this diabolical spirit has frequently led
travellers out of their road, and devoured their horses.
I alighted in the evening at the house of another Yakout prince[85],
who had just settled himself in his summer habitation, which seemed
to be equally neat and pleasant. I shall here insert a description
of their _ourassis_, for such is the name by which these picturesque
dwellings are called.
Like the yourts of the wandering Koriacs, they are circular, spacious,
and constructed with poles, fewer in number, but ranged in the same
manner, and kept asunder by a sort of hoops at the top; the whole
covered in with the bark of the birch tree[86], formed into pieces
eighteen inches wide, placed in a downward direction. These pieces are
edged with a kind of ribband equally made of this bark, and shaped
into festoons, and the inside of the yourt is ornamented in the same
manner. The taste of these ornaments is governed by the caprice of
the proprietor, and there is in them a sort of wildness that is
sufficiently amusing. The same decoration is annexed to the chairs and
beds of the heads of families. The domestics lie upon the ground on
mats or skins, and the fire is lighted in the middle of the house.
The 28, I came to the river Sola, and rode for a considerable time
along its banks. The heat incommoded me as much as the flies, and I was
so thirsty that I stopped at every yourt to drink koumouiss.
The next morning I reached a place called _Yarmangui_, which is
two hundred wersts from Amgui, and on the border of the Lena. By
crossing this river I should be at Yakoutsk; but by a regulation
of the governor, every traveller was obliged to wait here till he
had permission to enter the town. Disagreeable as was this kind of
quarantine, I had reconciled myself to it, when a subaltern officer
requested me to go two hundred yards farther, where I should find the
inspector general, and a lieutenant belonging to Mr. Billings. They
were informed of my arrival, and received me with the most flattering
demonstrations of esteem and joy. I had no sooner explained to them how
much the delay with which I was threatened would counteract my views,
than they gave instant orders for my being conducted to the other side
of the river, adding, that they were sure of the approbation of the
governor, to whom I had long since been announced and recommended.
At noon I entered the boat provided for me, and was four hours in
crossing the Lena in a diagonal direction. As far as I could judge by
my eye, this river cannot be less than two leagues wide.
When landed, I was interrogated by an officer of the police, who, as
was customary, led me to the apartment which he thought proper to fix
upon for my residence. I requested him to direct me to the house of M.
Marklofski, the governor, whom I immediately visited. He received me
with the utmost politeness, conversing entirely in French, which seemed
very familiar to him. After complimenting me upon the rapidity of my
journey[87], and my fortunate arrival, he invited me to stay a few days
at Yakoutsk, to recover myself from my fatigue.
But of all his obliging offers, nothing flattered me more than his
engaging me to sup the same evening with M. Billings. I had a strong
desire to be acquainted with him, and I waited with impatience till the
hour arrived. Our common profession of travellers, gave us a degree of
familiarity the moment we met, and we might have been taken for old
acquaintance; in the mean time we were both perfectly reserved upon the
subject of our respective missions, carefully avoiding in conversation
every thing that might lead to it. I admired the delicacy and prudence
of M. Billings in this respect: during my stay I dined once at his
house, and we met every morning and evening at the governors[88]; but
during our intercourse not a single indiscreet question escaped him.
He very much regretted the not having met in his cruize the frigates
of our expedition. He would have considered it as a happiness and
honour to have executed the generous intentions of his mistress, by
furnishing the count de la Perouse with every assistance in his power.
It is a debt that he owed, but had no other way of discharging, he
said, except towards me. There was in reality no sort of kindness that
he did not shew me.
Riding having extremely fatigued me, I was advised to sail up the Lena
as far as Irkoutsk. This was the more agreeable to me, as it would
give me time to recover, and as the delay it would occasion could not
be more than four or five days. As soon as I had resolved upon it, M.
Billings assisted me in procuring a boat, ordered two sails to be made
of my tent, gave me one of his trusty soldiers for a pilot, and in
short furnished me with every thing that might be useful in my passage.
The five days that I stayed at Yakoutsk were spent in preparations
for my departure. I had leisure however to remark that this was the
most pleasant and populous town I had yet seen in the whole extent of
country through which I had passed.
It is built on the western side of the Lena; the houses are of wood,
but large and commodious; that of the governor faces the port. The
majority of the churches are of stone. The port, which is dry at low
water, is formed by an arm of the river[89], that, in describing an
angle, flows under the walls of the town. The vessels that trade here
are merely barks; the greater part of them are used for transporting
the provisions sent by government, such as salt and flour. The
merchants hire or purchase these boats, for the conveyance of their
commodities, from the neighbourhood of the source of the Lena, where
they are built.
The Yakouts come not to the town but when business obliges them; it
is almost wholly inhabited by Russians. The effects of civilization
are perceptible in their manners and customs; the social spirit, and
the gaiety that is diffused among them, concur, with the interests of
commerce, to keep up among the inhabitants that active intercourse
which is the source of wealth, and augments the pleasures of life[90].
Having supplied myself with a fresh stock of provisions, I left
Yakoutsk 5 July at one o’clock in the morning. In the northern
latitudes, it is known, that for more than a week the interval between
day and night is scarcely perceptible. Already therefore the twilight
announced the approach of the sun, and we could perfectly distinguish
the sand banks that line this river as far as the first stage. Not
being able always to avoid them, my guides, or rather the men who drew
my boat, besought us every instant to place ourselves in the water
like them, to assist in hauling it over the shoals. Frequently also,
notwithstanding the enormous width of the river, we resolved to row
a cross, with the hope of finding a more easy passage; but in this
attempt the violence of the current drifted us half a werst, more or
less, back again. Large pieces of ice were still visible on the bank,
and would continue so, I was informed, all the year.
I shall not give a regular account of every day’s navigation. The
observations it furnished are too little interesting not to spare the
reader the tiresome uniformity of such details.
The stages are estimated by stations, and are frequently thirty,
forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, and even eighty wersts[91]. The reader
may judge from this of the labour of those unfortunate beings who are
condemned to this service, that is, to haul the boats from one station
to another. For the space of twelve hundred wersts, this terrible
employment is the punishment inflicted on convicts and malefactors.
They share this labour with horses; but when the boat runs aground, the
beast is supplied by a man, and then he has the most difficult passes
to surmount. The only relief afforded to these culprits is a small
quantity of flour allowed by government. The Yakout princes in the
neighbourhood are obliged also to contribute to their support, and in
case of need, to assist them with men and horses.
Many of these miserable beings are married; they retire with their
families in isbas that are half in ruins, and scattered here and there
along the right bank of the river. I was one day obliged by the rain to
seek a shelter in one of these habitations; I chose the most promising,
but in entering it I was nearly overcome by the noxious air, and words
are too weak to describe the shocking picture of misery that struck my
eyes. So far from finding a shelter in this house, I was in the course
of a quarter of an hour almost deluged; the rain poured down like a
torrent from every opening in the roof, and I preferred the braving it
in my boat.
Fishing and hunting fill up the leisure hours of these out-laws; their
vicious propensities are still the same, and they are influenced by no
other motive than interest or fear. Upon the approach of a boat, they
always attempt by flight to escape from the painful service imposed
on them by government. They played me this trick more than once. When
I arrived at a station, of five or six men who ought to be constantly
ready to receive the commands of travellers, one only appeared; the
rest had hid themselves in the woods, and my preceding guides were
obliged to conduct me to the next station[92]. I recompensed these
unfortunate creatures the more readily, as upon dismissing them I
frequently saw their feet covered with blood.
They over-reached me one morning in a singular manner. A post
boat going down the river, passed near ours; it was Golikoff’s turn
to watch. The cunning rascals asked his leave to change with their
comrades, and they knew so well how to persuade him it was for our
advantage, that he consented. Eager to inform me of our good fortune,
he awaked me, but it was merely to make me a witness with what speed
our villains sailed away, instead of joining the boat that drifted by
us. The confusion of Golikoff at the sight may well be conceived; he
knew not what excuse to make me, as we were obliged to draw the boat
ourselves to the next station; fortunately however it was at no great
distance. The men who had conducted the post boat were still there,
and my two soldiers quickly engaged them in our service. Their ready
compliance was I believe chiefly owing to the brutal tone of Golikoff;
our adventure had put him so much out of humour, that he could no
longer be prevailed upon to use moderation. “You do not know,” said he
to me, “how to treat these rascals. If I were to imitate your example,
we should be insulted at every poll, or be reduced to difficulties
similar to what we have just experienced.”
Meanwhile we arrived 14 July at Olekma[93] without meeting with any
other inconvenience. This town, the first I had seen since my departure
from Yakoutsk, is seven or eight hundred wersts from it, though in the
post expences it is only estimated at six hundred. It is situated at
the mouth of a river of the same name, and is small, badly built, and
offers nothing worth notice. I stayed there but two hours.
A few wersts on a small canoe came up to us, with only one man in
it. He offered some bark of the birch tree, which he had stripped
in the neighbouring woods; my soldiers were eager to purchase it in
order to cover our boat. My trader was a Toungouse, and belonged to a
family that was settled on the left bank[94]. I did not lose so good
an opportunity of being better acquainted with these people; I ordered
therefore my boat to be fastened on the right bank, and accompanied
only by Golikoff, I entered the canoe of the Toungouse, who was as
highly pleased as myself with the visit I was going to make to his
relations.
I was struck with the form and lightness of their canoes, the bottoms
of which are however so nearly circular as to present but little
surface to the water, and consequently they are easily overset. They
consist of laths disposed in net-work, and covered with the bark of the
birch tree sewn together and fortified with tar. The ends are narrow
and pointed, and the oar is kept in equipoise in the middle of the
vessel, so as to enable the rower to strike alternately with either end.
The Toungouses expressed the utmost joy at seeing me: surrounded,
welcomed, caressed, I was at a loss how to answer their professions of
friendship. A young deer was killed and laid at my feet; in making me
this present, these good people regretted that their poverty deprived
them of the ability and pleasure of being more useful to me. I was not
able myself to be very bountiful in my presents, and I only showed my
gratitude by leaving them some of my cloaths.
They are unsettled, like the wandering Koriacs, and live nearly in the
same manner. Their yourts are not so large, and are covered with the
bark of the birch tree; there is no other difference. Every family
has a distinct yourt; the chief ornamental piece of furniture is a
small wooden idol of the human shape, but with an enormous head; it is
dressed in their cloaths, and decorated with rings, bells, and other
pieces of metal. They give to this image the name of Saint Nicholas, in
allusion to the patron saint of Russia.
I have already described the dress of the Toungouses, and have
therefore only to speak of their features, manners, and mode of
travelling.
They are not so large as the Yakouts, and have the sunk eyes, flat
nose, and broad face of the Kamtschadales. They are equally hospitable;
their characteristic qualities seem to be frankness and good-nature.
In religion, they have the stupid credulity of the Koriacs, believing
in all the absurdities of idolatry. The chamans equally obtain their
homage and confidence: these impostors govern every where by means of
the fears they inspire.
After fishing[95] and hunting, which in the season, oblige these
families to be a little more settled, nothing engages their attention
so much as their rein deer. These animals constitute all their wealth,
and repay with usury the care bestowed upon them. They not only provide
these people with food[96] and clothing, but docile to the hand that
guides them, they permit their masters, both men and women, to mount
their backs, and ride them at a swift pace wherever they please[97].
Instead of harnessing them to a sledge, like the Tchouktchis and
the Koriacs, they train them up to carry in this manner, and make
them obedient to the motions of a bridle twisted about their horns.
The saddle is ornamented, and of the same size as ours, but without
stirrups; it is fastened by a very weak girt, and the rider, when he
totters, has nothing to support him but a long stick with which he
strikes his steed: it is manifest that this exercise requires great
skill. The baggage is put into small panniers, covered with rein
deer-skin, and fixed to the saddle, which hang on each side against the
flank of the animal. During the stay of the Toungouses in any place,
the burdens are ranged methodically round their yourts.
My navigation became less disagreeable when I had reached Pelodoui, a
large village, the inhabitants of which are Russians, descended from
the first cultivators of Siberia, called _Starogili_. There I was
freed from the dangerous exiles, and had no other guides than honest
peasants, who were equally assiduous and complaisant. The houses
were not so distant from one another, and promised me at least some
resource. In each of these villages there are six men appointed to
conduct the business of the post: no privilege exempts them from this
service; like all the Russian peasants they are annexed to the glebe,
pay the same duties to the crown, and furnish recruits. The produce of
their harvests are not adequate to their maintenance during the whole
year; they are obliged to purchase and lay up a stock of corn. Rye is
no where so dear as in this place; it sells at seventy or eighty kopecs
the _poud_.
Vitim is the village nearest to the preceding one. As it resembles all
the Russian villages, I need not describe it; churches are less common
than the _cabacs_ or public-houses.
Birds are fond of the environs and the borders of the Lena, where they
very much abound. The clouds of gnats which cover it, account for this.
To keep off these insects, we had taken care to furnish ourselves with
a quantity of horse-dung, with which we keep up a continual fire in our
boat; but another unavoidable inconvenience on this river is the vermin
it engenders; the more we bathe, the faster they multiply.
Four hundred wersts from Peledoui I passed by a small town called
Kirinsk, or Kiringui, at the bottom of which the Lena flows, and
farther on the Kiringa. In the midst of the houses, none of which make
any figure, we could distinguish the church, which is built of stone.
The bank becoming wider and more sandy, we were frequently drawn by
horses[98]. The ropes were weak, but it gave me no uneasiness; the
pleasure of advancing inspired me with a blind confidence, for which I
was soon punished. In the night of the 29, my boat touched upon a rock,
which the darkness concealed from us. The rope broke with the violence
of the shock, and our boat was in a minute full of water; we had only
time to get out, in order to draw it upon the shore, which required
all our efforts. I immediately mounted one of the horses, with my box
before me. We were but four wersts from a village, and it was easy to
have speedy succour. My boat was refitted in the course of the day, and
the next morning I proceeded on my route.
In quitting the village of Ustiug, I perceived a considerable salt pit
that was pointed out to me, and beyond it three _zavodes_ or copper
founderies.
My boat was broken a second time, and again hastily repaired; this
day also, which was 4 August, my rudder, which continually struck
against the bottom, was carried away, as well as a kind of keel that
was fastened under the boat, and I abandoned it without hesitation. It
became the perquisite of my faithful Golikoff.
I took horses at Toutoura, which is three hundred and seventy wersts
from Irkoutsk, and having passed through the large village of
Verkhalensk, I arrived the 5, at two o’clock in the afternoon, at that
of Katschouga, where it is common to land in order to avoid the elbow
of the Lena, and also because this river soon ceases to be navigable.
In this village travellers are provided with _kibitks_[99], or Russian
four wheel carriages, which are conducted by exiles, and from time to
time by the Bratskis.
Between Katschonga and Irkoutsk is a _step_ or uncultivated district,
inhabited solely by these Bratskis, a colony of shepherds, supposed
to be descended from the Tartars, so strongly do they resemble that
people. There is something ferocious and savage in their appearance;
they are extremely addicted to robberies, and I saw one of them
apprehended for stealing some cattle. Their flocks are numerous and
consist of oxen, cows, horses, but chiefly sheep. The speed with which
I travelled, prevented me from visiting their habitations, or making
more minute observations respecting them.
We passed over a number of mountains, through very horrible roads,
and which made my poor Golikoff frequently cry out, bruised by the
continual jolting of our infernal vehicle; it was the first time he
had experienced this mode of travelling. At length, having left the
monastery of Voznessenskoï at our right, whence Irkoutsk begins to be
visible, we came to a small arm of the river that winds along under
the walls of the town, and which we crossed without coming out of
the carriage. There I was stopped by a centinel, who was desirous,
agreeably to his office, of informing the governor; but satisfied with
my name and office, which I gave him in writing, he permitted me to go
before him. It was about eleven o’clock in the evening of 6 August,
when I entered this capital, having travelled, since I left Yakoutsk,
fifteen hundred and ninety-four wersts.
I alighted at the office of police, to enquire for a lodging. The
_kvarter-mester_, or superintendant of that department, led me to a
house, the master of which, far from obeying the orders injoined on
him to receive me, deigned not to rise from his seat to declare his
refusal. I saw the moment when the officer of the police, irritated
at so uncivil a behaviour, was on the point of avenging his insulted
authority. I succeeded however in pacifying him, and besought him
to chuse me another lodging. In the interval the _gorodnitsch_, or
commandant of the place, major Dolgopoloff, had heard of my arrival,
and the trifling mortification I had experienced; he came immediately
to the place, which I had scarcely taken possession of, made a
thousand apologies for my having been so indecently treated and so
badly accommodated, and in spite of all I could say in favour of my
apartment, he obliged me to quit it, and to go with him. I lost not by
the change: nothing could be more neat and elegant than the apartments
to which he conducted me. It was a suite of rooms perfectly furnished
and ornamented with paintings in fresco; but what pleased me most was
the zealous attention that was bestowed upon me, and by which all my
wishes were anticipated.
The next day M. Dolgopoloff presented me to the governor, major
general Arsénieff, and I gave him the dispatches of M. Kasloff, as
the governor general was then at Petersburg. I was highly flattered
by the manner in which M. Arsénieff received me. After loading me
with civilities, he insisted that I should have no table but his,
and introduced me to his family[100], whose harmony, good sense, and
cheerfulness, render his house a truly delightful habitation, and
communicate their own character to the society whom their merits
attract.
I profited of the disposition and obliging offers of the governor,
to recommend to him with warmth my soldier Golikoff. The innumerable
services which this brave fellow had rendered me, his fidelity, his
devotedness and zeal, which had stood every proof, pleaded more
strongly in his favour than my recommendation, and M. Arsénieff was
desirous of securing to himself so good a subject; but the ambition
of poor Golikoff[101] wished for nothing farther than the being
incorporated in the garrison of Yakoutsk, where he was attracted by
affection to his father, who lived in that town, and attachment to M.
Kasloff, under whose orders he considered it as a happiness to serve.
Such sentiments increased the interest which my account of him had
inspired, and my protégé instantly obtained the favour I solicited for
him.
I afterwards made a visit to M. Poskatschinn, the intimate friend of
M. Kasloff, whose recommendation procured me every species of civility.
I found at his house a catholic priest, sent into Siberia to assist the
Christians of the church of Rome, by his ministry. His usual residence
is at Irkoutsk.
This town, the capital of the government of Irkoutsk and Kolivania, is
situated on the border of the Angara, and near the mouth of the Irkout,
from which it takes its name. Within its vast circumference many stone
edifices are seen, and churches built with bricks; the wooden houses
are large and commodiously distributed; its population is numerous,
and its society brilliant; the multitude of officers and magistrates
who reside there, have introduced the modes and customs of Petersburg.
Every person in office has an equipage; rank and quality regulate the
number of horses that draw their carriages, which are similar to ours.
I have already observed, that all the tribunals of the neighbouring
provinces are under the jurisdiction of those of this town; it is
also the see of an archbishop, a venerable prelate, who exercises the
functions of that office through the whole extent of this part of the
Russian empire.
But it is to commerce that this capital is chiefly indebted for its
splendour. By its situation, it is the entrepôt of that which is
carried on between Russia and China. It is known that an intercourse is
kept up by land; sometimes active, sometimes languishing; frequently
interrupted, it has undergone so many variations, that it is necessary,
in my opinion, to go back to the origin of this connection to judge of
its consistence, and the improvements of which it is capable.
The first accounts are dated in the middle of the last century, about
the time of the invasion of the Mantchew Tartars, who, having for a
long time ravaged the northern provinces of the Chinese empire, at
last subjugated it entirely. It was to a governor of Tobolsk, that
Russia was indebted for the first idea of effecting this commerce, in
consequence of an attempt made at Pekin by persons of confidence whom
he sent thither. Far from being discouraged by the trifling success
of these emissaries, Russian and Siberian merchants united together
to profit, if it were possible, by their discoveries. They sent out
a caravan in the year 1670, which brought back new lights upon the
subject, and unequivocal proofs of the possibility of succeeding. From
that time companies multiplied, the journeys became more frequent, and
establishments increased.
This progress alarmed the Chinese, who resolved to set bounds to it.
Forts were erected to restrain a neighbour, who, advancing nearer every
day, by the river Amour, the Eastern Sea, and the Selinga, insensibly
approached the frontiers of China. These defensive measures were the
source of very warm disputes between the two empires upon the subject
of their respective boundaries; a few hostilities took place, and at
last an open rupture. Many years were spent in besieging places, in
demolishing and erecting them in turns, till the year 1689, when the
two courts, by the mediation of father Gerbillon and father Pereira,
Jesuits, authorised by the emperor of China, signed, at Nertschinsk, a
treaty of peace and perpetual alliance[102], which was to be engraven
on two stones or posts erected on the confines of each empire.
By this reciprocity, there was a free commerce secured to all the
subjects of the two powers, who were furnished with passports by their
courts. Meanwhile China had taken care to be paid for her condescension
by the surrenders she demanded of Russia, who lost not only an
important part of its possessions, but the navigation of the river
Amour as far as the Eastern Sea.
To make amends, or with a view of deriving greater advantages from
this commerce, Tzar[103] Peter the Great commissioned, in 1692, Isbrand
Ives, a Dutchman, in his service, to ask of the court of Pekin,
the same privilege for caravans, which the late treaty granted to
individuals. The result of the embassy corresponded with the desires of
the court of Petersburg; the caravans were admitted; and as the court
reserved to itself the exclusive right of sending them, it received
the whole of the profit[104]. These journeys lasted three years;
caravanseries, for the exchange of their commodities, were appointed
for the Russian merchants who composed the caravans, and during their
stay at Pekin their expences were discharged by the emperor.
This calm did not long continue between the two powers. New troubles,
occasioned by the misconduct, drunkenness, and insolent proceedings of
some Russians, in the midst even of the Chinese capital, had nearly
annihilated their commerce. The embassy of Ismaïloff saved it. By
the skill of this negociator, captain of the guards to the Tzar, the
disorders were stopped, and the complaints suppressed; security and
confidence succeeded to this misunderstanding. To preserve this happy
disposition, Laurent Lange remained at Pekin, under the denomination of
agent to the Russian caravans.
Upon, the departure of this resident, affairs continually declined and
the enormities of the Russians increased. They excited the pride and
distrust, natural to the Chinese. The refusal to deliver up a number of
hordes of Mongouls, who were become tributary to the Tzar, completed
the indignation of the emperor; every Russian was banished from his
territories, and there was no longer any communication between the two
nations.
In 1727, count Ragouzinskoi, ambassador from Russia to the successor of
the vindictive Kam-hi, effected the renewal of these commercial ties by
a new treaty, that fixed irrevocably the bounds of each empire[105],
and subjected the merchants to an invariable regulation, calculated for
ever to remove all source of division.
The court of Russia was permitted to send a caravan to Pekin once in
three years, and the number of merchants was limited to two hundred.
On their arrival at the frontiers of China, they were to inform the
emperor, that a Chinese officer might be sent to escort them to the
metropolis, where their expences would be defrayed during the time
of their traffic. It was agreed also that the merchandize belonging
to individuals should not pass the frontier, and that they should
no longer enjoy the privilege of trading in any of the Chinese or
Mongoul territories. Of consequence, two places were assigned them on
the confines of Siberia, the one called _Kiakhta_, from a stream that
waters the environs, the other _Zurukhaire_[106], situated on the left
bank of the Argoun, and they were obliged to deposit their merchandize
in the magazines of these two settlements.
In spite of the solemn ratification of all the clauses of this
compact, its execution encountered various impediments; the leaven of
resentment fermented, or dishonesty gave birth to fresh knaveries. Be
this as it may, in the space of twenty seven years, only six caravans
sat out from Russia; and after the last envoy this commerce fell into a
state of languor consequent upon the loss of credit.
I suppress the detail of grievances alledged by the Chinese against
the Russians. Many well known historians have given an account of the
complaints that occasioned the successive emigrations of the Kalmouk
Tartars, and a multitude of Toungouses, who were all received by the
court of Petersburg; we have seen its subtle policy, moderate and
threatening in turns, always evading the satisfaction demanded by China.
These disputes continued till the accession of the reigning empress.
No sooner had Catherine II. ascended the throne, than she renounced, in
favour of her subjects, the monopoly of furs, and the exclusive right
of sending caravans to Pekin. This act of justice and beneficence,
worthy the genius and heart of this empress, was still insufficient to
give to this commerce its antient vigour. The enmity between the two
nations was farther heightened by the fickleness of these Toungouses,
who, tired or discontented with their new establishment, suddenly
eloped from the dominion of Russia, and returned to their country to
replace themselves under the Chinese authority.
It has since been seen that the two nations, discarding all animosity,
entered into a sincere connection, and that the intercourse between
the merchants became every day more active and interesting. As the
Russian factories multiplied at Kiakhta, which is peopled, enlarged,
and fortified, the Chinese resorted to the settlement of Zurukhaire or
Naïmatschinn; the commissaries on each side presided in the exchange
of commodities, and the Mongoul language was adopted in the contracts
which were made by interpreters.
The Russians have not the advantage in this commerce. The Chinese, who
trade in a body, are infinitely more watchful over their interests and
circumspect in their dealings; they know how to discover the real value
of the Russian commodities, and they have the skill to sell their own
at the price they first fix, and from which they never depart. Tea, for
instance, procures them an immense profit[107]; they sell it so dear
that the purchasers are afterwards obliged to get rid of it with loss.
To indemnify themselves the Russians endeavour to raise the price of
their skins, of which the Chinese are extremely fond; but the cunning
of these people puts them on their guard against this trick.
It would be too tedious to enumerate in this place all the articles
that enter into these exchanges. I refer the curious reader to Coxe or
Pallas, who are both diffuse on the subject. By a calculation which
they made of exports and imports at Kiakhta, in the year 1777, the
amount of this commerce was estimated at four millions of roubles; but
since that time, various accounts deserving of credit assert that it
has considerably lessened, and at present it may be said to be reduced
to nothing[108].
I had no preparation to make for my departure, but that of purchasing
a kibitk[109]. I no longer troubled myself about provisions, as I
was sure of finding wherewith to subsist myself at every stage. The
governor gave me a _poradojenei_, or a passport, as far as Petersburg.
It was resolved that I should be escorted by a soldier of the garrison,
whose courage and fidelity were known, and that one of the couriers
of the governor general, who had particularly recommended him, should
accompany me to assist me by his services and experience.
I took leave of M. Arsénieff; his son and M. Dolgopoloff insisted upon
conducting me to the first stage, in spite of all my remonstrances. We
were seated in the carriage, where my honest Golikoff came with tears
in his eyes, conjuring me to permit him to accompany me as far as these
gentlemen; it was, he said, the sweetest recompence I could bestow on
him. This last instance of attachment affected me, and I felt that in
complying with his request, my pleasure was not less than his.
Having crossed in a ferry boat the river Angava[110], we soon arrived
to the place of our separation. While I repeated my thanks, and took
leave of my two friends, Golikoff, concealed behind my carriage,
endeavoured to hide his tears, and recommended me to the care of the
soldier who succeeded him. His despair burst forth when my horses were
harnessed; he embraced my knees, and exclaimed that he would never quit
me. It was to no purpose I repeated that, as he well knew, I had no
right to take him; my reasonings, my caresses, nothing could prevail
on him to leave his hold; it was necessary to force him from my feet,
then from the carriage, which he seized on being torn from me. Never,
I believe, had my sensibility experienced a more violent shock; I
departed with a wounded heart. The regret of not having been able to
follow the dictates of my gratitude[111] still torments me, and I can
only hope that he may be informed of it, for I cannot flatter myself
that I shall ever see him again.
I am obliged at present to discontinue my practice of making notes
every day. My journey to Petersburg was so rapid, that is, from 10
August to 22 September, that it was impossible to observe the same
accuracy; for this reason also the reader will pardon the brevity
of my observations. The country through which I passed has beside
been described by so many accurate and intelligent pens, and these
travellers have given so much attraction and interest to their
recitals, that I should only be accused of presumption, or plagiarism,
if I attempted to enlarge on a subject, which they profoundly
studied, while I had scarcely time to skim the surface. Many of these
performances[112] are recent, and the curiosity of the reader may be
amply satisfied by them. I shall only speak of what relates to myself.
I first passed through a small canton inhabited by Bratskis. Are not
these the same people described by other French writers, under the
appellation of _Burates_? Beyond Oudinsk I came to Kransnoyark, where I
stopped twenty-four hours to repair the axle-trees of my carriage. This
town derives its name from the red and steep bank of the Yenisei, which
runs under its wall.
I afterwards entered the desert, called _Barabinskoi-step_. The post
service is performed by exiles of every description, whose settlements
are at the distance of twenty-five, and sometimes fifty wersts from
one another. These unfortunate beings live in the same manner as those
who conducted me from Yakoutsk to Peledoui; they are neither more
serviceable nor less ferocious, and their indolence is still more
mortifying.
Accustomed to the fertile and rich country about Irkoutsk, cultivated
by the laborious Starogili, the eye cannot survey, without pain, this
barren waste. We are disposed to ascribe this melancholy contrast to
the sloth of the perverse inhabitants, though it is acknowledged that
the soil yields them no return. One might say, that in conformity with
the vindictive hand that pursues them, Nature acts towards them as
a step-mother; the earth, to which justice has banished them, seems
to feel a reluctance in bearing them; its withered bosom refuses all
success to their culture.
My courier, who had the rank of serjeant, did not treat these
miserable creatures with more attention than was expedient. To enforce
obedience, he frequently made use of his stick, and my remonstrances
could not restrain him from these sallies, which he called, in
pleasantry, his reigning sin. One day he had near paid for his cruelty
in a terrible manner. Arriving at a stage we found no horses; the man
upon whom the business this day devolved, had been guilty of the daring
crime to absent himself, in order to get hay. Two hours passed away,
and no one appeared; my courier at length resolved to go himself, with
my soldier, and seize the first horses they could find. In about half
an hour they returned, in a very angry humour, with a single horse,
for which they had been obliged to fight. While they were relating the
transaction, the man whom they accused of being the aggressor, ran to
complain to me of their having plucked off half his beard. At the same
moment I was surrounded by more than fifty persons, assembled from I
know not where, for as we entered the village, we could perceive no
one but the _starost_. They seemed to contend who should reproach him
most; I spoke a long time without being heard. My courier, instead of
assisting me in pacifying them, ran to the postillion, who returned
from the fields, and made his arm pay dearly for the delay he had
occasioned us. The man, whose beard had been torn off, prepared to
avenge his comrade, but the soldier, by order of the courier, prevented
him, and I was obliged to deliver him from his hands. By dint of
vociferation and entreaties I at last suspended the fury of the
combatants. I had great reason to applaud myself for my moderation;
the spectators were enraged at the treatment their neighbour received;
they would infallibly have murdered us, if I had not immediately
ordered my two indiscreet attendants to return to the carriage, and the
postillion to make haste and harness the horses. The crowd was desirous
of pursuing them, but at last I succeeded in appeasing it, and they
escaped with a few invectives. I hastened to my kibitk, and did not
think myself safe till I was out of their reach.
I trembled lest this event should circulate; in the mean time, till my
arrival at Tomsk, a town at the end of this desert, I saw not the least
appearance of commotion. My people were eager to carry their complaints
before the inspector general, and to my great mortification they
appealed to me as a witness. This officer explained to me the dangerous
influence the affair would produce upon the maintenance of order and
subordination, if these exiles of Baraba were not severely punished;
he accordingly prepared to set out for the spot, to make an example of
them.
My visit to the governor of Tomsk soon consoled me for this
disagreeable adventure. I found him to be a Frenchman, of the name
of _Villeneuve_: his rank was that of colonel; I was received by him
as a countryman, and I need say no more to express our mutual joy at
meeting. I conceived myself to be already in France.
The town of Tomsk is tolerably neat; it is partly upon an eminence,
where the house of the governor predominates, and the other part
descends to the river Tom. I only staid while my wheels were repairing.
I met many companies of exiles, or galley slaves[113], and I was
advised to be on my guard against them. As individuals frequently
escape, the peasants are obliged to pursue them as much from duty as
for their own safety. Nothing is in reality more easy than for these
exiles to make their escape on the road; they are well guarded, it is
true, but they are never fettered. I have seen in woods as many as
eighty destined to the same place; they were divided into companies
of four, five, or six men and women, who followed at the distance
sometimes of two or three wersts. They are afterwards distributed in
the different mines of Siberia: these were going to Nertschinsk.
I crossed the principal rivers of this province, as the Oka, the
Yenisei, the Tom, the Obi, which the Russians call the _Ob_. On the
last I ran a considerable risk in a small ferry, which was in so
wretched a condition, that in the middle of the river it filled with
water. We should have found some difficulty in saving ourselves, but
for a smaller boat, that I had had the precaution to fasten to the
ferry, and others that were quickly brought to our succour by the
inhabitants on the opposite side.
Before I arrived at Tobolsk, I passed the Irtisch twice, the last time
near the mouth of the Tobol. This capital, situated between these two
rivers, would have been one of the most beautiful towns of Siberia,
but a fire has made such havock as to reduce the greater part of it to
ashes. Prior to this event, it was in two divisions, the upper town
and the lower town; the one, built upon the platform of a mountain,
presented many beautiful edifices of stone; the other was made up of
wooden houses, which were the first devoured by the flames. By degrees
the fire reached the upper part of the town and the stone houses,
where it left nothing but the walls. I made no stay at this melancholy
scene; the impression it made upon me was equally deep and forcible,
and I shall never forget the air of consternation that was visible
in the inhabitants, who, from the highest to the lowest, laboured
indefatigably, but in mournful silence, to repair their losses. Already
the ravages begin to disappear, and the foundations of some houses and
shops, all rebuilding of stone, arise above the surface: it is probable
that the rest of the town will have the same solidity.
In quitting it I passed the Irtisch a third time to reach
Catherinebourg, or Yekaterinbourg, where I stayed twenty-four hours,
that my carriage might again be repaired. I employed the time in
visiting a gold mine in the neighbourhood, and the place where the
copper money is coined.
I refer the reader to the authors I have already cited, for a
description of the colonies of Tcheremisses, Tschouvaschis, Votiaguis,
and Tartars. I shall only say of these last, that the neatness of
the inside of their houses astonished me, doubtless because I had
been a little too much accustomed to the contrary defect among the
Kamtschadales, Koriacs, &c. These Tartars lead sedentary lives; they
are husbandmen, and have considerable quantities of corn and cattle:
the religion they profess is the Mahometan.
The head dress of the Tcheremisses struck me with its singularity; it
is a small shell of wood, eight or ten inches long, and four or five
broad, placed near the root of the hair upon the forehead, and the
upper part with an inclination forward. This is fastened with a knot,
and then covered with an handkerchief, white embroidered or figured,
and, out of preference, they chuse the most glaring colours and the
most crowded patterns. The handkerchief, which is very large, and
hangs loosely behind, is edged with a broad fringe, or lace of gold or
silver, in proportion to the wealth or luxury of the wearer. The rest
of their dress cannot better be compared than to a robe de chambre.
I met a caravan of Bohemians who asked me for money, and informed me
that they were going to people and cultivate a small canton on the
borders of the Wolga, near Saratoff.
The necessity of having my passport examined by the governor of Casan,
and the difficulty of procuring horses, as I arrived late, kept me in
this town till break of day. The Wolga, which washes its walls, renders
the situation pleasant; the houses are for the most part built of
wood, and the churches of stone. I was told that it is the see of an
archbishop.
Beyond the Wolga[114], a river famous for its navigation, and which
pours itself into the Caspian sea, I passed before the towns of
Rouzmodemiansk and Makarieff. The latter, celebrated for its linen
manufactures, is, property speaking, but a village. I was at a small
distance from it, and had just crossed a bridge, ill constructed, and
that trembled under my carriage, when my impatience was near costing
me my life. My postilion, animated by my repeated exhortations, drove
me with great rapidity[115]: on a sudden I heard something strike hard
against the box of my kibitk; I thrust out my head, and received a blow
that made me instantly fall back in my carriage. A cry, uttered by the
courier who rode with me, informed me that I was wounded. In reality a
stream of blood ran down my forehead: the carriage stopped, I alighted;
it was the circle of my wheel that was broken, the edge of which had
struck me with the greater violence, in consequence of our speed. On
putting my hand to the wound, it appeared large and deep: I conceived
that the skull was injured, and I considered myself as a dead man.
It is here I can say with truth, that language is too weak to describe
the excess of my despair. After surmounting so many obstacles, so many
perils; at the very gates of Petersburg, where I ardently longed to
embrace, in my arms, the best of fathers, whom I had not seen for four
years; on the eve of entering my native country, of acquitting myself
of my embassy, by delivering my important dispatches, and to be struck
by a mortal blow! The reflection overcame me; I felt my knees tremble
and my head turn round; the succours of my companions fortunately
brought me to life: I armed myself with courage, tied a bandage tight
about my head, the wheel was adjusted in the best manner it could, and
we soon gained the preceding stage to Nijenei-novogorod.
I left my kibitk in this village to the care of my soldier, with
orders to have it repaired, and to follow me immediately to the next
town. While my post carriage was harnessing, and my box put into it, I
entered a public house, and had some very strong brandy poured into my
wound, and a good compress placed on it, which enabled me to proceed to
Nijenei-novogorod, which was from twenty-five to thirty wersts.
The surgeon major, at whose house I stopped, was not at home, and in
order to wait for him, I was conducted into a most filthy habitation.
The desire of not being known, and the uncertainty I was in respecting
my wound, induced me not to announce myself to the governor. In the
afternoon I returned to the surgeon’s, but to no purpose. Impatient
of suffering, without knowing what might be the effect of my wound, I
asked if there was no one else who could assist me, and they mentioned
a _podleker_, or surgeon’s mate, who, after many difficulties on
his part, came to me. His address gave me no favourable impression
respecting his talents and sobriety; it had all the bluntness and
tottering gait of a drunken man. In the mean time the necessity of
having my wound probed, overcame the repugnance I felt of trusting
myself to such hands; but the wretch had forgotten his instruments. Who
would suppose that a pin was the probe he borrowed? Having examined it,
he informed me, in a fluttering manner, that my skull was laid open,
but not at all fractured, and that with the application of brandy and
water I might continue my journey; he then advised me to be blooded.
The idea of trusting my arm to such a drunkard made me shudder. Having
thanked, paid, and dismissed him, I got into my carriage, happy to be
rid both of the operation and the operator.
Nijenei-novogorod is situated, as every one knows, upon the Wolga,
and is similar to all the Russian towns. When I passed through it, it
boasted of the honour of having a company of national comedians.
Leaving Vladimer, I came to Moscow. M. de Boffe was anxious to have
my wound examined by the most skillful surgeons. Their report gave me
confidence, though the pains in my head were tolerably acute. I found
myself the more consoled by the removal of my fears, as I learned at
the same time a circumstance very much calculated to increase them. M.
de Boffe told me that my father was not at Petersburg: if therefore I
had been dangerously wounded, and this town had been the termination of
my career, I should have been deprived of the consolation of ending my
life in the arms of him to whom I owed it.
My carriage being in a shattered condition, I left it at Moscow,
and sat off in one of the common post carriages; but they were so
small and so incommodious, as not even to shelter me from the rain.
I passed by Tver, Vonischnei-volotschok, Novogorod, and Sophia
near Tsarskocelo[116], and I entered Petersburg in the night of 22
September, having travelled six thousand wersts in forty days, eight of
which were lost in the unavoidable delays I had experienced.
Agreeably to the instruction of count de la Perouse, I delivered my
packets into the hands of count de Segur, minister plenipotentiary from
the court of France to the empress. I had the pleasure of seeing him on
his arrival in Russia, and I count it among the happy events of my life
that I now found him at Petersburg, to console me for the absence of my
father. This minister not only received me in the most gracious manner,
but interested himself in my health with every mark of affection. He
offered one of his couriers to accompany and take care of me during
the remainder of my journey. Meanwhile as the skill of his surgeon had
effected my cure, I thanked the count for his obliging offer, but was
unwilling to deprive him of a man who might be necessary to him.
Charged with his dispatches, I left Petersburg the 26, between
eleven and twelve at night. At Remer, as the weather was foul, I was
eight hours in engaging watermen to take me across an arm of the sea
called _Courich-haff_. I slept at Berlin, count d’Esterno, minister
plenipotentiary of the king to this court, being also desirous of
sending dispatches by me; I was well requited for this trifling delay,
by the flattering things which it occasioned me from this minister.
At length I saw my native country, and 17 October at three o’clock
in the afternoon, I arrived at Versailles. I alighted at the house of
count de la Luzerne, minister and secretary of state for the marine
department. I had not the happiness of being known to him, but the
very kind reception he gave me, instantly prepared my heart for the
gratitude, which on so many accounts I owe him. To his favour, upon
which I set the highest value, I am indebted for the honour of having
been presented, the same day, to his majesty, who condescended to
interrogate me respecting various circumstances of my expedition;
expressed a desire to know the particulars; and recompensed me the
next day by appointing me consul at Cronstadt; a recompence so much
the dearer, as it reminded me of the eulogiums that had been bestowed
on the zeal of all my family, in the civil and political offices with
which they had been entrusted.
THE END.
FOOTNOTES
[1] During my stay at Poustaretsk, the governor had dismissed our
Kamtschadale guides. Some of them belonged to the environs of
Bolcheretsk, and were four hundred leagues distant from their home.
These poor creatures, almost all their dogs having died of fatigue and
hunger, were obliged to return on foot.
[2] All the wandering Koriacs avoided us in the same manner, that they
might not be obliged to assist us.
[3] These people are at the south of the Tchouktchis, upon the eastern
coast.
[4] This tent was made of linen; I had purchased it of M. Vorokoff
before I left Poustaretsk.
[5] This report had gained credit from the false representation of
Bogonoff, the engineer. He asserted, that the Koriacs had, by force of
arms, opposed his entrance into the river Pengina. When I mentioned it
to them, they protested, that so far from opposing the passage of this
engineer, they had treated him during his stay with great kindness and
friendship.
[6] This detachment had originally consisted of forty men; but at the
requisition of Kabechoff, ten Cossacs were added to it, who arrived at
Kaminoi with the supplies, which we have already mentioned.
[7] These people, informed that I was on my way to Ingiga, would, I
was told, probably come to meet me, were it merely from a spirit of
curiosity.
[8] See Vol. I. p. 225.
[9] My escort thus consisted of four men; this Golikoff, the soldier
who had accompanied me from Poustaretsk, and two others chosen from the
detachment as my guides: I thought it necessary however to add a Koriac
guide, as I conceived that he must be better acquainted with the road.
[10] The scarcity of dogs at Kaminoi, and the wretched state of mine,
had determined M. Schmaleff to let me have those belonging to the
detachment.
[11] The reader will recollect that I was then in a Kamtschadale dress.
[12] The perfidy of the Koriacs has almost always endeavoured to
inflame the enmity of the Tchoukchis against the Russians, either by
false reports, or by inciting them to attack such parties of Russians
whom they could not, or dared not, attack themselves. These artful
manœuvres have been the cause of the many acts of cruelty with which
the Tchoukchis have been reproached, but which form no part of their
character.
[13] That is, beyond the cape of Tchoukchi, known in maps by the name
of _Tchoukotskoi-nos_.
[14] The fear of being surprised in the night by the Koriacs occasions
this precaution.
[15] Polygamy is allowed by these people; one may say indeed that
they admit promiscuous cohabitation, for they are said to carry their
politeness so far as to offer their wives or daughters to their guests.
To refuse the offer would be an insult. I cannot answer for the truth
of this report.
[16] I had the greater reason to suspect him, as his mode of
introducing himself, reminded me of the expedients he had employed
the preceding year to detain a sailor, charged by government with
important dispatches. The sailor, anxious to arrive at the place of
his destination, was prepared to leave Pareiné, when Youltitka pressed
him to wait till the next day. He showed no disposition to comply, but
was desirous of proceeding immediately. The dispute became warm. The
enraged Koriac fell upon him, and would instantly have assassinated
him, if he had not been torn from his hands. He was bound, and kept in
confinement for three days. At length, after having suffered every sort
of ill treatment, Youltitka permitted him to go, with the hope perhaps
of putting an end to him more easily in his way; but the prey escaped
him.
[17] It is difficult to conceive of a man more completely ugly. Large
and squat, his whole face seamed with the small pox, and various
other scars, a sullen countenance, black hair, that joined enormous
eye-brows, under which there was only one eye, and that sunk in his
head, haggard and fierce; the other he had lost by accident: such is
the exact picture of this Koriac prince.
[18] This tribunal is called in Russia _nijenei-zemskoisoud_, or
inferior territorial tribunal. The judges are selected in turn from the
peasants in the ostrogs of each district. The exercise of their office
is limited to three years. These judges are called _zassédatels_.
[19] They use no kind of cloth or napkin for this purpose. They take a
stick, scrape it for a few minutes, and with the shavings they rub and
clean their dishes and other utensils used in their cooking.
[20] So they call these tempests.
[21] It is necessary to be incessantly on the watch for fear of a
surprise on the part of the neighbouring Koriacs, whose daring and
turbulent character leads them frequently to revolt, and to attack the
town at a time when it is least expected. When they come to Ingiga for
commercial purposes, they are not permitted to make any long stay.
[22] Called in Russia _kounits_.
[23] He was chiefly terrified by the fasts, which, with the Greeks, are
very rigid and very frequent.
[24] I have not the same complaint to make against the wandering
Koriacs. I found them in general more frank and obliging, and shall
presently give a proof of it.
[25] The wandering Koriacs were for a long time still more untractable.
The independence to which they were accustomed, and the natural
restlessness of their character, little disposed them to submit
to the yoke. The Russians, beside, from a love of conquest, were
perhaps not remarkable for moderation, and endeavoured probably to
make themselves feared rather than loved. It is certain that they
experienced the regret of seeing whole hordes suddenly disperse upon
the least appearance of oppression, and fly, as in concert, far from
the settlements where they hoped, by the attraction of commerce, to
fix them. These frequent flights took place till the arrival of major
Gaguen. By the mildness of his government, his repeated invitations,
and beneficial proposals, he has gradually brought back these fugitive
families. First one returned, then two, then three; the force of
example, and a kind of emulation operated upon others, and when I was
at Ingiga there were no less than eleven yourts in the neighbourhood of
that town.
But the skilful policy of major Gaguen has still more successfully
effected the views of the Czarina, by taking advantage of the necessary
commercial intercourse, gradually to establish between the Russians and
the Koriacs of both descriptions in the neighbourhood, a reciprocity of
good offices, a kind of agreement between individual and individual,
that reminds us of ancient hospitality, and that will one day
infallibly operate a revolution in the manners of this people.
If a Koriac be obliged by his business to pass the night in the town,
he demands a lodging of his Russian friend, and without farther
ceremony takes possession. His host considers it as his duty to receive
him, to study his inclinations, to anticipate his wants, and his
wishes; and in short, spares nothing in order to entertain him in the
best manner he can, that is, to make him completely drunk. Upon his
return home, he relates with pleasure the flattering reception he has
met with. He considers it as an obligation, a sacred debt, of which he
is anxious to acquit himself the first opportunity that offers. This is
a pleasing custom, particularly to a Russian soldier, who is obliged to
make frequent journeys to the neighbouring villages. The gratitude of
the Koriac towards his friend, does not confine itself to the affording
him a lodging, regaling him, and supplying him with provisions for
his excursion; he protects him, and becomes his defence against his
countrymen.
[26] All the Koriacs whom I met with on my way from Poustaretsk are
equally subject to famine with the inhabitants of that hamlet. The bark
of the birch tree mixed with the fat of the sea wolf, is then their
whole subsistence.
[27] The rivers near this ostrog are so small as to be entirely frozen
up as soon as the cold sets in, and during more than half the year the
inhabitants are obliged to drink melted snow or ice.
[28] It is used in the Russian houses to destroy insects.
[29] The enamorata probably is not always obdurate, but equally
impatient with her lover to put an end to this laborious novitiate, and
acknowledges herself touched, before it has taken place.
[30] It is also that of the Tchouktchis, and before the introduction of
Christianity was the system of the Kamtschadales.
[31] They believe also in inferior deities. Some they consider as
household gods, the guardians of their rustic habitations. These
idols, coarsely carved and blackened with smoke, are hung up in the
most conspicuous part of their yourts. They are dressed in the Koriac
mode, and adorned with bells, rings, and various other iron and copper
trinkets. The other inferior deities they consider as inhabiting
mountains, woods, and rivers, which reminds us of the nymphs in the
mythology of the ancient Greeks.
[32] I frequently perceived in the course of my journey the remains of
dogs and rein deer suspended on stakes, and testifying the devotion of
the sacrificers.
[33] I dismissed my conductors of course. I have not yet mentioned the
post charges. While I travelled with M. Kasloff, they were defrayed by
him, and I did not pay my share, till I came to quit him. The reader is
intitled to a note upon the subject, which I shall here give him.
These charges are called in Russia _progonn_: a courier pays two
kopecks per werst for every horse, and other travellers four kopecks.
A kopeck is equal to a French _sou_, or an English halfpenny. In
Kamtschatka and Siberia the expence is less by one half, and as dogs
are almost invariably made use of in the peninsula, they are charged at
so much per _podvod_, or team of five dogs. Three podvods, or fifteen
dogs, are considered as equal to one horse in Siberia, for which a
courier pays a kopeck per werst, and other travellers two kopecks.
[34] These compliments do not, as with us, consist of mere ceremony
and cold civilities, accompanied with unmeaning words. The assembly is
no sooner seated, than brandy is introduced. A domestic distributes
three enormous bumpers to every individual, one of which would be
sufficient in any other country to make a man give in. Here it is
merely a provokative to double and triple the dose. A Koriac toper
considers it in no other light, and when it is presented to him, he
gives a complacent smile to the whole company, and particularly to the
master of the house, to whom also he makes a slight inclination of
the head. He then swallows, one upon another, without the least sign
of repugnance, three glasses filled as fast as possible. The children
drink it with as little aversion. I have seen a child six or seven
years old take off one of these glasses, without making a wry face.
To this copious distribution of brandy M. Gaguen never fails to add
some presents of iron, stuffs, or tobacco, and carries his attention
so far as to consult the taste and wants of each individual. The
Tchouktchis, and the fixed Koriacs, are treated with similar kindness.
By this means he has gradually tamed these savage minds, and gained
an influence and ascendency over them: a poor recompence for the
sacrifices he is obliged to make to provide these liberalities, the
expence of which falls solely upon himself, and from the dearness of
every article in this country, must be a heavy burthen to him.
[35] Sometimes the lower part of this rein is furnished with little
sharp pieces of bone, which, with the smallest shock, serve to goad
forward the animals that are untractable, and are continually employed
for that purpose. In harnessing the rein deer, they are careful not to
put on the right the beast that is trained to draw on the left, the
sledge would otherwise, instead of advancing, be instantly overturned.
This trick, however, the Koriacs frequently play upon the Russians, who
they think have treated them ill.
[36] They had indeed quitted the road, but had only dragged me about
fifty paces from it.
[37] This proceeding was the more agreeable to me, as being perfectly
unexpected. It was the first present that any Koriac had offered
me. I should not have observed this, if, as having just quitted the
hospitable Kamtschadales who had loaded me with gifts, I had not been
tempted to compare the characters of the two people.
[38] In the presence of the Russians, he crosses himself before and
after his meals, and when he enters his yourt.
[39] Among a hundred of these skins scarcely two can be found fine
enough for furs. There are some entirely white.
[40] The yourt of my host was about eight yards in diameter, and nearly
of the same height. The circumference at the base was twenty-four
yards, and the top similar to that of a cone.
[41] We caught some excellent trout.
[42] The snow fell in such abundance, that these poor animals were in a
manner buried under it. Accustomed however to such weather, they crowd
together, and always holding their noses in the air, the heat of their
breath, by penetrating their cold covering, creates a free passage for
respiration. They have the sense also to shake themselves when the snow
becomes too heavy.
[43] Our company consisted of ten, seven of whom were Koriacs, whose
filthiness is well known.
[44] Though this circuit was more than seven hundred wersts, the
rapidity of these rivers insured me a speedy navigation, by which I
should have gained a considerable advantage in point of time, besides
the pleasure of enjoying the first appearance of spring.
[45] A vessel from Okotsk was wrecked in this place a few years ago.
The whole cargo, consisting of provisions, was lost, and almost all the
crew perished.
[46] All the fixed Koriacs between Ingiga and Yamsk are baptised. These
two settlements have but one priest, whose habitual residence is at
Ingiga. He seldom makes the circuit of his district, which extends as
far as the ostrog of Taousk, the first place belonging to the diocese
of Okotsk.
[47] The post expences are the same here as in Kamtschatka for common
sledges, though the teams of the nartas consist of double the number of
dogs.
[48] This was a real loss to my conductors: there are dogs of a price
as high as fifty roubles, and not one of them is sold for less than
five.
[49] The ice bent under my sledge at every step.
[50] M. Kokh was born in Germany, and spoke the Russian language as
fluently as his own; he wanted only confidence to express himself
equally well in French. He had long retired to this settlement with his
wife and three children, where he lives in peace, surrounded by his
little family, rich in the public esteem, and happy in the opportunity
which his situation affords him of doing good.
[51] Accustomed to such accidents when they travel in this season of
the year, they ascend the loftiest trees, where they fabricate with the
branches a kind of hut called _labazis_; but it often happens that the
torrents do not abate, and in this case they equally perish for want of
food.
[52] This was no very easy task, if we consider the extreme weakness
of these poor animals, who have no other sustenance, during the whole
winter, than the branches of willows, or birch trees. With such
nourishment, what service was to be expected from them! To support so
long a fast, they surely stand in need of the respite from labour which
is commonly allowed them during this season of the year; and even at
the commencement of spring, it is not prudent to make use of them till
they have recovered their strength by better pasture. The fields are
no sooner freed from the snow, than they disperse in eager pursuit of
every little blade of grass, and devour the shoots almost before they
spring out of the ground; rapid as the vegetation is in this country,
it must be supposed that a considerable time is necessary to recover
their vigour.
[53] See Coxe, Chap. I.
[54] I might here give an account of the origin, progress, and nature
of the commercial alliance between these two empires; but as the
caravans sent by the Russians to Kiatka, commonly assemble at Irkoutsk,
I shall defer it till my arrival at that settlement, where I shall
perhaps acquire still more accurate information.
[55] I shall not enter into particulars respecting the manner in which
these settlements were made. The Russians unfortunately displayed
neither more integrity nor greater humanity than in their preceding
conquests; and I wish it was in my power to draw a perpetual veil over
the scenes of horror which they repeated on their arrival in these
climates. But the many instances of injustice and dishonesty practiced
by the chiefs, pilots, merchants, and sailors, have given rise to such
a variety of complaints and suits, and so many authors have written
upon the subject, that my silence could have no effect. It is well
known that a number of ships employed in this trade have been accused
of taking by force, instead of purchasing, the furs which they brought
back, and sold at an immense profit. Not content with tearing from the
unfortunate indigines these fruits of their courage and labour, they
sometimes compelled them, under the immediate inspection, and for the
sole profit of the crew, to hunt otters, beavers, sea cows, foxes, and
other animals; and frequently from an excess of distrust or avarice,
they hunted themselves. Such conduct induces us to believe that they
were guilty of crimes still more shocking. It is not to be supposed
that at so great a distance, the injunctions and menaces of the empress
should in all cases so far operate as to prevent enormities. Experience
has too clearly demonstrated, particularly in the extensive empire of
Russia, that authority becomes weak, in proportion as it is farther
removed from the center. How many years of vigilance and discipline are
necessary, before abuses can be suppressed, and obedience effected!
This has long been the object of the existing administration, and there
is reason to presume that its exertions have not been fruitless.
[56] Such was the project of a merchant of my acquaintance, who
expected to derive from it the most considerable advantages. With the
map of Cooke’s voyage in his hand, his intention was to enter the river
that bears the name of this celebrated navigator, and to extend his
course as far as the environs of the bay of Nootka. If he found himself
able to execute his plan, it is possible that he would not be wholly
deceived in his hopes, and his countrymen may, perhaps, be hereafter
indebted to his information and courage for the knowledge of new
sources of wealth.
[57] See Vol. I. p. 140.
[58] All of whom, as well as the different naval officers, are brought
hither from Russia. To complete however their complement of sailors, M.
Hall was obliged to raise recruits in the country; and the orders he
brought were so precise, that the governor supplied him both with men
and materials at his first requisition.
[59] We have seen in the description of Okotsk, that these buildings
constituted the part of the town appropriated to trade. Alarmed at
this incident, they immediately unfurnished their shops, determined to
remove into the government square, of consequence they undertook to
rebuild the barracks, and considerably augmented the number of them.
[60] The mode of preparing salmon is the same as at Kamtschatka.
[61] I have already given an account of this sport, which takes place
in the moulting season, and observed that a stick is the only weapon
used on the occasion.
[62] They consisted of leathern bags and portmanteaux; with this
advantage, that they never gall the sides of the horses. The usual
weight is five _pouds_, or two hundred pounds, and it never exceeds
six _pouds_; that is, two hundred and forty. These loads they call
_viouki_, and the horses that carry them _viouschni-loschadei_. If the
baggage to be carried be lighter or less cumbrous, they place it upon
the back of the animal, and fasten it with a cord of hair that passes
under his belly.
[63] The Yakouts seemed not to be much concerned at the loss of
these animals, and have no idea of affording them any assistance.
When they refuse to go on, or fall down from weakness or fatigue,
they are abandoned to their deplorable fate, and their carcasses are
left to be devoured by bears, who never relinquish their prey while
any thing remains but the bones. Every ten steps we see skeletons of
these horses, and from Okotsk to the cross of Yudoma, I imagine that
I passed more than two thousand. My conductors informed me that the
majority had perished the preceding year, in conveying from Okotsk to
Yakoutsk the different materials required for M. Billings’s expedition,
in consequence of having been surprised by the floods, which had been
so sudden that the guides saved themselves with difficulty. A part
of their loads were still under a kind of _labazis_, of which I have
already spoken, where travellers place their effects till the waters
subside. It was added, that the Yakouts lose in this manner every year
four or five thousand horses, in transporting the different objects of
the commerce which they undertake.
[64] The Yakouts are so habituated to this exercise, that they might
defy the most expeditious groom. They tie the horses three and three to
each others tails, and a single rope serves to lead them all.
[65] I was a witness on this day of a circumstance that deserves to
be related. My Yakouts skilfully peeled off large pieces of bark from
the pine tree, of which they formed a sort of tent or parapluie, under
which they took up their abode during the night.
[66] Beside various sorts of aquatic birds, we frequently met with the
heath-cock and the white partridge; we also appropriated their eggs to
our use, wherever we could find them.
[67] They were chiefly willows and alders; but deeper in the forests we
perceived some firs and birch trees of a good height.
[68] They use for this purpose a long and wide blade fastened at the
end of a stick three feet long. This instrument serves them both as
lance and axe.
[69] I have already mentioned the quickness of the vegetation. Its
progress was every day perceptible; the trees, which had been so long
bare, gradually recovered their dress, and the country soon appeared
like a vast meadow enamelled with rural flowers. What a spectacle for a
man whose eye had for the space of six months seen nothing but frozen
rivers, and mountains and plains covered with snow! It seemed to revive
with nature, and to spring out of its ruins.
[70] There is actually a cross erected on the bank of the river.
[71] The abatement of the water was every day perceptible to the eye,
and a longer delay would have exposed me to all the dangers of shoals,
and the most formidable cataracts.
[72] These boats are flat, and terminate in points at the two
extremities.
[73] It is called _listvenischnoie-derevo_.
[74] It pours itself into the Lena, at a little distance from, and
north of, Yakoutsk.
[75] This place is called _Oust-mayapristann_ or harbour of the mouth
of the Maya.
[76] During my five days navigation I had travelled near seven hundred
wersts.
[77] Independently of various other cattle, he had a stud of two
thousand horses in very good condition, though he had lost a
considerable number by the conveyances occasioned by M. Billings’
expedition. From the manner in which he spoke of his submission to
the will of the empress, I judged that he felt no reluctance at any
sacrifices that proved his zeal.
[78] I met with many of these chiefs, to whom this language was as
familiar as their own.
[79] See Vol. I. p. 184.
[80] Nothing is more easy than to distinguish the chamans, who let
their hair grow, and tie it behind, from the Yakouts, who wear their
hair short.
[81] The instrument which I here style a flute, is a bone hollowed and
fashioned somewhat like our _flûtes à l’oignon_, and its tone is not
less acute.
[82] The bark is stripped off, and the stakes either painted various
colours, or ornamented with rude sculpture.
[83] In speaking of the saddles, I ought to have added that the
stirrups are very short.
[84] Three horses pay here the same as one in Siberia.
[85] There would be no end to my repetitions if I were to mention all
the civilities I received from each of these Yakout princes.
[86] The bark of this tree is stripped off in the spring.
[87] I was the first traveller this year from Okotsk that had yet
arrived at Yakoutsk. The distance between these places is about fifteen
hundred wersts.
[88] M. Marklofski was to hold the office till M. Kasloff arrived.
[89] The Lena crosses Siberia in nearly its widest part, from
north-east to south-west, and pours itself afterwards into the Frozen
Ocean.
[90] I shall say nothing of the mode of government, as it is similar to
that of Okotsk.
[91] The post expences are not the greater on account of this distance;
a man is paid at the same rate as a horse.
[92] They always fastened to my boat a small canoe, in which they
return home, and which is carried along by the mere current of the
river.
[93] It is also called _Olekminsk_.
[94] He informed me that the borders of the Lena were inhabited on this
side by different hordes of his countrymen. I must observe, that the
Toungouses and Lamouts may be regarded as the same people.
[95] The fish with which this river principally abounds is the
sturgeon, or _sterled_. The industry of the Toungouses, makes caviare
of the eggs of this fish, as we do.
[96] From a principle the reverse of that of the Koriacs, the
Toungouses always milk the female deer. This milk, which they made me
taste, is very thick.
[97] Their journeys extend as far as the frontiers of Tartary and China.
[98] As we approached Irkoutsk, the direction of the river became
narrow. I remarked that the country was better cultivated; the wheat
especially was very fine.
[99] These kibitks are in the shape of a large cradle. They are not
hung upon any thing, and though you may lie down in them, you feel
every jolt of the carriage.
[100] Almost all his children speak French; one of the sons writes it
correctly, and possesses, as well as his brother, a thousand amiable
qualities. They have a sister married to the vice-governor.
[101] During my stay at Okotsk, M. Kokh, at my request, had willingly
conferred on him the rank of corporal. This unexpected favour made so
strong an impression upon him, that, on his return from the parade, I
thought he would have become mad from joy and gratitude.
[102] This treaty, which had been drawn up in Latin by these religious
negociators, was translated into the Russian and Mantchew languages,
and respectively ratified by the two sovereigns. This was the first
instance, since the foundation of the Russian empire, of a treaty of
peace being entered into by this nation, and foreigners permitted
to enter the capital. At this epoch there were a number of Siberian
families at Pekin, deserters or prisoners, and who, from the goodness
of the emperor Kam-hi resolved to settle there, and even to naturalize
themselves.
[103] It is in this manner the Russians write and pronounce the word
Czar.
[104] Individuals soon freed themselves from the tyrannical shackles of
the royal monopoly; they carried on a secret intercourse with China, by
means of the Mongoul Tartars, who sold their mediation at a high price.
[105] The reader will find in Coxe all the details respecting these
boundaries.
[106] This, I believe, is the place called by the Russians
_Naïmatschinn_.
[107] When I was at Okotsk, tea was sixteen roubles a pound, and very
scarce. I was told that it was sent from Petersburg, and that Russia at
present procured this article either from England or Holland.
[108] On my arrival in Siberia I was informed, at various times, that
the Russian merchants repented of the speculations they had made in
consequence of the late adjustment; and as a proof that they considered
it as void, many of them, who opened their warehouses to shew me the
prodigious quantity of skins which they had buried in them, agreed in
saying that they waited impatiently for the time when a new treaty
would give them an opportunity of getting rid of their commodities.
If I might be permitted to give my opinion, I would venture to assert,
that the dearest interests, both of Russia and China, are concerned
in the speedy accomplishment of this new compact; but, that it may be
cemented in a manner more durable and beneficial to the respective
commerce of the two nations, it will perhaps be first necessary that
they should, in concert, lighten the burthen of taxes, and take away
all the restrictions that intimidate and discourage the merchant. It
might also be expedient for Russia, profiting of the physical and
natural advantages she possesses from her situation, to fit out ships
from Okotsk or Kamtschatka, or some other port, which might go directly
to Macao or Canton, and carry on the trade at a much less expence than
by land. The communication between Okotsk and Siberia is not very
difficult, and this province would doubtless become more flourishing
when this route was more frequented. These reflections naturally led
me to what I have said in the first volume of this work (_note, p.
9._) of the project of an English merchant at Macao. Why should not
the Russians make similar attempts? Have they not better opportunities
than the English of monopolizing the fur trade with China? When the way
was once opened, it would be easy to extend the communication to new
objects. I say nothing of the inestimable advantage that Russia would
derive from this commercial navigation, in having numerous and skilful
seamen.
[109] Desirous of finishing my journey more expeditiously, I left the
greater part of my effects with M. Medvedoff, a merchant, who politely
undertook to send them to Petersburg.
To settle this business, he invited me to sup with him. While we were
at table, the town experienced an earthquake, which was tolerably
violent, and lasted two minutes. We perceived it by the shaking of
our glasses, table, and chairs; all the bells sounded, and many
turrets were thrown down. Upon the first terror it occasioned, various
conjectures were formed respecting the cause of this shock; as I
perceived that the motion, or undulation, was from south to north, it
was supposed to originate in a neighbouring lake, called _Baikal_. I
leave it to naturalists to decide the question.
[110] This river, taking the name of _Tounkoutska_, runs as far as
Yenisei (near the town of Yeniseisk) and, at some distance from
Irkoutsk, falls into the vast lake, which the Russians call the sea of
_Baikal_. This lake is said to be surrounded with lofty mountains, its
water is fresh, but the navigation of it is unsafe, on account of the
frequent storms to which it is exposed. I much regret the not having
been able to visit it.
[111] The strength of my expressions in describing my sentiments
towards this soldier, require, in my opinion, no apology. I have
nothing to say to any one that shall blame me, when informed of the
services he rendered me.
[112] Among these authors I shall mention Gmelin, Neveu, Lepekinn,
Ritschkoff, Falk and Georgi, abbe Chappe, and Pallas. The last
particularly has in his descriptions the triple merit of accuracy,
energy, and extensive information.
[113] There were some persons of distinction among them.
[114] Its borders are said to be infested with robbers, who are
probably nothing more than the watermen. I saw many of them in my
route, but never received the smallest insult.
[115] It is a praise due to the postilions of Russia; in no part are we
driven so rapidly, and the reason is that they are almost always tipsy.
In the villages, after harvest, it is necessary to take them by force
from the public houses.
[116] These towns are well known: I passed them with such speed as
scarcely to see them.
VOCABULARY OF THE KAMTSCHADALE, KORIAC,
TCHOUKTCHI, AND LAMOUT LANGUAGES.
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
GOD Bokh Douchtéakhtchitch, Kamakliou En-iéga Kh-éouki
[1] Kout & Koutka _or_ Angag
Father Otets Epep Empitch Illiguin Amai
Mother Matt Engatcha Ella Illa Eni
Child Dittia Péétch Kmouiguin Ninkhai Khoutean
I Ia Kimméa Guiomma Guim Bi
Name (of Iméa Kharénétch Ninna Ninnéa Guerbin
a thing)
A circle, Kroug Kill la Kil Kamlell Kilvo Miouréati
or round
Smell Doukh Tchékh outch Voui voui Vouie guirguin Ounga
An animal Zvér Kazit kenguiia Alliougoullou Illpouilla Boioun
A stake Koll Outlept kouitch Oupouinpin Oupinpekhai Tipiioun
A river Réka Kiig Veiem Veiem Okat
Labour Rabota Kazonem Iakhitchat Tirétirkigssinn Gourgalden
guiguin
Death Smért Eranim Veiaguiguin Veiéigou Kokan
Water Voda Azamkh _or_ Ji Mima Mimil Mou
The sea Moré Ezouk Ankan Ankho Nam
Mountain Gora Inzit Guiéguéi Neit Ouraktchan
Evil Boll Lodonim Tatch guiguin Téguél Eien
Indolence Lénn Kh-alacik Kouloumgatomg Télounga Ban
Summer Léta Adempliss Alaal Elek Anganal
The year God Tkhatkhass Guiviguiv Guioud Angan
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
The Svétt Atkhat Khétchguikhei Kheiguikei Guévan
universe
Salt Soll Peipiem Yamyam Teguiou Tak
An ox Bouik Kezioung Tchimga Penvel Gueldak
The Certsé Guillioun Lingling Liig ling Mévan
heart
Strength Cila Kekhkekh Nikétvoukhin Nikatoukhin Egui
Health Zdrava Klouvesk Tmelessvouk Gué mélevli Abgar
Well Kharacho Klioubello Nimélkhin Nimelkhin Aïa
Ill Dourno Keiel Khatkin Guetkin Kanioulit
The hand Rouka Tonno _or_ Mouina galguin Mouinguit Gal
Cettoud
The foot Noga Katkha _or_ Guit galguin Guitkalguin Boudel
Tkada
The ear Oukho Aïllo _or_ Vélioulguin Velioulguin Gorot
Jioud
The nose Noss Kekiou _or_ Enguittaam Ekhkhaiakh Ogot
Kika
The Rott Cekcé _or_ Ikniguin Guikirguin Amga
mouth Kissa
The head Glava Khobel _or_ Léout Léout Del
Tkhouzgéa
The Gorlo Kouikh Pilguin Pilguin Belga
throat
The Lob Tchoutschel Kitschal Kitschal Omkat
forehead _or_ Tchikika
A tooth Zoub Kip khépp Bannalguin Ritti Itt
The Iazik Ditchel Lill Guiguil Enga
tongue
The Lokott Tallotall Nitschiouvétt Kirvouéliin Etschén
elbow
The Paltsi Tkida _or_ Iélguit Tchnilguit Kh-abrr
fingers Kik-énn
The Nokhti Koud _or_ Véguit Véguit Osta
nails Kououn
The Choki Aié ioud Elpitt Irspitt Anntschinn
cheeks _or_ Pr-énn
The Chéia Khaitt Ennaïnn Inguik Mivonn
neck
The Pletcho Tanioud _or_ Iilpitt Tchilpiv Mirr
shoulder Tenno
The Brioukho K-Khailita Nannkhénn Nannkhinn Ourr
belly
The Nozdri Kanngassounn Innvalté Kh-Elonn
nostrils
The Brovi Talténn Litchvétt Kh-aramta
eyebrows
The Réssnitsi Khenng- Illiatchiguit Virvitt
eyelids iatschourenn
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
The face Litso Gouénng Lioulgoulkhall Lioulgolkhill Itti
The back Spina Karo Khaptiann Khéptitt Néri
Natural Kallkhann
parts of
a man
Natural Kouappa
parts of
a woman
The blood Krov Bechlem Moulliou moul Moulliou moul Souguial
Great Véliko Tgolo Niméankin Niméankin Ekjam
Small Malo Outchinnélo Ouppouliou- Niouppouliou- Niouki-
khin kin schoukan
High Vouisloko Kran-alo Niguiné- Nivlikhin Gouda
guimakhen
Low Nisko Disoulo Nivtokhin Nivkhodin Niatkoukak
The sun Solntzé Koullétch Tikiti Tirkiti Nioultian
The moon Mécéts Kirkh-kirkh Yalguin Tschatamoui Bekh
A star Zvézda Ezeng-itch Lillia Eguér Ossikatt
petschan
The sky Nébo Kokh-khéll Kh-igan Keh-iguin Nian, or
Djioulbka
A ray Loutch Ts-eiguilik Tikakh- Tirkhikh-mell Elganni
Mouinpen
Fire Ogonn Briououmkhitch Mouilguin Mouiltimouil Tog
_or_ Panitch
Heat Jarr Kékak Koutigué- Nitilkhin Khokhssin
létonn
The voice Goloss Khaélo Koumguikoum Khoullikhoul Delgann
A door Dvér Onnotch Téllitél Titil Ourka
A hole in Iama Khiouép Zolou Nouterguin Kengra
the ground ioulguin
Day Dénn Taaje Alvoui Liougiout Ining
Night Notsch Kiounnouk Nikinik Likita Golbani
A town Grad Attéiim Gouina Vouivou Gorad
Life Jizn Zoït léném Kioulgatnguin Toukoulguiarm Inni
A forest Léss Ou out Outitou Outit Khenita
Grass Trava Chichtch Biigai Bagaïling Orat
Sleep Sonn Caéksn Miél khaïrik Guiilkhét Oukléan
iarinn
A tree or Drévo Ou _or_ Outé Outouout Outtiougout Mo
wood
To sleep Spatt Oun ekleni Kouel Miilkhamik Oukladaï
khalangui
To cut Rézatt Lzinim Koutch Viguin Khitschviguin Minadaï
To tie, to Vézatt Tratak Tién mouiguin Trémitim Gadgim
fasten
Measure Méra Tiakinioung Tenn métén Nig eni Ilkavonn
Gold Zoloto Elni- Tschedliou- Mérka
pélvouitinn pouilvouiténn
Silver Srébro Elni- Nilguikin- Méguén
pélvouitinn pouilvouiténn
A hearth Otchag Ak kannim Melguippioul- Milguipialguin Nerka
guin
A house Domm Kizd Ia ianga Valkarad Djou
The Sloukh Ioulloteliim Tikovaloming Valioulm Issni
hearing
The sight Zrenié Eltchkioulnim Tikila Mogourkim Igouroun
ounguin
The taste Vkouss Tal tal Amtam
The smell Obonanié Kheisk Kot-keng Tikerkin Moiéni
The skin Koja Salsa Nalguin Nelguin Iss, _or_
Nandra
Stay, stop Stoï Khimikhtch Khanni Khvellia Illé
vouilgui
A dog Sabaca Kossa Kh attaan Guéttin Ninn
An egg Iaitso Dilkhatch Ligli Liglig Oumta
A bird Ptissa Disskhilt Gallia Gallia Dei
A feather Péro Cissiou Téguélguin Téguél Detlé
Husband Mouje, Kiskoug Ouiakhotch Ouréakhotch Edi
_or_ Mouch
Wife Géna Tigen outch Névgann Névgann Achi
Brother Bratt Tig-a Khaita Khaïta Akann
kalguin kalguin
Sister Séstra Dikhtoung Tchaa kiguit Tchakiguitch Eken
Love Lioubov Allokhtel Kekmitcha Nitvaïguim Goudj
anim angui mona
To love Lioubitt Tallokhtel Ekmoukoulni- Tchivéatchim Aïa
azinn guin vrovou
A letter Zémlia Cimmit Noutelkhen Noultenour Tor
A girdle Poïass Ciititt Iguit Ririt Boïat
A stone Kaminn Kouall Gouvién Vougonn Djoul
Give Daï Katkou Khinéélgui Kétam Omouli
Go, begone Padi, Téout Khallikhatigui Khél khit Khourli
padi
potsch
No Niétt Biinakitlik Ouinnié Ouinéa Atcha
Yes Da Lébell E E Ya
To drink Pitt Ekoss kholnim Mouiv Migoutschi Koldakou
vouitschik
The Vreméa Takkhit, _or_ Khoulitik Khouriti Khéren
weather Takkhiiat
Thick Tolst Khaoumouilli Nooumkhin Nioumkhin Dérom
A bone Kost Kotg amtch Kh attaam Ettemkai Ipri
To sing Pétt Ang iéssonim Kagannguiang Khoulikhoul Ikann
Light, Légok Dimss khoulou Ninnakhin Nimirkoukhin Aïmkhoun
(not heavy)
A cow Karova Khoukoum
A sheep, Barann Koulem Kitéb Kétéb Ouiamkan
or Argali
A pig Svinia[2]
A goose Gouss Kissouiéss Erbatsch
A duck Outka Ditchimatch Néki
A ditch, Rov Aétchpouinnim Nota Nivékhschin- Khouniram
or canal guilguiguin koutérguin
Fruit Plod Issgatessitch Iévouinann Vouinnia khaï Baldaran
Horn Rov Détténn Innalguin Aïvalkhschléa Tannia
Good Dobro Klioubello Malguiguin Nimelhhin Aïa
Bad Khoudo K’kéllello Kh antkinn Guerkin Kannaialit
A root Korén Jaéngettsch Nimmakin Kimgakaï Kh obkann
The trunk Pénn Enni Tattkhoub Outtékhai- Moudakann
of a tree mellokoll guétchvouili
The bark Kora Ireitch Il khelguin Ourta
White Bélo Guénnkalo Nilgatkhin Nilgakin Guéltadi
Red Krasno Tchatch-alo Neit Tchédlionl Khoulania
Tschikhin
Wine, or Vino Koabkho-azamg Akhamimil Akamimil Mina
brandy
To sow Séiatt
Bread Khléb [3]
Oats Oveuss
Rye Rosch
To cover Scritt Khankhlidinn Khinia- Khinvaguini Djairam
tchéiaguin
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
To carry Nossit Lénouiarenk Khinéalguitati Traïavam Gue-énoum
To draw Vozit Khéningekhtch Kouénguinin Guérévouli Gue-
élbouttiann
An oak Doub Atviniakou Etvou Tschourna
A ship Soudno, Tokh, khatim Konaoutiguing Matarkin Koptonn
karable
Marriage Brak En itipositch Kitilkhin Avlann
A plain Poléa Ouskh
A field Pachnéa
To till Pakhatt
A plough Sokha
An harrow Borona
Pain, Troud Akhltipkonnim Iakhitchat- Lioulngatt Gourgaldénn
fatigue guiguin
A girl Déva, Oukhtchitch Ianguianaouv Névoui- Kh-ounatch
_or_ tchkhatt
Dévka
A boy Maltchik Pekh Ak kapill Nénkhaï Kh-ourkann
atchoutch
A pigeon Goloub
A guard Storoje Annatchourna Koun oung Eioulakaï Etteiram
Growth Rost Goudatch
A bed, Rodini Iouss ass Kmigatalik Guékmiiél Baldajakann
to lie khénizatch
in bed
Power, Vlast Inatch Katvouguiguin Tschinvo Ekjéanni
will kékvaouv
The Vétschér Ettém Anguivénguin Arguivéiguin Khisseatchin
evening
A horse Konn, Mourak, _or_
_or_ Lochat Mourann
The Outro Moukoulass Iakhimitiv Réakhmitiv Badjakar
morning
Now Téper Eéngou Ettchigui Ettchigui Ték
Before Préjedé Koummétt Inkiép Ettiol Djoulléa
After Possé Déméll Iavatching Iavatchi Essiméak
Thou Ti Kizé Guitché Guir Ssi
We Moui Bouze Mouiou Mouri Bou
He On Tié Enno Inkhann Nong
annioubeï
She Onna Tschii Ennonévit khét Inkhann Nong ann achi
névann
They Onni Tié nakil Ioutschou Innkhahatt Kong artann
You Voui Souze Touiou Touri Kh-ou
Here Zdéff Tétchkh Gouitkou Voutkou Ellia
There Tamm Kék koui Nanko Nenko Tala
Look Vott Tétk oun Gout-Tinno Nottkhan Er
there!
A beard Boroda Elloud Lélou Léliout Tchourkann
Hair Voloss Tchérakhtchr, Nitchouvoui Kirvouitt Niouritt
_or_ koubid
Cries Krik Orang Koukomgalag Nikétémér- Irkann
torritch guinéa
Noise Schoumm Oukh Kouvitchi- Ioulnorkinn Ouldann
véchtchitch guitchiguétok
Waves of Volni Kéga Kantchiguitang Guittchguin Bialga
the sea
Sand Péssok Bezzalik Tchiguéi Tchigaï Onéang
Clay Glina Kitt khim Att ann Télbak
Verdure Zélénn Dokhle kralo Touiévégaï Tourvéguéi Tchoulbann
Green Zélénoié Tchoulbalrann
A worm Tschérf Gepitch Enniguém Enniguén Oug-ill
A branch Souk Iousstiltch Elligér Garr
Leaves Listi Bouilt lell Voutou outo Khokhonguit Ebdernia
Rain Dojede Tchoukh tchou Moukhémouk Ront-ti Oudann
Hail Grad Koutg atta Nikléout Guéguéli- Bota
ronntiti
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
Lightning Molnia Kig kikh Kigui guilann Agdiou
tapkittann
Snow Snég Korell Gallag-all Ellg-ell Imandra
Cold Stouja K-ennétch Khialguin Tchagtchénng Iguénn
Mud Gress Tcha ou ésch Ekékaguiguin Guékitch- Boullakékh
kaguirguin
Milk Moloko Doukh énn Lioukhéi Lioukhaï Oukiouln
Man Tschélovék Krochtcho Ouiémtévouilann Khlavoll Béi
Old Starr Kizékh Enn pann Guénpiévli Sagdi
kétlinn
Young Molodd Linnétt-lék G-oïitchik Goradchik Nioulsioul-
khtchann
Quick Scoro Dikh-ak Innaéï Iïnngué Oumouchéat
Slow Tikho Dikh- Métchinné Noulméagué Ett niou
létchoull Koukann
The Liudi Krochtchorann Toumgou Nilchikhikhlavoll Béill
world,
people
How? Kak Libéch Mintchi Miniri Onn
Where? Gdé Binnié G-aminna Guemi Illéa
When? Kogda Ittia Tité Tita Ok
What? Tchto Enokitch Inna R-éakhnout Ek
To whom? Kémm Kiouliout Méki Mikiném Ni
To what, Tchémm Enok kaïell Ioukh-khé Réakh-kha Etch
with what
Fish Riba Ennitch Innaénn Innéa Olra
Meat Méssa Talt gall Khostokvoll Khoratoll Oulra
Bank Bérég Khaïmenn Antchouimm Tchourma Kh-olinn
Depth Gloubina Amm-amm Nimm khénn Nimkhinn Kh-ounta
Height Vouissota Krann-all Niguinéguillokhénn Niélikinn Oousskias-
soukounn
Width Chirina Ank Iakill Nalamkhinn Niougoumkhinn Démga
Length Dlina Ioulijél Nivlikhinn Nivlikhinn G’onaminn
An axe Topor Kouachou Khaall G-algaté Tobar
Dust Pouil Tézitch Guitkaouétché Noultschkhin- Kh-
innbouial énguiélrénn
A Vikhr }Tvétvi, Noutéguinn, Ménivouial, {Kh ouï
whirlwind }_or_ _or_ pourga {
A tempest Bouréa }Pourga pourga {Kh oungua
A knife Kholm Tek Ténoup Néittipell Kh-oupkann
khoulitch
A Méja Khidléa
boundary,
a leading
string
A mouse Mouich Dekhoultch Pipikhilguin Pipikhilnik Tchaliouk-
tchann
A fly Moukha Khalimltch G-alamit Mrénn Dilkann
A nail Gvozd Tipkitinn
A dispute Brann Letch Kaouv tchiténg Nipilvouit- Djargamatt
khalikalim oukhinéat
Warrior Voïnn Tesk koullou Enn khévlann Nikétioukhin- Tchékti
khlavol
War Voina Ar-rokhl- Nonn mitchélangui } Kh
konim }Maraour- ounniattia
Battery Draka Loss- Kotkinaoutchélaangui}kinatt Koussi-
komozitch } katchinn
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
Breast- Lati Mitchiguév Ekh-ev Djbouvla
plate
Agreement Lad Killiouch Kovélevlangui Ténguég-iarkim Antaki
Peace Mir Lomstach Mitang étvéla Minvouilimouik Anmoldar
Content, Rad Khaiouk Tiguinévok Teiguég-iarkim Ariouldiouln
delighted
A robber Tad Soukh Koutou Nitouléakhénn Djiourminn
vorr atchoutch lagaiténg
A hole Dira Palp gall Khénpi Patriguinn Kh-angar
To pour Litt Lioussézitch Koutag-annguinn Nékoutéaniét Ouniétchip
To boil Varitt Kokazok Koukoukévong Khouitik Oladjim
To go Létch Kh-alitch Matchégatik Mingaïtchamouik Dastchissindim
to bed
Sex Pol Ozatitt Tchétchaguing Kh arann
Below Pod Céssko Erguidalinn
Above Nad Oïdalinn
Without Béz Innakinévka Ekh-é A Ag idali
Mis- Béda Titch Kéink Tschémgaïkitchoguidinn Ourgadou
fortune
Victory Pobéda Danntch- Mouitinntaouvnaou Guéinnitillim Dabdarann
tchkitchétch
The Béll Guenn kalo Nilgaguinn Nilguikhin Guéltaldi
softest
and whitest
part of a
tree under
the bark
Been Bouill Déllitch Nivanngamm Nitvanguim Kh-oulssinn
Ice Léd Kirvoul Khilléguil Tinntinn Boukoss
To beat Bitt Emill Ténnkiplénn Tratalannvouim Maddia
tchaliim
A whale Kitt Dénn Iounni Rég-év Kalim
Fallen Pall Etkhl khlinn Vouiégguéi Vouiééi Tikrinn
A vapour Par Tchounéssétch Kipil-ating Nilnik Okssinn
Lament- Volp K-khanagtch Kotéinn gatinng Térnatirinnat Kh-ogandra
ation
Briskly Jivo Zountchitch Koukioulgtinng Evguika Inenn
Disease Zlo Khakaitt Kh-antt kinn Akhali Mbouvkatchalrann
lilézitch
Or Jli G-akka Méttké Evouirr Irék
To them Imm Doué Enninng Innkhanannténng Nogordoutann
énkaldakioul
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE. KORIAC. TCHOUKTCHI. LAMOUT.
One Iédin Dizitt Ennann Iniéenn Oumounn
Two Dva Kaacha Niiékh Niréakh Djiour
Three Tri Tchook Niioukh N-rioukh Elann
Four Tchétiré Tchaak Niiakh Nrakh Digonn
Five Pétt Kom étak Mouillanguinn Mouilliguénn Tonngonn
Six Schéft Killk-okk Ennann- Innann- Nioungann
mouillanguinn mouilliguénn
Seven Sémme Ettgatanok Niiakh- Nirakh- Nadann
mouillanguinn mouilliguénn
Eight Vossémm Tchokh- Niioukh- Annvrotkinn Djépkann
otténokh mouillanguinn
Nine Dévétt Tchakh- Khonnaï- Khonatchinki Ouiounnv
attanokh tchinkinn
Ten Déssett Tchom khotako Mouinéguitkinn Mouinguikinn Mér
Twenty Dvatsétt Kaachatcho- Kh-alik Khlik-kinn Djir-mér
khotako
Thirty Trissétt Tchook-tchom- Kh- Khlipkinn Elak mér
khotako alikmouinéguitkinn mouinguit-
kinnparol
Forty Sorok Tchaak-tchom- Niékh alik Nirakh- Diguén
khotako khlipkinn mér
Fifty Pettdéssétt Kom-iétak- Niékh Niérakh- Tongam
tchom- alikmouinéguitkinn khlipkinn- mér
khotako mouinguitkinn
parol
Sixty Schésdéssett Kilk-ok- Niékh kh-alik Nrokh Nioungam
tchom- khlipkinn mér
khotako
Seventy Sémdessett Etaganokh- Nioukh Neurde Nadann
tchom- alikmouinéguitkinn khlipkinn mér
khotako mouinguitkinn
parol
Eighty Vossémdessett Tchokh- Niakh-khalik Nrakh Djépkann
atténokh- khlipkinn mér
tchom-
khotako
Ninety Dévenosto Tchakh- Niak Nrakhkhlipkin Oulonn
attanokh- alikmouinéguitkinn mouinguitkinn mér
tchom- parol
khotako
An hundred Sto Tchom- Mouilanguinn Mouil Niata
khotakotcom- kh-alik liguéing
khotako khlip-
guitkinn
A thousand Tissétcha Mouinéguit kinn Mouinguitkinn Ménn
moui-languin khlipkinn namall
kh-alik
[1] The reader may consult the Preface for the pronounciation.
[2] They have no knowledge of this animal.
[3] The blank spaces in the Kamtschadale, Koriac, Tchouktchi, and
Lamout columns are not filled up for want of proper words in the
respective languages of these people. When they want to express the
objects meant by those words, they make use of the Russian terms.
VOCABULARY OF THE KAMTSCHADALE LANGUAGE,
_At St. Peter and St. Paul, and at Paratounka_[1].
ENGLISH. RUSSIAN. KAMTSCHADALE.
_Picture of a saint_ Obrass Noukhtchatchitch
_Isba, Russian house_ Isba Kisout
_Window_ Okno Okno
_Table_ Stoll Ouzitor
_A stove, furnace_ Petch Patch
_Subterranean house_ Iourta Kéntchitch
_A Kamtschadale_ Kamtschadal Itolmatch
_An officer_ Afitsér Houizoutchitch
_An interpreter_ Pérévodtschik Ka aa touss
_A sledge_ Sanki Skaskatt
_Harness the dogs_ Japrégaï Sobaki Kozaps nouzak
_Harness for dogs_ Alaki Tennemjeda
_A mirror_ Zerklo Ouattchitch
_Water_ Voda I, i
_Fire_ Ogonn Panitch
_Light the fire_ Dostann ogonn Na anidakhtch
_Gun_ Fouzeïa, or Roujié Koum
_A bottle_ Boutilka Souala
_A bag_ Méchok Maoutch
_Tea_ Tchaï Amtchaoujé
_Forks_ Vilki Tchoumkoussi
_A spoon_ Lochka Kachpa
_A knife_ Nojik Vatchiou
_A plate_ Torélka Trélika
_A table-cloth_ Scatért Iétakhatt
_A napkin_ Salfétka Toutkcha
_Bread_ Khléb Kop kom
_A waistcoat_ Kamzol Ikoumtnakh
_Breeches_ Schtani Kouaou
_Stockings_ Tchoulki Païmann
_Boots_ Sapogui Kotnokot
_A sort of boot made of
the skin of the sea wolf
or the feet of rein deer._ Torbassi Skhvanioud
_A shoe_ Bochmaki Konkot
_A shift or shirt_ Roubachka Ourvann
_Gloves_ Pértchaki Kikaskhroulid
_A ring_ Persténn Konnazoutchém
_Give some food_ Daï iést Ségcha
_Give some water to drink_ Daï pitt vodi Kotkoii
_Paper_ Boumaga N, ks
_A book_ Kniga Kalikol
_A cup_ Tchachka Saja
_The head_ Golova Tkhouzja
_The forehead_ Lop Tchikika
_The hair_ Volossi Koubid
_The eyes_ Glaza Nadid
_The nose_ Noss Kika
_The mouth_ Rot Kissa
_The hands_ Rouki Séttoud
_The feet_ Nogui Tchkada
_The body_ Télo Konkhaï
_The eye-brows_ Brovi Titdad
_The fingers_ Paltsi Pkida
_The nails_ Nokhti Koud
_The cheeks_ Schtchoki Abalioud
_The neck_ Schéia Khaïtill
_The ears_ Ouchi I-ioud
_The shoulders_ Plétcha Tanioud
_A cap_ Chapka Khalaloutch
_A sash_ Kouchak Sitit
_A needle_ Igla Chicha
_A Thimble_ Napérstok Oulioul
_Give your hand_ Daï roukou Kot kossoutou
_Take this present_ Primi prézént Kamaïti
_Thank you_ Blagodarstvouiou Déléamoui
_Wash the shirt_ Vouimoui roubachki Kadmouikh
_Soap_ Mouilo Kadkhom
_A sable_ Sobol Komkom
_A fox_ Lissitsa Tchachiann
_An otter_ Vouidra Mouichémouich
_A hare_ Ouchkann, Zaïts Mouis tchitch
_An ermine_ Gornostall Deitchitch
_A goose_ Gouss Ksoaïss
_A duck_ Outka Archimonss
_Chicken_ Kouritsa Kokorok
_A swan_ Lébéd Maskhou
_A bear_ Medvéd Kaza
_A wolf_ Volk Kotaioum
_A cow_ Korova Koouja
_Fish_ Riba Etchiou
_Meat_ Mésso Tatal
_Butter_ Masso Kotkhom
_Milk_ Moloka Nokonn
_Give food immediately_ Daï-iést-po skoréié Kotkotakossask
_Give something to drink
immediately_ Daï-pitt-poskoréie Tikossosk
_Husband_ Mouje Alkou
_Wife_ Baba, jéna Kanija
_Daughter_ Défka Outchitchiou
_Infant_ Malinnko robénok Paatchitch
_A church_ Tsérkov Takakijout
_A priest_ Pop Iakatchitch
_A priest’s wife_ Popadiia Alnatsch
_A servant of the Church_ Diatchok Diiatchok
_A church chandelier_ Padilo Kapoutchitch
_One_ Iédinn Dizk
_Two_ Dva Kaza
_Three_ Tri Tsoko
_Four_ Tchétiré Tsak
_Five_ Pétt Koumnak
_Six_ Schést Kilkok
_Seven_ Sémm Idadok
_Eight_ Vossémm Tsoktouk
_Nine_ Dévétt Tsaktah
_Ten_ Déssétt Koumouktoukh
_Eleven_ Yédinn nadssét Dizkkina
_Twelve_ Dva nadssét Kachichina
_Thirteen_ Tri nadssét Tchokchina
_Fourteen_ Tchétiré nadssét Tchakchina
_Fifteen_ Pétt nadssét Koumnakchina
_Sixteen_ Schést nadssét Kilkoukchina
_Seventeen_ Sém nadssét Paktoukchina
_Eighteen_ Vossém nadssét Tchoktouk
_Nineteen_ Dévétt nadssét Tchaktak
_Twenty_ Dvatssét Koumhhtouk
_Fifty_ Péttdéssét Koumkhtoukha
_An hundred_ Sto Koumkhtoukoumkhtoukha
[1] Though the language at Bolcheretsk be different from what is spoken
at both these places, all the words of this Vocabulary are there made
use of.
END OF THE VOCABULARY.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Travels in Kamtschatka, during the years 1787 and 1788, Volume 2" ***
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