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Title: The Age of Elizabeth; 1547-1603
Author: Esdaile, Arundell James Kennedy
Language: English
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*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "The Age of Elizabeth; 1547-1603" ***

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    _General Editors_: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.

                         THE AGE OF ELIZABETH


                  _Volumes now Ready, 1s. net each._

     =449-1066. The Welding of the Race.= Edited by the Rev. JOHN WALLIS,

     =1066-1154. The Normans in England.= Edited by A. E. BLAND, B.A.

     =1154-1216. The Angevins and the Charter.= Edited by S. M. TOYNE,

     =1216-1307. The Growth of Parliament, and the War with Scotland.=
     Edited by W. D. ROBIESON, M.A.

     =1307-1399. War and Misrule.= Edited by A. A. LOCKE.

     =1399-1485. York and Lancaster.= Edited by W. GARMON JONES, M.A.

     =1485-1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance.= Edited by F. W.
     BEWSHER, B.A.

     =1547-1603. The Age of Elizabeth.= Edited by ARUNDELL ESDAILE, M.A.

     =1603-1660. Puritanism and Liberty.= Edited by KENNETH BELL, M.A.

     =1660-1714. A Constitution in Making.= Edited by G. B. PERRETT, M.A.

     =1714-1760. Walpole and Chatham.= Edited by K. A. ESDAILE.

     =1760-1801. American Independence and the French Revolution.= Edited
     by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.

     =1801-1815. England and Napoleon.= Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.

     =1815-1837. Peace and Reform.= Edited by A. C. W. EDWARDS, M.A.,
     Christ’s Hospital.

     =1837-1856. Commercial Politics.= By R. H. GRETTON.

     =1856-1876. Palmerston to Disraeli.= Edited by EWING HARDING, B.A.

     =1876-1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone.= Edited by R. H. GRETTON,

     =1563-1913. Canada.= Edited by JAMES MUNRO, Lecturer at Edinburgh

     =A Source-Book of London History.= By P. MEADOWS, M.A. 1s. 6d. net.


     =1637-1688. The Scottish Covenanters.= Edited by J. PRINGLE THOMSON,

     =1689-1746. The Jacobite Rebellions.= Edited by J. PRINGLE THOMSON,

                    LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.

                         THE AGE OF ELIZABETH


                              SELECTED BY

                        ARUNDELL ESDAILE, B.A.

                            SECOND EDITION

                        [Illustration: colofon]

                        G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.


This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any
ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown
that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the
history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively
illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing,
before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of
problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion,
and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_,
Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish
to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his
craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto
not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of
the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every
secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active
part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw
material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of
historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in
secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What
differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so
much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read
into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the
natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we
hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that
the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is,
personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and
should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for
inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under
contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates,
and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life
generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being
numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is
modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us
suggestions for improvement.



I have to thank Mr. A. F. Leach and his publishers, Messrs. Constable,
for their very cordial permission to make extracts from _English Schools
at the Reformation_; the Librarian of Stonyhurst College for
communicating to me a transcript of a letter in the College archives;
and Mr. R. B. McKerrow for permission to use his text in the extract
from _Nashe_.




INTRODUCTION                                                           v

CORONATION                              _Strype_, “_Memorials_”        1

OF EDWARD VI.                           _Cotton MS._                   2

OF SCHOOLS                              _Leach_, “_English Schools_”   7

FOR STRATFORD-ON-AVON                   _Leach_, “_English Schools_”   9

SCHOOLS CONTINUANCE WARRANT             _Leach_, “_English Schools_”  11

1550. LADY JANE GREY                    _Ascham_, “_Scholemaster_”    12

BE USED TO KING PHILIP                  _Strype_, “_Memorials_”       13

CHURCH LANDS                            _Somers’_ “_Tracts_”          15

1557. PROCLAMATION BY THOMAS STAFFORDE  _Strype_, “_Memorials_”       16

LATIMER AT THEIR DEATH                  _Foxe_, “_Acts and
Monuments_”                                                           19

1558. INTERROGATORIES TO CHURCHWARDENS  _B. M._ (_Huth Quarto_)       26

1572. PRESBYTERIAN DEMANDS             “_Admonition to the
Parliament_”                                                          32

1572. THE ANGLICAN POSITION             _Whitgift_, “_Answere to
Admonition_”                                                          35

1572. THE ELIZABETHAN POOR LAW          _Statutes of the Realm_       37

1571-1572. THE CONDITION OF IRELAND     _Carew MSS._                  40

(_a_) PROCLAMATION BY THE EARLS         _State Papers_                49
(_b_) ANOTHER BY THE SAME               _Dodd_, “_Church History_”    50
OF SUSSEX                               _State Papers_                51
(_d_) BORDER BALLAD                     _Percy’s Folio MS._           52
(_e_) LONDON BALLAD BY ELDERTON         _B. M._ (_Huth Broadside_)    58

1569-1570. BULL DEPOSING ELIZABETH      _Camden_, “_Annales_”         60

BULLS                                   _Statutes of the Realm_       63

1584. ACT AGAINST JESUITS               _Statutes of the Realm_       67

1586. DEATH OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS      _Camden_, “_Annales_”         69

1587. THE CATHOLIC’S DILEMMA            _Stonyhurst MS._              75

WALSINGHAM                              _Barrow_, “_Life of Drake_”   76
WALSINGHAM                              _Barrow_, “_Life of Drake_”   77

1588. THE NAVY OF 1588
Hatfield_”                              _Murdin_, “_State Papers at   79

1591. THE LAST FIGHT OF THE “REVENGE”   _Hakluyt_, “_Voyages_”        84

1600. THE EARL OF ESSEX’ APOLOGY        _Carew MSS._                  91

LAST PARLIAMENT                         _Somers’_ “_Tracts_”          93

1603. ELIZABETH’S DEATH                 _Somers’_ “_Tracts_”          97


_Nichols’_ “_Progresses_”                                             99

LONDON IN THE PLAGUE                    _Lansdowne MSS._             104

A PESSIMIST ON THE AGE                  _Ascham_, “_Scholemaster_”   108

PURITANISM ON DRESS                     _Stubbes_, “_Anatomy_”       111

PURITANISM ON SPORT                     _Stubbes_, “_Anatomy_”       113

PURITANISM AND THE STAGE               “_Remembrancia_”              114

EUPHUISM: A FASHION OF 1580                                          117

(GREENE)                                _Nashe_, “_Strange Newes_”   120



=Source.=--Strype: _Ecclesiastical Memorials_. Ed. 1822. Vol. ii., part
ii., p. 329.

    Sing, up heart, sing, up heart, and sing no more downe,
    But joy in King Edward that weareth the crowne.

    Sir, song in time past hath been downe a downe,
    And long it hath lasted in tower and towne,
    To have it much meeter, _downe_ hath been added:
    But _up_ is more sweeter to make our hearts gladded.

              _Sing, up heart, &c._

    King Edward up springeth from puerilitie,
    And toward us bringeth joy and tranquilitie;
    Our hearts may be light and merry chere,
    He shal be of such might, that al the world may him fear.

              _Sing, up heart, &c._

    His father late our sovereign both day and also houre,
    That in joy he might reign like a prince of high power,
    By sea and land hath provided for him eke,
    That never King of England had ever the leke.

              _Sing, up heart, &c._


    He hath gotten already Boleign, that goodly town,
    And biddeth sing speedily up, up, and not downe.
    When he waxeth wight, and to manhood doth spring,
    He shal be strait then of four realms the King.

              _Sing, up heart, &c._

    Yee children of England, for the honour of the same,
    Take bow and shaft in hand, learn shootage to frame.
    That you another day may so do your parts,
    To serve your King as wel with hands as with hearts.

              _Sing, up heart, &c._

    Yee children that be towards, sing up and not downe,
    And never play the cowards to him that weareth the crowne:
    But always be your care his plesure to fulfil,
    Then shal you keep right sure the honour of England stil.

              _Sing, up heart, &c._


=Source.=--Cotton MS. Ed. Clarendon Historical Society. Series II., Nos.
1-3, 1884.

After the death of King _Henry_ the _8th_, his son _Edward_, Prince of
_Wales_ was come to at _Hartford_, by the Earl of _Hartford_, and Sir
_Anthony Brown_ Master of the Horse; for whom before was made great
preparation that he might be created Prince of _Wales_, and afterward
was brought to _Enfield_, where the death of his Father was first shewed
him; and the same day the Death of his Father was shewed in _London_,
where was great lamentation and weeping: and suddenly he proclaimed
King. The next day, being the ---- of ----,[1] He was brought to the
_Tower_ of _London_, where he tarried the space of three weeks: and in
the mean Season the Council sat every day for the performance of the
Will, and at length thought best that the Earl of _Hartford_, should be
made Duke of _Somerset_, Sir _Thomas Seimour_ Lord _Sudley_; the Earl of
_Essex_ Marquis of _Northampton_, and divers Knights should be made
Barons, as the Lord _Sheffield_, with divers others. Also they thought
best to chuse the Duke of _Somerset_ to be Protector of the Realm, and
Governour of the King’s Person during his Minority; to which all the
Gentlemen and Lords did agree, because he was the King’s Uncle on his
Mother’s side. Also in this time the late King was buried at _Windsor_
with much solemnity, and the Officers broke their Staves, hurling them
into the Grave; but they were restored to them again when they came to
the _Tower_. The Lord _Lisle_ was made Earl of _Warwick_, and the Lord
Great Chamberlainship was given to him; and the Lord _Sudley_ made
Admiral of _England:_ all these things were done, the King being in the
_Tower_. Afterwards, all things being prepared for the Coronation, the
King being then but nine Years old, passed through the City of _London_,
as heretofore hath been used, and came to the Palace of _Westminster_;
and the next day came into _Westminster Hall_. And it was asked the
People, Whether they would have him to be their King? Who answered, Yea,
yea: Then he was crowned King of _England_, _France_ and _Ireland_, by
the Arch-Bishop of _Canterbury_, and all the rest of the Clergy and
Nobles; and Anointed, with all such Ceremonies as were accustomed, and
took his Oath, and gave a General Pardon....

_March 31_ [1550]. A Challenge made by Me, that I, with sixteen of my
Chamber, should run at Base, Shoot and Run at the Ring with any
seventeen of my Servants Gentlemen in the Court.

_April 1._ The first day of the Challenge at Base, or Running, the King

_April 6._ I lost the Challenge of Shooting at Rounds, and won at

_May 3._ The Challenge at running at the Ring performed; at the which
first came the King, sixteen Footmen, and ten Horsemen, in black Silk
Coats, pulled out with white Taffety; then all the Lords, having three
Men likewise apparelled: and all Gentlemen their Footmen in white
Fustian, pulled out with black Taffety. The other side came all in
yellow Taffety; at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120 courses,
and my Band touched often, which was counted as nothing, and took never,
which seemed very strange, and so the Prize was of my Side lost. After
that Tournay followed, between six of my Band and six of theirs.

_May 6._ The Testourn cried down from 12d. to 9d. and the Groat from 4d.
to 3d.

_June 21._ The Cardinal of _Lorrain_, and of _Chastilion_, the
Constable, the Duke of _Guise_, &c., were appointed Commissioners on the
part of _France_ who absolutely denied the first motion for the Scotch
Queen, saying, Both they had taken too much Pains, and spent too many
lives for her. Also a conclusion was made for her _Marriage_ to the
Dolphin. Then was proponed the _Marriage_ of the Lady _Elizabeth_, the
French King’s eldest daughter; to which they did most chearfully assent.
So after they agreed neither Party to be bound in Conscience nor Honour,
till she were twelve Years of Age and upwards. Then they came to the
Dote which was first asked 1,500,000 Scutes of _France_, at which they
made a mock; after for _donatio propter nuptias_, they agreed that it
should be as great as hath been given by the King my Father to any Wife
he had.

_June 22._ Our Commissioners came to 1,400,000 of Crowns, which they
refused, then to a Million, which they denied; then to 800,000 Crowns,
which they said they would not agree to.

_June 23._ Then our Commissioners asked what they would offer? First
they offered 100,000 Crowns, then 200,000, which they said was the most,
and more than ever was given. Then followed great Reasonings, and
showing of Presidents, but no nearer they would come.

_June 24._ They went forward unto the Penalties if the Parties misliked,
after that the King’s Daughter were twelve and upwards, which the French
offered 100,000, 50,000 Crowns, or promise, that she should be brought,
at her Father’s Charge, three months before she were twelve,
sufficiently jewelled and stuffed. Then bonds to be delivered
alternately at _London_, and at _Paris_, and so forth.

_June 26._ The Frenchmen delivered the foresaid answers written to my

_December 1._ The Duke of _Somerset_ came to his Trial at
_Westminster-Hall_; The Lord Treasurer sat as High-Steward of _England_,
under the Cloth of State, on a Bench between two Posts, three degrees
high. All the Lords to the number of 26,[2] _viz._:






  Vis. _Hereford_.



These sat a degree under, and heard the Matter debated.

First, After the Indictments were read, five in number, the Learned
Counsel laid to my Lord of _Somerset_, _Palmer’s_ Confession. To which
he answered, That he never minded to raise the North, and declared all
the ill he could devise of _Palmer_, but he was afraid for Bruites, and
that moved him to send to Sir _William Herbert._ Replied it was again,
that the worse _Palmer_ was, the more he served his purpose. For the
Banquet, he swore it was untrue, and required more Witnesses. Whence
_Crane’s_ Confession was read. He would have had him come Face to Face.
For _London_, he meant nothing of hurt of any Lord, but for his own
Defence. For the Gendarmoury, it were but a mad matter for him to
enterprise with his 100 against 900. For having men in his Chamber at
_Greenwich_, confessed by _Partridg_, it seemed he meant no harm,
because when he could have done harm he did it not. My Lord _Strange’s_
Confession, he swore it was untrue, and the Lord _Strange_ took his oath
it was true. _Nudigate’s, Hammond’s and Alexander Seimour’s_ Confessions
he denied, because they were his Men.

The Lawyers rehearsed, how to raise Men at his House for an ill Intent,
as to kill the Duke of _Northumberland_, was Treason, by an Act, _Anno
tertio_ of my Reign, against Unlawful Assemblies, for to devise the
Death of the Lords was Felony. To mind resisting his attachment was
Felony. He answered, He did not intend to raise _London_, and swore,
that the Witnesses were not there. His assembling of men was but for his
own defence. He did not determine to kill the Duke of _Northumberland_,
the Marquess, &c., but spoke of it, and determined after the contrary,
and yet seemed to confess he went about their Death.

The Lords went together. The Duke of _Northumberland_ would not agree
that any searching of his Death should be Treason. So the Lords
acquitted him of High Treason, and condemned him of Treason Fellonious,
and so he was adjudged to be hang’d.

He gave thanks to the Lords for their open Trial, and cried Mercy of the
Duke of _Northumberland_, the Marquess of _Northampton_, and the Earl of
_Pembrook_, for his ill-meaning against them, and made suit for his
Life, Wife, Children, Servants, and Debts, and so departed without the
Ax of the _Tower_. The People knowing not the Matter, shouted half a
dozen of times so loud, that from the Hall-Door it was heard at
_Charing-Cross_ plainly, and rumours went that he was quit of all.

_January 6 [1551]._ The same night was first of a Play. After a Talk
between one that was called _Riches_ and the other _Youth_, whether of
them was better. After some pretty Reasoning there came in six Champions
of either side.

On _Youth_’s side came

My Lord _Fitzwater_.
My Lord _Ambrose_.
Sir _Anthony Brown_.
Sir _William Cobham_.
Mr. _Cary_.
Mr. _Warcop_.

On _Riche_’s side

My Lord _Fitzwarren_.
Sir _Robert Stafford_.
Mr. _Courtney_.

All these fought two to two at Barriers in the Hall. Then came in two
apparelled like _Almains_, the Earl of _Ormond_ and _Jaques Granado_,
and two came in like Friars, but the _Almains_ would not suffer them to
pass till they had fought; the Friars were Mr. _Drury_ and _Thomas
Cobham_. After this followed two Masques, one of Men, another of Women.
Then a Banquet of 120 Dishes. This day was the end of _Christmas_.

_January 3._ The Emperor’s Ambassador moved me several times that my
Sister _Mary_ might have Mass, which with no little reasoning with him
was denied him.

_January 22._ The Duke of _Somerset_ had his Head cut off upon
_Tower-hill_, between eight and nine a Clock in the morning.


(JUNE 20, 1548).

(_Under Chantries Act, 1 Edward VI._)

     =Source.=--Patent Roll, 2 Edward VI. Part iv., _m._ 22 (_d_). (A. F.
     Leach: _English Schools at the Reformation_. Part ii., p. vii.)

Edward the Syxt, etc. To oure trustie and welbelovyd Walter Mildmay,
Knyght, one of the General Surveyours of oure Courte of the
Augmentacions and revenues of oure Crowne, and Robert Kelwey, Esquyer,
Surveyoure of our lyveries in oure court of Wardes, greatyng. Where in
the Act of Parliament made in the first yere of oure Reign, by the wich
diverse Colleges, Fre-chappells, Chauntries, Guyldes, Fraternities and
Stipends of priestes, ar dissolved and the landes and tenementes, and
possessions of the same mencyoned in the same acte, ar come to our
handes and possession, it is expressed and declared that at oure Will
and pleasure we might direct our Comission or Comissions, under our
great seale of England, to suche persons as it shulde please us, for the
assignement and appoyntment of landes and tenements for and towarde the
sufficyent fynding and maynetenaunce of Scolemasters and preachers in
such places where the same were founded or ordened to be kepte....

And also we woll and commaund you upon the certyficattes to be made of
the said Comissions made for the inquerie and certificatt of the said
manours, landes, tenementes, possessions, hereditamentes, and other
thinges wich are comme or ought to comme to us by the said Acte, ye do
cause any of the particuler Surveyours of oure landes, or any of the
auditours of oure said Courte of the Augmentacions and revenues of oure
Crowne, or any theyre deputies within their several Officyes, to make
colleccion of the number of Grammer Scoles and prechinges in every
Countie of England and Wales that have byn kepte of any of the said
landes, tenementes, or other proffettes or Revenues, which came or ought
to come to us by reason of the said Acte, and of the yerelie value of
the landes, tenementes, or other Revenues or proffettes which have byn
chargeable or yerelie bestowed towardes the mayntenaunce therof, and to
delyver the same to you: and you to make declaracion therof to us or to
our said most dere uncle: to the intent there uppon, by advise of our
said uncle and any other of our said Counsaill, we may consider and take
order for the contynuaunce or alteracion of the same Scoles and
prechynges, or for the same or other, to be newelie erectyd in suche
places in every countie as shall be thought mete and convenyent.

And also that lykewyse ye do cause the said particuler Surveyours or
Auditours to make colleccion of all suche money, or other yearlie
proffettes or commodite, as hath byn ymployed yearly toward the fyndyng
of any poore persone or persons, to have contynuaunce for ever, within
fyve yeres next before the begynnyng of the said parliament, out of any
College, Fre-chappell, Chauntrye, or other thing graunted or appoynted
to us by the said Acte and to delyver the same to you, and you to make
relacion thereof to us or to oure uncle.

So that thereuppon we, or oure said uncle, maie signifie unto you oure
pleasure by worde or wrytyng how many Grammer Scoles shall be erected,
and have contynuaunce in every Countie, and how moche landes and other
yerelie pencions, Annuyties, or other proffettes shall be appointed for
the mayntenaunce of every one of the same, and also what nombre of
preachers of Goddes Worde shall be appoynted to be in every countie
within England and Wales to have contynuaunce for ever, together with
the stipends or yerelie proffettes appoynted to them for the same, and
how many hospitals or places for the sustentacion and releif of the
powre shall be erected, founded, or made to have contynuaunce for ever
in every countie, and what and how moche landes or other proffettes
shall be appoynted to the mayntenaunce of every of the hospitalles or
places for relief of the poore.


=Source=.--Leach: _English Schools at the Reformation_. Part ii., p. 238.

The College of Strettforde was

Founded by one John Stretforde, some tyme Arch byshopp of Cantorburye,
For one Wardein, Fyve priestes, and Four Choristares, to mainteign
dyvine service in the paroche Churche of Stretforde. For the
mayntenaunce of whiche Choristers one Rauffe Collingwood, sometyme
Warden theare, gave all his landes in strettfford, Drayton and bynton,
by hym purchased to the same intent and Charged amongest the Revenues of
the said College, whiche Revenues amounte to the yerelye Rent of £127.
18. 9....

     Plate and Jewells belonging to the same Colledge amounte in weight
     to 249 ounces.

     Goodes and Ornamentes thereunto belonging, as by Inventorye
     Indented thereof apperyth, are praysed at £6. 10. 8.

The guilde of strettforde was

Founded by king Henrye the Fourthe, and incorporate by the name of A
maister, two proctours, and one Alderman, to mainteign as many priestes
as the Revenue thereof will extende unto to minister and syng Divine
service in a Chappell therefore erected stonding in the middest and face
of the same towne, called the guilde Chappell, whereunto belonge lands
and possessions to the yerelye value of £49. 18. 8½....

     Plate and Jewells belonging to the same guilde, videlicet, twoo
     Chalices, parcell guilte, waying 47 ounces....

Theare ys maynteynged with parte of the Revenues of the same guilde a
greate stone bridge Leading over the Ryver of Avon conteigning in
Lengthe 400 yerdes, stonding appon 18 Arches, and ys the chiefe
Commodyte of the same towne and of all the Contreye thereaboute;
wherefore yt is verey nedeful that yt be allwayes Repayred, or ells yt
wilbe the onelye decaye and Empoueryshment of the same towne.

Theare are allso Relieved with parte of the Same possessions 24 poore
people, videlicet, 12 poore men and theyr wyves, everye couple having a
house and a garden Rent-free of the same possessions, and yett not above
charged, and have yerelye amongest them going oute of the same landes £4
10s. allowed amongest the reprises of the same; over and besydes, theye
have £4 more of the discrete provision of the mayster of the same

A free Schoole theare.

Mainteigned with parte of the Revenues of the same guilde. And one Sir
William Dalam, priest, aboute the age of 60 yeres, ys schole mayster
theare, having For his stipend yerelye £10, going owte of the same
possessions by letters patent and allowed amongest the stipendes of the
ministers of the Churche theare.


Allso Theare Be twoo Chappells at ease (members of the said paroche
churche) callid Byshopton and Loddington, eche of them being twoo myles
distaunt From the said Towne of Strettforde, having (everye of the said
Chappells) one priest to minister in them, the priest of Byshopton being
one of the nombre of the guilde of Strettforde, and hathe for his
salarye and Lyving all the mynute tythes of the towne of Byshopton not
charged emongest the Revenues of the same guilde. And the priest
ministring at Loddington afforesaid, being one of the nombre of the
Colleage of Strettforde hathe onelye a pencion going owte of the
possessions of the same Colleage and allowed emongest the Repryses of
the same.

Anthonye Barker, Clerke, of the age of Fiftye yeres, Bacheler of
Divinte, Warden of the said Colleage of Strettforde, is parsone theare,
and hathe the same in the Right of the said Wardeinship, which parsonage
is yerelye worthe of yt sellffe in tythes £75. 2. 8. charged in the
whole value of the said College.

Hoseling People[3] in the same paroche 1,500.

Yt is allso a thinge vereye mete and necessarye that the guilde Chappell
of stretford stand undefaced, for that it was allwayes a chapell of
ease, for the Separacion of the Sicke persons from the hole in tyme of
Plague, and standith in the face of the towne.


=Source=.--Leach: _English Schools at the Reformation_. Part ii., p. 245.

Forasmoche as it apperith [_&c._] that a Grammer Scole hath been
contynually kept in the said citie [_of Coventry_] with the revenues of
the said late Guylde [_of the Holy Trinity in Babelacke_], and that the
Scolemaster there hath had [_&c._] £6 13s. 4d. [_&c._].

And that a Grammer Scole hath been contynuallie kept in Stretforde upon
Avon [_&c._], with the revenues of the late Guylde in Stratford upon
Avon aforesaid, and that the Scolemaster there hath had [_&c._] £10

And that a Grammer Scole hath been contynuallie kept in Brayles in the
said Countie with the revenues of the late Guylde in Brailes aforesaid,
and that the Scolemaster there hath had [_&c._] £8 20d. [_&c._].

Wee therefore [_&c._] have assigned [_&c._], that the said Scole in the
Citie of Coventrie aforesaid shall contynue, And that Robert Coventrye,
Scolemaster there, shall have [_&c._] £6. 13s. 4d. [_&c._]:

And that the said grammer [_scole in Stratforde upon Avon_] aforesaide
shall contynue, And that William Dalam, Scolemaster there, shall have
[_&c._] £10:

And that [_the said grammer_] scole in Brailes aforesaid shall contynue,
And that John Pyttes, Scolemaster there, shall have [_&c._] £8 [20d.].


=Source=.--Ascham: _Scholemaster_, 1570. Ed. Mayor. P. 96.

Before I went into _Germanie_, I came to Brodegate in Lecetershire, to
take my leave of that noble Ladie _Jane Grey_, to whom I was exceding
moch beholdinge. Hir parentes, the Duke and the Duches, with all the
houshold, Gentlemen and Gentlewomen, were huntinge in the Parke: I
founde her, in her Chamber, readinge _Phædon Platonis_ in Greeke, and
that with as moch delite, as som gentleman wold read a merie tale in
_Bocase_. After salutation, and dewtie done, with som other taulke, I
asked hir, whie she wold leese[4] soch pastime in the Parke? smiling she
answered me: I wisse, all their sporte in the Parke is but a shadow to
that pleasure, that I find in _Plato_: Alas good folke, they never felt,
what trewe pleasure ment. And howe came you Madame, quoth I, to this
deepe knowledge of pleasure, and what did chieflie allure you unto it:
seinge, not many women, but verie fewe men have atteined thereunto? I
will tell you, quoth she, and tell you a troth, which perchance ye will
mervell at. One of the greatest benefites, that ever God gave me, is,
that he sent me so sharpe and severe Parentes, and so gentle a
scholemaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother,
whether I speake, kepe silence, sit, stand, or go, eate, drinke, be
merie, or sad, be sowyng, playing, dauncing, or doing anie thing els, I
must do it, as it were, in soch weight, mesure, and number, even so
perfitlie, as God made the world, or else I am so sharplie taunted, so
cruellie threatened, yea presentlie some tymes, with pinches, nippes,
and bobbes, and other waies, which I will not name, for the honor I
beare them, so without measure misordered, that I thinke my selfe in
hell, till tyme cum, that I must go to _M. Elmer_, who teacheth me so
gentlie, so pleasantlie, with soch faire allurementes to learning, that
I thinke all the tyme nothing, whiles I am with him. And when I am
called from him, I fall on weeping, because, what soever I do els but
learning, is ful of grief, trouble, feare, and whole misliking unto me:
And thus my booke hath bene so moch my pleasure, and bringeth dayly to
me more pleasure and more, that in respect of it, all other pleasures,
in very deede, be but trifles and troubles unto me. I remember this
talke gladly, both bicause it is so worthy of memorie, and bicause also,
it was the last talke that ever I had, and the last tyme, that ever I
saw that noble and worthie Ladie.


=Source=.--Strype: _Ecclesiastical Memorials_. Ed. 1822. Vol. iii., part
ii., p. 215.


Where[5] the Quenes most excellent Majestie hath lately concluded a
marriage, to the honour of the mightie God, and the weale and benefite
of her Graces realmes and subjectes, withe the moste hygh and mightye
Prince, the Prince of Spayne: her Highnes, consideryng the lightnes and
evill disposition of diverse lewde and sediciouse personnes, who, seking
alwayes novelties, and beinge seldome contented with their presente
state, might peradventure at this time, by their naughtie and disordred
behaviour, attempte to stirre discorde, and gyve occasion to breake the
good and frendly agreament that ought to be nourished and continued
betwene the subjectes of thys realme, and suche as shall come in wyth
the sayde most noble Prince; hath thought good to signifie unto all her
faythfull and lovynge subjectes, that lyke as allready order is taken,
on the behalfe of the sayde most noble Prince, that all such, eyther of
his owne or any other nation, as shall attende upon hymselfe, or any of
hys trayne, at theyr commyng hither, shall in their behaviour use
themselfes honestly, frendely, and quietly towardes her Highnes
subjectes, of all sortes and degrees, without givynge anye maner of
juste occasion of trouble or discontentation to any person for their
partes: even so doth her Hyghnes streyghtly charge and commaunde al and
singuler her lovynge subjectes, of what estate, degree or condition
soever they be, that they and every of them do semblablye, for their
partes, use all suche straungers, as shall repayre hither wyth or to the
sayde most noble Prince, or any of hys trayne, with curtoyse, frendely
and gentle enterteynement, wythoute ministrying towardes them any manner
of cause of stryfe or contention, either by outward dedes, tauntyng
wordes, unsemely countenance, or by any other wayes or meanes, whereby
lacke of frendeshyppe or good wyll might be conceaved.

And further streyghtly chargeth and commaundeth all and singuler
noblemen and gentlemen, wythin this her Graces sayde realme, that they
and everye of them do, eche one for hys part, take suche ordre wyth
their servaunts and others, attendyng upon them, and do give unto them
suche streyght warnyng and charge, as neyther by themselfes, nor by anye
other meanes, they do presume to attempt, either directly or indirectly,
to break this her Highnes order and commaundement, or any wayes to
trouble, disquiet or give occasion of quarel to anye of the sayde most
noble Princes trayne: upon payne, that whoseover shall by worde or dede
neglecte thys her Graces pleasure, or do contrary to the same, shall not
only incurre her Majesties high displeasure and indignation, but allso
be committed to prison without bayle or mayn-prize, to abyde there suche
further punyshment, eyther by fyne or otherwise, as shall be thought
agreeable to the qualitie of his or their offences, and maye serve for
an example to other lyke disordred persons.




=Source.=--Somers: _Tracts_. Vol. i., p. 56.

We have willed you to be called to us, to the intent you might hear of
me my conscience and the resolution of my mind concerning the lands and
possessions as well of monasteries as other churches whatsoever, being
now in my possession.

First, I do consider, that the said lands were taken away from the
churches aforesaid in time of schism, and that by unlawful means, such
as are contrary both to the law of God and of the church; for which
cause my conscience doth not suffer me to detain them. And therefore I
here expressly refuse either to claim, or retain, those lands for mine;
but with all my heart, freely and willingly, without all paction or
condition, here, and before God, I do surrender and relinquish the said
lands and possessions or inheritances whatsoever; and renounce the same
with this mind and purpose, that order and disposition thereof may be
taken, as shall seem best liking to the Pope or his legate, to the
honour of God, and the wealth of this our realm. And albeit you may
object to me again, That the state of my kingdom, the dignity thereof,
and my crown imperial, cannot be honourably maintained and furnished
without the possessions aforesaid: yet notwithstanding I set more by
the salvation of my soul than by ten such kingdoms: and therefore the
said possessions I utterly refuse here to hold after that sort and
title: and I give most hearty thanks to God, who hath given me a husband
of the same mind, who hath no less good affection in this behalf, than I
myself. Wherefore, I charge and command that my chancellor[6] (with whom
I have conferred my mind in this matter), and you four,[7] to resort
to-morrow together to the legate,[8] signifying to him the premises in
my name. And give your attendance upon me, for the more full declaration
of the state of my kingdom, and of the aforesaid possessions, according
as you yourselves do understand the matter, and can inform him in the


=Source=.--Strype: _Ecclesiastical Memorials_. Ed. 1822. Vol. iii., part
ii., p. 515.

To all and every singular person and persons, of what estate or degree
soever they be, that love the common wealthe, honoure and libertie of
this ower native countrye, and moste for the realme of England, the
Lorde Thomas Stafforde, son to the Lorde Henry, rightfull Duke of
Bockingham, sendythe greetinge. Knowe ye, most dearlye belovyd
countrymen, that we travellinge in strange realmes and forren nations,
have perfectly proved owt manye detestable treasons, which Spanyards
shamfullye and wrongfullye have pretended, and to this present have
indevered themselves to worke against ower noble realme of Englande: we
therefore more tenderlye favouringe, as all trewe Englishmen oughte to
do, the common commodity and weal publycke of this ower natyve contrye,
than ower welthe, treasure, safegarde, health or pleasure, have with all
possible spede arived here in the castell of Scarborowe, levyng owr
bande, wherwith we thoughte to have proved in other affayers, comynge
after us, bycause we had perfect knowledge by certaine letters taken
with Spanyardes at Depe,[9] that this same castell of Scarborow, with
xij other of the most chefest and principall howldes in the realme,
shalbe delyvered to xij thousand Spanyardes before the Kinges
coronation: for the Spanyardes saye it were but vaine for the Kinge to
be crowned, onlesse he maye have certaine of our strongest castelles and
holdes, to resorte to at all tymes, till he maye be able to bringe in a
great armye to withstonde his enemyes, that is to overrun and destroye
the wholle realme: for, so long as Englyshemen have anye power, we trust
they will never submitte themselfes to vile Spanyardes. Which treason we
have disappointed; trustinge, and firmelye belevinge, by the mighte of
the omnipotente, everlastinge God, with the ayde and helpe of all trewe
Englyshmen, to deliver our country from all presente peril, daunger, and
bondage, whereunto it is like to be broughte, by the most develyshe
devize of Mary, unrightful and unworthye Quene of England, who, both by
the will of hir father, Kinge Henrye the viijth, and by the lawes of
this noble realme of England, bathe forfette the crowne, for marriage
with a straunger. And also hathe most justlye deserved to be deprived
from the crowne, because she being naturallye borne haulfe Spanyshe and
haulfe Englyshe, bearythe not herselfe indifferentlye towardes bothe
nations, but showinge herselfe a whole Spanyarde, and no Englyshe woman,
in lovynge Spanyardes and hatinge Inglyshemen, inrichinge Spanyardes and
robbinge Inglyshemen, sending over to Spanyardes continuallye the
treasure, gowlde, and silver of our realme, to maintaine them for owr
destruction, sufferinge poore people of England to lyve in all carefull
miserye, manye of them dyinge for verye hunger: and not contented with
all thes myschyfes, she sekynge ernestlye by all possyble meanes to
place Spanyardes in our castelles and howldes, contrarye to all
statutes, customes and ordinaunces within this realme, that they maye
burne and destroye the countrye iij or iiij times yerelye, till
Englyshemen can be contented to obeye all their vyle customes, and most
detestable doinges, whereby the whole commonalite of Inglande shalbe
broughte to perpetual captivitie, bondage and most servyle slaverye, as
evidentlye shalbe proved before all men, at owr fyrste assemble.

We therfore, dearly beloved countrymen, preventinge these miserable
mischefes, have purposed here to remayne and tarrye to receve all such
faythfull and trewe Inglyshemen as willinglye will worke to preserve
their owne lyves, landes, lyvynges, tresures, wyves, childerne, yea, and
to speake bryflye, the crowne of the whole realme, from the possessyon
of prowde, spytefull Spanyardes, whose Morysh maners and spytefull
condytions no natyon in the worlde is able to suffer. And therfore we
are fully determyned to wythstande them in all their doinges for the
defence of owr countrye, not myndinge to worke to owr own advancement
touchinge the possessyon of the crowne, but onlye to restore our bloude
and howse to the owlde pristinate estate, which all men knowe hathe bin
most wrongfully suppressd by the malyse of Cardynall Wolsey: and not for
any offence that we commytted towardes the realme or the crowne: but
have always endevered ourselves, as we pretende at this present, to
withstablishe the crowne to the next righteful heyrs of the realme. So
that yt maye remayne successyvely to the trewe Inglyshe bloude of our
owne naturall countrye, banyshinge and expellinge all straungers,
marchauntes onlye excepted: and to restore againe all suche actes,
lawes, lybertyes, and customes, as were establyshed in the tyme of that
most prudente prince, King Henrye the viij. Wherby this whole realme of
Englande shall not onlye be preserved from the tyrannie of forrayne
princes, but also be delyvered from all suche powlinge[10] paymentes, as
the Quene dothe daylye geve to Spanyardes: and will geve contynuallye,
till she have beggered and destroyed all the whole realme. We therfore
are fullye determyned moste thankefullye to receve all persons, of
everye state or degre, that willingelye wil wythstande thes myserable
myschefes; and as the Dukes of Buckingham, our forefathers and
predecessors, have always byn defendores of the poor commonaltye
againste the tyrannye of princys, so shoulde you have us at this
juncture, moste dearlye beloved frendes, your protector, governor and
defendor, againste all your adversaries and enemyes: myndinge earnestlye
to dye rather presentlye and personallye before you in the felde, than
to suffer you to be overrun so miserably with straungers, and made moste
sorrowfull slaves, and carefull captyves to suche a naughtye natyon as
Spanyardes, who affirme openlye, that they will rather lyve with Mores,
Turkes, and Jues, than with Inglyshemen: whereby all men may perceyve
plainelye, that ever lyke as they do use Turkes, Mores, and Jues, which
be their captyves, so muche more worse will they use us, and if we do
not manfullye within shorte tyme withstande the pretendyd purposes. We
shall therfore most earnestlye and lovinglye desyer all maner of
persons, of what estate or degree soever they be, that will gladlye
withstande these miserable mischefes and workes, and to maintain the
crown from all straungers to the right heyrs of the realme, that they
and everye of them, with all expedition, resorte to us, so well
appointed with horses, armoure, or otherwayes, as they possyble can
appointe themselves, for the preservatyon of the crowne and savegarde of
the realme.


=Source.=--Foxe: _Acts and Monuments_. Ed. 1843-9. Vol. vii., p. 547.

Upon the north side of the town, in the ditch over against Balliol
College, the place of execution was appointed: and for fear of any
tumult that might arise, to let the burning of them, the lord Williams
was commanded, by the queen’s letters, and the householders of the city,
to be there assistant, sufficiently appointed. And when everything was
in a readiness, the prisoners were brought forward by the mayor and the

Master Ridley had a fair black gown furred and faced with foins such as
he was wont to wear being bishop, and a tippet of velvet furred likewise
about his neck, a velvet night-cap upon his head, and a corner cap upon
the same, going in a pair of slippers to the stake, and going between
the mayor and an alderman, etc.

After him came master Latimer in a poor Bristol frieze[11] frock all
worn, with his buttoned cap, and a kerchief on his head, all ready to
the fire, a new long shroud hanging over his hose, down to the feet;
which at the first sight stirred men’s hearts to rue upon them,
beholding, on the one side, the honour they sometime had, and on the
other, the calamity whereunto they were fallen.

Master doctor Ridley, as he passed toward Bocardo, looked up where
master Cranmer did lie, hoping belike to have seen him at the glass
window, and to have spoken unto him. But then master Cranmer was busy
with friar Soto and his fellows, disputing together, so that he could
not see him, through that occasion. Then master Ridley, looking back,
espied master Latimer coming after, unto whom he said, “Oh, be ye
there?” “Yea,” said master Latimer, “have after as fast as I can
follow.” So, he following a pretty way off, at length they came both to
the stake, the one after the other, where first Dr. Ridley entering the
place, marvellously earnestly holding up both his hands, looked towards
heaven. Then shortly after espying master Latimer, with a wondrous
cheerful look he ran to him, embraced, and kissed him; and as they that
stood near reported, comforted him, saying, “Be of good heart, brother,
for God will either assuage the fury of the flame, or else strengthen us
to abide it.”

With that went he to the stake, kneeled down by it, kissed it and most
effectuously prayed, and behind him master Latimer kneeled, as earnestly
calling upon God as he. After they arose, the one talked with the other
a little while, till they which were appointed to see the execution,
removed themselves out of the sun. What they said I can learn of no man.

Then Dr. Smith, of whose recantation in King Edward’s time ye heard
before, began his sermon to them upon this text of St. Paul, “If I yield
my body to the fire to be burnt, and have not charity, I shall gain
nothing thereby.” Wherein he alleged that the goodness of the cause and
not the order of death, maketh the holiness of the person; which he
confirmed by the examples of Judas, and of a woman in Oxford that of
late hanged herself, for that they, and such like as he recited, might
then be adjudged righteous, which desperately sundered their lives from
their bodies, as he feared that those men that stood before him would
do. But he cried still to the people to beware of them, for they were
heretics, and died out of the Church. And on the other side, he declared
their diversity in opinions, as Lutherans, Æcolampadians, Zuinglians, of
which sect they were, he said, and that was the worst: but the old
church of Christ, and the Catholic faith believed far otherwise. At
which place they lifted up both their hands and eyes to heaven, as it
were calling God to witness of the truth: the which countenance they
made in many other places of his sermon, where as they thought he spake
amiss. He ended with a very short exhortation to them to recant, and
come home again to the church, and save their lives and souls, which
else were condemned. His sermon was scant; in all, a quarter of an hour.

Dr. Ridley said to master Latimer, “Will you begin to answer the sermon,
or shall I?” Master Latimer said, “Begin you first, I pray you.” “I
will,” said master Ridley.

Then, the wicked sermon being ended, Dr. Ridley and master Latimer
kneeled down upon their knees towards my lord Williams of Thame, the
vice-chancellor of Oxford, and divers other commissioners appointed for
that purpose, who sat upon a form thereby: unto whom master Ridley
said, “I beseech you, my lord, even for Christ’s sake, that I may speak
but two or three words.” And whilst my lord bent his head to the mayor
and vice-chancellor, to know (as it appeared) whether he might give him
leave to speak, the bailiffs and Dr. Marshall, vice-chancellor, ran
hastily unto him, and with their hands stopped his mouth, and said,
“Master Ridley, if you will revoke your erroneous opinions, and recant
the same, you shall not only have liberty so to do, but also the benefit
of a subject: that is, have your life.” “Not otherwise?” said master
Ridley. “No,” quoth Dr. Marshall. “Therefore if you will not so do, then
there is no remedy but you must suffer for your deserts.” “Well,” quoth
master Ridley, “so long as the breath is in my body, I will never deny
my lord Christ, and his known truth: God’s will be done in me!” And with
that he rose up, and said with a loud voice, “Well then, I commit our
cause to Almighty God, which shall indifferently judge all.” To whose
saying master Latimer added his old posy, “Well! there is nothing hid
but it shall be opened.” And he said, he could answer Smith well enough,
if he might be suffered.

Incontinently they were commanded to make them ready, which they with
all meekness obeyed. Master Ridley took his gown and his tippet, and
gave it to his brother in law master Shipside, who all his time of
imprisonment, although he might not be suffered to come to him, lay
there at his own charges to provide him necessaries, which from time to
time he sent him by the serjeant that kept him. Some other of his
apparel that was little worth, he gave away: other the bailiffs took.

He gave away besides, divers other small things to gentlemen standing
by, and divers of them pitifully weeping, as to Sir Henry Lea he gave a
new groat: and to divers of my lord Williams’s gentlemen some napkins,
some nutmegs, and rases of ginger: his dial, and such other things as he
had about him, to every one that stood next him. Some plucked the points
off his hose. Happy was he that might get any rag of him.

Master Latimer gave nothing, but very quietly suffered his keeper to
pull off his hose, and his other array, which to look unto was very
simple: and being stripped into his shroud, he seemed as comely a person
to them that were there present, as one should lightly see; and whereas
in his clothes he appeared a withered and crooked silly old man, he now
stood bolt upright, as comely a father as one might lightly behold.

Then master Ridley standing as yet in his truss, said to his brother,
“It were best for me to go in my truss still.” “No,” quoth his brother,
“it will put you to more pain; and the truss will do a poor man good.”
Whereunto master Ridley said, “Be it, in the name of God”; and so
unlaced himself. Then, being in his shirt, he stood upon the foresaid
stone, and held up his hand and said, “O heavenly Father, I give unto
thee most hearty thanks, for that thou hast called me to be a professor
of thee, even unto death: I beseech thee, Lord God, take mercy upon this
realm of England, and deliver the same from all her enemies.”

Then the smith took a chain of iron, and brought the same about both Dr.
Ridley’s and master Latimer’s middles: and, as he was knocking in a
staple, Dr. Ridley took the chain in his hand, and shaked the same for
it did gird in his belly, and looking aside to the smith, said, “Good
fellow, knock it in hard, for the flesh will have his course.” Then his
brother did bring him gunpowder in a bag, and would have tied the same
about his neck. Master Ridley asked, what it was. His brother said,
“Gunpowder.” “Then,” said he, “I take it to be sent of God; therefore I
will receive it as sent of him. And have you any,” said he, “for my
brother?” meaning my master Latimer. “Yea, sir, that I have,” quoth his
brother. “Then give it unto him,” said he, “betime; lest ye come too
late.” So his brother went, and carried of the same gunpowder unto
master Latimer.

In the meantime Dr. Ridley spake unto my lord Williams, and said, “My
lord, I must be a suitor unto your lordship in the behalf of divers poor
men, and especially in the cause of my poor sister: I have made a
supplication to the queen’s majesty in their behalfs. I beseech your
lordship, for Christ’s sake, to be a mean to her grace for them. My
brother here hath the supplication, and will resort to your lordship to
certify you hereof. There is nothing in all the world that troubleth my
conscience, I praise God, this only excepted. Whilst I was in the see of
London, divers poor men took leases of me, and agreed with me for the
same. Now I hear say the bishop that now occupieth the same room will
not allow my grants unto them made, but, contrary unto all law and
conscience, hath taken from them their livings, and will not suffer them
to enjoy the same. I beseech you, my lord, be a mean for them: you shall
do a good deed, and God will reward you.”

Then they brought a faggot, kindled with fire, and laid the same down at
Dr. Ridley’s feet. To whom master Latimer spoke in this manner: “Be of
good comfort, master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light
such a candle, by God’s grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put

And so the fire being given unto them, when Dr. Ridley saw the fire
flaming up towards him, he cried with a wonderful loud voice, “In manus
tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum: Domine recipe spiritum meum.” And
after, repeated this latter part often in English, “Lord, Lord, receive
my spirit”; master Latimer, crying as vehemently on the other side, “O
Father of heaven, receive my soul!” who received the flame as it were
embracing of it. After that he had stroked his face with his hands, and
as it were bathed them a little in the fire, he soon died (as it
appeareth) with very little pain or none. And thus much concerning the
end of this old and blessed servant of God, master Latimer, for whose
laborious travails, fruitful life, and constant death, the whole realm
hath cause to give great thanks to Almighty God.

But master Ridley, by reason of the evil making of the fire unto him,
because the wooden faggots were laid about the gorse and over-high
built, the first burnt first beneath, being kept down by the wood; which
when he felt, he desired them for Christ’s sake to let the fire come
unto him. Which when his brother-in-law heard, but not well understood,
intending to rid him out of his pain (for the which cause he gave
attendance) as one in such sorrow not well advised what he did, heaped
faggots upon him, so that he clean covered him, which made the fire more
vehement beneath that it burned clean all his nether parts, before it
once touched the upper; and that made him leap up and down under the
faggots, and often desire them to let the fire come unto him, saying; “I
cannot burn.” Which indeed appeared well; for, after his legs were
consumed by reason of his struggling through the pain (whereof he had no
release, but only his contentation in God) he showed that side toward us
clean, shirt and all untouched with flame. Yet in all this torment he
forgot not to call unto God still, having in his mouth, “God have mercy
upon me,” intermingling his cry, “Let the fire come unto me, I cannot
burn.” In which pangs he laboured until one of the standers by with his
bill pulled off the faggots above, and where he saw the fire flame up he
wrested himself unto that side. And when the flame touched the gunpowder
he was seen to stir no more, but burned on the other side, falling down
at Master Latimer’s feet, which, some said, happened by reason that the
chain loosed; others said, that he fell over the chain by reason of the
poise of his body, and the weakness of the nether limbs.

Some said, that before he was like to fall from the stake, he desired
them to hold him to it with their bills. However it was, surely it moved
hundreds to tears, in beholding the horrible sight; for I think there
was none that had not clean exiled all humanity and mercy, which would
not have lamented to behold the fury of the fire so as to rage upon
their bodies. Signs there were of sorrow on every side. Some took it
grievously to see their deaths, whose lives they held full dear: some
pitied their persons, that thought their souls had no need thereof. His
brother moved many men, seeing his miserable case, seeing (I say) him
compelled to such infelicity, that he thought then to do him best
service, when he hastened his end. Some cried out of the fortune, to
see his endeavour (who most dearly loved him, and sought his release)
turn to his greater vexation and increase of pain. But whoso considered
their preferments in time past, the places of honour that they some time
occupied in this commonwealth, the favour they were in with their
princes, and the opinion of learning they had in the university where
they studied, could not choose but sorrow with tears, to see so great
dignity, honour and estimation, so necessary members sometime accounted,
so many godly virtues, the study of so many years, such excellent
learning, to be put into the fire, and consumed in one moment. Well!
dead they are, and the reward of this world they have already. What
reward remaineth for them in heaven, the day of the Lord’s glory, when
he cometh with his saints, shall shortly, I trust, declare.


=Source.=--Quarto (title as below), British Museum (Huth Bequest, 33).


upon which and everye part of the same, aswell the Churchwardens now
being, as also all other hereafter to be appointed, shalbe charged
withal, set foorth by the kyng and Quenes Majesties Commissioners for
searche, inquiry, and certificat to be had of al such things as now be,
or hereafter shalbe amysse in anye wyse concernyng the Commission to
them geven, upon whych certificat duelye made, reformation and redresse
shall be had thereof wyth all convenient speede and diligence. _Anno
1558. Mense Aprilis._

First if there be within theyr parishe a Parson, Vicar or Curat,
resident continuallie upon his benefice and cure, doyng his dutye there
as he is bound to do in al things, especially in preaching, saying
Matins, Masse, and Evensonge at due tyme....

ii. Item whether the said Parson, Vicar, or Curat, have been heretofore
maried or no, and if he continue with his woman or either of them
suspiciouslye doo resorte to other.

iii. Item whether within the said parish there be openly or secretly any
maried priest, or any woman heretofore maried to a priest, and whether
they be suspected of any evell rule and evel conversation or no....

iv. Item whether there be within the said parish any that doth maintayne
or uphold the opinion that priestes and religious persones may lawfullye
be maryed and continue together.

v. Item whether there be within your parish any prieste that taketh upon
hym to serve the cure, not being before examined and allowed thereto by
th’ordinary, and whether the said priest hath in the tyme of the late
scisme here in the realme preached heresy or evil doctrine, and not
recanted the same, or doth not now preache and sette forth the true
doctrine of the catholike church, and also pray for the three estates of
the catholike churche, and especiallye for the Kynge and Quenes
Majesties, and also whether, prayinge for the thyrd estate, they do name
Purgatorye or no.

vi. Item whether there be within the sayde parishe any that do
obstinately persist and stande in any heresie or hereticall opinion, or
be suspected of erronious and false doctrine, or a favorer, mainteiner
or aider of any erronious or hereticall person or persones, or of any
heresies or hereticall opinions or noughty doctrine.

vii. Item whether you know or have heard say of any person or persones
within your said parish that hath kept, or at this present doth kepe,
any hereticall, noughtye, or sedicious erronious booke or bookes,
especially english testamentes or Bibles falsely translated, secretlye
or otherwise, and whether ye have any suspectes thereof.

viii. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde of anye Prynters or
Bookesellers wythin youre Parishe that hath solde, or now doth sell or
keepe anye the sayde hereticall, nawghtye, or sedicious booke or bookes,
letters or wrytynges, and whether ye have any suspectes thereof.

ix. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde saye of anye person or
persones within your Parishe, that wyllynglye or obstinatelye dothe
neglecte or refuse to make theyr confession to the Priest, and to
receyve absolution and penaunce at hys hande for hys offences, or
obstinatelye or wyllynglye do refuse to receyve the Sacramente of the
Aultare, or extreme Unction, in extreme daunger of syckenesse, or to
heare Masse, or to come to hys Paryshe Churche, or refuse to go on
Procession, or to take Holywater, or otherwyse doo mysuse them selves in
breaking the Rytes and Ceremonyes of the Catholyque Churche, speciallye
in fastynge on the Ember dayes and other dayes by the Churche speciallye
appoynted, or in prayinge, or other suche lyke.

x. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde of anye person or persones
wythin your Paryshe that have murmured, grudged, or spoken directlye or
indirectlye agaynste the Masse, or ... holye breade, holy water, ashes,
palmes, creping to the crosse, holye Oyle and Chrisme, bearyng of Palmes
or Candelles, buryinge of the deade, or praying for them, speciallye in
sayinge of Diriges and Commendations, or in usinge anye other laudable
or Godlye Ceremonye or usage of the Churche.

xi. Item whether there be within your Paryshe anye that dothe favoure,
or is suspected to ... receyve any noughty person or persones,
especiallye to rede the english service used in the time of King Edwarde
the sixte, or the booke of Communion, or anye booke prohibited or
forbydden to be redde or taught, or to set forth any noughtye opinion or

xii. Item whether there be within the sayde parish any privie lectures
or sermons, or other devises, or anye unlawfull conventicles or

xiii. Item whether there be within the sayde parishe any that at the
sacring time of the Masse dothe hange downe theyr heades, or hyde them
selves behinde pillers, or turneth away their faces, or departeth out of
the church, because they woulde not looke upon the blessed sacrament of
the Aultare.

xiv. Item whether ye knowe or have hearde saye of any person or
persones within your parishe that have committed Lollardie, as in
eatynge of fleshe at dayes and times forbydden, or otherwise practising
or allowinge anye the opinions of the Lollardes.

xv. Item whether there be within the sayde parish any person, man, woman
or childe, being of sufficient age and discretion, that can not saye
theyr _Pater noster_, _Ave Maria_, and the Crede.

xvi. Item whether there be within your parish any schole master or
scolemastresse ... not beyng first examined and admitted thereunto by
th’ordinarie or his sufficiet deputie, and whether the said scolemaster
and scolemaistresse be sound in religion, and of honest lyving and
discrete behaviour, causing theyr scholers to fast, to praye, to come to
the church, and to do theyr duties there, specially in hearing Masse and
other divine service, and whether they teache them to helpe the Priest
to Masse, and to saye their _Pater noster_, the _Ave Maria_, and the
Crede with _De profundis_ for all Christen soules, and whether the
scholes, especially being commen,[12] be faithfully and diligently kept
or no.

xvii. Item whether there be within the sayde Parish any that do absent
themselves willynglie from the churche....

xviii. Item whether you knowe or have hearde of any in your parishe,
that have bene, or is, a scold or a slaunderous person of his
neighbours, or a sower of discorde and debate betwene partye and

       *       *       *       *       *

xx. Item whether ye knowe or have heard saye of any concelementes,
contempts, conspiracies, false rumors, tales, sedicions, misbehaviours,
slaunderous woordes, bruited or spred by anye person or persones against
the King and Quenes Majesties, or either of them, or agaynst the quiet
rule and governaunce of theyr subjectes or realmes.

xxi. Item whether the Patrones and other having advowsons of benefices
have sincerly, truly, and justly presented in due time....

xxii. Item whether you know of anye Patrones or other having advowsons,
that have ... covenanted or agreed ... to have anye summe of money for
the same....

xxiii. Item whether ye know any Patrones or other having such advowsons,
or any other persone that of his owne private authoritie and pleasure
have pulled downe any church, chappel, or other ecclesiastical
buildinge, or have taken away the lead, belles, ornaments, goodes, or
landes of the said places, or anye of them, or spoyled anye of the same,
or have converted the tithes profites, commodities, revenues and
possessions of anye of the same to his owne private and prophane use.

       *       *       *       *       *

xxvi. Item whether within the saide parishe there be any woman that doth
exercise th’ office or room of a Midwyfe, not beyng before examined and
admitted thereto by th’ ordinary or his sufficient deputy....

xxvii. Item whether the said Midwife have heretofore bene, and now is,
catholike, faithfull, discrete, sober and diligent....

xxviii. Item whether the saide woman ... do use any Witchecraft ... or
do omit or alter the laudable rytes and ceremonies accustomed and used
of antiquitie.

xxix. Item whether the said midwife or other woman denieth or letteth
the newe borne childe to be brought to the church....

       *       *       *       *       *

xxxii. Item whether within your said parishe there be a roode and a
roode loft, having the images of Mary and John, and lightes before the
same, and whether in the Lente season there be a covering for the saide
Crucifixe[13] decentlye provided, and whether there be any lightes upon
the high Aultare, and whether there be an image of the patrone of the
church or no.

xxxiii. Item whether there be any inventory made and kept of the church
goodes, and a book concerning the registringe of those that are
baptized, maried, or buryed.

xxxiv. Item whether the vestimentes for the priests and other ministers,
and al the ornamentes for and about the altar, be kept clene and
sufficiently repayred and maintained ... and whether there be a comely
pixe to kepe the blessed sacrament in and upon the high Aultar ... and
whether the blessed sacrament be caryed decentlye and devoutlye to the
sicke, the Clerke goynge before the Prieste in a surplesse with lighte
in his hand, and a little sacring bell ringing.

xxxv. Item whether the church or chauncel of your parish be in ruine or

xxxvi. Item whether there have bene or be anye legacies or gyftes made
for the repayringe and mayntenaunce of your church, or of highwaies,
finding of the poore, marying of poore Maydens, or anye suche like, and
the same not payde and aunswered accordingly.

       *       *       *       *       *

xxxviii. Item whether ye knowe of anye man that hath two wives living,
or of anye woman that hath two husbandes lyving, no lawfull divorce
beyng made betwene them.

xxxix. Item whether you know of any usurers....

       *       *       *       *       *

xlii. Item whether suche as can not reade upon the booke have everye one
of them a payre of beades, and doo use the same devoutlye and

xliii. Item whether anye Minstrels or anye other persons do use to syng
or say any songes or ditties that be uncleane or vile, especiallye
against any of the vii Sacraments, or against any the rites and
ceremonies of this Churche of Englande, whyche is a notable member of
Christes catholike Churche.

xliv. Item whether any do deprave or contempne the auctoritie or
jurisdiction of the Popes holynes or the see of Rome....

xlv. Item whether any playes or interludes not beyng first examined,
allowed, and approved by th’ordinary, are used at any tyme, especiallye
in the Lent, or upon Sondaies or holydaies....

xlvi. Item whether there be any that doth use to buy and sel upon the
sundayes or holydayes....

xlvii. Item whether ye have procured or consented in any wyse that
duryng anye part of the Sermon made at Paules Crosse there shoulde be
ryngyng of belles, playing of Children, cryinge or making lowde noyse,
ryding of horses, or otherwyse, so that the Preacher there or his
audience was troubled thereby....

xlviii. Item whether ye do know, or crediblye have heard that within any
part of the citye of London there hath bene any set tables kept for such
as woulde thyther resorte to eate and drynke, and whether it be not used
at the said tables to have Diner and supper upon the Fryday and Embryng
dayes, and all other dayes, as well within the Lent time as without, or
whether there be at the saide tables any flesh eaten at times


                             Imprinted at
                     London by Robart Caly, wythin
                  the precinct of Christes Hospitall.
                        The vi. day of Aprill.

                     Cum privilegio ad imprimendum


=Source.=--_An Admonition to the Parliament._ By John Field and Thomas
Wilcox, 1572.

Seeing that nothing in this mortal life is more diligently to be sought
for and carefully to be looked unto than the restitution of true
religion and reformation of God’s church: it shall be your parts (dearly
beloved) in this present Parliament assembled, as much as in you lieth
to promote the same, and to employ your whole labour and study, not only
in abandoning all popish remnants both in ceremonies and regiment,[14]
but also in bringing in and placing in God’s church those things only
which the Lord Himself in His word commandeth.... May it therefore
please your wisdoms to understand, we in England are so far off from
having a church rightly reformed according to the prescript of God’s
word, that as yet we are not come to the outward face of the same....
For ... now by the letters commendatory of some one man, noble or other,
tag and rag, learned and unlearned, of the basest sort of people ... are
freely received. In those days[15] no idolatrous sacrificers or
heathenish priests were appointed to be preachers of the Gospel: but we
allow, and like well, of popish mass-mongers, men for all seasons, King
Henry’s priests, King Edward’s priests, Queen Mary’s priests, who of a
truth (if God’s word were precisely followed) should from the same be
utterly removed.... Then[15] election was made by the common consent of
the whole church: now everyone picketh out for himself some notable good
benefice, he obtaineth the next advowson by money or by favour, and so
thinketh himself to be sufficiently chosen.... Then it was painful: now
gainful. Then poor and ignominious, now rich and glorious. And therefore
titles, livings, and offices by Antichrist devised are given to them, as
Metropolitan, Archbishop, Lord’s Grace, Lord Bishop, Suffragan, Dean,
Archdeacon, Prelate of the Garter, Earl, County Palatine, Honour, High
Commissioners, Justices of Peace and Quorum, etc. All which, together
with their offices, as they are strange and unheard of in Christ’s
Church, nay, plainly in God’s word forbidden, so are they utterly with
speed out of the same to be removed.... Your wisdoms have to remove
Advowsons, Patronages, Impropriations, and Bishops’ authority, claiming
to themselves thereby right to ordain ministers, and to bring in that
old and true election, which was accustomed to be made by the
congregation.... Appoint to every congregation a learned and diligent
preacher. Remove Homilies, Articles, Injunctions, a prescript order of
service made out of the mass-book. Take away the Lordship, the
loitering, the pomp, the idleness and livings of Bishops....

The officers that have to deal in this charge [ecclesiastical
discipline] are chiefly three, ministers, preachers or pastors, of whom
before; Seniors or Elders;[16] and Deacons. Concerning Seniors, not only
their office but their name also is out of this English church utterly
removed. Their office was to govern the church with the rest of the
ministers.... Instead of these Seniors in every church, the pope hath
brought in and we yet maintain the Lordship of one man over many
churches, yea, over sundry shires.... Touching Deacons, though their
names be remaining, yet is the office foully perverted and turned upside
down; for their duty in the primitive church was to gather the alms
diligently, and to distribute it faithfully.... Now it is the first step
to the ministry, nay rather a mere order of priesthood....

To these three jointly, that is the Ministers, Seniors and Deacons, is
the whole regiment of the church to be committed.... Not that we mean to
take away the authority of the civil Magistrate and chief Governor, to
whom we wish all blessedness, and for the increase of whose godliness we
daily pray: but that, Christ being restored into his kingdom, to rule in
the same by the sceptre of his word and severe discipline, the Prince
may be better obeyed....

Amend therefore these horrible abuses and reform God’s church, and the
Lord is on your right hand.... Is a reformation good for France? and can
it be evil for England? Is discipline meet for Scotland? and is it
unprofitable for this realm? Surely God hath set these examples before
your eyes, to encourage you to go forward to a thorough and a speedy
reformation. You may not do as heretofore you have done, patch and
piece, nay rather go backward and never labour or contend to perfection.
But altogether remove whole Antichrist, both head, body and branch, and
perfectly plant that purity of the word, that simplicity of the
sacraments, and severity of discipline, which Christ hath commended and
commanded to His church.


=Source.=--John Whitgift: _An Answere to a certen Libel intituled, An
Admonition to the Parliament_, 1572. Pp. 34, etc.

The proposition that these libellers would prove is that we in England
are so far from having a church rightly reformed according to the
prescript of God’s word, that as yet we are not come to the outward face
of the same.... To prove that the word of God is not preached truly ...
(thanks be to God) they allege not one article of faith, or point of
doctrine, nor one piece of any substance to be otherwise taught and
allowed of in this church (for not every man’s folly is to be ascribed
to the whole church) than by the prescript word of God may be justified,
neither can they.... The ministers are not rightly proved and elected,
&c. _Ergo_ the word of God is not truly preached: how wicked soever the
man is; howsoever he intrude himself into the ministry, yet may he
preach the true word of God: for the truth of the doctrine doth not in
any respect depend upon the goodness or evilness of the man: I pray you
how were you and some other of your adherents called, elected, &c.?...

It is true that in the old church trial was had of their ability to
instruct, and of their godly conversation: But the place in the margin
alleged out of the first chapter of the Acts of the Apostles maketh
nothing for that purpose.... And the Book of Ordering Ministers and
Deacons, set forth and allowed by this Church of England, requireth,
that who soever is to be admitted into any order of the ministry, should
so be tried, examined, and proved, both for learning and life, as Saint
Paul there requireth. Read the Book with indifferency and judgment, and
thou canst not but greatly commend it. If any man neglect his duty in
that point, his fault must not be ascribed to the rule appointed,
neither yet to the whole Church.... Again, if some be admitted into the
ministry, either void of learning, or lewd in life, are all the rest for
their sake to be condemned?... I think you will not deny, but that there
is now within this Church of England, as many learned, godly, grave,
wise, and worthy ministers of the Word, as there is in any one realm or
particular Church in all Christendom, or ever hath been heretofore.

Touching letters commendatory of some one man noble or other, it may be
that the parties which give these letters be of that zeal, learning, and
godliness, that their particular testimony ought to be better credited,
than some other subscribed with an hundred hands. And I think there is
both noble men and other, who may better be trusted in that point, than
a great number of parishes in England, which consist of rude and
ignorant men, easily moved to testify any thing: and in many places for
the most part, or altogether, drowned in Papistry. I know no reason to
the contrary, and I see no Scripture alleged, why one learned, godly and
wise man’s testimony, may not be received in such a case.... If tag and
rag be admitted, learned and unlearned, it is the fault of some, not of
all, nor of the law: and if they were called and elected according to
your fancy, there would some creep in, as evil as any be now, and worse

I pray you what say you to master Luther, Bucer, Cranmer, Latimer,
Ridley, &c., were not all these sometimes Massmongers, and yet singular
and notable instruments of promoting the Gospel and preaching the same?
Whereof many have given testimony by shedding their blood.

And by whose Ministry especially hath the Gospel been published, and is
as yet in this Church of England, but by such as have been Massmongers,
and now zealous, godly, and learned preachers?...

It is one thing wholly to worship false gods, another thing to worship
the true God falsely and superstitiously. But among all other things I
would gladly know wherein the Edward’s priests have offended you? It is
happy you let Queen Elizabeth’s priests alone: I marvel whose priests
you are?

God be thanked, there is a great number of ministers that can teach
others, and may be your schoolmasters in all kind of learning, except
you have more than you utter in these treatises.



_Anno 14 Eliz. cap. 5._

=Source.=--_Statutes of the Realm, sub anno._

I. Where all the parts of this Realm of England and Wales be presently
with Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars exceedingly pestered, by
means whereof daily happeneth in the same Realm horrible murders,
thefts, and other great outrages, to the high displeasure of Almighty
God, and to the great annoy of the Common Weal ... [previous Acts

II. Be it also enacted ... as well for the utter suppressing of the said
outrageous enemies to the Common Weal, as for the charitable relieving
of the aged and impotent poor people ... that all and every person and
persons ... being above the age of fourteen years, being hereafter set
forth by this Act of Parliament to be Rogues, Vagabonds, or Sturdy
Beggars, and be at anytime ... taken begging ... or taken vagrant,
wandering, and misordering themselves ... shall upon their apprehension
be brought before one of the Justices of the Peace or Mayor ... and ...
be presently committed to the Common Gaol ... there to remain without
bail or mainprise until the next Sessions of the Peace or General Gaol
Delivery, ... at which Sessions or Gaol Delivery if such person or
persons be duly convicted of his or her Roguish or Vagabond Trade of
life, either by inquest of office, or by the testimony of two honest and
credible witnesses upon their Oaths, that then immediately he or she
shall be adjudged to be grievously whipped and burnt through the gristle
of the right ear with a hot iron ... manifesting his or her roguish kind
of life, and his or her punishment received for the same ... which
judgement shall also presently be executed, except some honest person
... will of his charity be contented presently to take such offender ...
into his service for one whole year next following....

V. And for the full expressing what person and persons shall be intended
... to be Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars ... it is now ...
declared ... that all and every such person and persons that be or utter
themselves to be Proctors or Procurators going in or about any country
or countries within this Realm, without sufficient authority ... and all
other idle persons going about ... using subtle, crafty or unlawful
games or plays, and some of them feigning themselves to have knowledge
in physiognomy, palmistry, or other abused[17] sciences, whereby they
bear the people in hand[18] they can tell their destinies, deaths and
fortunes, and such other like fantastical imaginations; and all and
every person being whole and mighty in body, and can give no reckoning
how he or she doth lawfully get his or her living; and all fencers,
bear-wards, common[19] players in interludes and minstrels, not
belonging to any baron of this realm ... all jugglers, pedlars, tinkers
and petty chapmen, which ... shall wander abroad and have not licence of
two Justices of the Peace ... and all common labourers ... refusing to
work for such reasonable wages as is ... commonly given in such parts
... and all scholars of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge that go
about begging, not being authorized under the Seal of the said
Universities ... and all shipmen pretending losses by sea ... and all
persons delivered out of gaols, that go by for their fees or do travel
to their countries or friends, not having licence from two Justices of
the Peace ... shall be taken, adjudged and deemed Rogues, Vagabonds, and
Sturdy Beggars....

XI. Provided that this Act nor anything contained therein do in any wise
extend to any harvest folks that travel into any country of this realm
for harvest work ... neither yet to any that happeneth to be robbed or
spoiled by the way ... neither yet to any serving men of honest
behaviour that be turned from their masters, or whose master ... shall
be dead....

XVI. And forasmuch as Charity would that poor aged and impotent persons
should as necessarily be provided for as the said Rogues, Vagabonds and
Sturdy Beggars repressed, and that the said aged, impotent and poor
people should have convenient habitations and abiding places ... to the
end that they nor any of them should hereafter beg or wander about; it
is therefore enacted ... that the Justices of the Peace and all and
singular the Shires of England and Wales ... shall ... make diligent
search and enquiry of all aged poor impotent and decayed persons born
within their said divisions and limits, or which were there dwelling
within three years next before this present Parliament ... which live
... by alms ... and shall make a register book of the names and surnames
of all such.... And ... shall ... devise and appoint ... meet and
convenient places ... for their habitations and abidings, if the parish
within which they shall be found shall not or will not provide for them
... and shall ... set down what portion the weekly charge towards the
relief and sustentation of the said poor people will amount unto ...
and, that done, they the said Justices ... shall by their good
discretions tax and assess all and every the said inhabitants ... to
such weekly charge as they and every of them shall weekly contribute
towards the relief of the said poor people....

XVII. And be it further enacted ... that the Mayor of the City of London
and the Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs ... and the Constables ... within all
... the said shires of England and Wales shall once a month ... make a
view and search of all the aged impotent and lame persons within the
precinct of their jurisdictions, and all such ... persons as they shall
find, not being born within that division ... then they shall presently
see the same poor people (except leprous people and bed-rid people) ...
to be conveyed on horseback, in cart or otherwise ... to the next
constable, and so from constable to constable the directest way, till
the said person ... be brought to the place where he or she was born or
most conversant by the space of three years next before, and there to be
put in the Abiding Place....

XVIII. And be it enacted ... that if any of the said poor people ...
refuse to be bestowed to any of the said Abiding Places ... but covet
still to hold on their trade of begging, or ... do depart and beg, then
the said person so offending ... to be accounted a Rogue or Vagabond....

XXII. And it is also further enacted, that if any of the said aged and
impotent persons, not being so diseased lame or impotent but that they
may work in some manner of work, shall be by the overseer of their said
Abiding Place appointed to work, if they refuse, then in form aforesaid
to be whipped and stocked for their first refusal, and for their second
refusal to be punished as in case of Vagabonds....

XXIII. Provided always ... that three Justices of Peace ... shall ...
place and settle to work the Rogues and Vagabonds that shall be disposed
to work ... to get their livings and to live and to be sustained only
upon their labour and travail.

XXIV. Be it also farther enacted that if any Beggar’s Child being above
the age of five years and under fourteen years ... shall be liked of by
any subject ... of honest calling who shall be willing to take the said
Child into service, the said Subject shall ... have the said Child bound
with him....


=Source.=--Carew MSS. (Record Commission). Vol. iii. (1589-1600), p. xci.,
App. A.


First it is to be understand that the land of Ireland was divided into
several Kingdoms, and so continued of long time, until the coming of
King Henry the Second, who then did win by conquest the most part of the
same land, and the same gave and departed amongst his nobles and certain
English gentlemen and others that went with him into Ireland, in reward
of their service there done, where they both planted themselves and
remained as obedient subjects to the King and Crown of England and his
laws, and maintained the same. The rest of the land some he put under
tribute, other some were never by him conquered, and they both so left
continued and maintained their old customs, which were the laws of the
Brehons, which before the conquest was used. And as those then planted
by the King maintained the laws of England, and continued the same by
them and theirs successively until this day, as the English Pale and
civil towns doth maintain and use the same, even as the others, as well
[they] that were put under tribute and they that were never conquered,
as also those by them since subdued brought under their rule, doth
maintain the Brehon’s law as they did before the conquest, which custom
they continue in the Irish Pale, who are now the more part of the realm.
The race and stirpe of them this day do maintain and use the same
contrary to God his law, and also repugnant to the Queen’s Majesty’s
laws and all other good and civil orders.

So all the lords and gentles of the Irish Pales that are not governed
under the Queen’s laws are driven and compelled of necessity to keep and
maintain a number of idle men of war, as they may be able always to rule
their own people at home and exact their neighbours abroad, as their
need shall require in their wars, which they commonly use and maintain
against those that pretendeth any right to that they at any time have or
do sometimes possess by wrong: giving neither place to law nor yet good
orders, but working every one his own wilful will for a Law, to the
spoil of the country and decay and waste of the common weal of the same.

The charge and finding of the men of war of every private Irish lord is
such a burden to his country as keepeth the same ever in great poverty,
and by that means bringeth them that taketh most pain to most penury,
and those that getteth all to gain nothing: whereby husbandry is so hard
to live by as very few covet it, as no plenty can prosper, but ever
scarcity, where this is used, not only hindering the good but forwarding
the evil, so far that the most mischief of all the land is fed and
nourished withal. This is called Coyne and Livery. Besides this they
have many other customs, exactions, and undertreddinges, so that in a
manner all that ever the tenants can win with their weary working the
lord hath at last, if his need be such in wars, or otherwise he will
take all that his tenants have and destroy them in a day: and he never
the better himself, for (as aforesaid) idle men of war eateth all

And thus their countries are impoverished as inhabitants having nothing
left to cherish or care for (unless sometime a few cattle which the poor
people are forced to drive with them wheresoever they go, for finding
their Lords’ men of war), they, as careless of their behaviour, become
as idle as the rest, stealing by night and robbing by day, as at last
stirreth them to war one Lord against another. Although [they do so]
until they have spoiled and wasted one another’s country, yet no malice
can increase their enmity so much one against another but upon every
occasion they become friends, and join their former dispersed strength
in one force against the Queen’s Majesty and her liege people.

_For their Religion._

The appearance of their outward behaviour sheweth to be the fruits of no
good trees, for they exercise no virtue, nor yet refrain or forbear any
vice, but think it lawful to do every one what him listeth, as thereby
should seem they neither love nor dread God, nor yet hate the Devil.
They are superstitious and worshippers of images and open idolaters.
Their common oath they swear is by books, bells and other ornaments,
which they use as holy relics. If for any greater cause they take the
name of God, they seldom perform unless to do a shrewd turn. Their
chief and solemnest oath that bindeth them is by their lord’s or master
his hand, which whoso forsweareth is sure to pay a fine or sustain a
worse turn. The Sabbath day they rest from all honest exercise, and the
week days they are not idle but worse occupied. They do not honour their
fathers and mothers so much as they do reverence strangers.

For any murder they commit [it] should seem they do not so soon repent
for whose blood they once shed. They lightly never cease killing of all
that name, although nothing akin, so many as they find ever after, whom
they may overcome.

They did not so commonly commit adultery, not for that they do profess
or keep such chastity, but for that they seldom or never marry, and
therefore few of them [are] lawful heirs, by the laws of the realm, to
those lands they presently possess.

They steal but from the strong, and take by violence from the poor and
weak. They know not so well who is their neighbour, as whom they favour,
with him they will witness in right and wrong.

They covet not their neighbour’s goods, but command all that is their
neighbour’s as their own.

And this ungodly life they lead, and pass their years without amendment,
until their dying day, that they are able to do no more harm, without
knowledge of God or understanding of his Word, which they never hear
truly taught, nor can, for lack of good ministers to instruct and preach
the same: nor yet will any minister take pains without living, which is
not to be had where there is neither church nor parish, but all decayed
and waste, nor can be inhabited to increase a parish without people, nor
anywise people will come to inhabit and dwell where there is neither
defence of Law nor equity of Justice maintained, as they might enjoy the
fruit of their labour.

Which is every King’s part and charge, to minister Justice to his
people, and the Queen’s Majesty’s our liege sovereign presently more
bound thereto than any her Grace’s noble progenitors hitherto were, who
by style had but the name of Lords of Ireland (although all princely
prerogative withal) before her Highness’ father, of most famous memory,
King Henry the Eight, to whom by Parliament was given the title, style
and name of King of Ireland, and now her Majesty’s possession by lawful

And withal her Majesty, under God, of whom her Highness hath received
also the charge, as most worthy for the supreme government of his
creatures, her people, within these her Highness’ own realms and
dominions, as besides Christian charity and princely dignity her
Highness oweth to God, by that title to reform and direct and lead those
blind and wilful ignorant people to the knowledge of God his most holy
Word, to the salvation of their souls, which he so dearly bought; as, if
the Angels of Heaven rejoiced so much at the conversion of one sinner to
repentance, what joy, solace, and welcome shall our most dear Sovereign
Lady Queen Elizabeth have for converting, or rather recovering, of so
many a thousand lost souls as at this present are in Ireland, ready to
go on headlong to the Devil, if her Grace seek not speedy remedy to
prevent the same, as by their fruits shewed there is already a great
many gone to his dam!


Who lying in the English Pale, where commonly the most number of
soldiers do sojourn at cess,[20] both footmen and horsemen, with their
double horse and horse boys dispersed in the civil shires, which is such
a burden to the liege people of the same as hath greatly impaired the
good state of the Pale, where they are not so serviceable: for when the
Irish maketh any entry by sudden roads upon the borders of the English
Pale, although the Governor might within four hours assemble the
captains for the defence of the Pale, no captain is able to assemble his
band in four days, which is too late to pursue the enemy, who is gone
three days before with the spoil of the country.

When for more ease and better defence of the Pale the soldiers are sent
to lie upon the borders in peace time, where, a great number being
cessed upon a small territory, the burden is so heavy to the
inhabitants, upon whom if they but lie one quarter of a year, the poor
people liven the worse seven years after. And although in war time the
living of the soldiers there be such service indeed as causeth enemies
to forbear that border for the time, yet is that service so dear bought
as all that the poor man saveth by the defence of the soldier’s
presence, when the soldier is gone, the enemy cometh and taketh all
away: so as between the soldier and the enemy the poor man hath nothing

And where a certain number of soldiers continually do lie in garrison at
the Newery and Knockfargus they are also most commonly found for their
provision by cess out of the English Pale to as great a charge as
before. Although some more ease they find by their absence than when
they are lodged in their houses, and to the Queen’s Majesty an increase
of charge by as much as freights and carriages by sea and land, with
great allowances to victuallers and clerks, as sometime the charges is
more than the principal provision so transported is worth at the
arrival, and sometime the whole perisheth by shipwreck, as every way the
Queen’s Majesty is a loser. And lying thus in garrison, as they use
their service, they are a defence to themselves only, and a burden to
the poor inhabitants dwelling about them (who dependeth upon the Queen’s
defence), whom they daily oppress and spoil, and cannot defend them when
they have done; nor yet defence can they be to the English Pale, which
is so far off from the one (which is Knockfargus) and may be diversly
and many ways annoyed by the Neles, the Fewes, and others, as those
which is in the Newery can neither prevent nor let the enemy coming in,
nor yet rescue at their going forth anything they take away. Nor yet
can so few as they are in those garrisons be a scourge to any enemy of
force, who may easily keep from them that he listeth not to lose, as
nothing they can get themselves unless they make a sudden raid, as
commonly they do upon those with whom they have no war, and take a prey
of them: who, to revenge the same, cometh and spoileth all the poor
people that dwelleth about those forts, to their utter decay and waste.
As at this day there is not any way within ten mile about Knockfargus
six plough land manured with tillage [or] any kind of grain, but all
that province waste, where was five or six hundred ploughs before the
garrison were planted there: so neither can any of those garrisons plant
or sow anything abroad whereof they can assure themselves to reap the
fruit: nor yet will the enemies suffer their own people to plant or
improve any commodity near those forts, lest the soldiers should thereby
be relieved: and so between both all waste.

And when they lie in garrison in the Irish enemy’s country, as sometimes
was maintained a garrison at Ardmaughe, Belefarst, and of late in
Glanarme, Mountsendall, Island Sydneye, Castle-Town, Don-Lewse and other
places, they were also furnished for their provision for the most part
by like cess out of the English Pale as before, and to the Queen’s
Majesty more charge than any the others were, by as much as the English
Pale for carriages by sea and land is further distant to those remote
places than the other garrisons upon the borders were; and keeping of
fort in the heart of the enemy’s country, they were a defence and stay
and strength only to themselves in those pieces which they kept, wherein
they were shut up as they could neither relieve themselves by anything
they could get in the country itself, being waste, as it is always so
kept by the enemy of purpose; nor yet could they be so easily victualled
of the Queen’s provision, but sometime with conduct, to more charge and
trouble than the rest, as was Ardmaughe, which cost the English Pale
many men’s lives and their garrisons lost with victualling thereof; and
of late Glanarme, Mount Sendall, Donnlewse, Island Sydneye, and others,
whereof some were lost by casualty, as of late Castle-Town, Island
Sydneye, Donlewse; and those that were kept and impregnable to the enemy
were, after great charge bestowed, abandoned and voluntary given up to
the Irishry again in better case than it was before.

And when in time of war with any Irishry of power, as of late with one
Nele, and such like occasion moveth the Governor to proclaim a main
journey for 30 or 40 days to invade the enemies’ country, the Governor
goeth with the army and force of the English Pale, to their great
charge, where they continue out their days, whilst their victuals last,
and then fain to return home again, as many times they do, without booty
or other harms they do or yet can be done to a waste country, the
inhabitants thereof, whilst the English host is in their country,
shunneth all their cattle into woods or pastures, where they continue
until the English Army be gone; and then do they come into the plains of
their country with their cattle again, where they are as ready anew to
invade and spoil the English Pale as before; as commonly they do bring
with them great booties out of the borders of the same, whereof if
recovery be not made by hot pursuit of some part of that they take away,
very seldom or never can be found anything of theirs worth the having to
be taken from them for the same again. So as by these appearances,
wheresoever the service is done, the same is a charge to the Queen’s
Majesty, a burden to the liege people, to the decay both of them and the
English soldiers, fretting one another of themselves, with small defence
to the Pale, nor yet can be any great scourge to the enemy, who always
gaineth by our losses, and we never gain by them, although we win all
that we play for, the stakes being so unequal, viz., not a penny against
a pound, for that the English Pale is planted with towns and villages,
inhabited with people resident, having goods, chattels, corn and
household stuff, good booties for the Irish enemies to take from us, and
their countries being kept of purpose waste uninhabited, as where
nothing is, nothing can be had.

And thus the crown of England, being at charge this 37 years past since
the rebellion of Thomas FitzGerrelde,[21] at which time the same army
were sent into Ireland, which hath cost your late father, of worthy
memory, King Henry the Eighth, and your late brother and sister, and now
your Highness’ time, not so little as the sum of thirteen or 14 hundred
thousand pounds in all that time. And until this day they have neither
won to your Majesty obedience of people, nor yet increased your revenue
by any territory of ground they have annexed to your Crown, saving Lexe
and Ophale, which yieldeth to your Crown a yearly rent, although not so
much as it standeth your Majesty in wages to the farmers thereof that do
dwell upon the same for the only keeping and defending of the same, unto
whom was paid wages before 30 thousand pounds for keeping thereof waste,
and could not find the means to make twenty acres worth a penny a year
rent to the Queen’s Majesty; but since they have had property and
fee-farm thereof, they have learned the way to make every acre worth
20d. a year rent to themselves, and that well paid by the poor churls
and native inhabitants of those countries, whom they could not frame to
any better use but as enemies to the Queen’s Majesty whilst her Highness
was at the charge of keeping; but since they have obtained and had the
fee-farm thereof to themselves they have found the mean to make of those
that erst were called rebels to the Queen to become to themselves
profitable tenants.

Where the Queen’s Majesty’s charges is increased of late extraordinarily
four or five thousand pounds a year, bestowed upon presidents and
judges, with their retinue, for deciding of causes, in remote parts, as
it was then devised, for more ease and less charges for the people
inhabiting thereabouts than to go to the Courts to Develyn, so far off;
and where the laws was executed but in one place within the realm, the
train now of the president[s and] justices at hand is such a burden to
the poor liege people of those provinces, who dependeth upon the Queen’s
Majesty’s laws to be defended, as they are all by the same now
impoverished and decayed in worse case than they were before, as they
complaineth; and saith that when they went to Develyn to sue for their
right, though their charges was great, yet they saved somewhat; but now,
since justice is come to their doors, it, say they, leaveth them
nothing: and as for the Irishry of that province, that are of power of
themselves able to take by violence and hold the same perforce, they
will neither go to justice to give right to their neighbours, nor tarry
at home to take wrong. And thus all service in Ireland, as the same is
yet used, is a great and continual charge to the Crown of England, no
ease nor benefit to the liege people of Ireland, but pain and penury, a
consuming of them and the English soldiers, as a bough with the wind,
and native people fretting one another of themselves, and the Irish
unreformed, or yet the rebels and enemies repressed, who keepeth their
countries waste of purpose, as having nothing to lose, but living by the
spoil of others.


=Source.=--Record Office (_State Papers, Domestic_, 1566-1579, _Addenda_,
p. 111).


Know ye, that we, with many other well-disposed of the nobility and
others, have promised our faith for the furtherance of this our good
meaning. As divers ill-disposed persons about Her Majesty have, by their
crafty dealing, overthrown in this realm the true and Catholic religion
towards God, abused[22] the Queen, dishonoured the realm, and now seek
to procure the destruction of this nobility, we have gathered ourselves
together to resist force by force, and rather, by the help of God and
you good people, to redress those things amiss, with the restoring of
all ancient customs and liberties to God and this noble realm. If we
shall not do it ourselves, we might be reformed by strangers, to the
great hazarding of the state of this our country.

_15 Nov., 1569_,


=Source.=--Dodd’s _Church History of England_. Edited by M. A. Tierney,
1840. Vol. iii., App. i.

Whereas it hath been, by the sinister and wicked reports of sundry
malicious persons, enemies both to God’s word and the public estate of
this commonwealth, devised and published, that the assembly of these
noblemen, the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, with sundry of
the greatest worship and credit in this part of the realm, is and hath
been to the overthrow of the commonwealth and the crown, it was
therefore thought good to [_sic_] the earls and their council, to
signify to all and every the queen’s majesty’s subjects the true and
sincere meaning of the said earls, their friends and allies.

Know ye, therefore, that where of late it hath been faithfully and
deliberately considered and devised by the right high and mighty prince,
Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Henry earl of Arundel, William, earl of
Pembroke, together with the said earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland, and divers others of the ancient nobility of this realm,
with a common consent of sundry the principal favourers of God’s word
(and the same as well for the avoiding of bloodshed and utter subversion
of the commonwealth, as the reforming of certain disorders crept in by
the abuse and malicious practices of sundry wicked and evil-disposed
persons), to make manifest and known to all manner of men, to whom of
mere right the true succession of the crown appertaineth; dangerously
and uncertainly depending, by reason of many titles and interests
pretended to the same: the which godly good and honourable meaning of
the said nobility hath been sought by all manner of means to be
prevented by certain common enemies of this realm about the Queen’s
person,[23] by whose sinister and detestable counsel and practice, well
known to us and to the rest of the nobility, their lives and liberties
are now endangered, and daily devices made to apprehend our bodies, the
true remain of their virtuous counsel and intent; the which their unjust
and ambitious policies and practices can by no submission on our parts
be avoided, but only by the sword:

We have therefore, of just and faithful meaning to the queen’s majesty,
her commonwealth, and the true successors of the same,[24] assembled
ourselves, to resist force by force; wherein we commit ourselves (seeing
no intercession will help) to the exceeding mercy and goodness of God,
and to all true favourers of this realm of England, resolved in
ourselves, in this so just and godly enterprise, wholly to adventure
lives, lands, and goods: whereunto we heartily crave the true aid and
assistance of all faithful favourers of the quietness of the
commonwealth, and the ancient nobility of the same.



=Source.=--_State Papers, Domestic_, as above, p. 113.

Whereas Thomas Earl of Northumberland and Charles Earl of Westmoreland,
being commanded upon their allegiance to repair to Her Majesty, have
contemptuously disobeyed her command, and have, with Christopher
Nevill, Rich. Norton of Norton Conyers, Tho. Markenfeld of Markenfeld,
John Swinburne, Robt. Tempest, Fras. Norton, and others, committed
divers offences, levied great numbers of horse and foot and put them in
armour, and do daily draw to them great forces, abusing her name and
authority to further their wicked purpose, and intend to proceed further
in their rebellious enterprise, if not resisted in time; we therefore,
in Her Majesty’s name, and by her warrant, denounce the said Earls, and
the others named, to be rebels and disturbers of the peace, and in her
name command that they henceforth be reputed rebels.

And we in Her Majesty’s name, do command all faithful subjects to flee
from the company or aiding of rebellious persons, and do by these
presents receive to her grace and free pardon all such persons, other
than hereafter be exempted, as have accompanied the said Earls and
others, if before the 22nd inst. they repair to their dwelling houses,
and there remain quiet, and do not abide in company of the said persons
aforesaid after 21 Nov.

Her Majesty’s pleasure is that the said Earls and the others named, and
Thos. Jennings, be exempted from this pardon, and also any person
adhering to or accompanying any of the before exempted after 21 Nov.,
and she commands all her subjects to repute them rebels.

[YORK], _19 Nov., 1569_.


=Source.=--Percy’s Folio MS. Ed. by Furnivall and Hales. Vol. i., p. 210.
Pub. 1867.

    Listen lively lordings all,
      and all that beene this place within!
    if you’ll give eare unto my songe,
      I will tell you how this geere did begin.

    It was the good Erle of Westmorlande;
      a noble Erle was callèd hee;
    and he wrought treason against the crowne;
      alas, it was the more pittye!

    And soe it was the Erle of Northumberland,
      another good noble Erle was hee;
    they tooken both upon one part,
      against their crowne they wolden bee.

    Earle Percy is into his garden gone,
      and after walks his awne ladye;
    “I heare a bird sing in my eare
      that I must either fight or flee.”

    “God forbid,” shee sayd, “good my Lord,
      that ever so that it shalbee,
    but goe to London to the court,
      and faire fall truth and honestye!”

    “But nay, now nay, my Ladye gay,
      that ever it shold soe bee;
    my treason is knowen well enoughe;
      at the court I must not bee.”

    “But goe to the Court! yet, good my Lord,
      take men enowe with thee;
    if any man will doe you wronge,
      your warrant they may bee.”

    “But nay, now nay, my Lady gay,
      for soe it must not bee,
    if I goe to the court, Ladye,
      death will strike me, and I must dye.”

    “But goe to the Court! yett, good my Lord,
      I my-selfe will ryde with thee;
    if any man will doe you wronge,
      your borow[25] I shalbee.”

    “But nay, now nay, my Lady gay,
      for soe it must not bee;
    for if I goe to the Court, Ladye,
      thou must me never see.

    But come hither, thou litle footpage,
      come thou hither unto mee,
    for thou shalt goe a message to Master Norton
      in all the hast that ever may bee.

    Comend me to that gentleman;
      bring him here this letter from mee,
    and say I pray him earnestlye
      that he will ryde in my companye.”

    But one while the foote page went,
      another while he rann;
    untill he came to Master Norton,
      the foot page never blanne.[26]

    And when he came to Master Norton,
      he kneled on his knee,
    And tooke the letter betwixt his hands,
      and lett the gentleman it see.

    And when the letter it was reade
      afore all his companye,
    I-wis, if you wold know the truth,
      there was many a weeping eye.

    He said, “Come hither, Kester[27] Norton,
      a fine fellow thou seemes to bee;
    Some good councell, Kester Norton,
      this day doe thou give to mee.”

    “Marry, I’ll give you councell, father,
      if you’ll councell take at mee,
    that if you have spoken the word, father,
      that backe againe you doe not flee.”

    “God amercy, Christopher Norton,
      I say, God amercy!
    if I doe live and scape with life,
      well avancèd shalt thou bee.

    But come you hither, my nine good sonnes,
      in men’s estate I thinke you bee;
    how many of you, my children deare,
     on my part that wilbe?”

    But eight of them did answer soone,
      and spake full hastilye,
    sayes, “We wilbe on your part, father,
      till the day that we doe dye.”

    “But God amercy, my children deare,
      and ever I say God amercy!
    and yet my blessing you shall have,
      whethersoever I live or dye.

    But what sayst thou, thou Francis Norton,
      mine eldest sonne and mine heyre trulye?
    some good councell, Francis Norton,
      this day thou give to me.”

    “But I will give you councell, father,
      if you will take councell at mee;
    for if you wold take my councell, father,
      against the crowne you shold not bee.”

    “But fye upon thee, Francis Norton!
      I say Fye upon thee!
    When thou was younge and tender of age
      I made full much of thee.”

    “But your head is white, father,” he sayes,
      “and your beard is wonderous gray;
    it were shame for your countrye
      if you shold rise and flee away.”

    “But fye upon thee, thou coward Francis!
      thou never tookest that of mee!
    when thou was younge and tender of age
      I made too much of thee.”

    “But I will goe with you, father, quoth hee,
      like a naked man will I be;
    he that strikes the first stroake against the crowne,
      an ill death may hee dye!”

    But then rose up Master Norton that Esquier,
      with him a full great companye;
    and then the Erles they comen downe
      to ryde in his companye.

    Att Whethersbye they mustered their men
      upon a full fayre day;
    thirteen thousand there were seene
      to stand in battel ray.

    The Erle of Westmoreland, he had in his ancyent[28]
      the Dunne Bull in sight most hye,
    and three doggs with golden collers
      were sett out royallye.

    The Erle of Northumberland, he had in his ancyent
      the Halfe Moone in sight so hye,
    as the Lorde was crucifyed on the Crosse,
      and sett forthe pleasantlye.

    And after them did rise good Sir George Bowes,
      after them a spoyle to make;
    the Erles returned backe againe,
      thought ever that Knight to take.

    This Baron did take a Castle[29] then,
      was made of lime and stone;
    the uttermost[30] walls were ese to be wonne;
      the Erles have won them anon;

    But tho they won the uttermost walls
      quickly and anon,
    the innermost walls they cold not winn,
      they were made of a rocke of stone.

    But newes it came to leeve[31] London
      in all the speed that ever might bee;
    and word it came to our royall Queene
      of all the rebélls in the north countrye.

    She turned her grace then once about,
      and like a royall Queene she sware,
    sayes, “I will ordeine them such a breake-fast
      as was not in the North this thousand yeere!”

    She caused thirty thousand men to be made
      with horsse and harneis all quicklye;
    and shee caused thirty thousand men to be made
      to take the rebélls in the North countrye.

    They took with them the false Erle of Warwicke,
      soe did they many another man;
    untill they came to Yorke Castle,
      I wis they never stinted nor blan.

    “Spread thy ancyent, Erle of Westmoreland!
      The halfe moone faine wold we see!”
    But the halfe moone is fled and gone,
      and the Dun Bull vanished awaye;
    And Richard[32] Norton and his eight sonnes
      are fled away most cowardlye.

    Ladds with mony are counted men,
      Men without mony are counted none;
    but hold your tounges! why say you soe?
      Men wilbe men when mony is gone.[33]


=Source.=--Original in British Museum, Huth Bequest, 50, No. 4. Reprinted
in _Ancient Ballads_, 1867.

          A Ballad intituled, A newe well a daye,
          As playne, maister Papist, as Donstable waye.

    Amonge manye newes reported of late
    As touchinge the rebelles their wicked estate,
    Yet Syr Thomas Plomtrie[34] their preacher, they saie,
    Hath made the North Countrie to crie well a daye.

        _Well a daye, well a daye, well a daye, woe is me,
        Syr Thomas Plomtrie is hanged on a tree._

    And now manie fathers and mothers be theare,
    Are put to their trialles with terrible feare,
    Not all the gaye crosses nor goddes they adore
    Will make them as merrie as they have ben before;

        _Well a daye, etc._

    The widowes be woful whose husbandes be taken,
    The childerne lament them that are so forsaken,
    The church men thei chaunted the morowe masse bell,
    Their pardons be graunted, they hang verie wel.

        _Well a daye, etc._

    It is knowne they bee fled that were the beginers,
    It is time they were ded, poore sorofull sinners:
    For all their great haste they are hedged at a staye,
    With weeping and waylinge to sing well a daye.

        _Well a daye, etc._

    Yet some hold opynion, all is well with the highest;
    They are in good saftie wher freedome is nieste;
    Northumberland need not be doubtefull, some saye,
    And Westmorelande is not yet brought to the bay;

        _Well a daye, etc._

    No more is not Norton, nor a nomber beside,
    But all in good season they may hap to be spide;
    It is well they be wandred whether no man can say,
    But it will be remembered, they crie well a daie;

        _Well a daye, etc._

    Where be the fyne fellowes that caried the crosses?
    Where be the devisers of idoles and asses?
    Wher be the gaie banners were wont to be borne?
    Where is the devocion of gentyll John Shorne?[35]

        _Well a daye, etc._

           *       *       *       *       *

    Leave of your lyinge, and fall to trewe reason
    Leave of your fonde spieng, and marke every season;
    Against God and your countrie to taulke of rebelling,
    Not Syr Thomas Plomtrie can bide by the telling.

        _Well a daye, etc_.

    And such as seduce the people with blyndnes,
    And byd them to trust the Pope and his kyndnes,
    Make worke for the tynker, as prouerbes doth saie;
    By such popishe patching still comes well a daye.

        _Well a daye, etc._

    And she that is rightfull your Queene to subdue ye,
    Althoughe you be spitefull, hath gyven no cause to ye;
    But if ye will vexe her, to trie her hole force,
    Let him that comes next her take heed of her horse.

        _Well a daye, etc._

    She is the lieftennante of him that is stowtest,
    She is the defender of all the devowtest;
    It is not the Pope, nor all the Pope may,
    Can make her astonyed, or singe well a daie,

        _Well a daye, etc._

    God prosper her highnes, and send her his peace,
    To governe good people with grace and increase;
    And send the deservers, that seeke the wronge way,
    At Tyborne some carvers, to singe well a daie,

        _Well a daye, well a daye, well a daye, woe is me,
        Sir Thomas Plomtrie is hanged on a tree._

                                                 W. E.

Imprinted at London in Fleetstrete beneath the Conduit, at the signe of
S. John Evangelist, by Thomas Colwell.


=Source.=--Camden: _Annales_ (1615). English translation, 1625, _sub

The Sentence Declaratory of the Holy Father Pope Pius the Fifth against
Elizabeth the pretended Queen of England and those Heretics adhering to
her: And finally all such as obey her, to be ensnared in the same:

Pius, Bishop, a servant of the servants of God, for the future memory of
the business.

       *       *       *       *       *

He that rules in the Heavens above, and to whom all power is given both
in heaven and earth, gave unto one only upon earth, viz. to Peter, the
chiefest amongst the Apostles, and to the Pope of Rome, Peter’s
successor, a Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church (without which there is
no salvation) to govern it in the fulness of power. And this he ordained
as chief above all nations and kingdoms, to pull down, destroy,
dissever, cast off, plant and erect, to combine in the unity of spirit
his faithful people, connext together through mutual charity, and
present them whole and sound to his Saviour. Which charge We, who
through the grace of God are thereunto called, submitting ourselves to
the government of the same Church, cease not with all our best labours
and endeavours to preserve this unity and Catholic Religion, which He
who was the Author thereof so suffered to be encumbered for the trial of
the faith of his,[36] and for our correction. But the number of the
ungodly is so great in power, that there is not a corner left upon the
whole earth now untainted with their wicked doctrines. Amongst which
Elizabeth, pretended Queen of England, is above all the shelter and
refuge of error and most noisome enemies. It is she, who, after she had
possessed the Kingdom, usurping (monster-like) the place of the chief
Sovereign of the Church in England and the principal jurisdiction and
authority thereof, hath thrown into miserable ruin the whole kingdom,
when it was even brought to the Catholic Faith, and began to bring forth
good fruits. For she with a powerful hand forbiddeth the exercise of the
true religion (which was heretofore overthrown by Henry VIII., the
forsaker thereof, and afterwards repaired, with the help of this See, by
Mary, lawful Queen of England, of famous memory), and embraceth the
heresies of obscure persons; the Royal Council, once composed of the
English nobility, she hath broken off, oppresseth such as made
profession of and exercised the Catholic Religion, re-established the
wicked ministers and preachers of impiety, abolished the sacrifice of
the Mass, prayers, fastings, the dividing of the meats, the celibate,
and all Catholic ceremonies, sent books over her whole kingdom
containing manifest heresies, commended to her subjects the profane
mysteries and institutions which she had received and observed from the
decree of Calvin, displaced the Bishops, Rectors and Catholic Priests
from their Churches and Benefices, and disposed of them to heretics, and
is bold to take upon her to judge and determine ecclesiastical affairs;
forbade the Prelates, the Clergy, and People, to acknowledge the Roman
Church or observe her commandments and canonical duties, enforced divers
to swear obedience to her detestable Ordinances, to renounce the
authority due to the Roman dignity, and acknowledge her the only
sovereign over temporal and spiritual things; imposed penalties and
taxes upon such as were refractory to her Injunctions; inflicted
punishments upon those who persisted in the unity of the faith and
obedience; imprisoned the Prelates and Governors of the Catholic
Churches, where divers being, with a tedious languishing and sorrow
miserably finished their unhappy days. All which things being thus
evident and apparent to all nations, and so manifestly proved by the
grave testimony of divers, that there is no place left for any excuse,
defence, or tergiversation: Wee, perceiving that these impieties and
mischiefs do still multiply one by another, and that the persecution of
the faithful and the affliction of the Church doth daily increase and
wax more heavy and grievous, and finding that her heart is so obstinate
and obdurate, that she hath not only despised the wholesome prayers and
admonitions which the Christian Princes have made for her better health
and conversion, but that she hath denied passage to the Nuncios who for
this end were sent from this Siege[37] into England; and being compelled
to bear the arms of justice against her, We cannot moderate the
punishment that We are bound to inflict upon her, whose ancestors
merited so well of the Christian Commonwealth. Being thus supported by
His Authority, who hath placed us upon this sovereign throne of Justice,
howsoever incapable of so great a charge, out of the fulness of our
Apostolical power do pronounce and declare the said Elizabeth an heretic
and favourer of heretics, and those who adhere unto her in the aforesaid
things, have incurred the Sentence of Anathema, and are cut off from the
unity of the Body of Christ. That she is deprived of the right which she
pretends to the foresaid kingdom, and of all and every Seigniory,
Royalty and privilege thereof; and the Peers, Subjects, and People of
the said kingdom, and all others upon what terms soever sworn unto her,
freed from their oath and from all manner of duty, fidelity and
obedience: As We do free them by the authority of these presents and
exclude the said Elizabeth from the right which she pretendeth to the
said kingdom, and the rest before mentioned. Commanding moreover and
enjoining all and every the nobles, as subjects, people, and others
whatsoever, that they shall not once dare to obey her, or any her
directions, laws, or commandments, binding under the same curse those
who do anything to the contrary. And for as much as it may seem
difficult for them to observe these presents in every place where they
have occasion for them, Our will is, that copies hereof being written by
some public notary, and sealed with the seal of some ecclesiastical
Prelate, or of his Court, shall be of as good effect through the whole
world, as these presents might do, if they were exhibited and

Given at Rome, at S. Peter’s, the 5 of March,[38]
in the year of the incarnation of our Saviour
1569,[39] and of our Pont[ificate] the 5.


_Anno 13 Eliz., Cap. 2, 1571._

=Source.=--_Statutes of the Realm, sub anno._

Where in the parliament holden at Westminster, in the fifth year of the
reign of our Sovereign Lady the Queen’s Majesty that now is, by one Act
and Statute then and there made, intituled, An Act for the assurance of
the Queen’s Majesty, etc., it is ... ordained and provided for the
abolition of the usurped power and jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome
within this realm ... That no person ... shall ... maintain, defend, or
extol the same usurped power or attribute any manner, jurisdiction,
authority or pre-eminence to the same within this realm ... upon pain of
incurring the penalties provided by the Statute of ... Præmunire.... And
yet nevertheless, divers seditious and very evil-disposed people ...
minding ... very seditiously and unnaturally not only to bring this
realm and the imperial crown thereof (being in very deed of itself most
free) into the thraldom and subjection of that foreign, usurped and
unlawful jurisdiction ... claimed by the said see of Rome; but also to
estrange and alienate the minds and hearts of sundry her Majesty’s
subjects from their dutiful obedience, and to raise and stir sedition
and rebellion within this realm ... have lately procured and obtained to
themselves from the said Bishop of Rome and his see divers Bulls and
Writings, the effect whereof hath been and is to absolve and reconcile
all those that will be contented to forsake their due obedience to our
most gracious Sovereign Lady the Queen’s Majesty, and to yield and
subject themselves to the said feigned, unlawful and usurped authority;
and by color of the said Bulls and Writings, the said wicked persons
very secretly and most seditiously in such parts of the realm where the
people for want of good instruction are most weak, simple and ignorant,
and thereby farthest from the good understanding of their duties towards
God and the Queen’s Majesty, have by their lewd and subtle practices and
persuasions, so far forth wrought, that sundry simple and ignorant
persons have been content to be reconciled to the said usurped authority
of the see of Rome, and to take Absolution at the hands of the said
naughty and subtle practisers, whereby hath grown great disobedience and
boldness in many, not only to withdraw and absent themselves from all
Divine Service, but also have thought themselves discharged of all
obedience ... to her Majesty, whereby most wicked and unnatural
rebellion hath ensued, and to the further danger of this realm is
hereafter very likely to be renewed, if the ungodly and wicked attempts
in that behalf be not by severity of laws in time restrained and
bridled.... To prevent the great mischiefs ... that thereby may ensue,
be it enacted ... That if any person, after the first day of July next
coming, shall use or put in ure[40] in any place within ... the Queen’s
Dominions any such Bull, Writing or Instrument ... of absolution or
reconciliation ... Or if any person after the said first day of July
shall take upon him, by color of any such Bull ... to absolve or
reconcile any person ... Or if any person within ... the Queen’s
Dominions after the said first day of July shall obtain from the said
Bishop of Rome ... any manner of Bull ... Or shall publish or by any
ways or means put in ure any such Bull ... That then every such act ...
shall be deemed ... by the authority of this Act to be high treason, and
the offenders therein ... shall be deemed high traitors to the Queen and
the realm; and being thereof lawfully indicted and attainted ... shall
suffer pains of death, and also forfeit all their lands ... as in cases
of high treason by the laws of this realm ought to be forfeited.

II. And be it further enacted ... That all aiders ... of any the said
offenders ... after the committing of any the said Acts ... shall incur
the penalties contained in the Statute of Praemunire....

III. Provided always ... That if any person ... to whom any such
Absolution ... or Instrument as is aforesaid, shall, after the said
first day of July, be offered ... shall conceal the same ... and not
disclose and signify the same ... within six weeks ... that then the
same person so concealing ... the said Offer ... shall incur the ...
penalty ... of misprision of high treason.

IV. And be it further enacted ... That if any person shall at any time
after the said first day of July bring into this realm ... any ... thing
called by the name of an Agnus Dei, or any crosses, pictures, beads or
such like vain and superstitious things, from the Bishop or see of Rome
... and divers pardons, immunities and exemptions granted by the
authority of the said see to such as shall receive and use the same;
and that if the same person ... so bringing in ... such Agnus Dei and
other like things ... shall deliver ... the same to any subject of this
realm ... to be worn or used in any wise: That then ... the same person
so doing, as also ... every other person which shall receive ... the
same, to the intent to use or wear the same, being thereof lawfully
convicted and attainted ... shall incur into the ... penalties ...
ordained by the Statute of Praemunire....

VI. And be it further enacted.... That all ... persons which at any time
since the beginning of the first year of the Queen’s Majesty’s reign ...
have brought ... into this realm any such Bulls ... and now have any ...
in ... their custody, and shall within the space of three months next
after the end of any session or dissolution of this present parliament
deliver all such bulls ... to the bishop of the diocese where such
absolution hath been given and received ... and shall ... publicly
before such bishop confess their offence therein and humbly desire to be
... restored ... to the Church of England, shall be clearly pardoned and
discharged of all ... offences done in any manner concerning any of the
said bulls ... touching such absolution or reconciliation only; and that
all ... persons which have received any absolutions from the said Bishop
of Rome ... since the first year of the reign of our said Sovereign Lady
the Queen, and shall within the space of three months next after any
session or dissolution of this present parliament, come before the
bishop of the diocese of such place where such absolution or
reconciliation was had or made, and shall publicly ... before the same
bishop confess ... their offences therein, and humbly desire to be
restored, and admitted to the Church of England, shall ... be clearly
pardoned and discharged of all offences committed in any matter
concerning the said Bulls ... touching only receiving such absolution or


_Anno 27, Eliz., Cap. 2., 1584-85._

=Source.=--_Statutes of the Realm, sub anno._

Whereas divers persons, called or professed Jesuits, Seminary Priests,
and other Priests, which have been and from time to time are made in the
parts beyond the seas, by or according to the Order and Rites of the
Romish Church, have of late years comen and been sent, and daily do come
and are sent, into this Realm of England and other the Queen’s Majesty’s
Dominions, of purpose (as hath appeared as well by sundry of their own
examinations and confessions, as by divers other manifest means and
proofs) not only to withdraw her Highness’ subjects from their due
obedience to her Majesty, but also to stir up and move sedition,
rebellion and open hostility within her Highness’ realms and dominions,
to the great dangering of the safety of her most royal Person, and to
the utter ruin, desolation and overthrow of the whole Realm, if the same
be not the sooner by some good means foreseen and prevented: for
reformation whereof be it enacted ... That all and every Jesuits,
Seminary Priests, and other Priests whatsoever, made or ordained ... by
any Authority ... derived ... from the See of Rome, since the Feast of
the Nativity of St. John Baptist in the first year of her Highness’s
reign, shall within forty days next after the end of this present
Session of Parliament depart out of this realm of England, and out of
all others her Highness’s Realms and Dominions, if the Wind, weather and
passage shall so serve for the same....

II. And be it further enacted ... That it shall not be lawful for any
Jesuit [etc.] ... being born within this Realm ... to come into, be, or
remain in any part of this Realm ... after the end of the same forty
days; ... and if he do, that then every such offence shall be taken and
adjudged to be High Treason ... and every person which ... shall
wittingly and willingly receive, relieve, comfort aid or maintain any
such Jesuit [etc.] ... being at liberty or out of holde ... shall also
for such offence be adjudged a Felon without benefit of Clergy, and
suffer Death, loss and forfeit, as in the case of one attainted of

III. And be it further enacted ... that if any of her Majesty’s subjects
(not being a Jesuit [etc.]) now being or which hereafter shall be
brought up in any College of Jesuits or Seminary ... shall not, within
six months next after Proclamation in that behalf to be made in the City
of London under the Great Seal of England, return into this Realm, and
thereupon, within two days next after such return, before the Bishop of
the Diocese or two Justices of the Peace of the County where he shall
arrive, submit himself to her Majesty and her Laws, and take the Oath
set forth by Act in the first year of her Reign; that then every such
person which shall otherwise return, come into, or be in this Realm ...
for such offence ... shall also be adjudged a Traitor, and suffer loss
and forfeit as in case of High Treason.

IV. And be it further enacted ... If any person under her Majesty’s
Subjection or Obedience shall at any time after the end of the said
forty days ... convey ... over the seas or out of this Realm ... or
shall otherwise wittingly and willingly yield, give or contribute any
money or other relief to or for any Jesuit [etc.] ... or to or for the
maintenance or relief of any College of Jesuits or Seminary ... or of
any person being of or in any the same Colleges or Seminaries, and not
returned into this Realm with submission as in this Act is expressed,
and continuing in the same Realm; That then every such person so
offending, for the same offence shall incur the danger and penalty of

V. And be it further enacted ... That it shall not be lawful for any
person of or under her Highness’ Obedience, at any time after the said
forty days (during her Majesty’s life, which God long preserve) to send
his or her child or other person being under his or her government into
any the parts beyond the seas out of her Highness’ Obedience, without
the special licence of her Majesty or of four of her Highness’s Privy
Council ... (except Merchants, for such only as they ... shall send over
the seas ... only for or about ... their trade of Merchandise, or to
serve as mariners, and not otherwise); upon pain to forfeit and lose for
every such their offence the sum of one hundred pounds.

XI. And be it also further enacted ... that every person or persons
being Subject of this Realm, which after the said forty days shall know
and understand that any such Jesuit [etc.] ... shall ... be within this
Realm ... contrary to the true meaning of this Act, and shall not
discover the same unto some Justice of Peace ... within twelve days next
after his said knowledge, but willingly conceal his knowledge therein;
that every such offender shall make fine and be imprisoned at the
Queen’s pleasure; And that if such Justice of Peace ... do not within
xxviii days then next following give information thereof to some of the
Queen’s Privy Council ... that then he or they so offending shall for
every such offence forfeit the sum of two hundred marks.



=Source.=--Camden: _Annales_, 1615 (English edition, 1625), _sub anno_.

From this attempt[41] such as were the sworne enemies of the Queene of
_Scotland_, and sought to do her hurt, tooke occasion hereby to hasten
her death; knowing that in extreame danger of safetie, Feare leaveth no
place for Mercy, and tooke order (the more to terrifie the Queene of
_England_) to spread rumorous speeches daily, and false and fearefull
exclamations all over the Land; to wit:

     _That the Spanish Fleet was already landed at Milford Haven; That
     the Scots were come upon their borders; That the_ Guise _was in
     Essex with a mighty Armie; That the Queene of Scots had broken
     prison, raysed a great troope of Souldiers, and began to make a
     Rebellion in the North; That there were new plots in hand, for
     murthering the Queene, and to burne the Citie of London; yea, That
     the Queene of_ England _was dead_, and such like:

which in those that are crafty and fearefull (by a natural desire) are
nourished, and encreased; and Princes (credulous by curiositie) will
soon lend their eares thereunto.

By such divulged horrors, and fearefull arguments, they brought her
Majestie into such trouble and perplexitie of minde, that she signed the
Letters of Warrant to her deadly Sentence, and was perswaded most of all
to it by Patricke Gray Scottishman, whom the King of Scotland had sent
to disswade the Queene of England, from putting his mother to death; who
many times put these words into her eares: Mortua non mordet: Being
dead, she will byte no more.

And notwithstanding, as she was naturally slow to anger, she had this
custome, that she never would enter unadvisedly, or without
premeditation, into any action: so she began to weighe in her minde,
whether it were better to put her to death, or to let her live. From
putting her to death she was disswaded,

     _By her owne naturall clemency, not to use cruelty to her who was a
     Princesse, and her next kinswoman; from the feare that she had,
     Histories should make her infamous to posterities, and from the
     dangers which might fall upon her, as from the part of the King of_
     Scotland, _who then was the next in succession to the Crowne of_
     England; _so also from the Catholick Princes, and from desperate
     people, who would attempt anything._

From pardoning of her likewise, she foresaw no lesse danger to ensue:

     _That the Nobility which had given the sentence against her, would
     covertly seeke to regaine the favour of her and her sonne; and
     that could not be done without danger to herselfe. That her own
     subjects would take it ill when they perceive their labour to be
     lost; and though then they were carefull for her wellfare, yet
     hereafter they might grow carelesse; and that many would change
     their religion, and become Popish, upon a supposition of greater
     hopes, seeing her preserved, as it were, by fatall providence, to
     inherite the Kingdome of_ England. _That the Jesuites and
     Seminaries, whose eyes were all cast upon her, seeing her sickly,
     and not like to live long, would be so much the more busie to
     procure the death of Q._ Elizabeth, _to set up their religion_.

Her Courtiers propounded also to her domesticall examples, because that
that which is warranted by president,[42] is the more tolerable: As

     _what comportment the Kings of_ England _(for their securities)
     have had with their competitors, namely_ Henry _the first with_
     Robert _his elder brother_, Edw. _the third, or rather his mother,
     with_ Edward _the second_, Henry _the fourth with_ Richard _the
     second_, Edward _the fourth with_ Hen. _the sixt, with his sonne
     the Prince of_ Wales, _and_ George _of_ Clarence, _and_ Henry _the
     eighth with_ De-la-Poole _Earle of_ Suffolk, _with_ Margaret _of_
     Salisbury _and_ Courtney _Marquesse of_ Exeter: _all which (in
     comparison of their offences) dyed for very sleight matters._

Neyther did the Courtiers only suggest these and the like to the Queene;
but diverse fiery-tongued Preachers also, tooke occasion to exercise
(with all asperity of spirit) the heate of their desires, in hastning on
her death. Sundry also of the vulgar sort were of the same temper,
according as their affections or humours carried them away with hope or

Amidst these sad-afflicting thoughts of minde (which so troubled the
Queene of _England’s_ perplexed heart, as that she delighted to be all
alone, and to sit solitary by her selve, neyther looking up, nor
uttering any speech; yet would suddenly many times, breake out into
these words, and sighing, say, Aut Petere Aut Percute,[43] _and withall,
also a kinde of Emblem_: Prevent the Stroke by Striking) shee delivered
Secretarie _Davison_ letters under her hand and seale, wherein hee was
commanded to make ready a Warrant, under the great seal of _England_,
for the execution of the Qu. of _Scotland_, and to keepe it private, not
acquainting any therewith, lest happely in this turbulent time of feare,
some sudden violent danger might happen. But the morrow after (some
sudden affright mixing it selfe with her pensive thoughts and
meditations of minde), changing her former purpose, she recommanded
_Davison_ (by _Killegray_) to dispatch his Warrant. _Davison_, going to
her, told her it was ready, and sealed. Whereat she grew very angry,
saying, He was too hasty. But for all this, he forbore not to publish
the matter, and to impart it to the Councell; who (beleeving that
willingly, which they desired earnestly) were easily perswaded, that the
Queene had given commandment for the execution; and (unknowne to her)
sent presently away _Beale_ (who, out of a fervour of zeale which he
bore to religion) was more eagerly bent against the Queene of
_Scotland_, than any other and with him two executioners, and letters
Patents, whereby authoritie was granted to the Earles of _Shrewesbury_,
_Kent_, _Derby_, _Cumberland_ and others, to proceed in this execution.
And although the Queene had told _Davison_ at that time, that shee had a
purpose to deale otherwise with the Queene of _Scotland_; yet, for all
that, he did not stay or recall _Beale_....

       *       *       *       *       *

So soone as report (the messenger of this death) had brought the newes
thereof to Queene _Elizabeth_, who not so much as thought of any such
matter, she tooke it most impatiently: her speech and countenance, at
once failed her: through the extremitie of her grievous discontent, shee
became quite comfortlesse and disconsolate; and attired her selfe in
mourning weedes, bitterly lamenting, and sheading many brinish tears
from the compassionate rivers of her eyes. Shee sharply rebuked her
Councell, and chased them out of her sight, commanding they should be
questioned. And as for _William Davison_, he was brought into the
Starre-Chamber to be tryed. And as soone as her passionate anguish and
excesse of sorrow suffered her to write, she suddenly addrest (by sir
_Robert Carey_) to the King of _Scotland_, this Letter following, of her
owne hand-writing:

_Queen Elizabeth’s Letter to King James._


Would to God you did know, but not feele, with what incomparable sorrow
my sad-afflicted heart is troubled, by the late lamentable event, which
hapned contrary to my minde and meaning: but because my Penne abhorreth
the recitall thereof, you shall understand it by this my kinsman. I
beseech you, that (as God and many good men are witnesses with me of my
innocence) you also would believe, that if I had once commanded it, I
would never have denyed the same. I am not so base-minded, nor of such a
degenerate or ignoble spirit, as that either I am affraid to do the
thing that is just, or to disclaime it being done.

But as it is most dishonourable in Princes, to cover or colour the
conceptions of their heartes, in disguised words: So will I never
dissemble any action of mine, but let it appeare in its owne lively
colours. Know this for certainty, that as I am sure, it hapned not by
any fault of mine; so if I had ever intended such a deed, I would not
have imputed it to others. Nor can I assume that to my selfe which I
never thought. The rest, the Deliverer of these lines will impart unto
you. For my part, I would have you believe, that there is none more
intirely loving you, nor more studiously carefull for the good of you
and yours, than my selfe. If any have suggested to you the contrary, be
you perswaded, that such a one beareth more affection to others, than
to you. God keepe you long safe and sound.

       *       *       *       *       *

Whilest Sir _Robert Carey_ was on the way with these letters, _William
Davison_ was brought into the Starr-Chamber before certain
Commissioners, to wit, Sir _Cristopher Wray_ Lo: chiefe Justice of the
K. Bench, who for that time was likewise made Lord Keeper of the Privy
Seale; the Arch Bishops of _Canterbury_ and _Yorke_, the Earles of
_Worcester_, _Cumberland_, and _Lincolne_; the Lords _Gray_ and
_Lumley_, Sir _James Crofts_ Comptroller of the Queens house, Sir
_Walter Mildmay_, Chancellour of the Exchequer, Sir _Gilbert Gerard_
Master of the Rolls, _Edm. Anderson_ chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas,
and Sir _Roger Manwood_ chiefe Baron of the Exchequer. In the presence
of these, Sir _Francis Popham_, the Qu. Atturney generall, accused
_William Davison_ of contempt against her Majestie, of the breach of his
allegeance; the neglect and omission of his dutie; for that the queene
of _England_, out of her royall clemency--being unwilling that the
queene of _Scotland_ (although she stood condemned) should be put to
death, for certain causes best knowne to her selfe, such as were not to
bee sounded into by any others, nor could be drawne from her, eyther by
the importunate urging of the States of the land, or by her Councell:
notwithstanding shee had commanded the Warrant for her execution to be
drawne (for the preventing of some eminent perills) the which she
committed to the said _William Davisons_ trust and taciturnitie; he,
being a sworne Secretary, forgetfull of his faith and obedience
(contemning her Majesties command) had imparted the same to the
Councell, and brought her to execution, without the knowledge or
privitie of her Majestie.


_Letter from a Jesuit Missionary in England to Father Robert Parsons,

=Source.=--A transcript in the Archives of Stonyhurst College.

The copy of a letter written by one of the Society of Jesus in England
to F. Parsons touching a little book printed under the name of Dr.
Allen, 23 Oct., 1587:

R[everend] F[ather], As the rule of obedience in our Company bindeth us,
I sent you not long since the annual occurrents of this Kingdom; since
which time there is chanced an extraordinary cause to move me thus much
to write unto you, a thing likely to breed great division among Cath.
gentlemen. The matter is that of late being at M. O. house,[44] there
came to see me divers gentlemen, who incontinent after dinner fell into
disputation, whether a Cath. man might lawfully serve against the
Spaniards in the present wars of Flanders. And after great discussing to
and fro they all concluded unanimly[45] that the wars of the Low
Countries was thought necessary by her Majesty and the Council in the
behalf of our country and comfort of our neighbours, and that a good
subject ought to look no farther into the matter, and that they fought
against Spaniards as being enemies to Engl^{d.} and not as Cath^{s.}
Which when we had all concluded, one of the company drew forth a little
book entitled: _A copy of a letter written by an Engl. gentleman out of
the camp unto Dr. Allen touching the act of rendering the town of
Deventer and other places unto the Cath: King, and his answer and
resolution unto the same._ In which book Mr. Allen, or some other in his
name, commendeth the rendering up of Deventer and exhorteth others unto
the same. Whereupon we fell among ourselves into great altercation; but
in fine most of us resolved that Mr. Allen would never have overshot
himself so foully in these times contrary to his former writings and
protestations, and that it was not unlike some malicious man to make our
cause odious to the world to have published this book under the name of
Mr. Allen, thinking thereby to demonstrate [us] all traitors to our
Prince and country. And therefore they requested me to advertise you
thereof, desiring of you therein to be resolved wholly....

Therefore, good father, in behalf of the greatest part of Engl: Cath^{s}
I beseech you that if any simple man (perhaps of zeal) hath set forth
this book under the name of Dr. Allen, that speedy order be taken for
the mitigating of his indiscreet assertions. In the meantime the
chiefest of our Cath^{s} have by common consent set forth an answer to
the pretended letter of Dr. Allen’s, declaring to the whole world they
utterly defy the seditious doctrine of his resolution. Which book of the
Cath^{s} herewithal I send you, beseeching. Alm. God to bless you with
desired felicity.


London, _23 Octob., 1587_.

THE ARMADA (1588).

(A) _Sir Francis Drake to Sir Francis Walsingham, 31 July, 1588._

=Source.=--John Barrow: _Life ... of Sir Francis Drake_, 1843. P. 303.


I am commaunded to send these presoners ashore by my Lord Admerall,
which had, ere this, byne long done, but that I thowght their being here
myght have done something, which is not thowght meet now....

We have the armey of Spayne before us, and mynd with the Grace of God to
wressell a poull with hym.

There was never any thing pleased me better than seeing the enemey
flying with a Sotherly wynd to the Northwards. God grant you have a good
eye to the Duke of Parma,[46] for with the grace of God, yf we live, I
doubt it not but ere it be long so to handell the matter with the Duke
of Sedonya,[47] as he shall wish hymself at Saint Marie Port among his
orynge trees.

God gyve us grace to depend on him, so shall we not doubt victory; for
our cause is good.

Humbly taking my leave, this last of July, 1588,

Your Honor’s faythfully to be commanded ever,

To the Most Hon. Sir Fras. Walsingham, Knight, etc.

P.S.--I crave pardon of your Honor for my haste, for that I had to watch
this last nyght uppon the enemy.

To the Most Honorable Sir Fras. Walsingham.
With speed.

B. _Lord Charles Howard to Sir Francis Walsingham._

=Source.=--Barrow, _ibid._, p. 306.

Sir, In our laste fighte with the enemye, before Gravelinge,[48] the
29th of Julie, we sonke three of their ships, and made some to go neare
with the shore, so leake as they were not able to live at sea. After
that fighte, notwithstanding that our powder and shot was wel neare all
spente, we set on a brag countenance and gave them chase, as though we
had wanted nothinge, untill we had cleared our owne coaste and some part
of Scotland of them; and then, as well to refreshe our ships with
victuals whereof moste stoode in wonderful neede, as also in respect of
our want of powder and shot, we made for the Frith, and sente certaine
pinaces to dog the fleete untill they shold be past the Isles of
Scotlande, which I verelie beleave they are lost at their sternes or
this. We are perswaded that they either are paste about Irelande, and so
doe what they can to recover theire owne coast, unless that they are
gone for some parte of Denmarke. I have herewith sent unto you a brief
abstracte of such accidents as have happened, which hereafter at better
leisure I will explaine by more particular relations. In the meane tyme
I byd you hartelie farewell.

From aboarde the Ark, the 7th of August, 1588.

Your verie lovinge friende

The Right Honorable
Sir Fra: Walsingham, knight.

Good Mr. Secretarie, lett not Her Majestie be too hastie in dissolvyng
her forces by sea and land: and I pray you send me with speed what
advertysements you have of Dunkerk, for I longe to do some exployt on
their shippinge. If the Duke’s[49] forces be retyred into the land I
doubt not but to do good. I must thank your favourable using of my
brother[50] Hoby. He telleth me how forwarde you were to further all
thyngs for our wants. I wold some were of your mynde: If we had had that
which had been so, England and her Majestie had had the greatest honor
that ever any nation had: but God be thanked it is well.


=Source.=--W. Murdin: _A Collection of State Papers_ ... 1571 to 1596 ...
_at Hatfield House_, p. 615. (From MS. Harl.)


  | Tonnage ¦          Ships.           ¦ Men. ¦      Captains.            |
  |   800   ¦ The Ark Raleigh           ¦ 400  ¦ The Lord Admiral          |
  |   600   ¦ The Elizabeth Bonaventure ¦ 250  ¦ The Earl of Cumberland    |
  |   500   ¦ The Rainbow               ¦ 250  ¦ The Lord Henry Seymour    |
  |   500   ¦ The Golden Lion           ¦ 250  ¦ The Lord Thomas Howard    |
  |  1000   ¦ The White Bear            ¦ 500  ¦ The Lord Edmund Sheffield |
  |   500   ¦ The Vanguard              ¦ 250  ¦ Sir William Winter        |
  |   500   ¦ The Revenge               ¦ 250  ¦ Sir Francis Drake         |
  |   900   ¦ The Elizabeth Jonas       ¦ 500  ¦ Sir Robert Southwell      |
  |   800   ¦ The Victory               ¦ 400  ¦ Sir John Hawkins          |
  |   400   ¦ The Antelope              ¦ 160  ¦ Sir Henry Palmer          |
  |  1100   ¦ The Triumph               ¦ 500  ¦ Sir Martin Frobisher      |
  |   400   ¦ The Dreadnought           ¦ 200  ¦ Sir George Beeston        |
  |   600   ¦ The Mary Rose             ¦ 250  ¦ Edward Fenton, Esq.       |
  |   500   ¦ The Nonpareil             ¦ 250  ¦ Thomas Fenner, Gent.      |
  |   600   ¦ The Hope                  ¦ 250  ¦ Robert Crosse, Gent.      |
  |         ¦ The Galley Bonavolia      ¦ 250  ¦ William Borough, Esq.     |
  |   400   ¦ The Swiftsure             ¦ 180  ¦ Edward Fenner, Gent.      |
  |   300   ¦ The Swallow               ¦ 160  ¦ Richard Hawkins, Gent.    |
  |   300   ¦ The Foresight             ¦ 160  ¦ Christopher Baber, Gent.  |
  |   250   ¦ The Aid                   ¦ 120  ¦ William Fenner, Gent.     |
  |   200   ¦ The Bull                  ¦ 100  ¦ Jeremy Turner, Gent.      |
  |   200   ¦ The Tiger                 ¦ 100  ¦ John Bostock, Gent.       |
  |   150   ¦ The Tremountain           ¦ 70   ¦ Luke Ward, Gent.          |
  |   120   ¦ The Scout                 ¦ 70   ¦ Henry Ashley, Esq.        |
  |   100   ¦ The Achates               ¦ 60   ¦ Gregory Rigges, Gent.     |
  |    70   ¦ The Charles               ¦ 40   ¦ John Roberts, Gent.       |
  |    60   ¦ The Moon                  ¦ 40   ¦ Alexander Clifford, Gent. |
  |    50   ¦ The Advice                ¦ 35   ¦ John Harris, Gent.        |
  |    50   ¦ The Spy                   ¦ 35   ¦ Ambrose Ward, Gent.       |
  |    50   ¦ The Marlin                ¦ 35   ¦ Walter Gore, Gent.        |
  |    40   ¦ The Sun                   ¦ 24   ¦ Richard Buckley           |
  |    30   ¦ The Sinnet                ¦ 20   ¦ John Sheriff              |
  |         ¦ The Brigandine            ¦ 36   ¦ Thomas Scott              |
  |   120   ¦ The George                ¦ 30   ¦ Richard Hodges            |
  | 12190   ¦           34              ¦      ¦           34              |

_Ships serving by Tonnage with the Lord Admiral, viz._

  |Tonnage.|         Ships.       | Men.  |      Captains.        |
  |    140 | The White Lion       |  50   | Charles Howard, Esq.  |
  |     80 | The Disdain          |  40   | Jonas Bradbury, Gent. |
  |     50 | The Lark             |  30   |   Chichester, Gent.   |
  |    186 | The Edward of Maldon |  40   | William Pearce        |
  |     30 | The Marygold         |  40   | William Newton        |
  |     20 | The Black Dog        |  20   | John Davies           |
  |     20 | The Katherine        |  20   |                       |
  |     50 | The Fancy            |  50   | John Pawle            |
  |     20 | The Pipping          |  20   |                       |
  |    160 | The Nightingale      | 160   | John Date             |
  |    756 |          10          |248[51]|                       |

_Ships with Sir Francis Drake._

  |Tonnage.|         Ships.                   |Men. |        Captains.        |
  |    400 | The Galleon Leicester            | 180 |George Fenner, Gent.     |
  |    400 | The Merchant Royal               | 160 |Robert Feake             |
  |    300 | The Edward Bonaventure           | 120 |James Lancaster          |
  |    300 | The Roebuck                      | 120 |Jacob Whitton            |
  |    250 | The Golden Noble                 | 120 |Adam Seager, Gent.       |
  |    200 | The Griffin                      | 100 |William Hawkins, Gent.   |
  |    200 | The Minion                       |  80 |William Winter, Gent.    |
  |    200 | The Bark Talbot                  |  80 |Henry White, Gent.       |
  |    200 | The Thomas                       |  80 |Henry Spindelo           |
  |    200 | The Spark                        |  80 |William Spark            |
  |    200 | The Hopewell                     |  80 |John Marchant            |
  |    250 | The Galleon Dudley               | 120 |James Krezey [? Creasy]  |
  |    200 | The Godsaver                     |  80 |John Greenfield          |
  |    200 | The Hope of Plymouth             |  80 |John Rivers              |
  |    150 | The Bark Band                    |  70 |William Poole            |
  |    150 | The Bonner                       |  70 |Charles Cesare           |
  |    150 | The Bark Hawkins                 |  70 |  Prideaux               |
  |     80 | The Unity                        |  40 |Humphrey Sydenham, Gent. |
  |     60 | The Elizabeth Drake              |  30 |Thomas Seely             |
  |     80 | The Bark Buggens                 |  40 |John Longford, Gent.     |
  |     80 | The Frigate                      |  40 | Grant                   |
  |    160 | The Bark Sellinger               |  80 |John Sellinger, Gent.    |
  |    160 | The Bark Manning[t]on            |  80 |Ambrose Mannington, Gent.|
  |     50 | The Golden Hind                  |  30 |Thomas Fleming           |
  |     60 | The Makeshift                    |  30 |Pierce Leyman            |
  |     60 | The Diamond of Dartmouth         |  30 |Robert Holland           |
  |    100 | The Elizabeth of Fowes, [? Fowey]|  60 |                         |
  |     60 | The Speedwell                    |  14 |                         |
  |    140 | The Bear                         |  60 |John Young, Gent.        |
  |     60 | The Chance                       |  40 |James Fowes              |
  |     50 | The Delight                      |  30 |William Cope             |
  |     40 | The Nightingale                  |  20 |John Gresting            |
  |   5220 |           43                     |2334 |           33            |

_Ships of London set forth by the same City._

  | Tonnage. |          Ships.         | Men. |        Captains.         |
  |   300    | The Hercules            |  130 | George Barnes, Gent.     |
  |   250    | The Toby                |  120 | Robert Basset            |
  |   200    | The Mayflower           |   90 | Edward Banks             |
  |   200    | The Minion              |   90 | John Dale                |
  |   160    | The Royal Defence       |   70 | John Chester             |
  |   200    | The Ascension           |   90 | John Baron               |
  |   180    | The Gift of God         |   80 | Thomas Lentlow           |
  |   200    | The Primrose            |   90 | Robert Bringborne        |
  |   200    | The Marget and John     |   90 | John Fisher              |
  |   140    | The Golden Lion         |   70 | Robert Wilcox            |
  |    80    | The Diana               |   30 |                          |
  |   160    | The Bark Burr           |   70 | John Sarracolle          |
  |   200    | The Tiger               |   80 | William Sezare [? Cæsar] |
  |   160    | The Brave               |   70 | William Furthoe          |
  |   200    | The Red Lion            |   80 | Jarvis Wylde             |
  |   250    | The Centurion           |  100 | Samuel Foxcroft          |
  |    80    | The Passport            |   30 | Christopher Coletharste  |
  |          |                         |      |    [? Colthurst]         |
  |    60    | The Moonshine           |   30 | John Borough             |
  |   140    | The Thomas Bonaventure  |   70 | William Aldredge         |
  |    60    | The Relief              |   40 | John King                |
  |   220    | The Susan and Parnel    |  100 | Nicholas Gorge, Esq.     |
  |   220    | The Violet              |   70 | Martin Hawkins           |
  |   170    | The Salamon             |  100 | Edmund Musgrave          |
  |   180    | The Anne Francis        |   90 | Christopher Lyster       |
  |   200    | The George Bonaventure  |   90 | Eleazer Hickman          |
  |   100    | The Jane Bonaventure    |   50 | Thomas Hallwood          |
  |   160    | The Vineyard            |   80 | Benjamin Cooke           |
  |   140    | The Samuel              |   70 | John Vassall             |
  |   150    | The George Noble        |   80 | Henry Bellingham, Esq.   |
  |   110    | The Anthony             |   60 | George Harper            |
  |   140    | The Toby Junior         |   70 | John Vassal, Christopher |
  |          |                         |      |    Pigott                |
  |   120    | The Salamander          |   60 | Samforde                 |
  |   110    | The Rose Lion           |   60 | Barnaby Acton            |
  |   120    | The Antelope            |   60 | Dennison                 |
  |   120    | The Jewel               |   60 | Rowell                   |
  |   160    | The Pawnses [? Pansies] |   80 | William Butler           |
  |   130    | The Providence          |   70 | Richard Chester          |
  |   160    | The Dolphin             |   70 | William Hare             |
  |  6130    |           38            | 3020 |                          |

_Coasters with the Lord Admiral._

  |Tonnage.|       Ships.             |Men.|    Captains.      |
  |     80 | The Bark Webbe           | 40 | Nicholas Webbe    |
  |    150 | The John Trelawney       | 70 | Thomas Meeke      |
  |     60 | The Hart of Dartmouth    | 30 | James Haughton    |
  |    180 | The Bark Pottes          | 80 | Anthony Pottes    |
  |     40 | The Little John          | 20 | Lawrence Clayton  |
  |    130 | The Bartholomew          | 70 | Nicholas Wright   |
  |    110 | The Rose of Apsam        | 60 | Thomas Sandie     |
  |     25 | The Gift of Apsam        | 20 |                   |
  |     90 | The Jacob of Lyme        | 40 |                   |
  |     60 | The Revenge of Lyme      | 30 | Richard Bedscodge |
  |     70 | The Win of Bridgewater   | 40 | John Smith        |
  |    140 | The Cresset of Dartmouth | 70 |                   |
  |    100 | The Galleon of Weymouth  | 50 | Richard Wheeler   |
  |     66 | The Katherine ditto      | 30 |                   |
  |     70 | The John of Chichester   | 40 | John Young        |
  |     60 | The Hearty Anne          | 30 | John Wynnal       |
  |    230 | The Minion of Bristol    |100 | John Sachfield    |
  |     80 | The Handmaid of ditto    | 40 | James Langton     |
  |     60 | The Aid of ditto         | 30 | Christopher Pitt  |
  |        | The Unicorn of ditto     | 70 | William Wreger    |
  |   1930 |          20              |960 |                   |

_Coasters with the Lord Henry Seymour._

  |Tonnage.|       Ships.              |Men.|         Captains.         |
  |    160 | The Daniel                | 70 | Robert Johnson            |
  |    150 | The Galleon Hutchins      | 70 | Thomas Tucker             |
  |    150 | The Bark Lane             | 70 | Leonard Harwell           |
  |     60 | The Fancy                 | 30 | Richard Fearne            |
  |     70 | The Griffin               | 40 | John Thompson             |
  |     50 | The Little Hare           | 30 | Matthew Railston          |
  |     75 | The Handmaid              | 40 | John Gattenbury           |
  |    150 | The Marygold              | 70 | Francis Johnson           |
  |     35 | The Matthew               | 20 | Richard Mitchel           |
  |     40 | The Susan                 | 20 | John Musgrave             |
  |    140 | The William of Ipswich    | 70 | Barnaby Lowe              |
  |    125 | The Katherine             | 60 | Thomas Grimble            |
  |    120 | The Primrose              | 60 | John Cordwell             |
  |     60 | The Anne Bonaventure      | 30 | John Conny                |
  |     80 | The William of Rye        | 40 | William Coxon             |
  |     50 | The Grace of God          | 20 | William Fordred           |
  |    120 | The Ellnatchen of Dover   | 70 | John Lydgen               |
  |    110 | The Robin                 | 60 | William Cripps            |
  |     38 | The Hazard                | 20 | Nicholas Tornor [? Turner]|
  |    150 | The Grace of Yarmouth     | 70 | William Musgrave          |
  |    150 | The May Flower            | 70 | Alexander Musgrave        |
  |    100 | The William of Bricklesey | 50 | Thomas Lambert            |
  |     60 | The John Young            | 30 | Reynold Veazey            |
  |   2248 |           23                                               |

_Voluntary Ships with the Lord Admiral._

  |Tonnage.|       Ships.            |Men.|      Captains.   |
  |    140 |The Francis of Fowey     |  70| John Rashley     |
  |    300 |The Sampson              | 120| John Wingfield   |
  |     60 |The Heathen of Weymouth  |  30|                  |
  |    120 |The Golden Ryal ditto    |  70|                  |
  |     70 |The Bark Sutton ditto    |  30| Hugh Preston     |
  |     50 |The Carouse              |  30|                  |
  |    250 |The Samaritan            | 100|                  |
  |    120 |The William of Plymouth  |  60|                  |
  |     30 |The Galego ditto         |  20|                  |
  |     60 |The Bark Hawlfe          |  30| Grinfield Hawlfe |
  |     76 |The Unicorn of Dartmouth |  30|                  |
  |    100 |The Grace of Apsam       |  50| Walter Edney     |
  |     60 |The Thomas Bonaventure   |  30| John Pentyre     |
  |     80 |The Rat                  |  40| Gilbert Ley      |
  |     60 |The Margaret             |  30| William Hubbard  |
  |     40 |The Elizabeth            |  20|                  |
  |     40 |The Raphael              |  20|                  |
  |     60 |The Flyboat              |  40|                  |
  |   1716 |          18             | 820|                  |

_Fifteen Ships that transported Victuals Westward._

  |Tonnage.|       Ships.             |Men.|      Captains.    |
  |    119 |The Elizabeth Bonaventure |  30| Richard Startoppe |
  |    112 |The Pelican               |  30| John Clarke       |
  |    107 |The Hope                  |  30| John Skinner      |
  |    110 |The Unity                 |  30| John Moore        |
  |    114 |The Pearl                 |  30| Lawrence Mower    |
  |    115 |The Elizabeth of Lee      |  30| William Bower     |
  |    100 |The John of London        |  25| Richard Rose      |
  |    110 |The Bersabee              |  22| Edward Bryan      |
  |     80 |The Marygold              |  30| Robert Bowers     |
  |    130 |The White Hind            |  30| Richard Browne    |
  |    120 |The Gift of God           |  30| Robert Harrison   |
  |    115 |The Jonas                 |  30| Edward Bell       |
  |    160 |The Salomon               |  40| George Streat     |
  |    120 |The Richard Duffylde      |  25| William Adams     |
  |    180 |The Mary Rose             |  40| William Parker    |
  |   1795 |          15              | 455|       15          |

_An Abstract of this Book in Total._

  |                                        |Ships.|Tonnage.| Men.|Captains.|
  |Ships and vessels of her Majesty’s      |  34  |  12190 | 6225|   34    |
  |Ships serving by tonnage with the Lord  |      |        |     |         |
  | Admiral                                |  10  |    756 |  248|         |
  |Ships with Sir Francis Drake            |  33  |   5220 | 2334|   33    |
  |Ships sent out by the City of London    |  33  |   6130 | 3020|   38    |
  |Coasters with the Lord Admiral          |  20  |   1930 |  960|         |
  |Coasters with the Lord Henry Seymour    |  23  |   2248 | 1210|   23    |
  |Ships that transported Victuals Westward|  15  |   1795 |  455|   15    |
  |Voluntary Ships with the Lord Admiral   |  18  |   1716 |  820|         |
  |     Summa Totalis                      | 191  |  31985 |15272|         |


     =Source.=--Richard Hakluyt: _The Principal Navigations, Voiages,
     Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation_ ... _within the
     compass of these 1500 years_. 1598-1600. Vol. ii., part ii., p.

A report of the truth about the fight about the Isles of Azores, the
last of August, 1591, betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesty’s ships,
and an Armada of the King of Spain; penned by the honourable Sir Walter
Raleigh knight.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Lord Thomas Howard with six of her Majesty’s ships, six victuallers
of London, the Bark Raleigh and two or three other pinnaces, riding at
anchor near unto Flores, one of the westerly Islands of the Azores, the
last of August in the afternoon, had intelligence by one Captain
Middleton of the approach of the Spanish Armada. Which Middleton being
in a very good sailer, had kept them company three days before, of good
purpose, both to discover their forces the more, as also to give advice
to my Lord Thomas of their approach. He had no sooner delivered the news
but the fleet was in sight: many of our ship’s companies were on shore
in the island, some providing ballast for their ships, others filling of
water and refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they
could either for money or by force recover. By reason whereof our ships
being all pestered,[52] and rummaging, everything out of order, very
light for want of ballast, and that which was most to our disadvantage,
the one half part of the men of every ship sick and utterly
unserviceable; for in the Revenge there were ninety men diseased, in the
Bonaventure not so many in health as could handle her mainsail. For had
not twenty been taken out of a bark of Sir George Carey’s, his being
commanded to be sunk, and those appointed to her, she had hardly ever
recovered England. The rest for the most part were in little better
state. The names of her Majesty’s ships were these as followeth: the
Defiance, which was Admiral, the Revenge Vice-admiral, the Bonaventure
commanded by Captain Cross, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by
M. Thomas Vavasour, and the Crane by Duffild, the Foresight and the
Crane being but small ships, only the other were of middle size, the
rest, besides[53] the Bark Ralegh, commanded by Captain Thin, were
victuallers, and of small force or none. The Spanish fleet, having
shrouded their approach by reason of the island, were now so soon at
hand as our ships had scarce time to weigh their anchors, but some of
them were driven to let slip their cables and set sail. Sir Richard
Grenville was the last that weighed, to recover the men that were upon
the island, which otherwise had been lost. The Lord Thomas with the rest
very hardly recovered the wind, which Sir Richard Grenville not being
able to do was persuaded by the master and others to cut his mainsail
and cast about, and to trust to the sailing of the ship, for the
squadron of Seville were on his weather-bow. But Sir Richard utterly
refused to turn from the enemy, alleging that he would rather choose to
die than to dishonour himself, his country and her Majesty’s ship,
persuading his company that he would pass through the two squadrons in
despite of them, and enforce those of Seville to give him way. Which he
performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the mariners term it,
sprang their luff, and fell under the lee of the Revenge. But the other
course had been the better, and might right well have been answered in
so great an impossibility of prevailing. Notwithstanding, out of the
greatness of his mind, he could not be persuaded. In the meanwhile as he
attended[54] those which were nearest him, the great San Philip, being
in the wind of him and coming towards him, becalmed his sails in such
sort as the ship could neither make way nor feel the helm: so huge and
high carried was the Spanish ship, being of a thousand and five hundred
tons. Who after laid the Revenge aboard. When he was thus bereft of his
sails, the ships that were under his lee also luffing up laid him
aboard, of which the next was the Admiral of the Biscayans, a very
mighty and puissant ship commanded by Brittandona. The said Philip
carried three tier of ordnance on a side, and eleven pieces in every
tier. She shot eight forth right out of her chase,[55] besides those of
her stern ports.

After the Revenge was entangled with this Philip, four others boarded
her, two on her larboard, and two on her starboard. The fight thus
beginning at three o’clock in the afternoon, continued very terrible all
that evening. But the great San Philip, having received the lower tier
of the Revenge, discharged with crossbar-shot, shifted herself with all
diligence from her sides, utterly misliking her first entertainment.
Some say that the ship foundered, but we cannot report it for true,
unless we were assured. The Spanish ships were filled with companies of
soldiers, in some two hundred besides the mariners, in some five, in
others eight hundred. In ours there were none at all besides the
mariners but the servants of the Commanders and some few voluntary
gentlemen only. After many interchanged volleys of great ordnance and
small shot, the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge, and made
divers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed
soldiers and musketeers, but were still repulsed again and again, and at
all times beaten back into their own ships or into the seas. In the
beginning of the fight the George Noble of London, having received some
shot through her by the Armadas, fell under the lee of the Revenge, and
asked Sir Richard what he would command him, being but one of the
victuallers and of small force: Sir Richard bade him save himself and
leave him to his fortune. After the fight had thus without intermission
continued while the day lasted and some hours of the night, many of our
men were slain and hurt, and one of the great galleons of the Armada and
the Admiral of the hulks both sunk, and in many other of the Spanish
ships great slaughter was made. Some write that Sir Richard was very
dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight and lay speechless
for a time ere he recovered. But two of the Revenge’s own company,
brought home in a ship of Lime from the Islands, examined by some of the
Lords and others, affirmed that he was never so wounded as that he
forsook the upper deck, till an hour before midnight, and then being
shot into the body with a musket as he was addressing, was again shot
into the head, and withal his Chirurgeon wounded to death. This agreeth
also with an examination taken by Sir Francis Godolphin of four other
mariners of the same ship being returned, which examination the said Sir
Francis sent unto master William Killigrew of her Majesty’s Privy

But to return to the fight, the Spanish ships which attempted to board
the Revenge, as they were wounded and beaten off, so always others came
in their places, she having never less than two mighty galleons by her
sides and aboard her; so that ere the morning, from three of the clock
the day before, there had fifteen several Armadas assailed her, and all
so ill approved their entertainment, as they were by the break of day
far more willing to hearken to a composition than hastily to make any
more assaults or entries. But as the day increased, so our men
decreased, and as the light grew more and more, by so much more grew our
discomforts. For none appeared in sight but enemies, saving one small
ship called the Pilgrim, commanded by Jacob Whiddon, who hovered all
night to see the success,[56] but in the morning bearing with the
Revenge, was hunted like a hare among many ravenous hounds, but escaped.

All the powder of the Revenge to the last barrel was now spent, all her
pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and the most part of the rest
hurt. In the beginning of the fight she had but one hundred free from
sickness, and fourscore and ten sick, laid in hold upon the ballast. A
small troop to man such a ship, and a weak garrison to resist so mighty
an army. By those hundred all was sustained, the volleys, boardings and
enterings of fifteen ships of war, besides those which beat her at
large. On the contrary the Spanish were always supplied with soldiers
brought from every squadron; all manner of arms and powder at will. Unto
ours there remained no comfort at all, no supply either of ships, men,
or weapons, the masts all beaten overboard, all her tackle cut asunder,
her upper work altogether razed, and in effect evened she was with the
water, but the very foundation or bottom of a ship, nothing being left
overhead either for flight or defence. Sir Richard, finding himself in
this distress, and unable any longer to make resistance, having endured
in this fifteen hours fight the assault of fifteen several Armadas, all
by turns aboard him, and by estimation eight hundred shot of great
artillery, besides many assaults and entries; and that himself and the
ship must needs be possessed by the enemy, who were now all cast in a
ring round about him (the Revenge not able to move one way or other, but
as she was moved with the waves and billow of the sea) commanded the
master gunner, whom he knew to be a most resolute man, to split and sink
the ship, that thereby nothing might remain of glory or victory to the
Spaniards: seeing in so many hours fight and with so great a navy they
were not able to take her, having had fifteen hours’ time, above ten
thousand men, and fifty-and-three sail of men-of-war to perform it
withal; and persuaded the company, or as many as he could induce, to
yield themselves unto God and to the mercy of none else; but as they
had, like valiant resolute men, repulsed so many enemies, they should
not now shorten the honour of their nation, by prolonging their own
lives for a few hours or a few days. The master gunner readily
condescended, and divers others; but the Captain and the Master were of
another opinion, and besought Sir Richard to have care of them: alleging
that the Spaniard would be as ready to entertain a composition as they
were willing to offer the same: and that there being divers sufficient
and valiant men yet living, and whose wounds were not mortal, they might
do their country and prince acceptable service hereafter. And whereas
Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniards should never glory to have
taken one ship of Her Majesty, seeing they had so long and so notably
defended themselves, they answered, that the ship had six foot water in
hold, three shot under water, which were so weakly stopped as with the
first working of the sea she must need sink, and was besides so crushed
and bruised as she could never be removed out of the place.

And as the matter was thus in dispute, and Sir Richard refusing to
hearken to any of those reasons, the Master of the Revenge (while the
Captain won unto him the greater party) was convoyed aboard the General
Don Alfonso Baçan. Who (finding none over hasty to enter the Revenge
again, doubting lest Sir Richard would have blown them up and himself,
and perceiving by the report of the Master of the Revenge his dangerous
disposition) yielded that all their lives should be saved, the company
sent for England, and the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as
their estate would bear, and in the mean season to be free from galley
or imprisonment. To this he so much the rather condescended, as well, as
I have said, for fear of further loss and mischief to themselves, as
also for the desire he had to recover Sir Richard Grenville, whom for
his notable valour he seemed greatly to honour and admire.

When this answer was returned, and that safety of life was promised, the
common sort being now at the end of their peril, the most drew back from
Sir Richard and the master gunner, being no hard matter to dissuade men
from death to life. The master gunner, finding himself and Sir Richard
thus prevented and mastered by the greater number, would have slain
himself with a sword, had he not been by force withheld and locked into
his cabin. Then the General sent many boats aboard the Revenge, and
divers of our men, fearing Sir Richard’s disposition, stole away aboard
the General and other ships. Sir Richard, thus overmatched, was sent
unto by Alfonso Baçan to remove out of the Revenge, the ship being
marvellous unsavoury, filled with blood, and bodies of dead, and wounded
men, like a slaughter house. Sir Richard answered that he might do with
his body what he list, for he esteemed it not, and as he was carried out
of the ship he swounded, and reviving again desired the company to pray
for him. The General used Sir Richard with all humanity, and left
nothing unattempted that tended to his recovery, highly commending his
valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing the danger wherein he was,
being unto them a rare spectacle and a resolution seldom approved[57] to
see one ship turn towards so many enemies, to endure the charge and
boarding of so many huge Armadas, and to resist and repel the assaults
and entries of so many soldiers. All which and more is confirmed by a
Spanish captain of the same Armada, and a present actor in the fight,
who, being severed from the rest in a storm, was by the Lion of London a
small ship taken, and is now prisoner in London....

The Admiral of the Hulks and the Ascension of Seville were both sunk by
the side of the Revenge; one other recovered the Road of St. Michael and
sunk also there; a fourth ran herself with the shore to save her men.
Sir Richard died, as it is said, the second or third day aboard the
General, and was by them greatly bewailed. What became of his body,
whether it were buried in the sea or on the land we know not: the
comfort that remaineth to his friends is that he hath ended his life
honourably in respect to the reputation won to his nation and country,
and of the same to his posterity, and that, being dead, he hath not
overlived his own honour....

A few days after the fight was ended, and the English prisoners
dispersed into the Spanish and Indy ships, there arose so great a storm
from the West and North-west, that all the fleet was dispersed, as well
the Indian fleet which were then come unto them, as the rest of the
Armada that attended their arrival, of which fourteen sail, together
with the Revenge, were cast away upon the Isle of S. Michael. So it
pleased them to honour the burial of that renowned ship the Revenge, not
suffering her to perish alone, for the great honour she achieved in her


=Source.=--Carew MSS. (Record Commission). Vol. iii., p. 518.

If it be objected that I came away and left my charge contrary to her
Majesty’s express commandment, so accompanied as it made my intent
suspected, leaving the government of the Kingdom unsettled, whereupon
great inconveniences have grown, and the whole State of Ireland was
hazarded, I answer first that (thanks be to God) no dangerous
consequence hath followed of it. For during nine or ten weeks after my
coming hither the whole kingdom was quiet; and since, even to this day,
no important loss hath been received, but only the defeating of a convoy
in an open champion[58] country, where our men had safe and near
retreats both before them and behind them. So as since the declination
of that State I think there will be hardly found so long a time wherein
the rebel did less mischief or the subject received less loss; which I
must impute to the providence of God Almighty in his mercy, who,
foreseeing the unjust imputations and malicious inferences that would be
brought against me, hath disfurnished my enemies of that they thought
should have been their greatest advantage, which was charging me with
the loss of Ireland, though it happened long after my coming over, and
though I had remained close prisoner, while they had time to prevent the

And for my settling of the government before my coming away, if this
will not satisfy that I ordered her Majesty’s forces, employed her
ablest ministers, and gave particular instructions for every province
and frontier, by advice of her Majesty’s Council there: yet I am sure in
this Court this one plea will be allowed, that I so ordered all things,
as you, my Lords of the Council, having received account of me when I
was first committed, have not to this day altered anything of importance
in that course of government which I established at my coming away,
generally for the kingdom and particularly for every province.

And now, having said enough for the consequence and opportunity of my
coming over, I desire to know why my coming should be suspiciously
apprehended. Out of Ireland there came in the same passage with me, my
Lord of Southampton that was displaced, my Lord of Dunkilline, and Sir
Christopher St. Lawrence, that, in this vacancy of offers and time of
truce, desired by their own presence to renew the memory of their former
services; Sir Henry Davers, that was not through whole[59] of a
dangerous wound; Sir Henry Dockwrey, that was before I came away ... to
sue for the government of Connaught; and some other knights and captains
that were discharged, besides two captains that pretended great business
and long absence, and some gentlemen that were my own servants, that
were out of pay by the discharging of Sir John Lee’s company. But of all
these, there were not ten persons that accompanied me (from the sea’s
side) any part of the way, and not above six that came to the Court, the
rest taking their own courses and intending their private occasions.

But should my evil intent be?[60] It was as easy for me to do evil as to
think evil when I had a kingdom in my government and an army in my hand.
And the evil I did was but to myself, for I wasted both my body and
state in a costly, painful and discomfortable service. And now, having
stripped myself of all, and thrown myself at my Sovereign’s feet, shall
enemies or accusations prevail against demonstration, to make my intent
of coming over to be held suspect? Justice and charity will not allow of
these constructions made of those whose religion or descent might make
them suspected, except they enforce probable grounds: and shall I
(without any ground) be thus censured, who have lost my father and my
brother in her Majesty’s service, spent 13 of my 33 years as an officer
about her Majesty’s person, and seven years as a poor councillor of her
State, that am of all the subjects of England most hated by all the
enemies of her Majesty’s religion and welfare, and for my services to
her person and to her crown am so threatened with revenge as no place is
safe for me but her kingdom, nor no time but her reign? No! I thank my
God I know there doth neither good Christian nor lover of his country
suspect my intent. And for the imputations of the rest, I answer them
with the old rule, _ut quisque est ... bonus et sic e contra_. And now
it appears that I settled the State before my coming away, and that
there grew no dangerous consequence by my coming over.


=Source.=--_Somers Tracts_ (from MS. of Bishop of Bangor).[61] Vol. i., p.

Her Majesty being set under state in the Council Chamber at White Hall,
the Speaker, accompanied with Privy Councellors, besides Knights and
Burgesses of the Lower House to the number of eight score presenting
themselves at her Majesty’s feet, for that so graciously and speedily
she had heard and yielded to her subjects’ desires, and proclaimed the
same in their hearing as followeth:

     /* MR. SPEAKER, */

     We perceive your coming is to present thanks unto us. Know I accept
     them with no less joy than your loves can have desire to offer such
     a present, and do more esteem it than any treasure or riches; for
     those we know how to prize, but loyalty, love, and thanks, I
     account them invaluable; and though God hath raised me high, yet
     this I account the glory of my crown, that I have reigned with your
     loves. This makes that I do not so much rejoice that God hath made
     me to be a Queen, as to be a Queen over so thankful a people, and
     to be the means under God to conserve you in safety and preserve
     you from danger, yea, to be the instrument to deliver you from
     dishonour, from shame, and from infamy; to keep you from out of
     servitude, and from slavery under our enemies, and cruel tyranny
     and vile oppression intended against us; for the better
     withstanding whereof we take very acceptable their[62] intended
     helps, and chiefly in that it manifesteth your loves and largeness
     of hearts to your Sovereign. Of myself I must say this, I never was
     any greedy scraping grasper, nor a strict fast-holding prince, nor
     yet a waster, my heart was never set upon any worldly goods, but
     only for my subjects’ good. What you do bestow on me I will not
     hoard up, but receive it to bestow on you again; yea, mine own
     properties I account yours, to be expended for your good, and your
     eyes shall see the bestowing of it for your welfare.

     Mr. Speaker, I would wish you and the rest to stand up,[63] for I
     fear I shall yet trouble you with longer speech.

     Mr. Speaker, You give me thanks, but I am more to thank you, and I
     charge you thank them of the Lower House from me; for had I not
     received knowledge from you, I might a’ fallen into the lapse of
     an error, only for want of true information.

     Since I was Queen, yet did I never put my pen to any grant but upon
     pretext and semblance made me that it was for the good and avail of
     my subjects generally, though a private profit to some of my
     ancient servants, who have deserved well; but that my grants shall
     be made grievances to my people, and oppressions to be privileged
     under colour of our patents, our princely dignity shall not suffer

     When I heard it, I could give no rest unto my thoughts until I had
     reformed it, and those varlets, lewd persons, abusers of my bounty,
     shall know I will not suffer it. And, Mr. Speaker, tell the House
     from me, I take it exceeding grateful that the knowledge of these
     things are come unto me from them. And tho’ amongst them the
     principal members are such as are not touched in private, and
     therefore need not speak from any feeling of the grief, yet we have
     heard that other gentlemen also of the House, who stand as free,
     have also spoken as freely in it; which gives us to know that no
     respects or interests have moved them, other than the minds they
     bear to suffer no diminution of our honour and our subjects’ love
     unto us. The zeal of which affection, tending to ease my people and
     knit their hearts unto us, I embrace with a princely care far above
     all earthly treasures. I esteem my people’s love, more than which I
     desire not to merit: and God, that gave me here to sit, and placed
     me over you, knows that I never respected myself but as your good
     was conserved in me; yet what dangers, what practices,[64] and what
     perils I have passed, some if not all of you know; but none of
     these things do move me, or ever made me fear but it’s God that
     hath delivered me.

     And in my governing this land I have ever set the last judgment day
     before mine eyes, and so to rule as I shall be judged and answer
     before a higher Judge, to whose judgment seat I do appeal, in that
     never thought was cherished in my heart that tended not to my
     people’s good.

     And if my princely bounty have been abused, and my grants turned to
     the hurt of my people contrary to my will and meaning, or if any in
     authority under me have neglected or converted what I have
     committed unto them, I hope God will not lay their culps[65] to my

     To be a King and wear a crown, is a thing more glorious to them
     that see it than it’s pleasant to them that bear it: for myself, I
     never was so much enticed with the glorious name of a king, or the
     royal authority of a queen, as delighted that God hath made me his
     instrument to maintain his truth and glory, and to defend this
     kingdom from dishonour, damage, tyranny and oppression. But should
     I ascribe any of these things to myself or my sexly weakness, I
     were not worthy to live, and of all most unworthy of the mercies I
     have received at God’s hands, but to God only and wholly all is
     given and ascribed.

     The cares and troubles of a crown I cannot more fitly resemble than
     to the drugs of a learned physician, perfumed with some aromatical
     savour, or to bitter pills gilded over, by which they are made more
     acceptable or less offensive, which indeed are bitter and
     unpleasant to take; and for my own part, were it not for conscience
     sake to discharge the duty that God hath laid upon me and to
     maintain His glory and keep you in safety, in mine own disposition
     I should be willing to resign the place I hold to any other, and
     glad to be freed of the glory with the labours, for it is not my
     desire to live nor to reign longer than my life and reign shall be
     for your good. And though you have had and may have many mightier
     and wiser princes sitting in this seat, yet you never had nor shall
     have any that will love you better.

     Thus, Mr. Speaker, I commend me to your loyal loves, and yours to
     my best care and your further councils; and I pray you, Mr.
     Controuler and Mr. Secretary, and you of my Council, that before
     these gentlemen depart into their countries, you bring them all to
     kiss my hand.


“The quiet end of that long-living Queen.”--DRAYTON.

=Source.=--Somers, _Tracts_ (MS. source not specified). Vol. i., p. 246.

About the Friday sevennight after Christmas last, being about the 14th
of January, 1602 [1603], in the 45th year of her reigne, the late queen
about two days before sickened of a colde (being ever forewarned by
Doctor Dee to beware of White-hall), and the said 14th day removed to
Richmond; but a little before her going, even the same morning, the Earl
of Nottingham, High Admiral of England, coming to her, partly to speak
with her as concerning her removal, and partly touching other matters
wherein her pleasure and direction was to be known, they fell into some
speech of the succession; and then she told him that her seat had ever
been the throne of kings, and none but her next heir of blood and
descent should succeed her. After falling into other matters, they left
that speech, and she departed to Richmond; where she was well amended of
the cold. But on Monday the 20th of February she began to sicken again,
and so continued till Monday the 7th of March, at which time notice was
given to the Lords of the Council that she was sick of a cold, and so
she continued sick till Tuesday the 15th of March following; after which
day she began somewhat to amend. But the 18th of March following, being
Friday, she began to be very ill, whereupon the Lords of the Council
were sent for to Richmond, and there continued till Wednesday the 24th
of March, about three of the clock in the morning (being our Lady even)
at which time she died; but on Tuesday before her death, being the 23rd
of March, the Lord Admiral being on the right side of the bed, the Lord
Keeper at the left, and Mr. Secretary Cecil (after Earl of Salisbury) at
the bed’s feet, all standing;

The Lord Admiral put her in mind of her speech concerning the
succession, had at White-hall, and that they, in the name of all the
rest of her Council, came unto her to know her pleasure who should
succeed. Whereunto she thus replied: “I told you my seat had been the
seat of Kings, and I will have no rascal to succeed me, and who should
succeed me but a King?”

The Lords not understanding this dark speech, and looking the one on the
other, at length Mr. Secretary boldly asked her what she meant by these
words, “That no rascal should succeed her?” Whereunto she replied, “That
her meaning was, that a King should succeed her, and who,” quoth she,
“should that be, but our cousin of Scotland?”

They asked her whether that were her absolute resolution? Whereunto she
answered, “I pray you trouble me no more, I’ll have none but him.”

Notwithstanding, after again, about four a’clock in the afternoon, the
next day, being Wednesday (after the Archbishop of Canterbury and other
divines had been with her and left her in a manner speechless), the
three Lords aforesaid repaired unto her again, asking her if she
remained in her former resolution, and who should succeed her; but she
not being able to speak, was asked by Mr. Secretary in this sort, “We
beseech your Majesty, if you remain in your former resolution, and that
you would have the King of Scots to succeed you in your kingdom, shew
some sign unto us;” whereat suddenly heaving herself upwards in the bed,
she held both her hands jointly together over her head in manner of a
crown, whereby as they guessed she signified that she did not only wish
him the kingdom, but desired the continuance of his estate, after which
they departed.

And the next morning, as is aforesaid, she died. Immediately after her
death, as well of the Council as other noblemen that were at the Court,
came from Richmond to White-hall by six o’clock in the morning, where
other noblemen that were at London met them; but as they began to sit in
council in the privy chamber at White-hall, the Lord Keeper, Sir Thomas
Egerton, and the rest of the Council that were no barons, offered to
sit at the lower end of the council table, and not above any of the
meanest nobility; but the noblemen, in respect of their former
authority, called them to the higher end of the table, and wished them
to keep their places, whereunto the Lord Keeper answered, viz. “If it be
your Lordships’ pleasures, we will do so; but that is more of your
courtesies than we can demand of duty”; and so they sat down, every man
according to his degree in Council; touching the succession, where after
some speech had of divers competitors and matters of State, at length
the Lord Admiral rehearsed all the aforesaid premisses, which the late
Queen had spoken to him and to the Lord Keeper and Mr. Secretary, with
the manner thereof; which they, being asked, did affirm to be true upon
their honours.



     =Source.=--_The Princely Pleasures at the Courte at Kenelwoorth._
     Imprinted at London by Richard Jhones, 1576. Reprinted in Nichols’
     _Progresses of Queen Elizabeth_, vol. i. These revels were also
     described, more vividly, but at greater length, in West Country
     dialect, by Laneham in his _Letter_, reprinted by Nichols and also
     by the Early English Text Society.

A brief Rehearsal, or rather, a true Copy of as much as was presented
before her Majesty at Kenilworth during her last abode there, as

Her Majesty came thither, as I remember, on Saturday, being the ninth of
June last past: On which day there met her on the way, somewhat near the
Castle, Sibylla, who prophesied unto Her Highness the prosperous reign
that she should continue, according to the happy beginning of the same.
The order thereof was this: Sibylla being placed in an arbour in the
park, near the highway where the Queen’s Majesty came, did step out, and
pronounced as followeth:

    “All hail, all hail, thrice happy Prince, I am Sibylla she,
    Of future chance and after hap foreshewing what shall be.

           *       *       *       *       *

    And so pass forth in peace, O Prince of high and worthy praise:
    The God that governs all in all increase your happy days!”

This device was invented, and the verses also written, by Mr. Hunnis,
Master of her Majesty’s Chapel.

Her Majesty passing on to the first gate, there stood in the leads and
battlements thereof six trumpeters hugely advanced[66] much exceeding
the common stature of men in this age, who had likewise huge and
monstrous trumpets counterfeited, wherein they seemed to sound: and
behind them were placed certain trumpeters, who sounded indeed at Her
Majesty’s entry. And by this dumb show it was meant that in the days and
reign of King Arthur men were of that stature; so that the Castle of
Kenilworth should seem still to be kept by Arthur’s heirs and their
servants. And when her Majesty entered the gate, there stood Hercules
for Porter who, seeming[67] to be amazed at such a presence upon such a
sudden, proffered to stay them. And yet at last, being overcome by view
of the rare beauty and princely countenance of Her Majesty, yielded
himself and his charge, presenting the keys unto her Highness, with
these words: [Verses.]

These verses were devised and pronounced by Master Badger of Oxenford,
Master of Art and Bedell in the same University.

When Her Majesty was entered the gate, and come into the base court,
there came unto her a Lady attended with two Nymphs, who came all over
the pool, being so conveyed that it seemed she had gone upon the water.
This Lady named herself the Lady of the Lake, who spake to her Highness
as followeth: [Verses, ending:]

    “Passe on Madam, you need no longer stand:
     The Lake, the Lodge, the Lord, are yours for to command.”

These verses were devised and penned by M. Ferrers, sometime Lord of
Misrule in the Court.

Her Majesty, proceeding towards the inward court, passed on a bridge,
the which was railed in on both sides. And in the tops of the posts
thereof were set sundry presents and gifts of provision, as wine, corn,
fruits, fishes, fowls, instruments of music and weapons for martial
defence. All which were expounded by an Actor, clad like a Poet, who
pronounced these verses in Latin: [Hexameters.]

These verses were devised by Master Muncaster.[68] ... This speech being
ended, she was received into the inner court with sweet music. And so
alighting from her horse, the drums, fifes and trumpets sounded:
wherewith she mounted the stairs and went to her lodging.

On the next day, being Sunday, there was nothing done until the evening,
at which time there were fireworks shewed upon the water, the which were
both strange and well executed: as sometimes, passing under the water a
long space, when all men had thought they had been quenched, they would
rise and mount out of the water again, and burn very furiously until
they were utterly consumed.

And to make some plainer declaration and rehearsal of all these things
before Her Majesty, on the 10 of July there met her in the Forest, as
she came from hunting, one clad like a Savage man, all in ivy, who,
seeming to wonder at such a presence, fell to quarrelling with Jupiter,
as followeth: [Dialogue in verse with Echo. The wild man inquires what
the reason for all the strange shews he sees may be, and being informed,
answers, that he will “make glee with sundry gladsome games” on

These verses were devised, penned and pronounced by Master
Gascoigne,[69] and that (as I have heard credibly reported), upon a very
great sudden.

The next thing that was presented before Her Majesty was the delivery of
the Lady of the Lake; whereof the Sum was this. Triton, in likeness of a
mermaid, came towards the Queen’s Majesty as she passed over the
bridge, returning from hunting, and to her declared that Neptune had
sent him to her Highness, to declare the woful distress wherein the poor
Lady of the Lake did remain; the cause whereof was this. Sir Bruse sauns
pitie, in revenge of his cousin Merlin the prophet, whom for his
inordinate lust she had enclosed in a rock, did continually pursue the
Lady of the Lake, and had long sithens surprised her, but that Neptune,
pitying her distress, had environed her with waves. Whereupon she was
enforced to live always in that pool, and was thereby called the Lady of
the Lake. Furthermore affirming that by Merlin’s prophecy it seemed she
could never be delivered but by the presence of a better maid than
herself. Wherefore Neptune had sent him right humbly to beseech Her
Majesty, that she would no more but shew herself, and it should be
sufficient to make Sir Bruse withdraw his forces. Furthermore commanding
both the waves to be calm and the Fishes to give their attendance. And
this he expressed in verse as followeth: [Verses by Triton and the Lady
of the Lake.]

From thence Her Majesty passing yet further on the bridge, Proteus
appeared, sitting on a dolphin’s back. And the dolphin was conveyed upon
a boat, so that the oars seemed to be his fins. Within the which dolphin
a concert of music was secretly placed, the which sounded: and Proteus,
clearing his voice, sang this song of congratulation.... [Verses.]

This song being ended, Proteus told the Queen’s Majesty a pleasant tale
of his delivery, and the fishes which he had in charge. The device of
the Lady of the Lake was also Master Hunnis’....

And now you have as much as I could recover hitherto of the devices
executed there; the country shews excepted and the merry marriage, the
which were so plain as needeth no further explication. To proceed then:
there was prepared a show to have been presented before Her Majesty in
the Forest; the argument whereof was this:

Diana, passing in chase with her nymphs, taketh knowledge of the
country, and thereby calleth to mind how, near seventeen years past,
she lost in those coasts one of the best beloved nymphs, named
Zabeta.[70] She describeth the rare virtues of Zabeta. One of her nymphs
confirmeth the remembrance therof, and seemeth to doubt that dame Juno
hath won Zabeta to be a follower of hers. Diana confirmeth the
suspicion; but yet, affirming herself much in Zabeta’s constancy, giveth
charge to her Nymphs that they diligently hearken and espy in all places
to find or hear news of Zabeta: and so passeth on.

To entertain intervallum temporis, a man clad all in moss cometh in
lamenting, and declaring that he is the wild man’s son, which not long
before had presented himself before Her Majesty; and that his father
(upon such words as her Highness did then use to him) lay languishing
like a blind man, until it might please her Highness to take the film
from his eyes.

The Nymphs return one after another in quest of Zabeta; at last Diana
herself, returning and hearing no news of her, invoketh the help of her
father Jupiter. Mercury cometh down in a cloud, sent by Jupiter, to
recomfort Diana, and bringeth her unto Zabeta. Diana rejoiceth, and
after much friendly discourse departeth: affying herself in Zabeta’s
prudence and policy. She and Mercury being departed, Iris cometh down
from the rainbow, sent by Juno; persuading the Queen’s Majesty that she
be not carried away by Mercury’s filed[71] speech nor Diana’s fair
words; but that she consider all things by proof, and then she shall
find much greater cause to follow Juno than Diana. [The text of the
Shew, in two Acts.]

This Shew was devised and penned by M. Gascoigne; and being prepared and
ready (every Actor in his garment) two or three days together, yet never
came to execution. The cause whereof I cannot attribute to any other
thing than to lack of opportunity and seasonable weather.[72]

The Queen’s Majesty hasting her departure from thence, the Earl
commanded Master Gascoigne to devise some farewell worth the presenting;
whereupon he himself, clad like unto Silvanus, God of the Woods, and
meeting her as she went on hunting, spake ex tempore as followeth:
[Prose Allegory, with songs, ending:]

“Whereat your Highness may rest assured, that heaven will smile, the
earth will quake, men will clap their hands, and I will always continue
an humble beseecher for the flourishing estate of your royal person,
whom God now and ever preserve, to his good pleasure and our great
comfort. Amen.”


=Source.=--Lansdowne MSS., Malone Society, _Collections_. I. ii., p. 206.

LONDON. Orders to be sett downe by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London
for taking awaie such enormities as be meanes not only to continue but
increase the plague and disorders of the Citie; being taken out of the
proclamations set out by the Citie and the articles sett downe for
providing for the poor and setting them to work.


1. To give charge to Churchwardens, Constables, Parish Clerks and
Bedells to enquire what houses be infected.

2. To visit the ward often to see orders observed, especially touching
cleanness in the streets.

3. The Aldermen or their deputies in their own persons to appoint
Surveyors monthly in every parishe.

4. To appoint that certificate may be made to them what houses be

5. To give charge to all teachers of children that (as nere as they can)
they permit no children to come to their scoles from infected houses,
especiallie till such houses have bene clere by the space of 28 daies,
and that none kepe a greater number than their Roomes shall be thought
fit by the Aldermen or their deputies to conteyne.


1. To see the orders for the sick executed daylie and diligentlie, upon
knowledge from the Aldermen what houses be infected.

2. To appoint purveyours of necessaries for infected houses (being of
the same houses), and deliver them reed rods to carry, and see that none
other resort to their houses.


1. To bring every daie notice in writing to the Aldermen or their
deputies what houses be infected.


1. To provyde to have in readiness women to be providers and deliverers
of necessaries to infected houses, and to attend the infected persons,
and they to bear reed wandes, so that the sicke maie be kept from the
whole, as nere as maie be, nedefull attendance weighed.


1. To inquire what houses be infected.

2. To view dailie that papers remaine upon doors xxviii daies or to
place newe.


1. To understand what houses be infected.

2. To see bills set upon the doors of houses infected.

3. To suffer no corpses infected to be buried or remain in the churche
during prayer or sermon, and to keep children from coming nere them.


1. To see the streets made cleane every daie saving Sunday and the soile
to be carried away.

2. To warn all inhabitants, against their houses to keep channels clere
from fylth (by only turning it aside) that the water maie have passage.


1. To kyll dogs, etc., or to lose his place.


1. Houses having some sicke though none die, or from whence some sicke
have bene removed, are infected houses, and such are to be shut up for a

2. The whole familie to tarry in xxviii days.

3. To keep shut the lower rooms for the like space.

4. One licensed to go for provision, etc.

5. No clothes hanged into the streets.

6. Such as have wells or pumpes, every morning by six and every evening
after eight a clocke, shall cause ten bucketts full to run into the

7. Every evening at that hour the streets and channells to be made
cleane, the water not swept out of the channell, nor the streets
overwett but sprinkled, etc.

8. The houses infected and things in them to be aired in the xxviii days
and no clothes or things about the infected persons to be given awaie or
sold but either destroyed or sufficientlie purified.

9. Owners of houses infected with their familie, may within the month
depart to any their houses in the countrye, or to any other house in the
Cyttye without being shut up, so that they abstain from returning to the
Cyttye, or from going abroad out of house in the Cyttye, for a month.

10. None shall keep dogg or bitche abroad unled nor within howling or
disturbing of their neighbours.

11. To have no assembly at funeral dynners or usual meeting in houses

12. None shall for a month come into infected houses but such as be of
the house and licensed to do service abroad.

13. No donghills out of stables, Bearhouses or other places to be made
in the strete.

14. To have double time of Restraint for consenting to pull down bills,
and the taker awaie to suffer imprisonement for viii. days.


Shall be appointed and sworne.

These viewers to report to the Constable, he to the Clarke, and he to
the chief of Clarkes, all upon pain of imprisonment. A pain of standing
on the pillorye for false reports by the viewers. A loss of pension to
such as shall refuse.


That diligent care be had, that pavements be amended where nede is, and
that principall paviers be appointed to survey the wants of paving,
especiallie in Channels, and that the dwellers against such may be
forced to amend them.


If the increase of the sicknes be feared, that Interludes and plaies be
restrained within the libertyes of the Cyttye.


That skilful and learned physicions and surgeons may be provided to
minister to the sicke.


1. That all such as be diseased be sent to St. Thomas or St. Bartylmewes
hospitall, there to be first cured and made cleane, and afterwards those
which be not of the Cyttye to be sent awaie according to the statute in
that case provided, and the other to be sett to worke, in such trades as
are least used by the Inhabitants of the Cyttye, for the avoyding[73] of
all such vagrant persons, as well children male and female, soldiers
lame and maymed, as other idle and loytering persons that swarme in the
streets and wander up and downe begging, to the great daunger and
infecting of the Cyttye for th’increase of the plague and annoyance to
the same.

2. That all maisterlesse men who live idlie in the Cyttye without any
lawfull calling, frequenting places of common assemblies, as Interludes,
gaming houses, cockpitts, bowling allies, and such other places, may be
banished the Cyttye according to the laws in that case provyded.

       *       *       *       *       *

All which orders aforesaid the Aldermen and their deputies are every one
in their place to see performed, both in themselves and others, and in
cases of doubt to yield their opinions and gyve directions.

(Endorsed) Orders to be set down of the Lord Mayor.

For repressing of disorders and relief of the poor.


=Source.=--Roger Ascham: _The Scholemaster_, 1570. Ed. Mayor.


But I am affraide, that over many of our travelers into _Italie_, do not
eschewe the way to _Circes_ Court: but go, and ryde, and runne, and flie
thether, they make great hast to cum to her: they make great sute to
serve her: yea, I could point out some with my finger, that never had
gone out of England, but onelie to serve _Circes_ in _Italie_. Vanitie
and vice, and any licence to ill living in England was counted stale and
rude unto them. And so, beying Mules and Horses before they went,
returned verie Swyne and Asses home agayne: yet every where verie Foxes
with subtle and busie heades: and where they may, verie wolves, with
cruell malicious hartes. A mervelous monster, which, for filthines of
livyng, for dulnes to learning him selfe, for wilinesse in dealing with
others, for malice in hurting without cause, should carie at once in one
bodie, the belie of a Swyne, the head of an Asse, the brayne of a Foxe,
the wombe of a wolfe. If you thinke, we judge amisse, and write too sore
against you, heare, what the _Italian_ sayth of the English man, what
the master reporteth of the scholer: who uttereth playnlie, what is
taught by him, and what is learned by you, saying, _Englese Italianato,
e un diabolo incarnato_, that is to say, you remaine men in shape and
facion, but becum devils in life and condition....

I was once in Italie my selfe: but I thanke God, my abode there, was but
ix. dayes: And yet I sawe in that litle tyme, in one Citie, more
libertie to sinne, than ever I hard tell of in our noble Citie of London
in ix. yeare. I sawe, it was there as free to sinne, not onelie without
all punishment, but also without any mans marking, as it is free in the
Citie of London, to chose, without all blame, whether a man lust to
weare Shoo or pantocle.[74]

       *       *       *       *       *


These be the inchantementes of Circes, brought out of Italie, to marre
mens maners in England: much, by example of ill life, but more by
preceptes of fonde bookes, of late translated out of _Italian_ into
English, sold in every shop in London, commended by honest titles the
soner to corrupt honest maners: dedicated over boldlie to vertuous and
honorable personages, the easielier to beguile simple and innocent
wittes. It is pitie, that those which have authoritie and charge to
allow and disalow bookes to be printed, be no more circumspect herein
than they are. Ten Sermons at Paules Crosse do not so moch good for
movying men to trewe doctrine, as one of those bookes do harme with
inticing men to ill living. Yea, I say farder, those bookes tend not so
much to corrupt honest livyng, as they do to subvert trewe Religion. Mo
Papistes be made, by your mery bookes of _Italie_, than by your earnest
bookes of _Lovain_....

In our forefathers tyme, when Papistrie, as a standyng poole, covered
and overflowed all England, fewe bookes were read in our tong, savyng
certaine bookes of Chevalrie, as they sayd, for pastime and pleasure,
which, as some say, were made in Monasteries, by idle Monkes, or wanton
Canons: as one for example, _Morte Arthure_: the whole pleasure of which
booke standeth in two speciall poyntes, in open mans slaughter, and
bold bawdrye: In which booke those be counted the noblest Knightes, that
do kill most men without any quarell, and commit fowlest advoulteres[75]
by sutlest shiftes.... This is good stuffe for wise men to laughe at or
honest men to take pleasure at. Yet I know, when Gods Bible was banished
the Court, and _Morte Arthure_ received into the Princes chamber. What
toyes, the dayly readyng of such a booke may worke in the will of a yong
gentleman, or a yong mayde, that liveth welthelie and idlelie, wise men
can judge, and honest men do pitie. And yet ten _Morte Arthures_ do not
the tenth part of so much harme, as one of these bookes made in
_Italie_, and translated in England....

       *       *       *       *       *


If some Smithfeild ruffian take up some strange going, some new mowing
with the mouth: some wrenchyng with the shoulder, some brave proverbe:
some fresh new othe, that is not stale but will run round in the mouth:
some new disguised garment, or desperate hat, fond in facion, or garish
in colour, what soever it cost, how small soever his living be, by what
shift soever it be gotten, gotten must it be, and used with the first,
or els the grace of it is stale and gone.

       *       *       *       *       *


If a father have foure sonnes, three faire and well formed both mynde
and bodie, the fourth, wretched, lame, and deformed, his choice shalbe,
to put the worst to learning, as one good enoughe to becum a scholer. I
have spent the most parte of my life in the Universitie, and therfore I
can beare good witnes that many fathers commonlie do thus: wherof, I
have heard many wise, learned, and as good men as ever I knew, make
great, and oft complainte: a good horseman will choose no soch colte,
neither for his own, nor yet for his master’s sadle.

       *       *       *       *       *


Young men, by any meanes, losing the love of learning, when by tyme they
cum to their owne rule, they carie commonlie from the schole with them a
perpetuall hatred of their master, and a continuall contempt of
learning. If ten gentlemen be asked why they forget so sone in court
that which they were learning so long in schole, eight of them (or let
me be blamed) will laie the fault on their ill handling by their

Yet, some will say, that children of nature love pastime and mislike
learning: bicause, in their kinde, the one is easie and pleasant, the
other hard and werisom: which is an opinion not so trewe, as some men
weene: For, the matter lieth not so much in the disposition of them that
be yong, as in the order and maner of bringing up by them that be old,
nor yet in the difference of learnyng and pastime. For, beate a child if
he daunce not well, and cherish him though he learne not well, ye shall
have him unwilling to go to daunce and glad to go to his booke. Knocke
him alwaies, when he draweth his shaft ill, and favor him againe, though
he faut[76] at his booke, ye shall have hym verie loth to be in the
field, and verie willing to be in the schole.[77]


=Source.=--Philip Stubbes: _Anatomy of Abuses_, 1583 (Ed. New Shakspere
Society). Part i., pp. 51-52, 71-73.

But wot you what? The devil, as he is in the fulness of his malice,
first invented these great ruffes, so hath he now found out also two
great stayes to beare up and maintaine that his kingdome of great ruffes
(for the devil is king and prince over all the children of pride): the
one arch or piller whereby his kingdome of great ruffes is underpropped,
is a certain kind of liquide matter which they call Starch, wherein the
devil hath willed them to wash and dive[78] his ruffes wel, which, when
they be dry, wil then stand stiffe and inflexible about their necks. The
other piller is a certain device made of wires, crested for the purpose,
whipped over either with gold, thread, silver or silk, and this he
calleth a supportasse, or underpropper. This is to be applyed round
about their necks under the ruffe, upon the outside of the band, to
beare up the whole frame and body of the ruffe from falling and hanging

       *       *       *       *       *

And amongst many other fearfull examples of God’s wrathe against Pride,
to sett before their eyes, the fearfull Judgement of God, shewed upon a
gentlewoman of Eprautna[79] of late, even the 27 of May 1582, the
fearfull sound whereof is blown through all the worlde, and is yet fresh
in every man’s memory. This gentlewoman being a very rich merchant man’s
daughter: upon a time was invited to a Bridall or Weddyng, which was
solemnised in that Town, against which day she made great preparation,
for the pluming of herself in gorgeous array, that as her bodie was most
beautifull, fair and proper, so her attire in every respect might be
correspondent to the same. For the accomplishment whereof she curled her
hair, she died her locks, and laid them out after the best manner, she
coloured her face with water and Ointments: But in no case could she get
any (so curious and dainty she was) that could starch and sett her
Ruffes and Neckerchers to her Minde: wherefore she sent for a couple of
Laundresses, who did the best they could to please her humors, but in
any wise they could not. Then fell she to sweare and teare, to curse and
ban, casting the Ruffes under feet, and wishing that the Devil might
take her when she wear any of those Neckerchers again. In the meantime
(through the sufferance of God) the Devil, transforming himself into the
forme of a young man, as brave and proper as she in every point in
outward appearance, came in, feigning himself to be a wooer or suiter
unto her. And seeing her thus agonised, and in such a pelting chafe, he
demanded of her the cause thereof, who straightway told him (as women
can conceal nothing that lyeth upon their stomackes) how she was
abused[80] in the setting of her Ruffes; which thynge being heard of
him, he promised to please her minde, and thereto took in hand the
setting of her Ruffes, which he performed to her great contentation and
likyng, insomuch as she lookyng herselfe in a glass (as the Devil had
her) became greatly enamoured with hym. This done the young man kissed
her, in the doing whereof, he writhe her neck in sunder, so she died
miserably, her body being metamorphosed into blacke and blue colours,
most ugglesome to behold, and her face (which before was so amorous)
became moste deformed and fearfull to look upon. This being known,
preparation was made for her buriall, a rich coffin was provided and her
fearfull bodie was laid therein, and it covered very sumptuously. Four
men immediately essaied to lift up the corpse, but could not move it,
then six attempted the like, but could not once stir it from the place
where it stood. Whereat the standers by marvelling, caused the coffin to
be opened to see the cause thereof. Where they found the body to be
taken away and a black Catte very lean and deformed sitting in the
coffin, setting of great Ruffes and frizzling of haire, to the great
fear and wonder of all the beholders. This woeful spectacle have I
offered to their view, that by looking into it, instead of their other
looking Glasses they might see their own filthiness and avoid the like
offence, for fear of the same or worser judgment: whiche God grant they
mai do.


=Source.=--Philip Stubbes: _Anatomy of Abuses_, 1583 (Ed. New Shakspere
Society), Part i., p. 184.

For as concerning football playing I protest unto you it may rather be
called a friendly kind of fight than a play or recreation: a bloody and
murthering practice, than a fellowly sport or pastime. For doth not
every one lie in wait for his adversary, seeking to overthrow him and
to pick him on his nose, though it be upon hard stones? in ditch or
dale, in valley or hill, or what place soever it be, he careth not so he
have him down. And he that can serve the most of this fashion, he is
counted the only fellow, and who but he? so that by this means sometimes
their necks are broken, sometimes their backs, sometime their legs,
sometime their arms: sometime one part thrust out of joint, sometime
another: sometime the noses gush out with blood, sometime their eyes
start out; and sometimes hurt in one place, sometimes in another. But
whosoever scapeth away the best, goeth not scot free, but is either sore
wounded, craised[81] and bruised, so he dieth of it, or else scapeth
very hardly, and no marvel, for they have the sleights to meet one
betwixt two, to dash him against the heart with their elbows, to hit him
under the short ribs with their gripped fists, and with their knees to
catch him upon the hip, and to pick him on his neck, with a hundred such
murdering devices; and hereof groweth envy, malice, rancour, choler,
hatred, displeasure, enmity, and what not else: and sometimes fighting,
brawling, contention, quarrel picking, murder, homicide, and great
effusion of blood, as experience daily teacheth.

Is this murthering play, now, an exercise for the Sabaoth day? Is this a
Christian dealing, for one brother to maim and hurt another, and that
upon prepensed malice or set purpose? is this to do with another as we
would another to do with us? _God make us more careful over the bodies
of our Brethren!_


=Source.=--_Remembrancia_ (Archives of the City of London), Malone
Society, _Collections_, I., i., p. 68; ii., p. 164.


Our most humble duties to your Grace remembred. Whereas by the daily and
disorderlie exercise of a number of players and playing houses erected
within this Citie, the youth thereof is greatly corrupted and their
manners infected with many evill and ungodly qualities by reason of the
wanton and prophane devises represented on the stages by the said
players, the prentices and servants withdrawen from their works and all
sorts in generall from the daylie resort unto sermons and other
Christian exercises to the great hinderance of the trades and traders of
this Citie and prophanation of the good and godly religion established
amongst us. To which places also do usually resort great numbers of
light and lewd disposed persons as harlotts, cutpurses, coseners,
pilferers and such like and there under the colour of resort to those
places to hear the playes devise divers evill and ungodly matches,
confederacies and conspiracies, which by means of the oppotunitie of the
place cannot bee prevented nor discovered, as otherwise they might bee.
In consideration whereof we most humbly beseach your Grace for your
godly care for the refourming of so great abuses tending to the offence
of Almightie God, the prophanation and sclaunder of his true religion
and the corrupting of our youth, which are the seed of the Church of God
and the common wealth among us, to vouchsafe us your good favour and
help for the refourming and banishing of so great evill out of this
Citie, which ourselves of long time though to small purpose have so
earnestly desired and endeavoured by all means that possibly wee could.
And bycause we understand that the Queen’s Majestie is and must bee
served at certen times by this sort of people, for which purpose she
hath graunted her letters Patents to Mr. Tilney, Master of her Revells,
by virtue whereof he beeing authorised to refourm exercise or suppresse
all manner of players, playes and playing houses whatsoever, did first
license the said playing houses within this Citie for her Majesty’s said
service, which before that time lay open to all the statutes for the
punishing of these and such lyke disorders. We ar most humbly and
earnestly to beseech your Grace to call unto you the said Master of her
Majesty’s Revells, with whom also we have conferred of late to that
purpose, and to treat with him, if by any means it may be devised that
her Majesty may be served with these recreations as hath been
accustomed, which in our opinions may easily be done by the private
exercise of her Majesty’s own players in convenient place and the Citie
freed from these continuall disorders, which thereby do grow and
increase daily among us. Whereby your Grace shall not only benefit and
bind unto you the politic state and government of this Citie, which by
no one thing is so greatly annoyed and disquieted as by players and
playes and the disorders which follow thereupon, but allso take away a
great offence from the Church of God and hinderance to his gospell, to
the great contentment of all good Christians, specially the preachers
and ministers of the Word of God about this Citie, who have long time
and yet do make their earnest continuall complaint unto us for the
redresse hereof. And thus recommending our most humble duties and
service to your Grace we commit the same to the grace of the Almightie.
From London the 25th of February, 1591.


To the right reverend father in God my L. the Archbisshop of
Canturbury his Grace.


That night I returned to London and found all the wardes full of
watchers; the cause thereof was for that very nere the Theatre or
Curtain at the tyme of the Plays there laye a prentice sleeping upon the
grasse, and one Challes at Grostock did turn upon the toe upon the belly
of the same prentice; whereupon the apprentice start up and after words
they fell to playne blowes. The companie increased of both sides to the
number of 500 at the least. This Challes exclaimed and said that he was
a gentelman and that the apprentice was but a rascall, and some there
were little better than rogues that tooke upon them the name of
gentlemen, and said the prentices were but the scum of the world. Upon
these troubles the prentices began the next daye being Tuesday to make
mutinies and assemblies and dyd conspire to have broken the prisons and
to have taken forth the prentices that were imprisoned, but my lord and
I having intelligence thereof apprensed[82] four or five of the chief
conspirators who are in Newgate and stand indicted of their lewd

Upon the same Wednesday at night two companions, one being a tailor and
the other a clerk of the common pleas, both of the duchy and both very
lewd fellows, fell out about a harlott, and the tailor raised the
prentices and other light persons, and thinking that the clerk was run
in to Lyons Inn came to the house with 300 at the least, brake down the
wyndowes of the house and struck at the gentlemen; during which broil
one Reynolds a bakers sonne came into Fleet Street and there made solemn
proclamation for clubs. The street rose and took him and brought him
unto me and the next day we indicted him also for this misdemenour with
many other more....

Upon Sunday my lord sent two Aldermen to the Court for the suppressing
and pulling downe of the Theatre and Curtain. All the Lords agreed
thereunto saving my Lord Chamberlain ... but we obtained a letter to
suppresse them all. Upon the same night I sent for the quene’s players
and my lord of Arundel his players, and they all willinglie obeyed the
Lords’ letters. The chiefest of her Highness’s players advised me to
send for the owner of the Theatre[83] who was a stubborn fellow and to
bind him. I dyd so. He sent me word that he was my Lord of Hunsdon’s man
and that he would not come at me but he would in the morning ride to my
lord. Then I sent the under-sheriff for him and he brought him to me,
and at his coming he stouted me out very hasty, and in the end I showed
him my lord his master’s hand, and then he was more quiet, but to die
for it he would not be bound.


=Source.=--Lyly: _Euphues, the Anatomy of Wit_, 1578, beginning.

There dwelt in Athens[84] a young gentleman of great patrimony, and of
so comely a personage, that it was doubted whether he were more bound
to Nature for the lineaments of his person, or to Fortune for the
increase of his possessions. But Nature, impatient of comparisons, and
as it were disdaining a companion or copartner in her working, added to
this comeliness of his body such a sharp capacity of mind, that not only
she proved Fortune counterfeit, but was half of that opinion that she
herself was only current. This young gallant, of more wit than wealth,
and yet of more wealth than wisdom, seeing himself inferior to none in
pleasant conceits, thought himself superior to all his honest
conditions, insomuch that he thought himself so apt to all things that
he gave himself almost to nothing but practising of those things
commonly which are incident to these sharp wits, fine phrases, smooth
quips, merry taunts, using jesting without mean and abusing mirth
without measure. As therefore the sweetest Rose hath his prickle, the
finest velvet his brack,[85] the fairest flower his bran, so the
sharpest wit hath his wanton will, and the holiest head his wicked way.
And true it is that some men write and most men believe, that in all
perfect shapes a blemish bringeth rather a liking every way to the eyes
than a loathing any way to the mind. Venus had her mole in her cheek
which made her more amiable. Helen her scar in her chin, which Paris
called Cos amoris, the whetstone of love, Aristippus his wart, Lycurgus
his wen: so likewise in the disposition of the mind, either virtue is
overshadowed with some vice, or vice is overcast with some virtue.
Alexander valiant in war, yet given to wine. Tully eloquent in his
gloses,[86] yet vainglorious. Solomon wise, yet too wanton. David holy,
but yet an homicide. None more witty than Euphues, yet at the first none
more wicked. The freshest colours soonest fade, the teenest[87] razor
soonest turneth his edge, the finest cloth is soonest eaten with moths,
and the cambric sooner stained than the coarse canvas: which appeared
well in this Euphues, whose wit being like wax, apt to receive any
impression, and bearing the head in his own hand either to use the rein
or the spur, disdaining counsel, leaving his country, loathing his old
acquaintance, thought either by wit to obtain some conquest, or by shame
to abide some conflict, who preferring fancy before friends, and his
present humour before honour to come, laid reason in water being too
salt for his taste, and followed unbridled affection, most pleasant for
his tooth. When parents have more care how to leave their children
wealthy than wise, and are more desirous to have them maintain the name
than the nature of a gentleman, when they put gold into the hands of
youth, where they should put a rod under their girdle, when instead of
awe they make them past grace, and leave them rich executors of goods,
and poor executors of godliness, then is it no marvel that the son,
being left rich by his father’s will, becomes retchless by his own will.
But it hath been an old said saw, that wit is the better if it be the
dearer bought: as in the sequel of this history shall most manifestly

It happened this young imp to arrive at Naples[88] (a place of more
pleasure than profit, and yet of more profit than piety) the very walls
and windows whereof shewed it rather to be the Tabernacle of Venus than
the Temple of Vesta. There was all things necessary and in readiness,
that might either allure the mind to lust or entice the heart to folly:
a court more meet for an Atheist, than for one of Athens, for Ovid, than
for Aristotle, for a graceless lover, than for a godly liver, more
fitter for Paris than Hector, and meeter for Flora than Diana. Here my
youth (whether for weariness he could not, or for wantonness would not
go any farther) determined to make his abode, whereby it is evidently
seen that the fleetest fish swalloweth the delicatest bait, that the
highest soaring hawk traineth to the lure, and that the wittiest brain
is inveigled with the sudden view of alluring vanities. Here he wanted
no companions, which courted him continually with sundry kinds of
devices, whereby they might either soak his purse to reap commodity, or
sooth his person to win credit: for he had guests and companions of all


=Source.=--Thomas Nashe: _Strange Newes_, 1592. Edited by R. B. McKerrow,

In short tearmes, thus I demur upon thy long Kentish-tayld declaration
against Greene.

He inherited more vertues than vices: a jolly long red peake,[89] like
the spire of a steeple, he cherisht continually without cutting, whereat
a man might hang a jewell, it was so sharpe and pendant.... Debt and
deadly sinne, who is not subject to? With any notorious crime I never
knew him tainted.... A good fellowe he was, and would have drunk with
thee for more angels than the Lord thou libeldst on gave thee in
Christ’s College.... In a night and a day would he have yarkt up a
pamphlet as well as in seaven yeare, and glad was that printer that
might be so blest to pay him deare for the very dregs of his wit.

He made no account of winning credite by his workes, ... his only care
was to have a spel in his purse to conjure up a good cuppe of wine with
at all times.

For the lowsie circumstance of his poverty before his death, and sending
that miserable writte to his wife, it cannot be but thou lyest, learned

I and one of my fellowes, Will. Monox (Hast thou never heard of him and
his great dagger?) were in company with him a month before he died, at
that fatall banquet of Rhenish wine and pickled herring (if thou wilt
needs have it so), and the inventory of his apparrell came to more than
three shillings....



 [1] Left blank in the original.

 [2] Or rather 27.

 [3] Householders.

 [4] Lose.

 [5] Whereas.

 [6] Bishop Gardiner.

 [7] Sir Robert Rochester, Comptroller; Sir William Peter, Secretary of
 State; Sir Francis Inglefield, Master of the Wards; and another.

 [8] Cardinal Pole.

 [9] Dieppe.

 [10] Polling, _i.e._ shearing or extortionate.

 [11] Coarse woollen cloth.

 [12] Common, _i.e._ public.

 [13] The Rood, on the Roodloft.

 [14] Regimen, government.

 [15] In the primitive Church.

 [16] From πρεσβυτερὁς (elder), both presbyter and priest are derived.

 [17] Pretended.

 [18] Persuade the people.

 [19] Public.

 [20] At cess--_i.e._, quartered on the inhabitants.

 [21] Thomas Fitzgerald’s rebellion took place in 1534-5. This
 reference to it dates the present document as being of 1571 or 1572.

 [22] Deceived.

 [23] _I.e._, Cecil.

 [24] _I.e._, Mary Queen of Scots.

 [25] Surety.

 [26] Paused.

 [27] Christopher.

 [28] Banner.

 [29] Barnard Castle, of which he was Steward.

 [30] Outermost.

 [31] Lief, dear.

 [32] “Francis” in the original text--a slip of the pen.

 [33] Men of property among the rebels were attainted, and their lands
 confiscated; the author appears to threaten that even when their money
 is gone they remain men and may yet be to be feared.

 [34] Sir Thomas Plomtrie--_i.e._, Thomas Plumptre, priest--chaplain
 to the rebels, was hanged at Durham for having celebrated Mass in the
 cathedral there.

 [35] Kentish saint, to whose shrine pilgrimage was made; he became the
 proverb for pre-Reformation superstition.

 [36] _I.e._, his people.

 [37] See.

 [38] Really 25 of February.

 [39] 1569-1570.

 [40] Ure--_i.e._, use.

 [41] Babington’s conspiracy.

 [42] Precedent.

 [43] _I.e._, “Either supplicate or strike home.”

 [44] _I.e._, Mr. O----’s house.

 [45] Orig. ‘unamity.’

 [46] In command of the Spanish land forces in the Netherlands.

 [47] The Duke of Medina and Sidonia, in command of the Armada. On the
 25th of July Drake, writing to Walsingham, says: “God hathe geven us
 so good a daye in forcying the enemey so far to leeward, as I hope in
 God the prince of Parma and the Duke of Sedonya shall not shake hands
 this fewe dayes.”

 [48] Gravelines.

 [49] The Duke of Parma.

 [50] Probably brother=brother-in-law here, as often, or father of his
 son-or daughter-in-law.

 [51] This and some of the other totals are incorrect; they are given
 as they stand.

 [52] Encumbered.

 [53] Except.

 [54] Awaited.

 [55] Chase = the guns in the bows.

 [56] Result.

 [57] Experienced.

 [58] Champaign.

 [59] Thoroughly healed.

 [60] _I.e._, Suppose my intent were evil.

 [61] Another version is given in Sir Symonds D’Ewes’ _Journals of all
 the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth_.

 [62] Their--_i.e._, the Commons.

 [63] They had been kneeling.

 [64] Conspiracies.

 [65] Faults.

 [66] These were pasteboard figures eight feet high.

 [67] Orig. seemed.

 [68] Richard Mulcaster, first headmaster of Merchant Taylors’ School,
 whose _Positions_ is the most important English educational book of
 the century.

 [69] George Gascoigne, the poet.

 [70] _I.e._, Elizabeth.

 [71] Polished.

 [72] It was the latter.

 [73] Getting rid of.

 [74] Slipper.

 [75] Adulteries.

 [76] Fault, make mistakes.

 [77] See p. 97 for Lady Jane Grey, whom Ascham gives as an example of
 this rule.

 [78] Dip.

 [79] Antwerp (spelt backwards).

 [80] Ill-used.

 [81] Crushed.

 [82] Arrested.

 [83] Probably Burbage.

 [84] _I.e._, Oxford?

 [85] Break, flaw.

 [86] Speeches.

 [87] Sharpest.

 [88] _I.e._, London?

 [89] Pointed beard.

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

xxviii. Item whether=> xxxviii. Item whether {pg 31}

They are superstititious=> They are superstitious {pg 42}

which is Knockphargus=> which is Knockfargus {pg 45}

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