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Title: The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Volume II (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private
Author: Jefferson, Thomas
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Volume II (of 9) - Being His Autobiography, Correspondence, Reports, Messages, - Addresses, and Other Writings, Official and Private" ***
THE
WRITINGS
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON:
BEING HIS
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES,
ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL
AND PRIVATE.
PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE LIBRARY,
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS,
DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX
TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE,
BY THE EDITOR
H. A. WASHINGTON.
VOL. II.
NEW YORK:
H. W. DERBY, 625 BROADWAY.
1861.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
TAYLOR & MAURY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia.
CONTENTS TO VOL. II.
BOOK II.
PART II.--CONTINUED.--LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN
EUROPE--(1784-1790.)
Adams, H. E. J., letter written to, 47.
Adams, John, letters written to, 26, 72, 92, 115, 122, 126, 127,
162, 181, 257, 282, 315, 326, 351, 361, 448, 538, 567.
Bancroft, Dr., letter written to, 578.
Bannister, Jr., J., letters written to, 150, 459.
Barclay, Mr., letters written to, 25, 125, 210, 211.
Bellini, Monsieur, letter written to, 440.
Bernstorff, Monsieur le Comte de, letters written to, 347, 349.
Bertrous, Monsieur de, letter written to, 359.
Bingham, Mrs., letter written to, 116.
Blair, J., letter written to, 248.
Blake, T., letter written to, 262.
Blome, Baron, letter written to, 13.
Bondfield, Mr., letters written to, 169, 262.
Borgnis, Desbordes, Frères, Messrs., letter written to, 121.
Brehan, Madame de, letters written to, 295, 590.
Brown, John, letter written to, 395.
Buffon, Monsieur le Comte de, letter written to, 285.
Calonnes, Monsieur de, letters written to, 50, 87.
Carmichael, William, letters written to, 15, 80, 124, 147, 322,
397, 465, 549.
Carnes, Mr., letter written to, 280.
Carr, Peter, letters written to, 237, 409.
Carrington, Colonel Edward, letters written to, 98, 217, 333, 403.
Cathalan, Mr. Stephen, Jr., letter written to, 182.
Chas, Monsieur, letter written to, 63.
Chiappi, Don Francisco, letter written to, 264.
Churchman, John, letter written to, 235.
Circular Letter, 49.
Claiborne, Colonel Richard, letter written to, 235.
Commissioners of the Treasury, letters written to the, 1, 223, 270,
339, 352, 367, 385, 472.
Corny, Monsieur de, letter written to, 44.
Corny, Madame de, letters written to, 161, 297.
Cosway, Mrs., letters written to, 31, 43.
Crevecœur, Monsieur de, letters written to, 51, 97, 234, 457.
Currie, Dr., letters written to, 218, 543.
Cutting, Mr., letters written to, 436, 441, 469, 475, 486, 490.
D'Auberteuil, Monsieur Hilliard, letter written to, 103.
Delap, Messrs. S. and J. H., letter written to, 101.
Delegates of Rhode Island, letter written to the, 184.
Digges, Thomas, letter written to, 411.
Dirieks, Monsieur, letter written to, 422.
Donald, A., letters written to, 193, 355, 508.
Drayton, William, letters written to, 194, 347.
Duler, Monsieur, letter written to, 63.
Dumas, Monsieur, letters written to, 78, 120, 149, 264, 285, 296,
331, 357, 366, 384, 492.
Eppes, J. W., letter written to, 192.
Famin, Monsieur, letter written to, 52.
Fenwick, Joseph, letter written to, 182.
Franklin, Benjamin, letters written to, 9, 76.
Franks, Colonel, letter written to, 92.
Gilmer, Dr., letter written to, 242.
Gordon, Dr., letters written to, 167, 424.
Governor of Virginia, letter written to the, 213.
Guide, Monsieur, letter written to, 146.
Harcourt, Monsieur le Duc de, letter written to, 96.
Hartley, David, letter written to, 165.
Hawkins, Mr., letters written to, 3, 220.
Hay, William, letter written to, 214.
Hollis, T. B., letter written to, 168.
Hopkinson, F., letters written to, 74, 202, 585.
Humphreys, Colonel, letters written to, 10, 252.
Izard, R., letters written to, 205, 427.
Jones, Joseph, letter written to, 249.
Jay, John, letters written to, 4, 27, 45, 53, 84, 88, 111, 119,
122, 129, 138, 156, 226, 254, 271, 278, 281, 288, 293, 301, 302,
309, 314, 336, 340, 361, 362, 379, 389, 400, 451, 462, 463, 468,
470, 482, 493, 509, 531, 557, 565, 571, 581.
La Fayette, Monsieur de, letters written to, 20, 131, 134.
Lambert, Monsieur, letter written to, 345.
L'Hommande, Monsieur, letter written to, 236.
Le Roy, Monsieur, letter written to, 54.
Limosin, Monsieur, letters written to, 261, 281, 296, 338, 442.
Madison, James, letters written to, 65, 104, 151, 207, 255, 292,
327, 375, 406, 443, 505, 563.
Madison, Rev. James, letters written to, 246, 429.
Manny, James, letter written to, 169.
Maury, Mr. James, letter written to, 319.
McCarley, Mr., letter written to, 14.
Monroe, Colonel, letters written to, 70, 221, 456.
Montmorin, Le Comte de, letters written to, 185, 260, 298, 312,
416, 477, 487.
Morellet, Monsieur l'Abbé, letters written to, 170, 300.
Moustier, Monsieur Le Comte de, letters written to, 294, 387, 460,
587.
Neckar, Madame, letter written to, 569.
Osgood, Samuel, letter written to, 86.
Otto, Monsieur, letter written to, 94.
Paine, Thomas, letters written to, 545, 548.
Peters, Richard, letter written to, 130.
Prevot des Marchands et Echevins de Paris, letters written to the,
29, 123.
Price, Dr., letters written to, 354, 553.
Quesnay, Monsieur de, letter written to, 346.
Ramsay, Dr., letters written to, 48, 216.
Randolph, Edward, letter written to, 211.
Randolph, Governor, letter written to, 118.
Randolph, Colonel T. M., letter written to, 244.
Randolph, T. M. Jr., letter written to, 175.
Rouerie, Marquis de La, letter written to, 478.
Reyneval, Monsieur de, letters written to, 478, 486.
Rittenhouse, Mr., letter written to, 268.
Rival, Monsieur du, letters written to, 52, 101.
Rutledge, E., letters written to, 178, 433.
Rutledge, Governor, letter written to, 233.
Rutledge, J. Jr., letter written to, 467.
Rutledge, William, letter written to, 349.
Rutledge, Mr., letters written to, 413, 474.
Shippen, T. Lee., letters written to, 415, 423, 484, 579.
Short, William, letters written to, 137, 369, 479, 489, 541, 573,
576.
Skipwith, Mr., letter written to, 190.
Smith, Colonel W. S., letters written to, 284, 317, 447.
Soulés, Monsieur, letters written to, 102, 114.
Stiles, Mr., letter written to, 77.
Stael, Baron de, letter written to, 31.
Sullivan, President, letter written to, 287.
Terrasson, Monsieur, letter written to, 383.
Tesse, Madame la Comtesse de, letter written to, 131.
Thompson, Charles, letters written to, 67, 275.
Tronchin, Monsieur, letter written to, 359.
Van Hogendorp, Monsieur, letter written to, 22.
Vaughan, B., letters written to, 82, 166.
Vermi, Count del, letter written to, 255.
Villedeuil, Monsieur de, letter written to, 575.
Warville, Monsieur de, letters written to, 11, 357.
Washington, General George, letters written to, 60, 250, 370, 532.
Wilt, Delmestre & Co., Messrs., letter written to, 64.
Wythe, Mr., letters written to, 5, 265.
PART II.--CONTINUED
LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE
1785-1790.
PART II.--CONTINUED
LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE
1784-1790.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, August 12, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--Your favor of May the 9th, came to hand on the 25th of June,
I immediately communicated to the foreign officers the inability of the
treasury at that moment to provide payment of the interest due them,
with assurances of your attention to them on the first possible moment.
I communicated to Commodore Jones also your order for the balance in his
hands. As he was entitled to a part of the money he had received, and it
was reasonable to suppose he must have been living here on that resource,
so that he could not be expected to pay the whole sum received, I desired
him to state his account against that fund as he thought just himself, to
pay me the balance on account, reserving to you a full right to discuss
the propriety of his charges, and to allow or disallow them as you
pleased, so that nothing that passed between us, should either strengthen
or weaken his claims. He accordingly rendered me the account which I
now enclose, balance 112, 172_l._ 2-4. He desired me at the same time to
forward to you the papers, No. 1-12, which will show the objections and
difficulties he had to encounter, and which could have been obviated by
nobody else. There certainly was no other person whose knowledge of the
transactions so well qualified them to negotiate this business, and I do
suppose that this fund would have lost some of its capital articles in any
other hands. This circumstance, with the real value of this officer, will,
I doubt not, have their just influence in settling his claims. There is
no doubt but that he has actually expended the money charged to have been
expended. Without this supply, Mr. Grand would have been in advance for
the United States, according to a rough estimate which I made, 42, 281_l._
61_s._, besides 24, 437_l._ 11_s._, which, on the failure of the federal
funds here, and being apprised of Mr. Grand's advances, I had ventured to
order him to take from a sum of money lodged in his hands for the State
of Virginia for the purchase of arms. This liberty was taken in order
that he might honor the draughts of Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Dumas, pay
certain foreign officers who had not yet been paid _pari passu_ with their
brother officers, and answer my demand also. These two sums amounting to
66, 719_l._ 7_s._, were first to be replaced, and left a balance of 45,
452_l._ 15, 8_s._ Though you had proposed to leave this in my hands for
the calls of diplomatic establishments in Europe, I ventured to have it
paid with the residue of the mass into Mr. Grand's hands, to avoid giving
him umbrage and lessening his dispositions to advance hereafter, and also
because it would have been very insecure in my house which stands on the
outline of the city, separated from all others by a considerable interval,
and therefore exposed to robbery. The insurance in this situation would
have been worth much more than Mr. Grand's commission on it. From this
detail, you will perceive that there remains on hand about enough to
answer the demands of the diplomatic establishments in France, Spain,
England and Holland for a quarter of a year from this date, which I have
instructed Mr. Grand to apply solely to that purpose.
Commodore Jones will set out shortly for Copenhagen to settle the demand
against that Court, which done, he will return to America to close the
matters which have been confided to him.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, gentlemen,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. HAWKINS.
PARIS, August 13, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June the 14th, is come to hand, and I am to thank
you for your attention to my queries on the subject of the Indians. I have
sent many copies to other correspondents, but as yet have heard nothing
from them. I shall proceed, however, in my endeavors, particularly with
respect to their language, and shall take care so to dispose of what I
collect thereon, as that it shall not be lost. The attention which you
pay to their rights, also, does you great honor, as the want of that is a
principal source of dishonor to the American character. The two principles
on which our conduct towards the Indians should be founded, are justice
and fear. After the injuries we have done them, they cannot love us, which
leaves us no alternative but that of fear to keep them from attacking
us. But justice is what we should never lose sight of, and in time it
may recover their esteem. Your attention to one burthen I laid on you,
encourages me to remind you of another, which is the sending me some of
the seeds of the Dionæa Muscipula, or Venus fly-trap, called also with
you, I believe, the Sensitive Plant. This can come folded in a letter.
Europe is in a profound calm. The Venetians, Russians and Austrians,
indeed, are pecking at the Turks, but I suppose it is only to keep alive
pretensions which may authorize the commencement of hostilities when it
shall suit them. Whether this will be immediately on the death of the King
of Prussia, or some time after, cannot be said. That event may be daily
expected. It seems as if this Court did not fear a land war, and they are
possessed of the best materials of judging. My reason for thinking they
do not expect a disturbance of their tranquillity on this Continent is,
that their whole attention is bestowed on marine preparations. Their navy
is growing, and the practicability of building a seaport is no longer
problematical. Cherbourg will certainly be completed; it will be one of
the safest and most commodious ports in the world, and will contain the
whole navy of France. It will have the advantage over the English ports
on the opposite shore, because they leave two openings, which will admit
vessels to come in or go out with any wind. This port will enable them in
case of a war with England, to invade that country, or to annihilate its
commerce, and of course its marine. Probably, too, it will oblige them to
keep a standing army of considerable magnitude. We are tolerably certain
of establishing peace with the Emperor of Morocco, but Algiers, Tunis and
Tripoli will still be hostile. Morocco, however, lying on the Atlantic,
was the most important. The Algerines rarely come far into that, and Tunis
and Tripoli never. We must consider the Mediterranean as absolutely shut
to us till we can open it with money. Whether this will be best expended
in buying or forcing a peace is for Congress to determine. I shall be glad
often to hear from you, and am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your friend
and servant.
TO MR. JAY.
PARIS, August 13, 1786.
SIR,--The enclosed letter from Mr. Barclay, and one from Mr. Carmichael,
of which I send you extracts, are come to hand this morning, which is in
time for them to go by the same gentleman who carries my letter of the
11th. I observe what Mr. Carmichael says on the subject of the Portuguese
treaty, and am sorry it meets with difficulties. I doubt, however, whether
he ascribes them to their true cause, when he supposes they are occasioned
by M. del Pinto's being of a party opposed to that of their minister at
Madrid. The cause is not proportioned to the effect. The treaty between
France and England has lately been thought to have become stationary.
This is conjectured from the rigor of the custom-houses, much increased
by late orders, as also from some other circumstances. The overtures
between England and Portugal are animated in proportion, and in the same
degree, I suspect that the latter lessens her care about us. If her wines
were to become superfluous at the English market, she wished and hoped to
find a great one with us open, to receive them. M. del Pinto's courier,
which carried the treaty to Falmouth, arrived a few hours too late for the
Lisbon packet-boat. This lost a month in the conveyance, and that month,
by producing new prospects, has been critical. There is not a want of
probability that del Pinto himself will succeed the deceased minister in
Portugal. This would be favorable to our treaty, and fortunate for us in
proportion to the value of a connection with that nation. He is sensible,
candid, and has just ideas as to us, and favorable dispositions toward
us. I expect that Mr. Adams is at this moment at the Hague, as he intended
there to take leave of that Court, and, at the same time, to exchange the
ratification of the Prussian treaty. But I send on to London copies of
the enclosed, in hopes he will speedily be returned there. I shall propose
to him that we consider whether the conduct of the Dey of Algiers leaves
any hope that any negotiator whatever could obtain his peace without a
prodigious addition to the price we had thought of? If we conclude on
the negative, still it will remain to decide whether the expense of Mr.
Barclay's going there may not be compensated by additional information,
by the possibility that he might find their ultimatum, and the advantage
of relieving the mind of Congress from all suspense by possessing them of
this ultimatum. The peace of Spain, too, being concluded, it is to be seen
whether their interference can weigh as money. It has done so at Morocco.
But Algiers is a fiercer power.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. WYTHE.
PARIS, August 13, 1786.
DEAR SIR.--Your favors of January the 10th and February the 10th, came to
hand on the 20th and 23d of May. I availed myself of the first opportunity
which occurred, by a gentleman going to England, of sending to Mr. Joddrel
a copy of the Notes on our country, with a line informing him, that it
was you who had emboldened me to take that liberty. Madison, no doubt,
informed you of the reason why I had sent only a single copy to Virginia.
Being assured by him, that they will not do the harm I had apprehended,
but on the contrary, may do some good, I propose to send thither the
copies remaining on hand, which are fewer than I had intended. But, of the
numerous corrections they need, there are one or two so essential, that I
must have them made, by printing a few new leaves, and substituting them
for the old. This will be done while they are engraving a map which I have
constructed, of the country from Albemarle sound to Lake Erie, and which
will be inserted in the book. A bad French translation which is getting
out here, will probably oblige me to publish the original more freely;
which it did not deserve, nor did I intend. Your wishes, which are laws to
me, will justify my destining a copy for you, otherwise I should as soon
have thought of sending you a horn-book; for there is no truth in it which
is not familiar to you, and its errors I should hardly have proposed to
treat you with.
Immediately on the receipt of your letter, I wrote to a correspondent
at Florence to inquire after the family of Tagliaferro, as you desired.
I received his answer two days ago, a copy of which I now enclose.
The original shall be sent by some other occasion. I will have the
copper-plate immediately engraved. This may be ready within a few days,
but the probability is, that I shall be long getting an opportunity of
sending it to you, as these rarely occur. You do not mention the size
of the plate, but presuming it is intended for labels for the inside of
books, I shall have it made of a proper size for that. I shall omit the
word _agisos_, according to the license you allow me, because I think the
beauty of a motto is, to condense such matter in as few words as possible.
The word omitted will be supplied by every reader.
The European papers have announced, that the Assembly of Virginia were
occupied on the revisal of their code of laws. This, with some other
similar intelligence, has contributed much to convince the people of
Europe, that what the English papers are constantly publishing of our
anarchy, is false; as they are sensible that such a work is that of a
people only, who are in perfect tranquillity. Our act for freedom of
religion is extremely applauded. The ambassadors and ministers of the
several nations of Europe, resident at this court, have asked of me copies
of it, to send to their sovereigns, and it is inserted at full length in
several books now in the press; among others, in the new Encyclopedie. I
think it will produce considerable good even in these countries, where
ignorance, superstition, poverty, and oppression of body and mind, in
every form, are so firmly settled on the mass of the people, that their
redemption from them can never be hoped. If all the sovereigns of Europe
were to set themselves to work, to emancipate the minds of their subjects
from their present ignorance and prejudices, and that, as zealously as
they now endeavor the contrary, a thousand years would not place them on
that high ground, on which our common people are now setting out. Ours
could not have been so fairly placed under the control of the common sense
of the people, had they not been separated from their parent stock, and
kept from contamination, either from them, or the other people of the
old world, by the intervention of so wide an ocean. To know the worth of
this, one must see the want of it here. I think by far the most important
bill in our whole code, is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the
people. No other sure foundation can be devised, for the preservation
of freedom and happiness. If anybody thinks that kings, nobles, or
priests are good conservators of the public happiness, send him here.
It is the best school in the universe to cure him of that folly. He
will see here, with his own eyes, that these descriptions of men are an
abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the people.
The omnipotence of their effect cannot be better proved, than in this
country particularly, where, notwithstanding the finest soil upon earth,
the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent, the
most gay and amiable character of which the human form is susceptible;
where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature,
are loaded with misery, by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone.
Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance; establish and improve
the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know, that
the people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax
which will be paid for this purpose, is not more than the thousandth
part of what will be paid to kings, priests and nobles, who will rise
up among us if we leave the people in ignorance. The people of England,
I think, are less oppressed than here. But it needs but half an eye to
see, when among them, that the foundation is laid in their dispositions
for the establishment of a despotism. Nobility, wealth, and pomp, are the
objects of their admiration. They are by no means the free-minded people
we suppose them in America. Their learned men, too, are few in number,
and are less learned, and infinitely less emancipated from prejudice,
than those of this country. An event, too, seems to be preparing, in the
order of things, which will probably decide the fate of that country. It
is no longer doubtful, that the harbor of Cherbourg will be complete,
that it will be a most excellent one, and capacious enough to hold the
whole navy of France. Nothing has ever been wanting to enable this country
to invade that, but a naval force conveniently stationed to protect the
transports. This change of situation must oblige the English to keep up a
great standing army, and there is no King, who, with sufficient force, is
not always ready to make himself absolute. My paper warns me it is time to
recommend myself to the friendly recollection of Mrs. Wythe, of Colonel
Tagliaferro and his family, and particularly of Mr. R. T.; and to assure
you of the affectionate esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO DR. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, August 14, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of March 20th, and much satisfaction
from it. I had been alarmed with the general cry that our commerce was in
distress, and feared it might be for the want of markets. But the high
price of commodities shows that markets are not wanting. Is it not yet
possible, however, that these high prices may proceed from the smallness
of the quantity made, and that from the want of laborers? It would really
seem as if we did not make produce enough for home consumption, and, of
course, had none superfluous to exchange for foreign articles. The price
of wheat, for instance, shows it is not exported, because it could not, at
such a price, enter into competition at a foreign market with the wheat of
any other nation.
I send you some packets which have been put into my hands to be forwarded
to you. I cannot send your Encyclopedie by the same conveyance, because it
is by the way of England. Nothing worth reading has come from the press,
I think, since you left us. There are one or two things to be published
soon, which being on the subject of America, may be grateful to you, and
shall be sent.
Europe enjoys a perfect repose at present. Venice and the two empires seem
to be pecking at the Turks, but only in such a degree as may keep alive
certain pretensions for commencing war when they shall see the occasion
fit. Whether this will be immediately on the death of the King of Prussia
remains to be seen. That event must happen soon. By the little attention
paid by this country to their land army, it would seem as if they did not
apprehend a war on that element. But to the increase and arrangement of
their navy, they are very attentive. There is no longer a doubt but that
the harbor of Cherbourg will be completed, will be a most excellent one,
and capable of containing the whole navy of France. By having two outlets,
vessels may enter and sally with every wind, while in the opposite ports
of England particular winds are necessary. Our peace with Morocco is
probably signed by this time. We are indebted for it to the court of
Spain. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, will continue hostile according to
present appearances.
Your friends here, within the circle of my acquaintance, are well, and
often enquire after you. No interesting change that I recollect has taken
place among them. Houdon has just received the block of marble for General
Washington's statue. He is married since his return. Trumbul, our young
American painter, is come here to have his Death of Montgomery and Battle
of Bunker's Hill engraved. I will beg leave to place here my friendly
respects to young Mr. Franklin, and assurances of the esteem and regard
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
PARIS, August 14, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 7th of May, being immediately on my
return from England, and have lately received your favor of June 5th,
and thank you for the intelligence it contains. Every circumstance we
hear induces us to believe that it is the want of will, rather than of
ability, to furnish contributions which keeps the public treasury so poor.
The Algerines will probably do us the favor to produce a sense of the
necessity of a public treasury and a public force on that element where
it can never be dangerous. They refused even to speak on the subject of
peace. That with Morocco I expect is signed before this time; for which we
are much indebted to Spain.
Your friend, Mr. Trumbul, is here at present. He brought his Bunker's
Hill and Death of Montgomery to have them engraved here. He was yesterday
to see the King's collection of painting at Versailles, and confesses
it surpasses everything of which he even had an idea. I persuaded him to
stay and study here, and then proceed to Rome. Europe is yet quiet, and
so will remain probably till the death of the King of Prussia, which is
constantly expected. Whether this will be the signal for war or not, is
yet to be seen. The two empires and Venice keep alive certain pretensions
which may give color to the commencement of hostilities when they shall
think the occasion good. This country is much more intent on sea, than
on land preparations. Their harbor of Cherbourg will be completed and
will hold their whole navy. This is putting the bridle into the mouth of
England. The affairs of the United Netherlands have so long threatened
civil war, that one ceases almost to believe any appearances. It must
be confessed they cannot be stronger. Your friends here are well. La
Comtesse d'Houditot asks kindly after you. The public papers continue
to say favorable and just things of your poem. A violent criticism of
Chastellux's voyages is just appearing. It is not yet to be bought. I am
laboring hard with the assistance of M. de La Fayette to get the general
commerce of the United States with this country put on a favorable
footing, and am not without hopes. The Marquis is gone into Auvergne for
the summer. The rest of the beau monde are also vanished for the season.
We give and receive them you know in exchange for the swallows. I shall be
happy to hear from you often, and to hear that you are engaged usefully to
your country and agreeably to yourself, being with the most real esteem,
dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO M. DE WARVILLE.
PARIS, August 15, 1786.
SIR,--I have read with very great satisfaction the sheets of your work on
the commerce of France and the United States, which you were so good as to
put into my hands. I think you treat the subject, as far as these sheets
go, in an excellent manner. Were I to select any particular passages as
giving me particular satisfaction, it would be those wherein you prove
to the United States that they will be more virtuous, more free and more
happy, employed in agriculture, than as carriers or manufacturers. It
is a truth, and a precious one for them, if they could be persuaded of
it. I am also particularly pleased with your introductions. You have
properly observed that we can no longer be called Anglo-Americans. That
appellation now describes only the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, Canada,
&c. I had applied that of Federo Americans to our citizens, as it would
not be so decent for us to assume to ourselves the flattering appellation
of free Americans. There are two passages in this work on which I am
able to give information. The first is in page 62; "ils auront le caton
quand ils voudront se leiver à cegenre de culturé," and the note "l'on
voit dans la Eaie de Massachusetts." The four southernmost States make
a great deal of cotton. Their poor are almost entirely clothed in it in
winter and summer. In winter they wear shirts of it, and outer clothing
of cotton and wool mixed. In summer their shirts are linen, but the outer
clothing cotton. The dress of the women is almost entirely of cotton
manufactured by themselves, except the richer class, and even many of
these wear a good deal of home-spun cotton. It is as well manufactured
as the calicoes of Europe. Those four States furnish a great deal of
cotton to the States north of them, who cannot make it, as being too
cold. There is no neighborhood in any part of the United States without
a water-grist mill for grinding the corn of the neighborhood. Virginia,
Maryland, Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, abound with large
manufacturing mills for the exportation of flour. There are abundance
of saw-mills in all the States. Furnaces and forges of iron, I believe,
in every State, I know they are in the nine northernmost. There are
many mills for plating and slitting iron. And I think there are many
distilleries of rum from Norfolk, in Virginia, to Portsmouth, in New
Hampshire. I mention these circumstances because your note seems to imply
that these things are only in the particular States you mention.
The second passage is pages 101 and 102, where you speak of the "ravages
causés par l'abus des eaux de vie," which seems, by the note in page 101,
to be taken on authority of Smith. Nothing can be less true than what that
author says on this subject; and we may say in general that there are as
many falsehoods as facts in his work. I think drunkenness is much more
common in all the American States than in France. But it is less common
there than in England. You may form an idea from this of the state of it
in America. Smith saw everything through the medium of strong prejudice.
Besides this, he does not hesitate to write palpable lies, which he was
conscious were such. When you proceed to form your table of American
exports and imports, I make no doubt you will consult the American
Traveller, the estimates in which are nearer the truth than those of Lord
Sheffield and Deane, as far as my knowledge of the facts enables me to
judge. I must beg your pardon for having so long detained these sheets. I
did not finish my American despatches till the night before last, and was
obliged yesterday to go to Versailles. I have the honor to be, with very
great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO BARON BLOME.
PARIS, August 18, 1786.
SIR,--Dr. Franklin, during his residence at this court, was instructed by
Congress to apply to the court of Denmark for a compensation for certain
vessels and cargoes taken from the English during the late war by the
American squadron under the command of Commodore Paul Jones, carried into
a port of Denmark, and by order of the court of Denmark, re-delivered
to the English. Dr. Franklin made the application through the Baron de
Waltersdorff, at that time charged with other matters relative to the
two countries of Denmark and the United States of America. Baron de
Waltersdorff, after having written to his court, informed Dr. Franklin
that he was authorized to offer a compensation of ten thousand guineas.
This was declined, because it was thought that the value of the prizes
was the true measure of compensation, and that that ought to be inquired
into. Baron de Waltersdorff left this court sometime after, on a visit
only, as he expected, to Copenhagen, and the matter was suffered to rest
till his return. This was constantly expected till you did me the honor
of informing me that he had received another destination. It being now,
therefore, necessary to renew our application, it is thought better
that Commodore Paul Jones should repair in person to Copenhagen. His
knowledge of the whole transaction will best enable him to represent it
to that court, and the world has had too many proofs of the justice and
magnanimity of his Danish majesty to leave a doubt that he will order full
justice to be done to those brave men who saw themselves deprived of the
spoils, won by their gallantry, and at the hazard of their lives, and on
whose behalf the justice and generosity of his majesty is now reclaimed.
I am now, Sir, to ask the favor of you to communicate this application to
your court, to inform them that Commodore Paul Jones, who will present
himself to them, is authorized to solicit and arrange this matter, and
to ask your good offices with his majesty and his ministers, so that the
representations of Mr. Jones may find their way to them, which we are
assured is all that is necessary to obtain justice.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. MCCARLEY.
PARIS, August 19, 1786.
SIR,--On the receipt of your letter of the 7th instant, I called on
one of the Farmers General, who is of my acquaintance, and asked of
him explanations of the reasons for the low prices offered for tobacco.
He said they considered themselves as bound to purchase the quantities
as directed by the order of Berny, and at the prices therein ordered,
which quantities they apportioned among the ports according their wants,
allotting certain quantities to be bought weekly or monthly. That when
greater quantities offered, they thought themselves at liberty to buy them
at a lower price, if the holder would take it--that this was done by a
previous contract. I gave him an extract of the letter, and he promised to
inquire into it, and to use his influence that justice should be done you.
If you made an express contract for the prices you mention, without doubt
you will be held to them. If you did not make a contract, I think it is as
certain you will be entitled to the prices fixed by the government. Should
they refuse justice, I am told you may have redress by application to a
court on the spot, or to a tribunal at Paris, which takes cognizance of
whatever relates to the farmers. But I believe, also, that the committee
who proposed this regulation, are authorized to take cognizance of all
infractions of it. As soon as I obtain an answer from the Farmers General,
I will do myself the pleasure of communicating it to you. I am, with much
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, August 22, 1786.
SIR,--Your favors of June 16th, July 15th, 18th and 31st, I have the honor
now to acknowledge. I have been for a month past so closely employed, that
it has been out of my power to do myself the pleasure sooner of writing
to you on the several subjects they contain. I formerly wrote you the
reason why Mr. Grand has not paid your bills; that is to say, the want
of a letter of advice. As to the notary's calling on me as inserted in
the protest, I do not remember that he did. Persons calling on me with
demands on account of the United States, I generally refer to Mr. Grand,
with information that I have nothing to do with the moneys of the United
States. Mr. Grand, by refusing to make payments without my order in many
cases, has obliged me to interfere till I could obtain instructions to
him from the treasury as to the manner in which he should govern himself.
With respect to your bill, I am thoroughly satisfied he had no reason for
not paying it but the want of a letter of advice. Had there been one, I
would have ordered the payment; but this being a caution required between
private individuals, it was less to be dispensed with in the case of the
public. I believe I may venture to assure you, that if you will always
write a letter of advice with your bills, they will always be honored.
If the mode of doing business at Madrid would admit their being drawn at
so many days' sight, it would be better, because it would allow time to
consult you, if the letter of advice is miscarried.
* * * * *
The first notice of them has been the demand of payment. However, this
is not essential, nor anything else except the letter of advice--not even
the having money in our funds here, for this sometimes happens. I had your
last bills, those of Mr. Dumas, and some other federal demands, paid out
of a sum of money lodged here by the State of Virginia for the purchase
of arms. However, we have at present three months' supplies on hand. I am
to thank you for the map which I received of Mr. Randall. Mr. Barclay has
sent from Cadiz some of the books purchased there. Should you at any time
meet with any of the others named in my catalogue, at reasonable prices,
I will thank you to think of me. I paid Mr. Barclay's draught for those
coming from Cadiz, and will answer yours, or find means of remitting the
money to you for the map and such other books as you may be so good as to
purchase for me. I return you, according to your desire, O'Bryan's letter,
having sent copies of that and other papers you have forwarded me from
time to time, as also an extract from your own letters on the Barclay
affairs to Congress, and to Mr. Adams. Mr. Adams left London about the
3d or 4th instant, for the Hague, to exchange ratifications of our treaty
with Prussia with the Baron de Thulemeyer, and also to take leave of their
high-mightinesses, which he had not done before. I suppose that by this
time he is returned to London. It is inconceivable to me what difficulties
can have arisen on our treaty with Portugal. However, the delay of the
signature indicates that there are such. You intimate the expediency
of the mutual appointment of consuls between Denmark and us. But our
particular constitution occasions a difficulty. You know that a consul
is the creature of a convention altogether,--that without this he must be
unknown, and his jurisdiction unacknowledged by the laws of the country in
which he is placed. The will of the Sovereign in most countries can give
a jurisdiction by a simple order. With us, the confederation admitting
Congress to make treaties with foreign powers, they can by treaty or
convention provide for the admission and jurisdiction of consuls and the
confederation, and whatever is done under it, being paramount to the laws
of the States, this establishes the power of the consuls. But without a
convention, the laws of the States cannot take any notice of a consul,
nor permit him to exercise any jurisdiction. In the case of Temple, the
consul from England, therefore, Congress could only say he should have
such power as the law of nations, and the laws of the States admitted. But
none of the States having passed laws but for nations in alliance with
us, Temple can exercise no jurisdiction nor authority. You ask in what
state is our treaty with Naples? Congress gave powers to Mr. A., Dr. F.
and myself, to form treaties of alliance and commerce with every nation in
Europe with whom it could be supposed we should have an intercourse of any
sort. These powers were to continue two years. We offered to treat with
all nations. Prussia made a treaty with us. Portugal we expect does the
same. Tuscany exchanged propositions backwards and forwards with us, but
before they could be completed, our powers expired. The Emperor somewhat
the same. But all other nations made professions of friendship, and said
they supposed a commerce could be carried on without a treaty. Spain, you
know, treats at New York. At present, therefore, we stand thus: France,
the United Netherlands, Sweden and Prussia, are connected by treaty. Spain
and Portugal will probably be so. Perhaps the powers may be renewed for
the Emperor and Tuscany. But as to every other nation of Europe, I am
persuaded Congress will never offer a treaty. If any of them should desire
one hereafter, I suppose they will make the first overtures. In fact, the
exclusion of our vessels from the English and Spanish American possessions
in America, and the modified reception of them in the French islands, may
render regulations on our part necessary, which might be embarrassed by
a multiplication of treaties with other nations. I think, therefore, that
at present Congress would not wish to make any other treaties than those
actually in agitation with Spain and Portugal. A Commercial Congress is to
meet to prepare an article defining the extent of the powers over commerce
which it may be expedient to give to the United States in Congress
assembled. Every State has appointed deputies to meet for this purpose,
except Maryland, which declined it because they thought the established
Congress might propose an article. It is thought they will still appoint,
but that at any rate they will accede to what shall be done. Congress
being once invested with these powers will be the less embarrassed in
the system in proportion as their hands are less tied up by engagements
with other powers. While Mr. A., Dr. F. and myself were here together, it
was made a question whether we should send agents to the Barbary powers,
or receive their agents here. As these would expect to be supported, we
thought the former the more economical plan. An agent from Algiers to
Madrid must have great presents, and be pompously supported. This induced
us to send Mr. Lambe to Algiers. The possibility that mal-adroitness
in him may leave something yet practicable by Mr. Barclay, may perhaps
occasion a mission of this latter gentleman to Algiers. On this, I expect
to hear from Mr. Adams as soon as he returns from the Hague. As to myself,
I confess I expect nothing from Algiers, were we to send an angel, without
more money than we are authorized to give them. We desired Mr. Lambe to
repair to Congress, that he might, by his information, aid them in their
decisions. He answers us by resigning his commission, saying that his
health will not permit him either to go to Congress or to come to us;
yet he desires we will settle his accounts. It would seem, then, as if
he meant to live at Alicant, Carthagena, or somewhere there. Certainly we
cannot go to him. If he has still money in your banker's hands belonging
to the United States, and you judge from any circumstances that it ought
to be stopped, be so good as to write us on the subject, and in the
meantime to stop it. You observe, that I do not write to you on foreign
subjects. My reason has been, that our letters are often opened; and I do
not know that you have yet received the cypher Mr. Barclay was to leave
with you. If you have not, be so good as to ask a copy of his, which being
already in the hands of Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams, and myself, will enable you to
write in cypher to any of us. Indeed, I wish you could get the one from
Mr. Lambe, which is a copy. I have seen the Chevalier de Burgoyne two or
three times, and was much pleased with him. He expressed great friendship
for you. I have not yet seen Mr. Calver, but shall surely pay all the
attention I can to him, as well as to any other person you may be so kind
as to recommend. My letters and papers from America come down to the last
week in June. They inform me that treaties are concluded with most of the
Indian nations within our boundaries, that lands are purchased of them,
and Hutchins, the surveyor for the United States, gone out to lay them
off. Straggling Indians, however, still molest our settlements. But it is
neither in the general disposition, nor in the power of those tribes to do
us any serious ill. All the States have agreed to the impost. But New York
has annexed such conditions as that it cannot be accepted. It is thought,
therefore, they will grant it unconditionally. But a new difficulty has
started up. Three or four States had coupled the grant of the impost with
the grant of the supplementary funds, asked by Congress at the same time,
declaring that they should come into force only when all the States had
granted both. One of these, Pennsylvania, refuses to let the impost come
into being alone. We are still to see whether they will persist in this.
I enclose you a copy of an act of the Virginia Assembly for religious
freedom, which I had translated here into French and Italian. It is one
chapter only of the revised code of the laws of that State, which their
Assembly began to pass at their last session, and will finish at their
next. Pennsylvania is proposing a reformation of their criminal laws;
New York of their whole code. I send you also the article "Etats Unis" of
the Encyclopedie Methodique, which came out two or three days ago only.
They have printed some copies of this article by itself. The two first
sections you will find bad: in the others are several errors; but there
are a great number of details made on authentic materials, and to be
relied on. Remarkable deaths in America are General Cadwallader, Colonel
Tilghman (Tench), General McDougal, and Mrs. Wilson, wife of the member of
Congress. Mr. Telfair is Governor of Georgia, Collins of Rhode Island, and
S. Huntington of Massachusetts. I observe that S. Adams is not re-elected
president of the Senate of Massachusetts. I know not the reason of this.
Recollecting nothing else material, and having sufficiently fatigued you
already, I shall conclude with assurances of the esteem and respect with
which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.
PARIS, August 24, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your other friends here being so much better qualified to
give you the transactions of the metropolis during your absence, it
would be presumption in me to touch on them. I assume, therefore, the
office of your correspondent for American affairs, in the discharge
of which, I may stand a chance to communicate to you details which you
cannot get in the ordinary course of your correspondence, and which the
interest you are so good as to take in our affairs will sometimes render
agreeable to you. My letters and papers from America came down to the
16th of July. The impost then wanted the accession of New York only,
but another difficulty had started up. Three or four of the States had
coupled together the impost and the supplementary funds, so that neither
could take place till all the States had granted both. Pennsylvania was
of this number, and though desired by Congress to suffer the impost to be
established unconnected with the supplementary funds, they have refused,
saying, that should the interest of the foreign debt get into a course
of regular payment, separately from that of the domestic one, the other
States will be the less ready to provide for the latter. Some of the
other States have hereupon provided the supplementary funds. It remains
to see whether it will be easiest to get all the States to do this, or
to prevail on Pennsylvania to recede. All the States have come into the
Virginia proposition for a commercial convention, the deputies of which
are to agree on the form of an article giving to Congress the regulation
of their commerce. Maryland alone has not named deputies, conceiving
that Congress might as well propose the article. They are, however, for
giving the power, and will, therefore, either nominate deputies to the
convention, or accede to their measures. Massachusetts and New Hampshire
have suspended their navigation acts. The English encroachments on the
province of Maine become serious. They have seized vessels, too, on our
coast of Passimaquaddy, thereby displaying a pretension to the exclusive
jurisdiction to the Bay of Fundi, which separates Nova Scotia and Le
Maine, and belongs as much to us as them. The Spaniards have not yet
relinquished the fort of the Natches, and our arrangements with them hang
on a great obstacle, indispensable with us, and of which they are unjustly
and unwisely tenacious. The Indians, both Northern and Southern, have made
peace, except the Creeks, who have made a formidable attack on Georgia.
Scattering parties of the Northern Indians, too, have killed some persons
in Kentucky. They are unacknowledged, however, by their nations. I observe
that Samuel Adams is not re-elected President of the Senate. I cannot
conjecture the reason of this. General Sullivan is made President of New
Hampshire, Generals Green, McDougal, and Williamson are dead. There have
been, for some time, twelve States present in Congress. By a letter from
Mr. Barclay, of July 16, I expect our peace with Morocco is signed. For
this we are indebted to the honest offices of Spain. Your letter to some
friend in Boston, enclosing M. de Calonne's of November 19, 1785, on the
subject of whale oils, is printed at length in our papers. Your name is
to it, but not that of the person to whom addressed, nor any date. It will
do you just service there: the only question is whether it may not disarm
you here. I have as yet not heard a tittle from M. de Calonnes on the
subject of our commerce. I have received from you, from London, Andrew's
history of the war, and Cooper's travels. McIntosh's is not to be bought,
the whole edition being exhausted. Our Madeira will be in Paris to-day
or to-morrow. I shall be able to have a small copying press completed for
you here in about three weeks. Must it wait your return, or will you have
it sent to you? Adhering to my promise of saying nothing to you of what I
know so imperfectly as the affairs of this country, I shall conclude with
assurances of the sincere esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO M. VAN HOGENDORP.
PARIS, August 25, 1786.
SIR,--Your favor of the 2d instant has been duly received, and I employ
the first moment which has been at my disposal to answer it. The author
of the part of the new Encyclopedie which relates to political economy,
having asked of me materials for the article "Etat Unis," stating a number
of questions relative to them, I answered them as minutely and exactly
as was in my power. He has from these compiled the greater part of that
article. I take the liberty of enclosing you one of them, which will give
you all the details to which your letter refers. I can even refer you to
the pages which answer your several questions.
What is the extent of the Congress power in managing the affairs of the
United States?
The 6th and 9th articles of the confederation will explain these. Those
which it is thought they still need, you will find indicated in this
pamphlet, pages 29, 30, and in 31-6, their powers of coercion.
_Ques._--What are the expenses of Congress?
_Ans._--Page 31-6, and 43-6.
_Ques._--Which the revenue?
_Ans._--As yet they have no standing revenue; they have asked standing
revenues as they shall be noted under a subsequent question. In the
meantime they call annually for the sums necessary for the federal
government. See pages 43, 44.
_Ques._--In which way does the particular State contribute to the general
expenses?
_Ans._--Congress, once a year, calculate the sum necessary the succeeding
year to pay the interest of their debt and to defray the expenses of the
federal government. This sum they then apportion on the several States
according to the table page 44. And the States then raise each its part by
such taxes as they think proper.
_Ques._--Are general duties, to be levied by Congress, still expected to
be acquiesced to by the States?
_Ans._--See page 30, a. New York, the only State which had not granted the
impost of 5 per cent., has done it at a late session, but has reserved
to herself the appointment of collectors. Congress will not receive
it upon that condition. It is believed that New York will recede from
this condition. Still, a difficulty will remain; the impost of 5 per
cent. not being deemed sufficient to pay the interest of our whole debt,
foreign and domestic. Congress asked at the same time (that is in 1783)
supplementary funds to make good the deficiency. Several of the States
have not yet provided those supplementary funds. Some of those which have
provided them, have declared that the impost and the supplementary fund
shall commence only when all the States have granted both. Congress have
desired those States to uncouple the grants, so that each may come into
force separately as soon as it is given by all the States. Pennsylvania
has declared this way, that if the impost be granted alone, as that will
do little more than pay the interest of the foreign debt, the other States
will be less urgent to provide for the interest of the domestic debt.
She wishes, therefore, to avail herself of the general desire to provide
for the foreign creditors in order to enforce a just attention to the
domestic ones. The question is whether it will be more easy to prevail on
Pennsylvania to recede from this condition, or the other States to comply
with it. The treaties with the Indians have experienced greater delay than
was expected. They are, however, completed, and the surveyors are gone
into that country to lay out the land in lots. As soon as some progress
is made in this, the sale of lands will commence, and I have a firm faith
that they will, in a short time absorb the whole of the certificates of
the domestic debt.
The Philadelphia Bank was incorporated by Congress. This is, perhaps,
the only instance of their having done that which they had no power to
do. Necessity obliged them to give this institution the appearance of
their countenance, because in that moment they were without any other
resource for money. The Legislature of Pennsylvania, however, passed an
act of incorporation for the bank, and declared that the holders of stock
should be responsible only to the amount of their stock. Lately that
Legislature has repealed their act. The consequence is, that the bank is
now altogether a private institution, and every holder is liable for its
engagements in his whole property. This has had a curious effect. It has
given those who deposit money in the bank a greater faith in it, while
it has rendered the holders very discontented, as being more exposed to
risk, and has induced many to sell out, so that I have heard (I know not
how truly) that bank stock sells somewhat below par; it has been said
7 1-2 per cent.; but as the publication was from the enemies of the bank,
I do not give implicit faith to it. With respect to the article, "Etats
Unis" of the Encyclopedie now enclosed, I am far from making myself
responsible for the whole of the article. The two first sections are
taken chiefly from the Abbé Raynal, and they are therefore wrong exactly
in the same proportion the other sections are generally right. Even in
them, however, there is here and there an error. But, on the whole, it
is good, and the only thing as yet printed which gives a just idea of the
American constitutions. There will be another good work, a very good one,
published here soon, by a Mr. Mazzei, who has been many years a resident
of Virginia, is well informed and possessed of a masculine understanding.
I should rather have said it will be published in Holland, for I believe
it cannot be printed here. I should be happy indeed in an opportunity of
visiting Holland, but I know not when it will occur. In the meantime, it
would give me great pleasure to see you here. I think you would find both
pleasure and use in such a trip. I feel a sincere interest in the fall
of your country, and am disposed to wish well to either party only as I
can see in their measures a tendency to bring on an amelioration of the
condition of the people; an increase in the mass of happiness. But this
is a subject for conversation. My paper warns me that it is time to assure
you of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir,
your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. BARCLAY.
PARIS, September 22, 1786.
SIR,--I was honored a few days ago with the receipt of your letter of
August 11th. In my last to you, I informed you that I had proposed to
Mr. Adams to avail ourselves of your service at Algiers. I acknowledge
that I had no expectation, with our small means, you could effect a
treaty there; but I thought their ultimatum might be discovered, and
other intelligence obtained which might repay us the trouble and expense
of the journey. I wished, also, to know what might be the effect of the
interposition of the court of Madrid, now that it is likely to interpose.
A letter recently received from Mr. Carmichael informs me, that it is the
opinion of the Counts de Florida Blanca and D'Expilly, that nothing can
be effected at Algiers till there be a previous treaty with the Ottoman
Porte. Independently of that information, Mr. Adams is of opinion, that no
good can result at present from a further attempt at Algiers. The Porte,
Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli must remain for the further deliberation of
Congress. Of course, we have no occasion to trouble you with any further
visits to those powers, and leave you at liberty to return here, to
London, or to America, as you shall think proper. We are happy that your
successful efforts with the Emperor of Morocco have left the Atlantic open
to our commerce, and little dangerous.
I have the pleasure to inform you that Mrs. Barclay and family are well,
and am, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, your very
humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, September 26, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last letter to you was dated the 27th of August, since
which I have received yours of September 11th. The letter to Mr. Lambe
therein enclosed, I immediately signed and forwarded. In mine, wherein I
had the honor of proposing to you the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers,
I mentioned that my expectations from it were of a subordinate nature
only. I very readily, therefore, recede from it in compliance with your
judgment--that his mission might do more harm than good. I accordingly
wrote to Mr. Barclay, that he was at liberty to return to this place, to
London, or to America, as he should think best. I now enclose you copies
of such letters from him, Mr. Lambe and Mr. Carmichael, as have come to
hand since my last to you. I have had opportunities of making further
inquiry as to the premium of insurance at L'Orient for vessels bound to
or from America, and I find that no additional premium is there required
on account of the risk of capture by the Barbary States. This fact may be
worth mentioning to American merchants in London.
We have been continually endeavoring to obtain a deduction of the duties
on American whale oil. The prospect was not flattering. I shall avail
myself of the information contained in your letter to press this matter
further. Mr. Barrett has arrived here, and the first object for his
relief, is to obtain a dissolution of his former contract. I will thank
you for some copies of the Prussian treaty by the first opportunity, and
take the liberty of troubling you to forward the packet of letters which
Mr. Smith, the bearer of this, will have the honor of delivering to you.
I beg the favor of you to present my most respectful compliments to Mrs.
Adams, and to be assured yourself of the sentiments of sincere esteem and
respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient,
and humble servant.
TO MR. JAY.
PARIS, September 26, 1786.
SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of writing you were of the 11th
and 13th of August. Since that, I have been favored with yours of July
14th and August the 13th. I now enclose you such letters on the Barclay
negotiations as have come to hand since my last. With these, is the
copy of a joint letter from Mr. Adams and myself to Mr. Lambe. In mine
of August 13th, I mentioned that I had proposed it as a subject of
consideration to Mr. Adams, whether the mission of Mr. Barclay to Algiers
might answer any good purpose. He is of opinion that it could not. I have,
therefore, informed Mr. Barclay, who by this time, is probably in Spain,
that he is at liberty to return to this place, to London or America, as he
shall think proper. You will perceive by the letter from Mr. Carmichael,
that it is the opinion of the Counts de Florida Blanca and D'Expilly, that
a treaty with the Ottoman Porte is necessary before one can be made with
Algiers. Such a treaty will require presents, not indeed as the price of
the peace, but such as are usually made in compliment to their ministers.
But as it would be ineffectual towards opening to us the Mediterranean
until a peace with Algiers can be obtained, there seems to be no reason
for pressing it till there is a prospect of settlement with the Algerines.
Since the death of the King of Prussia, the symptoms of war between the
Porte and the Russians and Venetians have become stronger. I think it is
the opinion of this court, however, that there will be no war shortly on
the Continent. I judge this as well from other information as from the
circumstance of a late reduction of their land force. All their military
preparations seems to be against a naval war. Nevertheless, their treaty
with England has lately taken a sudden start. Declarations have been
exchanged between the negotiators in the nature of preliminaries to a
definitive treaty. The particulars of these declarations are not yet
certainly known.
I was lately asked by the Imperial ambassador whether I had received an
answer on the subject of the proposition to our powers to treat with his
sovereign. A discrimination which they understand to have been made in
America between the subjects of powers having treaties with us and those
having none, seems to be the motive of their pressing this matter.
It being known that M. de Calonne, the Minister of Finance, is at his
wits' end to raise supplies for the ensuing year, a proposition has been
made him by a Dutch company to purchase the debt of the United States
to this country for seventy millions of livres in hand. His necessities
dispose him to accede to the proposition; but a hesitation is produced by
the apprehension, that it might lessen our credit in Europe, and perhaps
be disagreeable to Congress. I have been consulted here only by the agent
for that company. I informed him that I could not judge what effect it
might have on our credit, and was not authorized either to approve or
disapprove of the transaction. I have since reflected on this subject.
If there be a danger that our payments may not be punctual, it might be
better that the discontents which would thence arise should be transferred
from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts
of a private company. But it has occurred to me, that we might find
occasion to do what would be grateful to this court, and establish with
them a confidence in our honor. I am informed that our credit in Holland
is sound. Might it not be possible, then, to borrow the four-and-twenty
millions due to this country, and thus pay them their whole debt at
once? This would save them from any loss on our account. Is it liable to
the objection of impropriety in creating new debts before we have more
certain means of paying them? It is only transferring from one creditor
to another, and removing the causes of discontent to persons with whom
they would do us less injury. Thinking that this matter is worthy of
the attention of Congress, I will endeavor that the negotiation shall be
retarded till it may be possible for me to know their decision, which,
therefore, I will take the liberty of praying immediately.
You will have heard, before this comes to hand, that the parties in the
United Netherlands have come to an open rupture. How far it will proceed,
cannot now be foreseen. I send you herewith the gazettes of France and
Leyden to this date, and have the honor of being, with sentiments of the
most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO THE PREVOT DES MARCHANDS ET ECHEVINS DE PARIS.
PARIS, September 27, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--The commonwealth of Virginia, in gratitude for the services
of Major General the Marquis de La Fayette, have determined to erect his
bust in their capital. Desirous to place a like monument of his worth,
and of their sense of it, in the country to which they are indebted for
his birth, they have hoped that the city of Paris will consent to become
the depository of this second testimony of their gratitude. Being charged
by them with the execution of their wishes, I have the honor to solicit
of Messieurs le Prevot des Marchands et Echevins, on behalf of the city,
their acceptance of a bust of this gallant officer, and that they will be
pleased to place it where, doing most honor to him, it will most gratify
the feelings of an allied nation.
It is with true pleasure that I obey the call of that commonwealth, to
render just homage to a character so great in its first developments, that
they would honor the close of any other. Their country, covered by a small
army against a great one, their exhausted means supplied by his talents,
their enemies finally forced to that spot whither their allies and
confederates were collecting to receive them, and a war which had spread
its miseries into the four quarters of the earth, thus reduced to a single
point, where one blow should terminate it, and through the whole, an
implicit respect paid to the laws of the land; these are facts which would
illustrate any character, and which fully justify the warmth of those
feelings, of which I have the honor on this occasion to be the organ.
It would have been more pleasing to me to have executed this office in
person, to have mingled the tribute of private gratitude with that of my
country, and, at the same time, to have had an opportunity of presenting
to your honorable body, the homage of that profound respect which I have
the honor to bear them. But I am withheld from these grateful duties
by the consequences of a fall, which confine me to my room. Mr. Short,
therefore, a citizen of the State of Virginia, and heretofore a member of
its Council of State, will have the honor of delivering you this letter,
together with the resolution of the General Assembly of Virginia. He will
have that, also, of presenting the bust at such time and place, as you
will be so good as to signify your pleasure to receive it. Through him,
I beg to be allowed the honor of presenting those sentiments of profound
respect and veneration, with which I am, Gentlemen, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO BARON DE STAEL.
SIR,--I have the honor of communicating to your Excellency the copy of
a treaty of amity and commerce concluded between the United States of
America and his late Majesty the King of Prussia, in the two languages in
which it was written, each of which was agreed to be equally original.
The exchange of ratifications we made but little before the death of
the King. This circumstance, with the delays which have attended the
printing and transmitting the copies of the treaty to me, have prevented
my making an earlier communication of it to your Excellency, as a mark of
the confidence and the respect we bear to the nation whom you so worthily
represent here, and with which we have the honor of being allied.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and
esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MRS. COSWAY.
PARIS, October 26, 1786.
MY DEAR MADAM,--Having performed the last sad office of handing you
into your carriage, at the pavillon de St. Denis, and seen the wheels
get actually into motion, I turned on my heel and walked, more dead
than alive, to the opposite door, where my own was awaiting me. Mr.
Danquerville was missing. He was sought for, found, and dragged down
stairs. We were crammed into the carriage, like recruits for the Bastille,
and not having soul enough to give orders to the coachman, he presumed
Paris our destination, and drove off. After a considerable interval,
silence was broke, with a "_Je suis vraiment afflige du depart de ces
bons gens_." This was a signal for a mutual confession of distress. We
began immediately to talk of Mr. and Mrs. Cosway, of their goodness, their
talents, their amiability; and, though we spoke of nothing else, we seemed
hardly to have entered into the matter, when the coachman announced the
rue St. Denis, and that we were opposite Mr. Danquerville's. He insisted
on descending there, and traversing a short passage to his lodgings. I
was carried home. Seated by my fireside, solitary and sad, the following
dialogue took place between my Head and my Heart.
_Head._ Well, friend, you seem to be in a pretty trim.
_Heart._ I am indeed the most wretched of all earthly beings. Overwhelmed
with grief, every fibre of my frame distended beyond its natural powers to
bear, I would willingly meet whatever catastrophe should leave me no more
to feel, or to fear.
_Head._ These are the eternal consequences of your warmth and
precipitation. This is one of the scrapes into which you are ever leading
us. You confess your follies, indeed; but still you hug and cherish them;
and no reformation can be hoped where there is no repentance.
_Heart._ Oh, my friend! this is no moment to upbraid my foibles. I am
rent into fragments by the force of my grief! If you have any balm, pour
it into my wounds; if none, do not harrow them by new torments. Spare me
in this awful moment! At any other, I will attend with patience to your
admonitions.
_Head._ On the contrary, I never found that the moment of triumph, with
you, was the moment of attention to my admonitions. While suffering under
your follies, you may perhaps be made sensible of them, but the paroxysm
over, you fancy it can never return. Harsh, therefore, as the medicine may
be, it is my office to administer it. You will be pleased to remember,
that when our friend Trumbull used to be telling us of the merits and
talents of these good people, I never ceased whispering to you that we
had no occasion for new acquaintances; that the greater their merits and
talents, the more dangerous their friendship to our tranquillity, because
the regret at parting would be greater.
_Heart._ Accordingly, Sir, this acquaintance was not the consequence of
my doings. It was one of your projects, which threw us in the way of it.
It was you, remember, and not I, who desired the meeting at Legrand and
Motinos. I never trouble myself with domes nor arches. The Halle aux bleds
might have rotted down, before I should have gone to see it. But you,
forsooth, who are eternally getting us to sleep with your diagrams and
crotchets, must go and examine this wonderful piece of architecture; and
when you had seen it, oh! it was the most superb thing on earth! What you
had seen there was worth all you had yet seen in Paris! I thought so too.
But I meant it of the lady and gentleman to whom we had been presented;
and not of a parcel of sticks and chips put together in pens. You, then,
Sir, and not I, have been the cause of the present distress.
_Head._ It would have been happy for you if my diagrams and crotchets
had gotten you to sleep on that day, as you are pleased to say they
eternally do. My visit to Legrand and Motinos had public utility for its
object. A market is to be built in Richmond. What a commodious plan is
that of Legrand and Motinos; especially, if we put on it the noble dome
of the Halle aux bleds. If such a bridge as they showed us can be thrown
across the Schuylkill, at Philadelphia, the floating bridges taken up,
and the navigation of that river opened, what a copious resource will be
added, of wood and provisions, to warm and feed the poor of that city?
While I was occupied with these objects, you were dilating with your
new acquaintances, and contriving how to prevent a separation from them.
Every soul of you had an engagement for the day. Yet all these were to
be sacrificed, that you might dine together. Lying messengers were to be
despatched into every quarter of the city, with apologies for your breach
of engagement. You, particularly, had the effrontery to send word to the
Dutchess Danville, that on the moment we were setting out to dine with her,
despatches came to hand, which required immediate attention. You wanted
me to invent a more ingenious excuse; but I knew you were getting into a
scrape, and I would have nothing to do with it. Well; after dinner to St.
Cloud, from St. Cloud to Ruggieri's, from Ruggieri's to Krumfoltz; and
if the day had been as long as a Lapland summer day, you would still have
contrived means among you to have filled it.
_Heart._ Oh! my dear friend, how you have revived me by recalling to my
mind the transactions of that day! How well I remember them all, and that,
when I came home at night, and looked back to the morning, it seemed to
have been a month agone. Go on, then, like a kind comforter, and paint to
me the day we went to St. Germains. How beautiful was every object! the
Port de Reuilly, the hills along the Seine, the rainbows of the machine of
Marly, the terrace of St. Germains, the chateaux, the gardens, the statues
of Marly, the pavillon of Lucienne. Recollect, too, Madrid, Bagatelle,
the King's garden, the Dessert. How grand the idea excited by the remains
of such a column. The spiral staircase, too, was beautiful. Every moment
was filled with something agreeable. The wheels of time moved on with a
rapidity, of which those of our carriage gave but a faint idea. And yet,
in the evening, when one took a retrospect of the day, what a mass of
happiness had we travelled over! Retrace all those scenes to me, my good
companion, and I will forgive the unkindness with which you were chiding
me. The day we went to St. Germains was a little too warm, I think; was it
not?
_Head._ Thou art the most incorrigible of all the beings that ever sinned!
I reminded you of the follies of the first day, intending to deduce from
thence some useful lessons for you; but instead of listening to them, you
kindle at the recollection, you retrace the whole series with a fondness,
which shows you want nothing, but the opportunity, to act it over again.
I often told you, during its course, that you were imprudently engaging
your affections, under circumstances that must have cost you a great deal
of pain; that the persons, indeed, were of the greatest merit, possessing
good sense, good humor, honest hearts, honest manners, and eminence in
a lovely art; that the lady had, moreover, qualities and accomplishments
belonging to her sex, which might form a chapter apart for her; such as
music, modesty, beauty, and that softness of disposition, which is the
ornament of her sex and charm of ours; but that all these considerations
would increase the pang of separation; that their stay here was to be
short; that you rack our whole system when you are parted from those you
love, complaining that such a separation is worse than death, inasmuch
as this ends our sufferings, whereas that only begins them; and that
the separation would, in this instance, be the more severe, as you would
probably never see them again.
_Heart._ But they told me they would come back again, the next year.
_Head._ But, in the meantime, see what you suffer; and their return, too,
depends on so many circumstances, that if you had a grain of prudence, you
would not count upon it. Upon the whole, it is improbable, and therefore
you should abandon the idea of ever seeing them again.
_Heart._ May heaven abandon me if I do!
_Head._ Very well. Suppose, then, they come back. They are to stay two
months, and, when these are expired, what is to follow? Perhaps you
flatter yourself they may come to America?
_Heart._ God only knows what is to happen. I see nothing impossible in
that supposition; and I see things wonderfully contrived sometimes, to
make us happy. Where could they find such objects as in America, for
the exercise of their enchanting art? especially the lady, who paints
landscapes so inimitably. She wants only subjects worthy of immortality,
to render her pencil immortal. The Falling Spring, the Cascade of Niagara,
the passage of the Potomac through the Blue Mountains, the Natural Bridge;
it is worth a voyage across the Atlantic to see these objects; much more
to paint, and make them, and thereby ourselves, known to all ages. And
our own dear Monticello; where has nature spread so rich a mantle under
the eye? mountains, forests, rocks, rivers. With what majesty do we there
ride above the storms! How sublime to look down into the workhouse of
nature, to see her clouds, hail, snow, rain, thunder, all fabricated at
our feet! and the glorious sun when rising as if out of a distant water,
just gilding the tops of the mountains, and giving life to all nature!
I hope in God, no circumstance may ever make either seek an asylum
from grief! With what sincere sympathy I would open every cell of my
composition, to receive the effusion of their woes! I would pour my tears
into their wounds; and if a drop of balm could be found on the top of
the Cordilleras, or at the remotest sources of the Missouri, I would go
thither myself to seek and to bring it. Deeply practised in the school of
affliction, the human heart knows no joy which I have not lost, no sorrow
of which I have not drunk! Fortune can present no grief of unknown form
to me! Who, then, can so softly bind up the wound of another, as he who
has felt the same wound himself? But heaven forbid they should ever know a
sorrow! Let us turn over another leaf, for this has distracted me.
_Head._ Well. Let us put this possibility to trial then, on another
point. When you consider the character which is given of our country,
by the lying newspapers of London, and their credulous copiers in other
countries; when you reflect that all Europe is made to believe we are a
lawless banditti, in a state of absolute anarchy, cutting one another's
throats, and plundering without distinction, how could you expect that any
reasonable creature would venture among us?
_Heart._ But you and I know that all this is false: that there is not a
country on earth, where there is greater tranquillity; where the laws are
milder, or better obeyed; where every one is more attentive to his own
business, or meddles less with that of others; where strangers are better
received, more hospitably treated, and with a more sacred respect.
_Head._ True, you and I know this, but your friends do not know it.
_Heart._ But they are sensible people, who think for themselves. They
will ask of impartial foreigners, who have been among us, whether they
saw or heard on the spot, any instance of anarchy. They will judge, too,
that a people, occupied as we are, in opening rivers, digging navigable
canals, making roads, building public schools, establishing academies,
erecting busts and statues to our great men, protecting religious freedom,
abolishing sanguinary punishments, reforming and improving our laws in
general; they will judge, I say, for themselves, whether these are not the
occupations of a people at their ease; whether this is not better evidence
of our true state, than a London newspaper, hired to lie, and from which
no truth can ever be extracted but by reversing everything it says.
_Head._ I did not begin this lecture, my friend, with a view to learn from
you what America is doing. Let us return, then, to our point. I wish to
make you sensible how imprudent it is to place your affections, without
reserve, on objects you must so soon lose, and whose loss, when it comes,
must cost you such severe pangs. Remember the last night. You knew your
friends were to leave Paris to-day. This was enough to throw you into
agonies. All night you tossed us from one side of the bed to the other;
no sleep, no rest. The poor crippled wrist, too, never left one moment
in the same position; now up, now down, now here, now there; was it to be
wondered at, if its pains returned? The surgeon then was to be called, and
to be rated as an ignoramus, because he could not divine the cause of this
extraordinary change. In fine, my friend, you must mend your manners. This
is not a world to live at random in, as you do. To avoid those eternal
distresses, to which you are forever exposing us, you must learn to look
forward, before you take a step which may interest our peace. Everything
in this world is matter of calculation. Advance then with caution, the
balance in your hand. Put into one scale the pleasures which any object
may offer; but put fairly into the other, the pains which are to follow,
and see which preponderates. The making an acquaintance, is not a matter
of indifference. When a new one is proposed to you, view it all round.
Consider what advantages it presents, and to what inconveniences it may
expose you. Do not bite at the bait of pleasure, till you know there is
no hook beneath it. The art of life is the art of avoiding pain; and he
is the best pilot, who steers clearest of the rocks and shoals with which
it is beset. Pleasure is always before us; but misfortune is at our side:
while running after that, this arrests us. The most effectual means of
being secure against pain, is to retire within ourselves, and to suffice
for our own happiness. Those which depend on ourselves, are the only
pleasures a wise man will count on: for nothing is ours, which another may
deprive us of. Hence the inestimable value of intellectual pleasures. Ever
in our power, always leading us to something new, never cloying, we ride
serene and sublime above the concerns of this mortal world, contemplating
truth and nature, matter and motion, the laws which bind up their
existence, and that Eternal Being who made and bound them up by those
laws. Let this be our employ. Leave the bustle and tumult of society to
those who have not talents to occupy themselves without them. Friendship
is but another name for an alliance with the follies and the misfortunes
of others. Our own share of miseries is sufficient: why enter then as
volunteers into those of another? Is there so little gall poured into our
cup, that we must need help to drink that of our neighbor? A friend dies,
or leaves us: we feel as if a limb was cut off. He is sick: we must watch
over him, and participate of his pains. His fortune is shipwrecked: ours
must be laid under contribution. He loses a child, a parent, or a partner:
we must mourn the loss as if it were our own.
_Heart._ And what more sublime delight than to mingle tears with one whom
the hand of heaven hath smitten! to watch over the bed of sickness, and
to beguile its tedious and its painful moments! to share our bread with
one to whom misfortune has left none! This world abounds indeed with
misery; to lighten its burthen, we must divide it with one another. But
let us now try the virtue of your mathematical balance, and as you have
put into one scale the burthens of friendship, let me put its comforts
into the other. When languishing then under disease, how grateful is the
solace of our friends! how are we penetrated with their assiduities and
attentions! how much are we supported by their encouragements and kind
offices! When heaven has taken from us some object of our love, how sweet
is it to have a bosom whereon to recline our heads, and into which we may
pour the torrent of our tears! Grief, with such a comfort, is almost a
luxury! In a life, where we are perpetually exposed to want and accident,
yours is a wonderful proposition, to insulate ourselves, to retire from
all aid, and to wrap ourselves in the mantle of self-sufficiency! For,
assuredly, nobody will care for him who cares for nobody. But friendship
is precious, not only in the shade, but in the sunshine of life; and
thanks to a benevolent arrangement of things, the greater part of life
is sunshine. I will recur for proof to the days we have lately passed.
On these, indeed, the sun shone brightly. How gay did the face of nature
appear! Hills, valleys, chateaux, gardens, rivers, every object wore
its liveliest hue! Whence did they borrow it? From the presence of our
charming companion. They were pleasing, because she seemed pleased. Alone,
the scene would have been dull and insipid: the participation of it with
her gave it relish. Let the gloomy monk, sequestered from the world,
seek unsocial pleasures in the bottom of his cell! Let the sublimated
philosopher grasp visionary happiness, while pursuing phantoms dressed
in the garb of truth! Their supreme wisdom is supreme folly; and they
mistake for happiness the mere absence of pain. Had they ever felt the
solid pleasure of one generous spasm of the heart, they would exchange
for it all the frigid speculations of their lives, which you have been
vaunting in such elevated terms. Believe me, then, my friend, that that
is a miserable arithmetic which could estimate friendship at nothing, or
at less than nothing. Respect for you has induced me to enter into this
discussion, and to hear principles uttered which I detest and abjure.
Respect for myself now obliges me to recall you into the proper limits
of your office. When nature assigned us the same habitation, she gave us
over it a divided empire. To you, she allotted the field of science; to
me, that of morals. When the circle is to be squared, or the orbit of a
comet to be traced; when the arch of greatest strength, or the solid of
least resistance, is to be investigated, take up the problem; it is yours;
nature has given me no cognizance of it. In like manner, in denying to you
the feelings of sympathy, of benevolence, of gratitude, of justice, of
love, of friendship, she has excluded you from their control. To these,
she has adapted the mechanism of the heart. Morals were too essential
to the happiness of man, to be risked on the uncertain combinations of
the head. She laid their foundation, therefore, in sentiment, not in
science. That she gave to all, as necessary to all; this to a few only,
as sufficing with a few. I know, indeed, that you pretend authority to
the sovereign control of our conduct, in all its parts; and a respect for
your grave saws and maxims, a desire to do what is right, has sometimes
induced me to conform to your counsels. A few facts, however, which I can
readily recall to your memory, will suffice to prove to you, that nature
has not organized you for our moral direction. When the poor, wearied
soldier whom we overtook at Chickahomony, with his pack on his back,
begged us to let him get up behind our chariot, you began to calculate
that the road was full of soldiers, and that if all should be taken
up, our horses would fail in their journey. We drove on therefore. But,
soon becoming sensible you had made me do wrong, that, though we cannot
relieve all the distressed, we should relieve as many as we can, I turned
about to take up the soldier; but he had entered a bye-path, and was no
more to be found; and from that moment to this, I could never find him
out, to ask his forgiveness. Again, when the poor woman came to ask a
charity in Philadelphia, you whispered that she looked like a drunkard,
and that half a dollar was enough to give her for the ale-house. Those
who want the dispositions to give, easily find reasons why they ought
not to give. When I sought her out afterwards, and did what I should have
done at first, you know that she employed the money immediately towards
placing her child at school. If our country, when pressed with wrongs at
the point of the bayonet, had been governed by its heads instead of its
hearts, where should we have been now? Hanging on a gallows as high as
Haman's. You began to calculate, and to compare wealth and numbers: we
threw up a few pulsations of our blood; we supplied enthusiasm against
wealth and numbers; we put our existence to the hazard, when the hazard
seemed against us, and we saved our country: justifying, at the same time,
the ways of Providence, whose precept is, to do always what is right, and
leave the issue to him. In short, my friend, as far as my recollection
serves me, I do not know that I ever did a good thing on your suggestion,
or a dirty one without it. I do forever, then, disclaim your interference
in my province. Fill paper as you please with triangles and squares: try
how many ways you can hang and combine them together. I shall never envy
nor control your sublime delights. But leave me to decide, when and where
friendships are to be contracted. You say, I contract them at random. So
you said the woman at Philadelphia was a drunkard. I receive none into my
esteem, till I know they are worthy of it. Wealth, title, office, are no
recommendations to my friendship. On the contrary, great good qualities
are requisite to make amends for their having wealth, title, and office.
You confess, that, in the present case, I could not have made a worthier
choice. You only object, that I was so soon to lose them. We are not
immortal ourselves, my friend; how can we expect our enjoyments to be so?
We have no rose without its thorn; no pleasure without alloy. It is the
law of our existence; and we must acquiesce. It is the condition annexed
to all our pleasures, not by us who receive, but by him who gives them.
True, this condition is pressing cruelly on me at this moment. I feel
more fit for death than life. But, when I look back on the pleasures of
which it is the consequence, I am conscious they were worth the price I am
paying. Notwithstanding your endeavors, too, to damp my hopes, I comfort
myself with expectations of their promised return. Hope is sweeter than
despair; and they were too good to mean to deceive me. "In the summer,"
said the gentleman; but "in the spring," said the lady; and I should love
her forever, were it only for that! Know, then, my friend, that I have
taken these good people into my bosom; that I have lodged them in the
warmest cell I could find; that I love them, and will continue to love
them through life; that if fortune should dispose them on one side the
globe, and me on the other, my affections shall pervade its whole mass
to reach them. Knowing then my determination, attempt not to disturb it.
If you can, at any time, furnish matter for their amusement, it will be
the office of a good neighbor to do it. I will, in like manner, seize any
occasion which may offer, to do the like good turn for you with Condorcet,
Rittenhouse, Madison, La Cretelle, or any other of those worthy sons of
science, whom you so justly prize.
I thought this a favorable proposition whereon to rest the issue of the
dialogue. So I put an end to it by calling for my nightcap. Methinks, I
hear you wish to heaven I had called a little sooner, and so spared you
the ennui of such a sermon. I did not interrupt them sooner, because I
was in a mood for hearing sermons. You too were the subject; and on such
a thesis, I never think the theme long; not even if I am to write it,
and that slowly and awkwardly, as now, with the left hand. But, that you
may not be discouraged from a correspondence which begins so formidably,
I will promise you, on my honor, that my future letters shall be of a
reasonable length. I will even agree to express but half my esteem for
you, for fear of cloying you with too full a dose. But, on your part, no
curtailing. If your letters are as long as the Bible, they will appear
short to me. Only let them be brimful of affection. I shall read them with
the dispositions with which Arlequin, in _Les deux billets_, spelt the
words "_je t'aime_," and wished that the whole alphabet had entered into
their composition.
We have had incessant rains since your departure. These make me fear for
your health, as well as that you had an uncomfortable journey. The same
cause has prevented me from being able to give you any account of your
friends here. This voyage to Fontainebleau will probably send the Count
de Moutier and the Marquis de Brehan, to America. Danquerville promised
to visit me, but has not done it as yet. De la Tude comes sometimes to
take family soup with me, and entertains me with anecdotes of his five
and thirty years' imprisonment. How fertile is the mind of man, which can
make the Bastile and dungeon of Vincennes yield interesting anecdotes!
You know this was for making four verses on Madame de Pompadour. But I
think you told me you did not know the verses. They were these: "_Sans
esprit, sans sentiment, Sans etre belle, ni neuve, En France on peut avoir
le premier amant: Pompadour en est l'epreuve._" I have read the memoir of
his three escapes. As to myself, my health is good, except my wrist which
mends slowly, and my mind which mends not at all, but broods constantly
over your departure. The lateness of the season obliges me to decline my
journey into the south of France. Present me in the most friendly terms to
Mr. Cosway, and receive me into your own recollection with a partiality
and warmth, proportioned not to my own poor merit, but to the sentiments
of sincere affection and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, my
dear Madam, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MRS. COSWAY.
PARIS, October 13, 1786.
MY DEAR MADAM,--Just as I had sealed the enclosed, I received a letter of
a good length, dated Antwerp, with your name at the bottom. I prepared
myself for a feast. I read two or three sentences; looked again at the
signature to see if I had not mistaken it. It was visibly yours. Read
a sentence or two more. Diable! Spelt your name distinctly. There was
not a letter of it omitted. Began to read again. In fine, after reading
a little and examining the signature, alternately, half a dozen times,
I found that your name was to four lines only, instead of four pages. I
thank you for the four lines, however, because they prove you think of
me; little, indeed, but better little than none. To show how much I think
of you, I send you the enclosed letter of three sheets of paper, being
a history of the evening I parted with you. But how expect you should
read a letter of three mortal sheets of paper? I will tell you. Divide
it into six doses of half a sheet each, and every day, when the toilette
begins, take a dose, that is to say, read half a sheet. By this means,
it will have the only merit its length and dulness can aspire to, that
of assisting your _coeffeuse_ to procure you six good naps of sleep. I
will even allow you twelve days to get through it, holding you rigorously
to one condition only, that is, that at whatever hour you receive this,
you do not break the seal of the enclosed till the next toilette. Of this
injunction I require a sacred execution. I rest it on your friendship, and
that, in your first letter, you tell me honestly whether you have honestly
performed it. I send you the song I promised. Bring me in return the
subject, _Jours heureux!_ Were I a songster, I should sing it all to these
words: "_Dans ces lieux qu'elle tarde a se rendre!_" Learn it, I pray you,
and sing it with feeling. My right hand presents its devoirs to you, and
sees, with great indignation, the left supplanting it in a correspondence
so much valued. You will know the first moment it can resume its rights.
The first exercise of them shall be addressed to you, as you had the first
essay of its rival. It will yet, however, be many a day. Present my esteem
to Mr. Cosway, and believe me to be yours very affectionately.
TO M. DE CORNY.
PARIS, October 20, 1786.
SIR,--By the first conveyance which shall offer, I propose to report
to the Governor of Virginia the manner in which the wish of the State,
relative to the bust of the Marquis de La Fayette, has been carried
into execution, and the very friendly and flattering attentions paid by
Messieurs de Prevot des Marchands, et Echevins de Paris to them and to
the character to which they desired to show their gratitude. It would
enable us to do this with more exactness could I obtain copies of the
proceedings which attended the inauguration of the bust. Your goodness,
already so often manifested in this business, encourages me to endeavor to
obtain these through your intervention. I do it the rather as it furnishes
me an occasion very grateful to my feelings, of returning to you at the
same time my sincere thanks for the zeal with which you have seconded the
views of the State, the readiness with which you have condescended to give
me information in the course of the proceedings, and to secure by your
influence the success of these proceedings. This friendly assistance in
the discharge of a public duty has added to the many motives of private
esteem and attachment with which I have honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE JOHN JAY.
PARIS, October 22, 1786.
SIR,--In a letter of Jan. 2d, I had the honor of communicating to you the
measures which had been pursued here for the improvement of the commerce
between the United States and France, the general view of that commerce
which I had presented to the Chevalier de Vergennes. The circumstance
of the renewal of the forms which had obliged me to press separately
and in the first place the article of tobacco, and that which had also
brought forward that of whale oil; and, in my letters of May 27th and
31st, I informed you of the result on the first of these articles. During
the course of the proceedings, a committee had been established for
considering the means of promoting the general commerce with America,
and the M. de La Fayette was named of that committee. His influence
in obtaining that establishment was valuable, but his labors and his
perseverance as a member of it became infinitely more so. Immediately
after the committee of Berni, of which my letter of May 27th gave an
account, we thought it expedient to bring the general subject of the
American commerce before the committee; and as the members were much
unacquainted with the nature and value of our commercial productions, the
Marquis proposed that, in a letter to him as a member, I should give as
particular details of them as I could, as a ground for the committee to
proceed on. I did so in the letter, a copy of which I have now the honor
to enclose. The committee were well disposed, and agreed to report, not
only the general measures which they thought expedient to be adopted, but
the form of the letter to be written by the minister of finance to me,
for the communication of those measures. I have received this letter this
morning and have now the honor to enclose it. I accompany it with the one
proposed by the committee, of which you will perceive that it is almost a
verbal copy; it furnished a proof of the disposition of the King and his
ministers to produce a more intimate intercourse between the two nations.
Indeed, I must say that, as far as I am able to see, the friendship of the
people of this country towards us is cordial and general, and that it is a
kind of security for the friendship of ministers who cannot in any country
be uninfluenced by the voice of the people. To this we may add, that it
is their interest, as well as ours, to multiply the bans of friendship
between us. As the regulations stated in the minister's letter are
immediately interesting to those concerned in our commerce, I send printed
copies of it to the sea-port towns in France. We may consider them as an
ultimate settlement of the conditions of our commerce with this country;
for, though the consolidation of the ship duties, and the encouragements
for the importation of rice are not finally decided, yet the letter
contains a promise of them so soon as necessary facts shall be known.
With a view to come at the facts relative to the two last subjects, I had
proposed, whenever I should receive the final decision now enclosed, to
avail myself of the pause which that would produce, in order to visit the
sea-port towns with which we trade chiefly, and to collect that kind of
knowledge of our commerce, and of what may be further useful to it, which
can only be gathered on the spot, and suggested by one's own inspection.
But the delay which has attended the obtaining the final determination has
brought us to the entrance of winter, and will oblige me to postpone my
journey to the spring. Besides the objects of public utility which induce
me to make a tour of this land, that of health will oblige me to pay more
attention to exercise and change of air than I have hitherto done since
my residence in Europe; and I am willing to hope that I may be permitted
at times to absent myself from this place, taking occasions when there
is nothing important on hand, nor likely to arise. The assistance of
the M. de La Fayette in the whole of this business, has been so earnest
and so efficacious, that I am in duty bound to place it under the eye
of Congress, as worthy their notice on this occasion. Their thanks, or
such other notice as they think proper, would be grateful to him without
doubt. He has richly deserved and will continue to deserve it, whenever
occasions shall arise of rendering service to the United States. These
occasions will continually occur. Though the abolition of the monopoly
of our tobacco cannot be hoped under the present circumstances, changes
are possible which may open that hope again. However jealous, too, this
country is of foreign intercourse with their colonies, that intercourse is
too essential to us to be abandoned as desperate. At this moment, indeed,
it cannot be proposed; but, by watching circumstances, occasion may arise
hereafter; and I hope will arise. I know from experience what would, in
that case, be the value of such an auxiliary.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO H. E. J. ADAMS.
PARIS, October 27, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I formerly had the honor of mentioning to you the measures I
had taken to have our commerce with this country put on a better footing,
and you know the circumstances which had occasioned the articles of
whale oil and tobacco to be first brought forward. Latterly we got the
committee, which had been established for this purpose, to take up the
other article, and on their report, the King and council have come to the
decisions explained in the enclosed letter from M. de Calonnes[A] to me.
The abandonment of revenue raised on articles of _importation_ shows a
friendly disposition. I have had, through this business, a most zealous
and powerful auxiliary in the Marquis de La Fayette, by whose activity
it has been sooner and better done than I could otherwise have possibly
expected. Though you are free to show the enclosed letter as you please,
I would wish it kept out of the public papers two or three months. I am,
dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
[A] [French Minister of Finance.]
TO DR. RAMSAY.
PARIS, October 27, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I mentioned to you in a former letter that as the booksellers
in London were afraid to sell your book there, I would have some copies
brought here, advertising in the London papers that they could be
furnished weekly from hence by the Diligence. Fifty copies are just
arrived, and fifty more are on the way. The translation will come from the
press in a few days.
Having observed the immense consumption of rice in this country, it
became matter of wonder to me why so few ships come here with that article
from South Carolina and Georgia. The information I received on my first
enquiries was, that little Carolina rice came here, because it was less
clean and less good than what is brought from the Levant. Further enquiry,
however, has satisfied me of the inexactitude of this information. The
case is as follows. About one-half the rice consumed in France is from
Carolina, the other half is chiefly from Piedmont. The Piedmont rice
is thought by connoisseurs to be the best _au gras_; the Carolina rice
best _au lait_. Yet the superior whiteness of the latter is so much more
pleasing to the eye as to compensate with many purchasers its deficiency
in quality. Carolina rice sells at Havre by wholesale at 22, 23, 24
livres the French quintal; the livre being 10_d._ sterling, and the French
quintal 109 lbs. English. At the approach of Lent, it rises to 27 livres.
It is retailed in Paris at from 6 to 10 sous the French pound, according
to its quality, being sorted. Piedmont rice sells always at 10 sous (5_d._
sterling) the pound. In the wholesale it is 3 or 4 livres the quintal
dearer than Carolina rice. This would supplant that of Piedmont, if
brought in sufficient quantities, and to France directly. But it is first
carried and deposited in England, and it is the merchant of that country
who sends it here, drawing a great profit himself, while the commodity is,
moreover, subjected to the expenses of a double voyage. You will perceive
by the enclosed letter that the government here is disposed to encourage
its importation. I think they will receive it duty free, or under very
slight duty, barely sufficient to indicate the quantity imported. When
I compared the price of this article here with what it is in London or
Charleston, I cannot help hoping the difference will be sufficient to draw
to this country immediately what its consumption would call for. It must
come to Havre or Rouen, and must arrive there in time to reach Paris by
the 1st of February, that is to say a month before the Careme, as most
persons lay in their provision of rice during that period. This condition
is so indispensable that it certainly loses its sale if it arrives later.
I send you some specimens of the different kinds of rice as sold here.
If, by making known these details, you think the intercourse between our
country and this may be improved, I am sure you will take on yourself
the trouble of doing it; nobody being more sensible than you are of the
motives both moral and political which should induce us to bind the two
countries together by as many ties as possible of interest and affection.
I cannot pretend to affirm that this country will stand by us on every
just occasion, but I am sure, if this will not, there is no other that
will. I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
[A CIRCULAR LETTER.]
PARIS, October 29, 1786.
SIR,--I enclose to you the copy of a letter which I have had the honor
to receive from his Excellency, M. de Calonne, one of his majesty's
ministers, wherein he is pleased to communicate to me sundry regulations
lately made for the encouragement of the commerce between France and
the United States of America. The favorable footing on which American
productions will now be received in the ports of this country will, I
hope, occasion a more general introduction of them, when brought hither.
I equally hope that motives both of interest and gratitude will combine to
induce the importers to take in exchange the productions of this country.
A commerce carried on by exchange of productions is the most likely
to be lasting and to meet mutual encouragement. You will be pleased to
communicate the contents of the enclosed letter to the persons at your
port concerned in the American trade, but so that it may not get into the
public papers. You will observe that the article of rice and ship duties
are still to be provided for. I shall be obliged to you if you will inform
me what duties are paid on American rice on its importation into your
port, and to give me a distinct detail of the several port duties and ship
duties paid by American vessels thither, noting on what or by what name
they are payable, the amount, for whose profit they are, by what title
they are received, and the laws which authorized them; in order that we
may be enabled to get these articles settled also. I have the honor to be,
with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE CALONNE.
PARIS, November 2, 1786.
SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's letter of October the
22d, wherein you communicate to me the regulations which his majesty,
the King, has been pleased lately to establish in favor of the commerce
between his subjects and the citizens of the United States. I avail myself
of the first occasion of conveying this information to Congress, who
will receive with singular satisfaction this new proof of his majesty's
friendship and of his willingness to multiply the ties of interest and
intercourse between the two nations. Favors are doubly precious which,
promoting the present purposes of interest and of friendship, enlarge
the foundations for their continuance and increase. The part which
your Excellency has been pleased to take in the establishment of these
regulations, merits and meets my sincere thanks, and adds a little the
more to those sentiments of profound esteem and respect with which I have
the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE CREVECŒUR.
PARIS, November 6, 1786.
SIR,--Congress have as yet come to no resolution as to the general
redemption of paper money. That it is to be redeemed is a principle of
which there is no doubt in the mind of any member of Congress, nor of
any citizen of the United States. A resolution of Congress taken in a
particular case, which stood on the same ground on which the general one
will stand, founds a presumption amounting nearly to a certainty that
they will pay to the holder of every bill what it cost him, or the person
whom he represents at the time of receiving it, with an interest from
that time, of six per cent. They have of course established no rule of
evidence as to the time of receiving the money. I think, however, that it
would be advisable for M. de Lisle, or the representatives of Pileerf, to
establish the time at which their money was received by the affidavits of
such persons as know it. Those of disinterested persons would be best;
but if there is no disinterested person acquainted with the fact, they
will do well to take the affidavits of persons interested. It is probable
this kind of testimony will be admitted; at any rate it can do no harm,
no particular form nor no terms of art are required for these affidavits.
It will suffice if they state facts substantially, and that the oath be
administered by some person who, by the laws of the country in which it is
administered, is authorized to administer an oath. I have the honor to be,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO M. DU RIVAL.
PARIS, November 7, 1786.
SIR,--I am honored with your letter of the 1st instant, enclosing
inquiries on the subject of the coins of the United States. Some time
during the last year, Congress decided that the Spanish milled dollar
should be their money unit, and that their coins should be in a decimal
progression above or below that. Some intermediate coins will also be
doubtless made for convenience, and indeed they determined that their
smallest copper coin should be the two-hundredth part of a dollar. They
did not determine how much pure silver their money unit should contain,
nor establish the proportion between their silver and gold coins. No other
resolutions were entered into, nor had anything been done to effectuate
these. What is said, therefore, on this subject in the Courier d'Europe is
entirely fable, unless the compiler of that paper has received information
of a later date than the middle of August. I do expect that Congress will
sometime soon complete their system or resolutions on this subject, and
carry them into effect.
I have the honor to be, with sentiment of the highest respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. I omitted to observe that most of the gold and silver coins of
Europe pass in the several States of America according to the quantity of
pure metal they contain.
TO M. FAMIN.
PARIS, November 11, 1786.
SIR,--This will be handed you by Colonel Blackden, heretofore an officer
in the American army--at present engaged in trade. He goes to Honfleur
with a view to examine the commercial relations which may be established
between that port and the United States. He wishes particularly to see the
nature of its harbor, the conveniences already established for commerce,
and to know something of the productions which can be taken and given
there in exchange. Knowing your desire to assist in drawing the American
commerce to that port, I take the liberty of recommending this gentleman
to your acquaintance, and of praying you to procure him the information he
desires.
Some late regulations of the King and Council in favor of the commerce
of the United States having given us room to hope that our endeavors may
be successful to remove a good part of it from Great Britain to France,
Honfleur presents itself as a more important instrument for this purpose
than it had heretofore appeared. We are, therefore, now pressing more
earnestly its establishment as a free port, and such other regulations in
its favor as may invite the commerce to it.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY.
PARIS, November 12, 1786.
SIR,--In a letter which I had the honor of writing you on the 26th of
September, I informed you that a Dutch company were making propositions
to the Minister of Finance here to purchase at a discount, the debt due
from the United States to this country. I have lately procured a copy
of their memoir which I now enclose. Should Congress think this subject
worthy their attention, they have no time to lose, as the necessities
of the minister, which alone has made him listen to this proposition,
may force him to a speedy conclusion. The effect which a payment of the
whole sum would have here, would be very valuable. The only question
is, whether we can borrow it in Holland, a question which cannot be
resolved but in Holland. The trouble of the trial, and the expense of
the transaction, would be well repaid by the dispositions which would be
excited in our favor in the King and his ministers. I have the honor to
be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
M. LE ROY DE L'ACADEMIE DES SCIENCES.
PARIS, November 13, 1786.
SIR,--I received the honor of yours of September the 18th, a day or two
after the accident of a dislocated wrist had disabled me from writing. I
have waited thus long in constant hope of recovering its use. But finding
that this hope walks before me like my shadow, I can no longer oppose the
desire and duty of answering your polite and learned letter. I therefore
employ my left hand in the office of scribe, which it performs indeed
slowly, awkwardly and badly.
The information given by me to the Marquis de Chastellux, and alluded to
in his book and in your letter was, that the sea breezes which prevail
in the lower parts of Virginia during the summer months, and in the warm
parts of day, had made a sensible progress into the interior country:
that formerly, within the memory of persons living, they extended but
little above Williamsburg; that afterwards they became sensible as high
as Richmond; and that, at present, they penetrate sometimes as far as the
first mountains, which are above an hundred miles further from the sea
coast than Williamsburg is. It is very rare, indeed, that they reach those
mountains, and not till the afternoon is considerably advanced. A light
north-westerly breeze is, for the most part, felt there, while an easterly
or north-easterly wind is blowing strongly in the lower country. How far
northward and southward of Virginia this easterly breeze takes place, I am
not informed. I must, therefore, be understood as speaking of that State
only, which extends on the sea coast from 36½ to 38 of latitude.
This is the fact. We know too little of the operations of nature in the
physical world to assign causes with any degree of confidence. Willing
always, however, to guess at what we do not know, I have sometimes
indulged myself with conjectures on the causes of the phenomena above
stated. I will hazard them on paper for your amusement, premising for
their foundation some principles believed to be true.
Air resting on a heated and reflecting surface, becomes warmer, rarer and
lighter? it ascends therefore, and the circumjacent air, which is colder
and heavier, flows into its place, becomes warmed and, lightened in its
turn, ascends, and is succeeded as that which went before. If the heated
surface be circular, the air flows to it from every quarter, like the
rays of a circle to its centre. If it be a zone of determinate breadth and
indefinite length, the air will flow from each side perpendicularly on it.
If the currents of air flowing from opposite sides, be of equal force,
they will meet in equilibrio, at a line drawn longitudinally through
the middle of the zone. If one current be stronger than the other, the
stronger one will force back the line of equilibrium towards the further
edge of the zone, or even beyond it: the motion it has acquired causing it
to overshoot the zone, as the motion acquired by a pendulum in its descent
causes it to vibrate beyond the point of its lowest descent.
Earth, exposed naked to the sun's rays, absorbs a good portion of them;
but, being an opaque body, those rays penetrate to a small depth only.
Its surface, by this accumulation of absorbed rays, becomes considerably
heated. The residue of the rays are reflected into the air resting on that
surface. This air, then, is warmed, 1, by the _direct_ rays of the sun; 2,
by its _reflected_ rays; 3, by _contact_ with the heated surface. A forest
receiving the sun's rays, a part of them enters the intervals between
the trees, and their reflection upwards is intercepted by the leaves and
boughs. The rest fall on the trees, the leaves of which being generally
inclined towards the horizon, reflect the rays downwards. The atmosphere
here, then, receives little or no heat by reflection. Again, these leaves
having a power of keeping themselves cool by their own transpiration, they
impart no heat to the air by contact. Reflection and contact, then, two of
the three modes before-mentioned of communicating heat, are wanting here;
and of course, the air over a country covered by forest must be colder
than that over cultivated grounds.
The sea being pellucid, the sun's rays penetrate it to a considerable
depth. Being also fluid, and in perpetual agitation, its parts are
constantly mixed together; so that, instead of its heat being all
accumulated in its surface, as in the case of a solid opaque body, it is
diffused through its whole mass. Its surface, therefore, is comparatively
cool, for these reasons, to which may be added that of evaporation. The
small degree of reflection which might otherwise take place, is generally
prevented by the rippled state of its surface. The air resting on the
sea, then, like that resting on a forest, receives little or no heat by
reflection or contact, and is therefore colder than that which lies over a
cultivated country.
To apply these observations to the phenomena under consideration. The
first settlements of Virginia were made along the sea coast, bearing from
the south towards the north, a little eastwardly. These settlements formed
a zone, in which, though every point was not cleared of its forest, yet
a good proportion was cleared and cultivated. The cultivated earth, as
the sun advances above the horizon in the morning, acquires from it an
intense heat, which is retained and increased through the warm parts of
the day. The air, resting on it, becomes warm in proportion, and rises.
On one side is a country still covered with forest, on the other is the
ocean. The colder air from both of these then rushes towards the heated
zone to supply the place left vacant there by the ascent of the warm
air. The breeze from the west is light and feeble, because it traverses
a country covered with mountains and forests, which retard its current.
That from the east is strong, as passing over the ocean, wherein there is
no obstacle to its motion. It is probable, therefore, that this easterly
breeze forces itself far into or perhaps beyond the zone which produces
it. This zone is, by the increase of population, continually widening into
the interior country. The line of equilibrium between the easterly and
westerly breezes is, therefore, progressive.
Did no foreign causes intervene, the sea breeze would be a little
southwardly of the east, that direction being perpendicular to our
coast. But within the tropics, there are winds which blow continually
and strongly from the east. This current affects the course of the air,
even without the tropics. The same cause, too, which produces a strong
motion of the air from east to west, between the tropics, to wit, the
sun, exercises its influence without those limits, but more freely, in
proportion as the surface of the globe is there more obliquely presented
to its rays. This effect, though not great, is not to be neglected when
the sun is in, or near our summer solstice, which is the season of these
easterly breezes. The northern air, too, flowing towards the equatorial
parts, to supply the vacuum made there by the ascent of their heated
air, has only the small rotatory motion of the polar latitudes from
which it comes. Nor does it suddenly acquire the swifter rotation of
the parts into which it enters. This gives it the effect of a motion
opposed to that of the earth, that is to say, of an easterly one. And
all these causes together, are known to produce currents of air in the
Atlantic, varying from east to north-east, as far as the fortieth degree
of latitude. It is this current which presses our sea breeze out of its
natural south-easterly direction, to an easterly, and sometimes almost a
north-easterly one.
We are led naturally to ask, where the progress of our sea breezes will
ultimately be stopped? No confidence can be placed in any answer to
this question. If they should ever pass the mountainous country which
separates the waters of the ocean from those of the Mississippi, there
may be circumstances which might aid their further progress, as far as
the Mississippi. That mountainous country commences about two hundred
miles from the sea coast, and consists of successive ranges passing
from north-east to south-west, and rising the one above the other to the
Alleghany Ridge, which is the highest of all. From that, lower and lower
ridges succeed one another again, till having covered in the whole, a
breadth of two hundred miles from southeast to northwest, they subside
into a plain, fertile country, extending four hundred miles to the
Mississippi, and probably much further on the other side, towards the
heads of the western waters. When this country shall become cultivated,
it will, for the reasons before explained, draw to it winds from the east
and west. In this case, should the sea breezes pass the intermediate
mountains, they will rather be aided than opposed in their further
progress to the Mississippi. There are circumstances, however, which
render it possible that they may not be able to pass those intermediate
mountains. 1. These mountains constitute the highest lands within the
United States. The air on them must consequently be very cold and heavy,
and have a tendency to flow both to the east and west. 2. Ranging across
the current of the sea breezes, they are in themselves so many successive
barriers opposed to their progress. 3. The country they occupy is covered
with trees, which assist to weaken and spend the force of the breezes. 4.
It will remain so covered; a very small proportion of it being capable of
culture. 5. The temperature of the air, then, will never be softened by
culture.
Whether in the plain country between the Mississippi and Alleghany
mountains, easterly or westerly winds prevail at present, I am not
informed. I conjecture, however, that they must be westerly; and I think
with you, Sir, that if those mountains were to subside into plain country,
as their opposition to the westerly winds would then be removed, they
would repress more powerfully those from the east, and of course would
remove the line of equilibrium nearer to the sea coast for the present.
Having had occasion to mention the course of the tropical winds from east
to west, I will add some observations connected with them. They are known
to occasion a strong current in the ocean, in the same direction. This
current breaks on that wedge of land of which Saint Roque is the point;
the southern column of it _probably_ turning off and washing the coast
of Brazil. I say _probably_, because I have never heard of the fact, and
conjecture it from reason only. The northern column having its western
motion diverted towards the north, and reinforced by the currents of
the great rivers Orinoko, Amazons and Tocantin, has probably been the
agent which formed the Gulf of Mexico, cutting the American continent
nearly in two, in that part. It re-issues into the ocean at the northern
end of the Gulf, and passes by the name of the Gulf Stream, all along
the coast of the United States, to its northern extremity. There it
turns off eastwardly, having formed by its eddy at this turn the Banks
of Newfoundland. Through the whole of its course, from the Gulf to the
Banks, it retains a very sensible warmth. The Spaniards are, at this time,
desirous of trading to the Philippine islands, by the way of the Cape of
Good Hope; but opposed in it by the Dutch, under authority of the treaty
of Munster, they are examining the practicability of a common passage
through the Straights of Magellan or round Cape Horn. Were they to make
an opening through the Isthmus of Panama, a work much less difficult than
some even of the inferior canals of France, however small this opening
should be in the beginning, the tropical current, entering it with all
its force, would soon widen it sufficiently for its own passage, and thus
complete, in a short time, that work which otherwise will still employ it
for ages. Less country, too, would be destroyed by it in this way. These
consequences would follow: 1. Vessels from Europe or the western coast
of Africa, by entering the tropics, would have a steady wind and tide to
carry them through the Atlantic, through America and the Pacific ocean, to
every part of the Asiatic coast, and of the eastern coast of Africa; thus
performing with speed and safety the tour of the whole globe, to within
about twenty-four degrees of longitude, or one fifteenth part of its
circumference; the African continent, under the line, occupying about that
space. 2. The Gulf of Mexico, now the most dangerous navigation in the
world on account of its currents and movable sands, would become stagnant
and safe. 3. The Gulf Stream on the coast of the United States would
cease, and with that those derangements of course and reckoning, which now
impede and endanger the intercourse with those States. 4. The fogs on the
Banks of Newfoundland,[B] supposed to be the vapors of the Gulf Stream,
rendered turbid by cold air, would disappear. 5. Those Banks ceasing to
receive supplies of sand, weeds, and warm water, by the Gulf Stream, it
might become problematical what effect changes of pasture and temperature
would have on the fisheries. However, it is time to relieve you from this
long lecture. I wish its subject may have been sufficiently interesting,
to make amends for its details. These are submitted with entire deference
to your better judgment. I will only add to them, by assuring you of the
sentiments of perfect esteem and respect with which I have the honor to
be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
[B] This ingenious and probable conjecture, I found in a letter
from Dr. Franklin to yourself, published in the late volume of the
American Philosophical Transactions.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
PARIS, November 14, 1786.
SIR,--The house of Le Coulteux, which for some centuries has been the
wealthiest of this place, has it in contemplation to establish a great
company for the fur trade. They propose that partners interested one half
in the establishment, should be American citizens, born and residing in
the United States. Yet if I understood them rightly, they expect that
that half of the company which resides here, should make the greatest
part, or perhaps the whole of the advances, while those on our side the
water should superintend the details. They had, at first, thought of
Baltimore as the centre of their American transactions. I have pointed
out to them the advantages of Alexandria for this purpose. They have
concluded to take information as to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New
York, for a principal deposit, and having no correspondent at Alexandria,
have asked me to procure a state of the advantages of that place, as
also to get a recommendation of the best merchant there, to be adopted as
partner and head of the business there. Skill, punctuality and integrity
are the requisites in such a character. They will decide on their whole
information, as to the place for their principal factory. Being unwilling
that Alexandria should lose its pretensions, I have undertaken to procure
them information as to that place. If they undertake this trade at all, it
will be on so great a scale as to decide the current of the Indian trade
to the place they adopt. I have no acquaintance at Alexandria or in its
neighborhood; but, believing you would feel an interest in the matter,
from the same motives which I do, I venture to ask the favor of you to
recommend to me a proper merchant for their purpose, and to engage some
well-informed person to send me a representation of the advantages of
Alexandria, as the principal deposit of the fur trade.
The author of the political part of the Encyclopedie Methodique desired
me to examine his article, "Etats Unis." I did so. I found it a tissue
of errors; for, in truth, they know nothing about us here. Particularly,
however, the article "Cincinnati" was a mere philippic against that
institution; in which it appeared that there was an utter ignorance
of facts and motives. I gave him notes on it. He reformed it, as he
supposed, and sent it again to me to revise. In this reformed state,
Colonel Humphreys saw it. I found it necessary to write that article for
him. Before I gave it to him, I showed it to the Marquis de La Fayette,
who made a correction or two. I then sent it to the author. He used the
materials, mixing a great deal of his own with them. In a work, which
is sure of going down to the latest posterity, I thought it material to
set facts to rights as much as possible. The author was well disposed;
but could not entirely get the better of his original bias. I send you
the article as ultimately published. If you find any material errors in
it, and will be so good as to inform me of them, I shall probably have
opportunities of setting this author to rights. What has heretofore passed
between us on this institution, makes it my duty to mention to you, that
I have never heard a person in Europe, learned or unlearned, express his
thoughts on this institution, who did not consider it as dishonorable
and destructive to our governments; and that every writing which has come
out since my arrival here, in which it is mentioned, considers it, even
as now reformed, as the germ whose development is one day to destroy the
fabric we have reared. I did not apprehend this, while I had American
ideas only. But I confess that what I have seen in Europe has brought me
over to that opinion; and that though the day may be at some distance,
beyond the reach of our lives perhaps, yet it will certainly come,
when a single fibre left of this institution will produce an hereditary
aristocracy, which will change the form of our governments from the best
to the worst in the world. To know the mass of evil which flows from this
fatal source, a person must be in France; he must see the finest soil, the
finest climate, the most compact State, the most benevolent character of
people, and every earthly advantage combined, insufficient to prevent this
scourge from rendering existence a curse to twenty-four out of twenty-five
parts of the inhabitants of this country. With us, the branches of this
institution cover all the States. The southern ones, at this time, are
aristocratical in their dispositions; and, that that spirit should grow
and extend itself, is within the natural order of things. I do not flatter
myself with the immortality of our governments; but I shall think little
also of their longevity, unless this germ of destruction be taken out.
When the society themselves shall weigh the possibility of evil, against
the impossibility of any good to proceed from this institution, I cannot
help hoping they will eradicate it. I know they wish the permanence of our
governments, as much as any individuals composing them.
An interruption here, and the departure of the gentleman by whom I send
this, oblige me to conclude it, with assurances of the sincere respect and
esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR CHAS.
PARIS, December 7, 1786.
SIR,--I should with great pleasure have perused your manuscript of the
history of the American Revolution, but that it comes to me in the moment
of my setting out on a journey into the south of France, where I am to
pass the winter. In the few moments of leisure which my preparations for
that journey admitted, I have read some detached parts, and find that
it would have been very interesting to me. In one of these (page 60), I
have taken the liberty of noting a circumstance which is not true, and to
which I believe M. d'Aubertueil first gave a place in history. In page
75, I observe it says that Congress removed to Hartford, but this is a
misinformation. They never sat there. In general, I would observe to you,
that where there is no other authority for a fact than the history of
D'Aubertueil, it will not be safe to hazard it. These authors have been
led into an infinitude of errors, probably by trusting to the English
papers, or to the European ones, copied from them. It is impossible to
resort to a more impure source. I am much pleased to find, that you concur
in the justice of the principles which produced our revolution, and have
only to wish that I could have been able to go through the whole work. I
have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO M. DULER.
PARIS, December 8, 1786.
SIR,--The circumstance escaped me of my having had the honor of being
made known to you by Mr. Walker at Charlottesville. However, I should
not have been the less ready, had it been in my power, to have aided
you in procuring employment in some bureau here. But a stranger as I am,
unconnected and unacquainted, my solicitations on your behalf would be
as ineffectual as improper. I should have been happy to have been able to
render you this service, as I am sincerely concerned at the circumstance
which has placed you in need of it.
As to the paper money in your hands, the States have not yet been able to
take final arrangements for its redemption. But, as soon as they shall get
their finances into some order, they will surely pay for it what it was
worth in silver at the time you received it, with interest. The interest
on loan-office certificates is, I think, paid annually in all the States;
and, in some of them, they have begun to make payments of the principal.
These matters are managed for foreigners by the consul of their nation
in America, where they have not a private friend to attend for them. I
have the honor to be, Sir, with much respect, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO MESSRS. WILT, DELMESTRE AND CO.
PARIS, December 11, 1786.
GENTLEMEN,--Your favor of the 6th instant is duly come to hand, as had
done that also of the 8th of November. I was much obliged to you for your
observations and information on the late regulations. I have received and
am still receiving from other quarters, other hints for its improvement.
I cannot propose these to the minister as they arrive, because, besides
the perpetual fatigue to him, the business would not be so well done
in the end. As soon as all the defects of the new arrangement shall be
discovered by a little experience, as well as by their being submitted
to the gentlemen concerned in the commerce, I shall be able, by bringing
all the amendments necessary into a single proposition, to submit them at
once to the consideration of the minister. It will probably be yet some
months before this can be done. In the meantime, we must be contented to
submit a little longer to those remnants of burthen which still rest on
our commerce. In this view, I will still thank you for any new hints of
amendment which may occur to you in experience, assuring you they shall
be put to good use, when the occasion shall serve. I have the honor to be,
with much respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, December 16, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--After a very long silence, I am at length able to write to you.
An unlucky dislocation of my right wrist, has disabled me from using that
hand, three months. I now begin to use it a little, but with great pain;
so that this letter must be taken up at such intervals as the state of my
hand will permit, and will probably be the work of some days. Though the
joint seems to be well set, the swelling does not abate, nor the use of
it return. I am now, therefore, on the point of setting out to the south
of France, to try the use of some mineral waters there, by immersion. This
journey will be of two or three months.
I enclose you herein a copy of the letter from the minister of finance
to me, making several advantageous regulations for our commerce. The
obtaining this has occupied us a twelve month. I say us, because I find
the Marquis de La Fayette so useful an auxiliary, that acknowledgments for
his co-operation are always due. There remains still something to do for
the articles of rice, turpentine, and ship duties. What can be done for
tobacco, when the late regulation expires, is very uncertain. The commerce
between the United States and this country being put on a good footing,
we may afterwards proceed to try if anything can be done, to favor our
intercourse with her colonies. Admission into them for our fish and flour,
is very desirable; but, unfortunately, both those articles would raise a
competition against their own.
I find by the public papers, that your commercial convention failed in
point of representation. If it should produce a full meeting in May, and
a broader reformation, it will still be well. To make us one nation as to
foreign concerns, and keep us distinct in domestic ones, gives the outline
of the proper division of powers between the general and particular
governments. But, to enable the federal head to exercise the powers
given it to best advantage, it should be organized as the particular ones
are, into legislative, executive, and judiciary. The first and last are
already separated. The second should be. When last with Congress, I often
proposed to members to do this, by making of the committee of the States,
an executive committee during the recess of Congress, and, during its
sessions, to appoint a committee to receive and despatch all executive
business, so that Congress itself should meddle only with what should be
legislative. But I question if any Congress (much less all successively)
can have self-denial enough to go through with this distribution. The
distribution, then, should be imposed on them. I find Congress have
reversed their division of the western States, and proposed to make
them fewer and larger. This is reversing the natural order of things.
A tractable people may be governed in large bodies; but, in proportion
as they depart from this character, the extent of their government must
be less. We see into what small divisions the Indians are obliged to
reduce their societies. This measure, with the disposition to shut up
the Mississippi, gives me serious apprehensions of the severance of the
eastern and western parts of our confederacy. It might have been made the
interest of the western States to remain united with us, by managing their
interests honestly, and for their own good. But, the moment we sacrifice
their interests to our own, they will see it better to govern themselves.
The moment they resolve to do this, the point is settled. A forced
connection is neither our interest, nor within our power.
The Virginia act for religious freedom has been received with infinite
approbation in Europe, and propagated with enthusiasm. I do not mean by
the governments, but by the individuals who compose them. It has been
translated into French and Italian, has been sent to most of the courts of
Europe, and has been the best evidence of the falsehood of those reports
which stated us to be in anarchy. It is inserted in the new Encyclopedie,
and is appearing in most of the publications respecting America. In fact,
it is comfortable to see the standard of reason at length erected, after
so many ages, during which the human mind has been held in vassalage by
kings, priests, and nobles; and it is honorable for us, to have produced
the first legislature who had the courage to declare, that the reason of
man may be trusted with the formation of his own opinions.
* * * * *
I thank you for your communications in Natural History. The several
instances of trees, &c., found far below the surface of the earth, as in
the case of Mr. Hay's well, seem to set the reason of man at defiance.
I am, dear Sir, with sincere esteem, your friend and servant.
TO CHARLES THOMPSON.
PARIS, December 17, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--A dislocation of my right wrist has for three months past,
disabled me from writing except with my left hand, which was too slow
and awkward to be employed often. I begin to have so much use of my
wrist, as to be able to write, but it is slowly, and in pain. I take the
first moment I can, however, to acknowledge the receipt of your letters
of April the 6th, July the 8th and 30th. In one of these, you say, you
have not been able to learn, whether, in the new mills in London, steam
is the immediate mover of the machinery, or raises water to move it? It
is the immediate mover. The power of this agent, though long known, is
but now beginning to be applied to the various purposes of which it is
susceptible. You observe that Whitehurst supposes it to have been the
agent, which bursting the earth, threw it up into mountains and valleys.
You ask me what I think of his book? I find in it many interesting facts
brought together, and many ingenious commentaries on them. But there are
great chasms in his facts, and consequently in his reasoning. These he
fills up by suppositions, which may be as reasonably denied as granted.
A sceptical reader therefore, like myself, is left in the lurch. I
acknowledge, however, he makes more use of fact, than any other writer
on a theory of the earth. But I give one answer to all these theorists.
That is as follows. They all suppose the earth a created existence. They
must suppose a creator then; and that he possessed power and wisdom to a
great degree. As he intended the earth for the habitation of animals and
vegetables, is it reasonable to suppose, he made two jobs of his creation,
that he first made a chaotic lump and set it into rotatory motion, and
then waited the millions of ages necessary to form itself? That when it
had done this, he stepped in a second time, to create the animals and
plants which were to inhabit it? As the hand of a creator is to be called
in, it may as well be called in at one stage of the process as another. We
may as well suppose he created the earth at once, nearly in the state in
which we see it, fit for the preservation of the beings he placed on it.
But it is said, we have a proof that he did not create it in its present
solid form, but in a state of fluidity; because its present shape of an
oblate spheroid is precisely that which a fluid mass revolving on its axis
would assume.
I suppose that the same equilibrium between gravity and centrifugal force,
which would determine a fluid mass into the form of an oblate spheroid,
would determine the wise creator of that mass, if he made it in a solid
state, to give it the same spheroidical form. A revolving fluid will
continue to change its shape, till it attains that in which its principles
of contrary motion are balanced. For if you suppose them not balanced,
it will change its form. Now, the same balanced form is necessary for the
preservation of a revolving solid. The creator, therefore, of a revolving
solid, would make it an oblate spheroid, that figure alone admitting a
perfect equilibrium. He would make it in that form, for another reason;
that is, to prevent a shifting of the axis of rotation. Had he created the
earth perfectly spherical its axis might have been perpetually shifting,
by the influence of the other bodies of the system; and by placing the
inhabitants of the earth successively under its poles, it might have
been depopulated; whereas, being spheroidical, it has but one axis on
which it can revolve in equilibrio. Suppose the axis of the earth to
shift forty-five degrees; then cut it into one hundred and eighty slices,
making every section in the plane of a circle of latitude, perpendicular
to the axis: every one of these slices, except the equatorial one, would
be unbalanced, as there would be more matter on one side of its axis
than on the other. There could be but one diameter drawn through such a
slice, which would divide it into two equal parts. On every other possible
diameter, the parts would hang unequal. This would produce an irregularity
in the diurnal rotation. We may, therefore, conclude it impossible for
the poles of the earth to shift, if it was made spheroidically; and that
it would be made spheroidical, though solid, to obtain this end. I use
this reasoning only on the supposition that the earth has had a beginning.
I am sure I shall read your conjectures on this subject with great
pleasure, though I bespeak, beforehand, a right to indulge my natural
incredulity and scepticism. The pain in which I write awakens me here from
my reverie, and obliges me to conclude with compliments to Mrs. Thompson,
and assurances to yourself of the esteem and affection with which I am
sincerely, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. Since writing the preceding, I have had a conversation on the
subject of the steam mills, with the famous Boulton, to whom those of
London belong, and who is here at this time. He compares the effect of
steam with that of horses, in the following manner: Six horses, aided with
the most advantageous combination of the mechanical powers hitherto tried,
will grind six bushels of flour in an hour; at the end of which time they
are all in a foam, and must rest. They can work thus, six hours in the
twenty-four, grinding thirty-six bushels of flour, which is six to each
horse, for the twenty-four hours. His steam mill in London consumes one
hundred and twenty bushels of coal in twenty-four hours, turns ten pair of
stones, which grind eight bushels of flour an hour each, which is nineteen
hundred and twenty bushels in the twenty-four hours. This makes a peck
and a half of coal perform exactly as much as a horse, in one day, can
perform.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, December 18, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Your letters of August the 19th and October the 12th, have come
duly to hand. My last to you was of the 11th of August. Soon after that
date I got my right wrist dislocated, which has, till now, deprived me
of the use of that hand; and even now, I can use it but slowly, and with
pain. The revisal of the Congressional intelligence contained in your
letters, makes me regret the loss of it on your departure. I feel, too,
the want of a person there, to whose discretion I can trust confidential
communications, and on whose friendship I can rely against the unjust
designs of malevolence. I have no reason to suppose I have enemies in
Congress; yet it is too possible to be without that fear. Some symptoms
make me suspect, that my proceedings to redress the abusive administration
of tobacco by the Farmers General have indisposed towards me a powerful
person in Philadelphia, who was profiting from that abuse. An expression
in the enclosed letter of M. de Calonnes, would seem to imply, that I
had asked the abolition of Mr. Morris's contract. I never did. On the
contrary, I always observed to them, that it would be unjust to annul that
contract. I was led to this, by principles both of justice and interest.
Of interest, because that contract would keep up the price of tobacco
here, to thirty-four, thirty-six, and thirty-eight livres, from which it
will fall when it shall no longer have that support. However, I have done
what was right, and I will not so far wound my privilege of doing that,
without regard to any man's interest, as to enter into any explanations
of this paragraph with him. Yet I esteem him highly, and suppose that
hitherto he had esteemed me. You will see by Calonnes' letter, that we
are doing what we can, to get the trade of the United States put on a
good footing. I am now about setting out on a journey to the south of
France, one object of which is to try the mineral waters there, for the
restoration of my hand; but another is, to visit all the seaports where we
have trade, and to hunt up all the inconveniences under which it labors,
in order to get them rectified. I shall visit, and carefully examine too,
the canal of Languedoc. On my return, which will be early in the spring,
I shall send you several livraisons of the Encyclopedie, and the plan of
your house. I wish to heaven, you may continue in the disposition to fix
it in Albemarle. Short will establish himself there, and perhaps Madison
may be tempted to do so. This will be society enough, and it will be the
great sweetener of our lives. Without society, and a society to our taste,
men are never contented. The one here supposed, we can regulate to our
minds, and we may extend our regulations to the sumptuary department,
so as to set a good example to a country which needs it, and to preserve
our own happiness clear of embarrassment. You wish not to engage in the
drudgery of the bar. You have two asylums from that. Either to accept a
seat in the Council, or in the judiciary department. The latter, however,
would require a little previous drudgery at the bar, to qualify you to
discharge your duty with satisfaction to yourself. Neither of these would
be inconsistent with a continued residence in Albemarle. It is but twelve
hours' drive in a sulky from Charlottesville to Richmond, keeping a fresh
horse always at the half-way, which would be a small annual expense. I
am in hopes that Mrs. M. will have in her domestic cares, occupation and
pleasure, sufficient to fill her time, and insure her against the _tedium
vitæ_: that she will find, that the distractions of a town, and the waste
of life under these, can bear no comparison with the tranquil happiness
of domestic life. If her own experience has not yet taught her this truth,
she has in its favor the testimony of one who has gone through the various
scenes of business, of bustle, of office, of rambling, and of quiet
retirement, and who can assure her, that the latter is the only point
upon which the mind can settle at rest. Though not clear of inquietudes,
because no earthly situation is so, they are fewer in number, and mixed
with more objects of contentment, than in any other mode of life. But
I must not philosophise too much with her, lest I give her too serious
apprehensions of a friendship I shall impose on her. I am with very great
esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, December 20, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--Colonel Franks will have the honor of delivering you the treaty
with the Emperor of Morocco, and all its appendages. You will perceive,
by Mr. Barclay's letter, that it is not necessary that any body should
go back to Morocco to exchange ratifications. He says, however, that it
will be necessary that Fennish receive some testimony that we approve
the treaty; and as, by the acts of Congress, our signature is necessary
to give validity to it, I have had duplicates of ratifications prepared,
which I have signed, and now send you. If you approve and sign them, send
one back to me to be forwarded to Fennish, through Mr. Carmichael. Perhaps
a joint letter should be written to Fennish; if you think so, be so good
as to write and sign one and send it with the ratification, and I will
sign and forward it. The other ratification is to go to Congress. Colonel
Franks wishes to proceed with the papers to that body. He should do it,
I think, immediately, as Mr. Jay, in a letter to me of October 26th, says
that Congress have heard through the French Chargé des Affaires, that the
treaty was signed, and they wonder they have not heard it from us.
I enclose you a copy of a letter from Mr. Lambe, by which you will
perceive he does not propose to quit Alicant. I will forward the
resolution of Congress to Mr. Carmichael, which was enclosed in yours
of November 30th, to see if that will move him. As the turn of this
resolution admits a construction that Congress may think our original
appointment of him censurable, I have, as in justice I ought, in a letter
to Mr. Jay, taken on myself the blame of having proposed him to you, if
any blame were due. I have enclosed him a copy of my letter to you of
September 24, 1785. Mr. Barclay has proposed to go to Alicant to settle
Lambe's accounts, and asked to be strengthened with our authority. If
Lambe will obey the resolve of Congress, it will be better to let him go
and settle his account there. But if he will not go back, perhaps it might
not be amiss for Mr. Barclay to have instructions from us to require a
settlement, those instructions to be used in that case only. If you think
so, be so good as to write a joint letter and send it to me. But this,
if done at all, should be done immediately. How much money has Lambe
drawn? I have suggested to Mr. Jay the expediency of putting the Barbary
business into Carmichael's hands, or sending somebody from America, in
consideration of our separate residence and our distance from the scene of
negotiation.
I had seen, without alarm, accounts of the disturbances in the East. But
Mr. Jay's letter on the subject had really affected me. However, yours
sets me to rights. I can never fear that things will go far wrong where
common sense has fair play. I but just begin to use my pen a little with
my right hand, but with pain. Recommending myself, therefore, to the
friendship of Mrs. Adams, I must conclude here with assurances of the
sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. Should a Mr. Maury, of Virginia, but now a merchant of Liverpool,
present himself to you, I recommend him to your notice, as my old
school-fellow, and a man of the most solid integrity.
TO MR. HOPKINSON.
PARIS, December 23, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--My last letter to you was dated August 14th. Yours of May 27th
and June 28th, were not then received, but have been since. I take the
liberty of putting under your cover another letter to Mrs. Champis, as
also an inquiry after a Dr. Griffiths. A letter to M. le Vieillard, from
the person he had consulted about the essence L'Orient, will convey to
you the result of my researches into that article. Your spring-block for
assisting a vessel in sailing cannot be tried here, because the Seine,
being not more than about forty toises wide, and running swiftly, there
is no such thing on it as a vessel with sails. I thank you for the volume
of the Philadelphia transactions, which came safely to hand, and is, in
my opinion, a very valuable volume, and contains many precious papers.
The paccan-nut is, as you conjecture, the Illinois nut. The former is the
vulgar name south of the Potomac, as also with the Indians and Spaniards,
and enters also into the Botanical name which is Juglano Paccan. I have
many volumes of the Encyclopedie for yourself and Dr. Franklin; but, as
a winter passage is bad for books, and before the spring the packets will
begin to sail from Havre to New York, I shall detain them till then. You
must not presume too strongly that your comb-footed bird is known to M.
de Buffon. He did not know our panther. I gave him the stripped skin of
one I bought in Philadelphia, and it presents him a new species, which
will appear in his next volumes. I have convinced him that our deer is
not a Chevreuil, and would you believe that many letters to different
acquaintances in Virginia, where this animal is so common, have never
enabled me to present him with a large pair of their horns, a blue and red
skin stuffed, to show him their colors, at different seasons. He has never
seen the horns of what we call the elk. This would decide whether it be an
elk or a deer. I am very much pleased with your project on the Harmonica,
and the prospect of your succeeding in the application of keys to it.
It will be the greatest present which has been made to the musical world
this century, not excepting the Piano-forte. If its tone approaches that
given by the finger as nearly only as the harpsichord does that of the
harp, it will be very valuable. I have lately examined a foot-bass newly
invented here, by the celebrated Krumfoltz. It is precisely a piano-forte,
about ten feet long, eighteen inches broad, and nine inches deep. It is
of one octave only, from fa to fa. The part where the keys are, projects
at the side in order to lengthen the levers of the keys. It is placed on
the floor, and the harpsichord or other piano-forte is set over it, the
foot acting in concert on that, while the fingers play on this. There
are three unison chords to every note, of strong brass wire, and the
lowest have wire wrapped on them as the lowest in the piano-forte. The
chords give a fine, clear, deep tone, almost like the pipe of an organ.
Have they connected you with our mint? My friend Monroe promised me he
would take care for you in that, or perhaps the establishment of that at
New York may have been incompatible with your residence in Philadelphia.
A person here has invented a method of coining the French ecu of six
livres, so as to strike both faces and the edge at one stroke, and makes
a coin as beautiful as a medal. No country has ever yet produced such a
coin. They are made cheaper too. As yet, he has only made a few to show
the perfection of his manner. I am endeavoring to procure one to send
to Congress as a model for their coinage. They will consider whether, on
establishing a new mint, it will be worth while to buy his machines, if
he will furnish them. A dislocation of my right wrist, which happened to
me about a month after the date of my last letter to you, has disabled
me from writing three months. I do it now in pain, and only in cases of
necessity, or of strong inclination, having as yet no other use of my
hand. I put under your cover a letter from my daughter to her friend. She
joins me in respects to your good mother, to Mrs. Hopkinson and yourself,
to whom I proffer assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your
sincere friend and servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY DR. FRANKLIN.
PARIS, December 23, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of October 8, but the volume of
transactions mentioned to come with it, did not; but I had received
one from Mr. Hopkinson. You also mention the diplomas it covered for
other persons, and some order of the society relative to myself, which I
supposed were omitted by accident, and will come by some other conveyance.
So far as relates to myself, whatever the order was, I beg leave to
express to you my sense of their favor, and wish to merit it. I have
several livraisons of the Encyclopædie for yourself and Mr. Hopkinson,
which shall be sent in the spring, when they will be less liable to
injury. Some books also which I received from Baron Blome must await that
conveyance. I receive some discouraging accounts of the temper of the
people in our new government, yet were I to judge only from the accounts
given in the public papers, I should not fear their passing over without
injury. I wish you may have given your opinion of them to some of your
friends here, as your experience and knowledge of men would give us
more confidence in your opinion. Russia and the Porte have patched up an
accommodation through the mediation of this court. The coolness between
Spain and Naples will remain, and will occasion the former to cease
intermeddling with the affairs of the latter. The Dutch affairs are still
to be settled. The new King of Prussia is more earnest in supporting the
cause of the slaveholder than his uncle was, and in general an affectation
begins to show itself of differing from his uncle. There is some fear of
his throwing himself into the Austrian scale in the European division
of power. Our treaty with Morocco is favorably concluded through the
influence of Spain. That with Algiers affords no expectation. We have
been rendered anxious here about your health, by hearing you have had a
severe attack of your gout. Remarkable deaths are the Dutchess of Chabot,
of the House of Rochefoucault, Beaujon, and Peyronet, the architect who
built the bridge of Neuilly, and was to have begun one the next spring
from the place Louis XV. to the Palais Bourbon. A dislocated wrist not yet
re-established, obliges me to conclude here with assurances of the perfect
esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. Will you permit my respects to your grandson, Mr. Franklin, to find
their place here?
TO MR. STILES.
PARIS, December 24, 1786.
SIR,--I feel myself very much honored by the degree which has been
conferred on me by the Senatus Academicus of Yale College, and I beg
leave, through you, Sir, to express to them how sensible I am of this
honor, and that it is to their and your indulgence, and not to any merit
of my own, that I am indebted for it.
The commotions that have taken place in America, as far as they are yet
known to me, offer nothing threatening. They are a proof that the people
have liberty enough, and I could not wish them less than they have. If
the happiness of the mass of the people can be secured at the expense of
a little tempest now and then, or even of a little blood, it will be a
precious purchase. "Malo libertatem periculosam quam quietem servitutem."
Let common sense and common honesty have fair play, and they will soon set
things to rights.
The bickerings between Russia and the Porte are quieted for the moment.
The coolness between the Kings of Spain and Naples will remain, but
will have no other consequence than that of the former withdrawing from
interference with the affairs of the latter. The present King of Prussia
pushes the interest of the Stadtholder more zealously than his uncle did.
There have been fears that he might throw himself into the Austrian scale,
which would greatly derange the European balance. This country is firm in
support of the patriotic party in the United Netherlands.
We have made an advantageous treaty with Morocco, but with Algiers nothing
is done. From what I learn from the temper of my countrymen and their
tenaciousness of money, it will be more easy to raise ships and men to
fight these pirates into reason than money to bribe them. I wish that
something could be done in some form or another to open the Mediterranean
to us. You will have seen that France is endeavoring to relieve and
encourage our commerce with her.
The arts and sciences offering nothing new at this moment worth
communicating to you, I shall only add assurances of the respect and
esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO M. DUMAS.
PARIS, December 25, 1786.
SIR,--A dislocation of my right wrist has for upwards of three months
prevented my writing to you. I begin to use it a little for the pen; but
it is with great pain. To this cause alone I hope you will ascribe that
I have acknowledged at one time the receipt of so many of your letters.
Their dates are September 12, 26, October 6, 17, 19, 23, November 3, 17,
December 1, and there is one without date. They were communicated to the
Marquis de La Fayette according to your desire, and those to Mr. Jay have
been forwarded from time to time as private conveyances occurred, except
some of the last for which no such conveyance has occurred till now. A
gentleman is setting out for London, and from thence for New York.
We receive news from America of collections of the people in three or
four instances in the Eastern States, demanding delays in the proceedings
of the courts of justice. Those States, as you know, depended before
the war chiefly on their whale oil and fish. The former was consumed in
London, but, being now loaded with heavy duties, cannot go there. Much
of their fish went up the Mediterranean, now shut to us by the piratical
States. Their debts, therefore, press them, while the means of payment
have lessened. The mobs, however, separated without a single injury having
been offered to the person or property of any one, nor did they continue
twenty-four hours in any one place. This country has opened a market for
their whale oil, and we have made a good treaty of peace with Morocco. But
with Algiers we can do nothing. An American paper has published a letter,
as from me to the Count de Vergennes, on the subject of our productions of
tobacco and rice. It is surreptitious and falsified; and both the true and
untrue parts very improper for the public eye. How a newswriter of America
got at it, is astonishing, and with what views it had been altered. I will
be much obliged to you if you will endeavor to prevent its publication in
the Leyden Gazette.
The following question I take the liberty of proposing to you
confidentially. This country wants money in its treasury. Some individuals
have proposed to buy our debt of twenty-four millions at a considerable
discount. I have informed Congress of it, and suggested to them the
expediency of borrowing this sum in Holland, if possible, as well to
prevent loss to this country as to draw all their money transactions
to one point. But could they borrow the money in Holland? I would be
obliged to you for your opinion on this question, as it would decide me
in pressing this matter further on Congress, or letting it drop. It will
readily occur to you that the answer should come through the hands of your
ambassador here alone. The pain in which I write obliges me, after many
thanks for the interesting details of transactions in your country, to
assure you of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, December 26, 1786.
DEAR SIR,--A note from me of the 22d of September, apprised you it would
be some time before I should be able to answer your letters. I did not
then expect it would have been so long.
I enclose herein a resolution of Congress, recalling Mr. Lambe, which I
will beg the favor of you to have delivered him. I have written to Mr.
Adams on the subject of directing him to settle with Mr. Barclay, and
attend his answer. In the meantime, I am not without hopes Mr. Barclay has
done the business. I send also a note desiring Mr. Lambe to deliver you
his cypher; and a copy of a letter from the minister of finance here, to
me, announcing several regulations in favor of our commerce.
My Notes on Virginia, having been hastily written, need abundance of
corrections. Two or three of these are so material, that I am reprinting
a few leaves to substitute for the old. As soon as these shall be ready,
I will beg your acceptance of a copy. I shall be proud to be permitted to
send a copy, also, to the Count de Campomanes, as a tribute to his science
and his virtues. You will find in them that the Natural Bridge has found
an admirer in me also. I should be happy to make with you the tour of
the curiosities you will find therein mentioned. That kind of pleasure
surpasses much, in my estimation, whatever I find on this side the
Atlantic. I sometimes think of building a little hermitage at the Natural
Bridge (for it is my property) and of passing there a part of the year at
least.
I have received American papers to the 1st of November. Some tumultuous
meetings of the people have taken place in the eastern States; i.e. one
in Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, and one in New Hampshire. Their
principal demand was, a respite in the judiciary proceedings. No injury
was done, however, in a single instance, to the person or property of any
one, nor did the tumult continue twenty-four hours in any one instance.
In Massachusetts, this was owing to the discretion which the malcontents
still preserved; in Connecticut and New Hampshire, the body of the people
rose in support of government, and obliged the malcontents to go to
their homes. In the last-mentioned State, they seized about forty, who
were in jail for trial. It is believed this incident will strengthen our
government. Those people are not entirely without excuse. Before the war,
these States depended on their whale oil and fish. The former was consumed
in England, and much of the latter in the Mediterranean. The heavy duties
on American whale oil, now required in England, exclude it from that
market; and the Algerines exclude them from bringing their fish into
the Mediterranean. France is opening her ports for their oil, but in the
meanwhile, their ancient debts are pressing them, and they have nothing to
pay with. The Massachusetts Assembly, too, in their zeal for paying their
public debt, had laid a tax too heavy to be paid in the circumstances of
their State. The Indians seem disposed, too, to make war on us. These
complicated causes, determined Congress to increase their forces to
two thousand men. The latter was the sole object avowed, yet the former
entered for something into the measure. However, I am satisfied the good
sense of the people is the strongest army our government can ever have,
and that it will not fail them. The commercial convention at Annapolis,
was not full enough to do business. They found, too, their appointments
too narrow, being confined to the article of commerce. They have proposed
a meeting in Philadelphia in May, and that it may be authorized to propose
amendments of whatever is defective in the federal constitution.
When I was in England, I formed a portable copying press, on the
principles of the large one they make here, for copying letters. I had a
model made there, and it has answered perfectly. A workman here has made
several from that model. The itinerent temper of your court will, I think,
render one of these useful to you. You must, therefore, do me the favor
to accept of one. I have it now in readiness, and shall send it by the
way of Bayonne, to the care of Mr. Alexander there, unless Don Miguel de
Lardizabal can carry it with him.
My hand admonishes me it is time to stop, and that I must defer writing to
Mr. Barclay till to-morrow.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. VAUGHAN.
PARIS, December 29, 1786.
SIR,--When I had the honor of seeing you in London, you were so kind as
to permit me to trouble you sometimes with my letters, and particularly
on the subject of mathematical or philosophical instruments. Such a
correspondence will be too agreeable to me, and at the same time, too
useful, not to avail myself of your permission. It has been an opinion
pretty generally received among philosophers, that the atmosphere of
America is more humid than that of Europe. Monsieur de Buffon makes this
hypothesis one of the two pillars whereon he builds his system of the
degeneracy of animals in America. Having had occasion to controvert this
opinion of his, as to the degeneracy of animals there, I expressed a doubt
of the fact assumed, that our climates are more moist. I did not know of
any experiments which might authorize a denial of it. Speaking afterwards
on the subject with Dr. Franklin, he mentioned to me the observations
he had made on a case of magnets, made for him by Mr. Nairne in London.
Of these you will see a detail, in the second volume of the American
Philosophical Transactions, in a letter from Dr. Franklin to Mr. Nairne,
wherein he recommends to him to take up the principle therein explained,
and endeavor to make an hygrometer, which, taking slowly the temperature
of the atmosphere, shall give its mean degree of moisture, and enable us
thus to make with more certainty, a comparison between the humidities of
different climates. May I presume to trouble you with an inquiry of Mr.
Nairne, whether he has executed the Doctor's idea? and if he has, to get
him to make for me a couple of the instruments he may have contrived.
They should be made of the same piece, and under like circumstances, that
sending one to America, I may rely on its indications there, compared with
those of the one I shall retain here. Being in want of a set of magnets
also, I would be glad if he would at the same time send me a set, the case
of which should be made as Dr. Franklin describes his to have been, so
that I may repeat his experiment. Colonel Smith will do me the favor to
receive these things from Mr. Nairne, and to pay him for them.
I think Mr. Rittenhouse never published an invention of his in this way,
which was a very good one. It was of an hygrometer which, like the common
ones, was to give the actual moisture of the air. He has two slips of
mahogany about five inches long, three-fourths of an inch broad, and
one-tenth of an inch thick, the one having the grain running lengthwise,
and the other crosswise. These are glued together by their faces, so as
to form a piece five inches long, three-fourths of an inch broad, and
one third of an inch thick, which is stuck by its lower end into a little
plinth of wood, presenting their edge to the view. The fibres of the wood
you know are dilated, but not lengthened by moisture. The slip, therefore,
whose grain is lengthwise, becomes a standard, retaining always the same
precise length. That which has its grain crosswise, dilates with moisture,
and contracts for the want of it. If the right hand piece be the cross
grained one, when the air is very moist, it lengthens, and forces its
companion to form a kind of interior annulus of a circle on the left.
When the air is dry, it contracts, draws its companion to the right, and
becomes itself the interior annulus. In order to show this dilatation
and contraction, an index is fixed on the upper end of two of the slips;
a plate of metal or wood is fastened to the front of the plinth, so as
to cover the two slips from the eye. A slit, being nearly the portion of
a circle, is cut in this plate, so that the shank of the index may play
freely through its whole range. On the edge of the slit is a graduation.
The objection to this instrument is, that it is not fit for comparative
observations, because no two pieces of wood being of the same texture
exactly, no two will yield exactly alike to the same agent. However, it
is less objectionable on this account, than most of the substances used.
Mr. Rittenhouse had a thought of trying ivory; but I do not know whether
he executed it. All these substances not only vary from one another at the
same time, but from themselves at different times. All of them, however,
have some peculiar advantages, and I think this, on the whole, appeared
preferable to any other I had ever seen. Not knowing whether you had heard
of this instrument, and supposing it would amuse you, I have taken the
liberty of detailing it to you.
I beg you to be assured of the sentiments of perfect esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, December 31, 1786.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 12th of the last month;
since which, your favor of October the 12th has been received, enclosing
a copy of the resolution of Congress for recalling Mr. Lambe. My letter
by Mr. Randall informed you that we had put an end to his powers, and
required him to repair to Congress. I lately received a letter from him,
dated Alicant, October the 10th, of which I have the honor to enclose
you a copy; by which, you will perceive that the circumstance of ill
health, either true or false, is urged for his not obeying our call. I
shall immediately forward the order of Congress. I am not without fear,
that some misapplication of the public money may enter into the causes
of his declining to return. The moment that I saw a symptom of this in
his conduct, as it was a circumstance which did not admit the delay of
consulting Mr. Adams, I wrote to Mr. Carmichael, to stop any moneys which
he might have in the hands of his banker. I am still unable to judge
whether he is guilty of this or not, as by the arrangements with Mr.
Adams, who alone had done business with the bankers of the United States,
in Holland, Mr. Lambe's drafts were to be made on him, and I know not
what their amount has been. His drafts could not have been negotiated,
if made on us both, at places so distant. Perhaps it may be thought, that
the appointment of Mr. Lambe was censurable in the moment in which it was
made. It is a piece of justice, therefore, which I owe to Mr. Adams, to
declare that the proposition went first from me to him. I take the liberty
of enclosing you a copy of my letter to Mr. Adams, of September the
24th, 1785, in which that proposition was made. It expresses the motives
operating on my mind in that moment, as well as the cautions I thought it
necessary to take. To these must be added, the difficulty of finding an
American in Europe fit for the business, and willing to undertake it. I
knew afterwards, that Dr. Bancroft (who is named in the letter) could not,
on account of his own affairs, have accepted even a primary appointment. I
think it evident, that no appointment could have succeeded without a much
greater sum of money.
I am happy to find that Mr. Barclay's mission has been attended with
complete success. For this we are indebted, unquestionably, to the
influence and good offices of the court of Madrid. Colonel Franks, the
bearer of this, will have the honor to put into your hands the original of
the treaty, with other papers accompanying it. It will appear by these,
that Mr. Barclay has conducted himself with a degree of intelligence and
of good faith, which reflects the highest honor on him.
A copy of a letter from Captain O'Bryan to Mr. Carmichael, is also
herewith enclosed. The information it contains will throw farther light
on the affairs of Algiers. His observations on the difficulties which
arise from the distance of Mr. Adams and myself from that place, and
from one another, and the delays occasioned by this circumstance, are
certainly just. If Congress should propose to revive the negotiations,
they will judge whether it will not be more expedient to send a person to
Algiers, who can be trusted with full powers; and also whether a mission
to Constantinople may not be previously necessary. Before I quit this
subject, I must correct an error in the letter of Captain O'Bryan. Mr.
Lambe was not limited, as he says, to one hundred, but to two hundred
dollars apiece for our prisoners. This was the price which has been just
paid for a large number of French prisoners, and this was our guide.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO SAMUEL OSGOOD.
PARIS, January 5, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am desired to forward to you the enclosed queries, and to ask
the favor of you to give such an answer to them, as may not give you too
much trouble. Those which stand foremost on the paper, can be addressed
only to your complaisance; but the last may possibly be interesting to
your department, and to the United States. I mean those which suggest the
possibility of borrowing money in Europe, the principal of which shall
be ultimately payable in land, and in the meantime a good interest. You
know best whether the suggestion can be turned to any profit, and whether
it will be worth while to introduce any proposition to Congress thereon.
Among the possible shapes into which a matter of this kind may be formed,
the following is one: Let us suppose the public lands to be worth a
dollar, hard money, the acre. If we should ask of a moneyed man a loan of
one hundred dollars, payable with one hundred acres of land at the end of
ten years, and in the meantime carrying an interest of five per cent.,
this would be more disadvantageous to the lender than a common loan,
payable ultimately in cash. But if we should say, we will deliver you
the one hundred acres of land immediately, which is in fact an immediate
payment of the principal, and will nevertheless pay your interest of five
per cent., for ten years, this offers a superior advantage, and might
tempt money holders. But what should we in fact receive, in this way,
for our lands? Thirty-seven dollars and one-fourth, being left in Europe,
on an interest of five per cent., would pay annually the interest of the
one hundred dollars for ten years. There would remain then only sixty-two
dollars and three-quarters, for the one hundred acres of land, that is to
say, about two thirds of its price. Congress can best determine, whether
any circumstance in our situation, should induce us to get rid of any of
our debts in that way. I beg you to understand, that I have named rates
of interest, term of payment, and price of land, merely to state the
case, and without the least knowledge that a loan could be obtained on
these terms. It remains to inform you from whom this suggestion comes.
The person from whom I receive it, is a Monsieur Claviere, connected
with the moneyed men of Amsterdam. He is, on behalf of a company there,
actually treating with the Comptroller General here, for the purchase of
our debt to this country, at a considerable discount. Whether he has an
idea of offering a loan to us, on terms such as I have above spoken of,
I know not; nor do I know that he is authorized to make the suggestion he
has made. If the thing should be deemed worthy the attention of Congress,
they can only consider it as a possibility, and take measures to avail
themselves of it, if the possibility turns out in their favor, and not to
be disappointed if it does not. Claviere's proposition not being formal
enough for me to make an official communication of it, you will make what
use of it you see best. I am, with very sincere esteem and attachment,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE CALONNES.
PARIS, January 7, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor, on the 2d of November last, to acknowledge the
receipt of your Excellency's letter of October the 22d, wherein you are
so good as to communicate to me the arrangements which the King had been
pleased to make for the encouragement of the commerce of the United States
of America with his subjects. I immediately made known the same to the
agents of the United States in the several seaports of this kingdom,
that they might give information thereof to the persons concerned in
that commerce. Unacquainted with the forms in which his Majesty usually
declares his will in cases of this kind, and the manner in which it
is communicated to the officers of the customs at the seaports, I am
unable to answer those agents who inform me that the officers of the
customs and farms do not as yet consider themselves bound to conform
to the new regulations. I take the liberty, therefore, of soliciting
your Excellency's interposition for the issuing such orders as may be
necessary for carrying into effect the gracious intentions of the King,
and of repeating the assurances of those sentiments of perfect respect and
esteem, with which I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, January 9, 1787.
SIR,--My last of December the 31st, acknowledged the receipt of yours of
October the 12th, as the present does those of October the 3d, 9th, and
27th, together with the resolution of Congress of October the 16th, on the
claim of Shweighauser. I will proceed in this business on the return of
Mr. Barclay, who, being fully acquainted with all the circumstances, will
be enabled to give me that information, the want of which might lead me to
do wrong on the one side or the other.
Information of the signature of the treaty with Morocco has been long on
its passage to you. I will beg leave to recur to dates, that you may see
that no part of it has been derived from me. The first notice I had of
it, was in a letter from Mr. Barclay, dated Daralbeyda, August the 11th.
I received this on the 13th of September. No secure conveyance offered
till the 26th of the same month, being thirteen days after my receipt of
it. In my letter of that date, which went by the way of London, I had the
honor to enclose you a copy of Mr. Barclay's letter. The conveyance of the
treaty itself is suffering a delay here at present, which all my anxiety
cannot prevent. Colonel Franks' baggage, which came by water from Cadiz to
Rouen, has been long and hourly expected. The moment it arrives, he will
set out to London, to have duplicates of the treaty signed by Mr. Adams,
and from thence he will proceed to New York.
The Chevalier del Pinto, who treated with us on behalf of Portugal, being
resident at London, I have presumed that causes of the delay of that
treaty had been made known to Mr. Adams, and by him communicated to you. I
will write to him by Colonel Franks, in order that you may be answered on
that subject.
The publication of the enclosed extract from my letter of May the 27th,
1786, will, I fear, have very mischievous effects. It will tend to
draw on the Count de Vergennes the formidable phalanx of the Farms; to
prevent his committing himself to me in any conversation which he does
not mean for the public papers; to inspire the same diffidence into all
other ministers, with whom I might have to transact business; to defeat
the little hope, if any hope existed, of getting rid of the Farm on the
article of tobacco; and to damp that freedom of communication which the
resolution of Congress of May the 3d, 1784, was intended to re-establish.
Observing by the proceedings of Congress, that they are about to establish
a coinage, I think it my duty to inform them, that a Swiss, of the name of
Drost, established here, has invented a method of striking the two faces
and the edge of a coin, at one stroke. By this, and other simplifications
of the process of coinage, he is enabled to coin from twenty-five thousand
to thirty thousand pieces a day, with the assistance of only two persons,
the pieces of metal being first prepared. I send you by Colonel Franks
three coins of gold, silver and copper, which you will perceive to be
perfect medals; and I can assure you, from having seen him coin many,
that every piece is as perfect as these. There has certainly never yet
been seen any coin, in any country, comparable to this. The best workmen
in this way, acknowledge that his is like a new art. Coin should always
be made in the highest perfection possible, because it is a great guard
against the danger of false coinage. This man would be willing to furnish
his implements to Congress, and if they please, he will go over and
instruct a person to carry on the work: nor do I believe he would ask
anything unreasonable. It would be very desirable, that in the institution
of a new coinage, we could set out on so perfect a plan as this, and the
more so, as while the work is so exquisitely done, it is done cheaper.
I will certainly do the best I can for the reformation of the consular
convention, being persuaded that our States would be very unwilling to
conform their laws either to the convention, or to the scheme. But it
is too difficult and too delicate, to form sanguine hopes. However, that
there may be room to reduce the convention, as much as circumstances will
admit, will it not be expedient for Congress to give me powers, in which
there shall be no reference to the scheme? The powers sent me, oblige me
to produce that scheme, and certainly, the moment it is produced, they
will not abate a tittle from it. If they recollect the scheme, and insist
on it, we can but conclude it; but if they have forgotten it (which may
be), and are willing to reconsider the whole subject, perhaps we may get
rid of something the more of it. As the delay is not injurious to us,
because the convention, whenever and however made, is to put us in a worse
state than we are in now, I shall venture to defer saying a word on the
subject, till I can hear from you in answer to this. The full powers may
be sufficiently guarded, by private instructions to me, not to go beyond
the former scheme. This delay may be well enough ascribed (whenever I
shall have received new powers) to a journey I had before apprised the
minister that I should be obliged to take, to some mineral waters in the
south of France, to see if, by their aid, I may recover the use of my
right hand, of which a dislocation, about four months ago, threatens to
deprive me in a great measure. The surgeons have long insisted on this
measure. I shall return by Bourdeaux, Nantes and L'Orient, to get the
necessary information for finishing our commercial regulations here.
Permit me, however, to ask as immediately as possible, an answer, either
affirmative or negative, as Congress shall think best, and to ascribe the
delay on which I venture, to my desire to do what is for the best.
I send you a copy of the late marine regulations of this country. There
are things in it, which may become interesting to us. Particularly,
what relates to the establishment of a marine militia, and their
classification.
You will have seen in the public papers, that the King has called an
assembly of the Notables of this country. This has not been done for one
hundred and sixty years past. Of course, it calls up all the attention
of the people. The objects of this assembly are not named: several are
conjectured. The tolerating the Protestant religion; removing all the
internal Custom houses to the frontier; equalizing the gabelles on salt
through the kingdom; the sale of the King's domains, to raise money; or,
finally, the effecting this necessary end by some other means, are talked
of. But in truth, nothing is known about it. This government practises
secrecy so systematically, that it never publishes its purposes or its
proceedings, sooner or more extensively than necessary. I send you a
pamphlet, which, giving an account of the last Assemblée des Notables, may
give an idea of what the present will be.
A great desire prevails here of encouraging manufactures. The famous
Boulton and Watts, who are at the head of the plated manufactures
of Birmingham, the steam mills of London, copying presses and other
mechanical works, have been here. It is said also, that Wedgewood has
been here, who is famous for his steel manufactories, and an earthen
ware in the antique style; but as to this last person, I am not certain.
It cannot, I believe, be doubted, but that they came at the request
of government, and that they will be induced to establish similar
manufactures here.
The transferring hither those manufactures, which contribute so much to
draw our commerce to England, will have a great tendency to strengthen our
connections with this country, and loosen them with that.
The enfranchising the port of Honfleur at the mouth of the Seine, for
multiplying the connections with us, is at present an object. It meets
with opposition in the ministry; but I am in hopes it will prevail.
If natural causes operate, uninfluenced by accidental circumstances,
Bourdeaux and Honfleur, or Havre, must ultimately take the greatest part
of our commerce. The former by the Garonne and canal of Languedoc, opens
the southern provinces to us; the latter, the northern ones and Paris.
Honfleur will be peculiarly advantageous for our rice and whale oil,
of which the principal consumption is at Paris. Being free, they can be
re-exported when the market here shall happen to be overstocked.
The labors of the ensuing summer will close the eastern half of the harbor
of Cherbourg, which will contain and protect forty sail of the line. It
has from fifty to thirty-five feet of water next to the cones, shallowing
gradually to the shore. Between this and Dunkirk, the navigation of the
channel will be rendered much safer in the event of a war with England,
and invasions on that country become more practicable.
The gazettes of France and Leyden, to the present date, accompany this.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, January 11, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Mr. Jay, in his last letter to me, observes they hear nothing
further of the treaty with Portugal. I have taken the liberty of telling
him that I will write to you on the subject, and that he may expect to
hear from you on it, by the present conveyance. The Chevalier del Pinto
being at London, I presume he has, or can inform you why it is delayed on
their part. I will thank you also for the information he shall give you.
There is here an order of priests called the Mathurins, the object of
whose institution is, the begging of alms for the redemption of captives.
About eighteen months ago, they redeemed three hundred, which cost them
about fifteen hundred livres a piece. They have agents residing in the
Barbary States, who are constantly employed in searching and contracting
for the captives of their nation, and they redeem at a lower price than
any other people can. It occurred to me, that their agency might be
engaged for our prisoners at Algiers. I have had interviews with them,
and the last night, a long one with the General of the order. They offer
their services with all the benignity and cordiality possible. The General
told me, he could not expect to redeem our prisoners as cheap as their
own, but that he would use all the means in his power to do it on the
best terms possible, which will be the better, as there shall be the less
suspicion that he acts for our public. I told him I would write to you
on the subject, and speak to him again. What do you think of employing
them, limiting them to a certain price, as three hundred dollars for
instance, or any other sum you think proper? He will write immediately to
his instruments there, and in two or three months we can know the event.
He will deliver them at Marseilles, Cadiz, or where we please, at our
expense. The money remaining of the fund destined to the Barbary business,
may, I suppose, be drawn on for this object. Write me your opinion,
if you please, on this subject, finally, fully and immediately, that,
if you approve the proposition, I may enter into arrangements with the
General, before my departure to the waters of Aix, which will be about the
beginning of February.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL FRANKS.
January 11, 1787.
My anxiety, my dear Sir, on the detention of the Morocco treaty is
inexpressible. However cogent and necessary the motives which detain you,
I should be deemed inexcusable were I to let such a safe opportunity as
that by Colonel Blackden pass without sending the papers on to London. Mr.
Jay complained that a treaty signed in June was not ratified in October.
What will they say when they shall observe that the same treaty does not
reach them till March, nine months? In the meantime, our whole commerce
is paying a heavy tax for insurance till its publication. Can you fix
a day as early as Monday or Tuesday for your departure, whether your
baggage arrives or not? or would you rather decline the going with the
papers? In the former case, if your baggage does not arrive before your
departure, any orders you may think proper to leave respecting it, shall
be punctually executed. I can send it to Mr. Simonson at Havre, so that it
may go to America in the February packet. I shall see you at the Marquis's
to-day, and we will speak about this matter.
TO MONSIEUR OTTO.
PARIS, January 14, 1787.
SIR,--I have been honored with your letter of October 15, and thank you
for the intelligence it contained. I am able to make you but an unequal
return for it, your friends here being so much more in condition to
communicate to you interesting intelligence. With respect to the affairs
of Holland, they do not promise arrangement. The interest which the King
of Prussia takes in the affairs of the Stadtholder, seem to threaten an
interruption of his cordiality with the country. The misunderstanding
between the Kings of Spain and Naples, and a projected visit of the latter
to Vienna, with the known influence of his Queen over him, are matter for
some jealousy.
As to domestic news, the Assembly des Notables occupies all conversation.
What will be the subjects of their deliberation is not yet declared.
The establishment of provincial assemblies, tolerating the Protestant
religion, removing the internal barriers to the frontiers, equalizing the
Gabelles, sale of the King's domains, and, in short, every other possible
reformation, are conjectured by different persons. I send you a pamphlet
on the last Assembly of Notables, from which ideas are formed as to what
this will be. Possibly you may receive the same from some of your friends.
I send you, also, what it is less likely you should get from them, because
it is next to impossible to get it at all--that is, a late memoire by
Linquet, which has produced his perpetual exile from this country.
To these I add a report written by M. Bailly, on the subject of the
Hotel-Dieu of Paris, which has met a very general approbation. These are
things for the day only. I recollect no work of any dignity which has been
lately published. We shall very soon receive another volume on Mineralogy
from M. de Buffon; and a third volume of the Cultivator Americaine is in
the press. So is a History of the American War, by a Monsieur Soulés, the
two first volumes of which, coming down to the capture of Burgoyne, I have
seen, and think better than any I have seen. Mazzei will print soon two or
three volumes 8vo, of Recherches Historiques and Politiques sur les Etats
Unis d'Amerique, which are sensible. We are flattered with the hopes that
the packet boats will hereafter sail monthly from Havre, the first being
to sail on the 10th of the next month. This is very desirable indeed, as
it will furnish more frequent opportunities of correspondence between the
two countries. If I can be made useful to you in any line whatever here,
it will make me very happy. Being with sincere esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR LE DUC D'HARCOURT, GOVERNEUR DU DAUPHIN.
PARIS, January 14, 1787.
SIR,--In the conversation with which you were pleased to honor me, a few
days ago, on the enfranchisement of the port of Honfleur, I took the
liberty of observing, that I was not instructed by my constituents to
make any proposition on that subject. That it would be agreeable to them,
however, I must suppose, because it will offer the following advantages:
1. It is a convenient entrepôt for furnishing us with the manufactures of
the northern parts of France, and particularly of Paris, and for receiving
and distributing the productions of our country in exchange.
2. Cowes, on the opposite side of the channel, has heretofore been the
deposit for a considerable part of our productions, landed in Great
Britain in the first instance, but intended for re-exportation. From
thence, our rice, particularly, has been distributed to France and other
parts of Europe. I am not certain whether our tobaccos were deposited
there, or carried to London to be sorted for the different markets.
To draw this business from Cowes, no place is so favorably situated as
Honfleur.
3. It would be a convenient deposit for our whale oil, of which, after the
supply of Paris, there will be a surplus for re-exportation.
4. Should our fur trade be recovered out of the hands of the English, it
will naturally come to Honfleur, as the port of Paris.
5. Salt is an important article in all our return cargoes; because, being
carried as ballast, its freight costs nothing. But, on account of some
regulations, with which I am not well acquainted, it cannot, at present,
be shipped to advantage from any port on the Seine.
6. Our vessels being built sharp, for swift sailing, suffer extremely in
most of the western ports of France, in which they are left on dry ground
at every ebb of the tide. But at Honfleur, I am told, they can ride in
bold water, on a good bottom and near the shore at all times.
These facts may, perhaps, throw some light on the question in which,
for the good of both countries, you are pleased to interest yourself.
I take the liberty, therefore, of barely mentioning them, and with the
more pleasure, as it furnishes me an occasion of assuring you of those
sentiments of respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your
most obedient, humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR DE CREVE-COEUR.
PARIS, January 15, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I see by the Journal of this morning, that they are robbing
us of another of our inventions to give it to the English. The writer,
indeed, only admits them to have revived what he thinks was known to the
Greeks, that is, the making the circumference of a wheel of one single
piece. The farmers in New Jersey were the first who practised it, and
they practised it commonly. Dr. Franklin, in one of his trips to London,
mentioned this practice to the man now in London, who has the patent
for making those wheels. The idea struck him. The Doctor promised to go
to his shop, and assist him in trying to make the wheel of one piece.
The Jersey farmers do it by cutting a young sapling, and bending it,
while green and juicy, into a circle; and leaving it so until it becomes
perfectly seasoned. But in London there are no saplings. The difficulty
was, then, to give to old wood the pliancy of young. The Doctor and the
workman labored together some weeks, and succeeded; and the man obtained
a patent for it, which has made his fortune. I was in his shop in London,
he told me the whole story himself, and acknowledged, not only the origin
of the idea, but how much the assistance of Dr. Franklin had contributed
to perform the operation on dry wood. He spoke of him with love and
gratitude. I think I have had a similar account from Dr. Franklin, but
cannot be quite certain. I know, that being in Philadelphia when the
first set of patent wheels arrived from London, and were spoken of by the
gentleman (an Englishman) who brought them, as a wonderful discovery, the
idea of its being a new discovery was laughed at by the Philadelphians,
who, in their Sunday parties across the Delaware, had seen every farmer's
cart mounted on such wheels. The writer in the paper, supposes the English
workman got his idea from Homer. But it is more likely the Jersey farmer
got his idea from thence, because ours are the only farmers who can read
Homer; because, too, the Jersey practice is precisely that stated by
Homer: the English practice very different. Homer's words are (comparing a
young hero killed by Ajax to a poplar felled by a workman) literally thus:
"He fell on the ground, like a poplar, which has grown smooth, in the west
part of a great meadow; with its branches shooting from its summit. But
the chariot maker, with the sharp axe, has felled it, that he may bend a
wheel for a beautiful chariot. It lies drying on the banks of the river."
Observe the circumstances which coincide with the Jersey practice. 1. It
is a tree growing in a moist place, full of juices and easily bent. 2. It
is cut while green. 3. It is bent into the circumference of a wheel. 4.
It is left to dry in that form. You, who write French well and readily,
should write a line for the Journal, to reclaim the honor of our farmers.
Adieu. Yours affectionately.
TO COLONEL EDWARD CARRINGTON.
PARIS, January 16, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Uncertain whether you might be at New York at the moment of
Colonel Franks' arrival, I have enclosed my private letters for Virginia
under cover to our delegation in general, which otherwise I would have
taken the liberty to enclose particularly to you, as best acquainted with
the situation of the persons to whom they are addressed. Should this find
you at New York, I will still ask your attention to them.
In my letter to Mr. Jay, I have mentioned the meeting of the Notables,
appointed for the 29th instant. It is now put off to the 7th or 8th of
next month. This event, which will hardly excite any attention in America,
is deemed here the most important one which has taken place in their civil
line during the present century. Some promise their country great things
from it, some nothing. Our friend de La Fayette was placed on the list
originally. Afterwards his name disappeared, but finally was reinstated.
This shows that his character here is not considered as an indifferent
one, and that it excites agitation. His education in our school has drawn
on him a very jealous eye from a court whose principles are the most
absolute despotism. But I hope he has nearly passed his crisis. The King,
who is a good man, is favorably disposed towards him, and he is supported
by powerful family connections and by the public good will. He is the
youngest man of the Notables except one whose office placed him on the
list.
The Count de Vergennes has within these ten days had a very severe attack
of what is deemed an unfixed gout. He has been well enough, however, to do
business to-day. But anxieties for him are not yet quieted. He is a great
and good minister, and an accident to him might endanger the peace of
Europe.
The tumults in America I expected would have produced in Europe an
unfavorable opinion of our political state. But it has not. On the
contrary, the small effect of these tumults seems to have given more
confidence in the firmness of our governments. The interposition of the
people themselves on the side of government has had a great effect on the
opinion here. I am persuaded myself that the good sense of the people
will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray for a
moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only censors
of their governors; and even their errors will tend to keep these to the
true principles of their institution. To punish these errors too severely
would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty. The way to
prevent these irregular interpositions of the people, is to give them full
information of their affairs through the channel of the public papers,
and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the
people. The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people,
the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to
me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or
newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer
the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers,
and be capable of reading them. I am convinced that those societies (as
the Indians) which live without government, enjoy in their general mass
an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under the
European governments. Among the former, public opinion is in the place of
law, and restrains morals as powerfully as laws ever did anywhere. Among
the latter, under pretence of governing, they have divided their nations
into two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This is a true
picture of Europe. Cherish, therefore, the spirit of our people, and keep
alive their attention. Do not be too severe upon their errors, but reclaim
them by enlightening them. If once they become inattentive to the public
affairs, you and I, and Congress and Assemblies, Judges and Governors,
shall all become wolves. It seems to be the law of our general nature, in
spite of individual exceptions; and experience declares that man is the
only animal which devours his own kind; for I can apply no milder term
to the governments of Europe, and to the general prey of the rich on the
poor. The want of news has led me into disquisition instead of narration,
forgetting you have every day enough of that. I shall be happy to hear
from you sometimes, only observing that whatever passes through the post
is read, and that when you write what should be read by myself only, you
must be so good as to confide your letter to some passenger, or officer of
the packet. I will ask your permission to write to you sometimes, and to
assure you of the esteem and respect with which I have honor to be, dear
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DU RIVAL.
PARIS, January 17, 1787.
SIR,--You were pleased, in behalf of a friend, to ask information of me
on the subject of the money of the United States of America, and I had
the honor of informing you, by letter of November 7, that no regulations
of their coin had then been made by Congress, as far as I knew. They
had, however, entered into resolutions on that subject, which have since
come to hand. A translation of these will be found in the Leyden Gazette
of some few weeks ago. But it will be necessary to make the following
corrections in the Gazette:
The Gazette dates the resolutions October 10; but they were of August 8.
It gives only 365.64 grains of pure silver to the dollar; it should be
375.64. It states the pound of silver, with its alloy, to be worth 9.99
dollars only, whereas it is fixed at 13.777 dollars; and the pound of
gold, with its alloy, being worth 209.77 dollars, gives the proportion
of silver to gold as 1 to 15.225. These corrections being made, the
resolutions as stated in the Leyden Gazette may be confided in.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. S. AND J. H. DELAP.
PARIS, January 17, 1787.
GENTLEMEN,--I am honored this day by the receipt of your letter of the
6th instant. Having nothing to do with the matters of account of the
United States in Europe, it is out of my power to say anything to you as
to the payment of the balance due to you. Yet I think it would be proper
for you to write to the "Commissioners of the Treasury," at New York, on
this subject. They are the persons who are to pay it; and as their Board
has been created since the debt was contracted, they may possibly need
information on the subject.
As to your loan office certificates, you would do well to commit them
to some correspondent in America. They will be settled by the table
of depreciation at their true worth in gold or silver at the time the
paper dollars were lent. On that true value the interest has been paid,
and continues to be paid to the creditors annually in America. That the
principal will also be paid, is as sure as any future fact can be. The
epoch is not fixed. It is expected that the State of New York will shortly
accede to the impost which has been proposed. When that shall be done,
that impost will suffice to pay the interest, and sink the principal in a
very few years. I have the honor to be, with much respect. Gentlemen, your
most obedient humble servant.
TO M. SOULÉS.
PARIS, January 19, 1787.
SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to you the sheets on the subject of
Wyoming. I have had a long conversation with M. Creve-coeur on them. He
knows well that canton. He was in the neighborhood of the place when it
was destroyed, saw great numbers of the fugitives, aided them with his
wagons, and had the story from all their mouths. He committed notes to
writing at the moment, which are now in Normandy, at his father's. He
has written for them, and they will be here in five or six days, when he
promises to put them into my hands. He says there will be a great deal to
alter in your narration, and that it must assume a different face, more
favorable both to the British and Indians. His veracity may be relied on,
and I told him I was sure your object was truth; and, to render your work
estimable by that character, that I thought you would wait, and readily
make any changes upon evidence which should be satisfactory to you. The
moment I receive his notes I will communicate them to you, and have the
honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO M. HILLIARD D'AUBERTEUIL.
PARIS, January 27, 1787.
SIR,--I duly received the letter you did me the honor to write, and the
verses therein enclosed on the subject of M. de La Fayette. I have taken
measures to present the public with this acceptable present; but the
newspapers here are slow in complying with the applications addressed
to them. It is not for a stranger to decide on the merits of poetry in a
language foreign to him. Were I to presume to do it in this instance, I
should certainly assign to this composition a high degree of approbation.
I wish it were in my power to furnish you with any materials for the
history on which you are engaged, but I brought no papers of that kind
with me from America. In a letter you did me the honor of writing me
sometime ago, you seemed to suppose you might go to America in quest of
materials. Should you execute this idea, I should with great pleasure
give any assistance in my power to obtain access for you to the several
deposits of materials which are in that country. I have the honor to be,
with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO CHEVALIER DE SEGOND.
PARIS, January 27, 1787.
SIR,--I have duly received the letter with which you have been pleased
to honor me, complaining of the non-payment of interest on the sum due
to you from the United States. I feel with great sensibility the weight
of these complaints; but it is neither in my province, nor in my power,
to remedy them. I am noways authorized to interfere with the money
matters of the United States in Europe. These rest altogether between
the Commissioners of the Treasury of the United States at New York and
their bankers in Europe. Being informed, however, from Mr. Grand, that the
funds appropriated to the payment of the foreign officers were exhausted,
I took the liberty of representing strongly to the Commissioners the
motives which should urge them to furnish new supplies. They assured me,
in answer, that they would do it at the first moment it should be in their
power. I am perfectly persuaded they will; however, I shall immediately
forward to them the letter you have been pleased to address to me; and
will observe to you, that it is to them alone, or to Congress, to whom you
can make any future applications with effect.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.[C]
PARIS, January 30, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 16th of December; since which, I have
received yours of November the 25th, and December the 4th, which afforded
me, as your letters always do, a treat on matters public, individual and
economical. I am impatient to learn your sentiments on the late troubles
in the eastern States. So far as I have yet seen, they do not appear to
threaten serious consequences. Those States have suffered by the stoppage
of the channels of their commerce, which have not yet found other issues.
This must render money scarce, and make the people uneasy. This uneasiness
has produced acts absolutely unjustifiable; but I hope they will provoke
no severities from their governments. A consciousness of those in power
that their administration of the public affairs has been honest, may,
perhaps, produce too great a degree of indignation; and those characters,
wherein fear predominates over hope, may apprehend too much from these
instances of irregularity. They may conclude too hastily, that nature
has formed man insusceptible of any other government than that of force,
a conclusion not founded in truth nor experience. Societies exist under
three forms, sufficiently distinguishable. 1. Without government, as
among our Indians. 2. Under governments, wherein the will of every one
has a just influence; as is the case in England, in a slight degree,
and in our States, in a great one. 3. Under governments of force; as is
the case in all other monarchies, and in most of the other republics.
To have an idea of the curse of existence under these last, they must
be seen. It is a government of wolves over sheep. It is a problem, not
clear in my mind, that the first condition is not the best. But I believe
it to be inconsistent with any great degree of population. The second
state has a great deal of good in it. The mass of mankind under that,
enjoys a precious degree of liberty and happiness. It has its evils,
too; the principal of which is the turbulence to which it is subject. But
weigh this against the oppressions of monarchy, and it becomes nothing.
_Malo periculosam libertatem quam quietam servitutem._ Even this evil
is productive of good. It prevents the degeneracy of government, and
nourishes a general attention to the public affairs. I hold it, that
a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in
the political world as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions,
indeed, generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the people,
which have produced them. An observation of this truth should render
honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions, as
not to discourage them too much. It is a medicine necessary for the sound
health of government.
If these transactions give me no uneasiness, I feel very differently at
another piece of intelligence, to wit, the possibility that the navigation
of the Mississippi may be abandoned to Spain. I never had any interest
westward of the Alleghany; and I never will have any. But I have had
great opportunities of knowing the character of the people who inhabit
that country; and I will venture to say, that the act which abandons the
navigation of the Mississippi is an act of separation between the eastern
and western country. It is a relinquishment of five parts out of eight,
of the territory of the United States; an abandonment of the fairest
subject for the payment of our public debts, and the chaining those debts
on our own necks, _in perpetuum_. I have the utmost confidence in the
honest intentions of those who concur in this measure; but I lament their
want of acquaintance with the character and physical advantages of the
people, who, right or wrong, will suppose their interests sacrificed on
this occasion, to the contrary interests of that part of the confederacy
in possession of present power. If they declare themselves a separate
people, we are incapable of a single effort to retain them. Our citizens
can never be induced, either as militia or as soldiers, to go there to cut
the throats of their own brothers and sons, or rather, to be themselves
the subjects, instead of the perpetrators of the parricide. Nor would
that country quit the cost of being retained against the will of its
inhabitants, could it be done. But it cannot be done. They are able
already to rescue the navigation of the Mississippi out of the hands of
Spain, and to add New Orleans to their own territory. They will be joined
by the inhabitants of Louisiana. This will bring on a war between them
and Spain; and that will produce the question with us, whether it will
not be worth our while to become parties with them in the war, in order to
re-unite them with us, and thus correct our error? And were I to permit my
forebodings to go one step further, I should predict that the inhabitants
of the United States would force their rulers to take the affirmative of
that question. I wish I may be mistaken in all these opinions.
We have, for some time, expected that the Chevalier de La Luzerne would
obtain a promotion in the diplomatic line, by being appointed to some
of the courts where this country keeps an ambassador. But none of the
vacancies taking place, which had been counted on, I think the present
disposition is, to require his return to his station in America. He told
me himself, lately, that he should return in the spring. I have never
pressed this matter on the court, though I knew it to be desirable and
desired on our part; because, if the compulsion on him to return had been
the work of Congress, he would have returned in such ill temper with them,
as to disappoint them in the good they expected from it. He would forever
have laid at their door his failure of promotion. I did not press it for
another reason, which is, that I have great reason to believe that the
character of the Count de Moutier, who would go, were the Chevalier to
be otherwise provided for, would give the most perfect satisfaction in
America.
As you have now returned into Congress, it will become of importance
that you should form a just estimate of certain public characters: on
which, therefore, I will give you such notes, as my knowledge of them
has furnished me with. You will compare them with the materials you are
otherwise possessed of, and decide on a view of the whole.
You know the opinion I formerly entertained of my friend, Mr. Adams. * * *
and the Governor were the first who shook that opinion. I afterwards saw
proofs which convicted him of a degree of vanity, and of a blindness to
it, of which no germ appeared in Congress. A seven months' intimacy with
him here, and as many weeks' in London, have given me opportunities of
studying him closely. He is vain, irritable, and a bad calculator of the
force and probable effect of the motives which govern men. This is all the
ill which can possibly be said of him. He is as disinterested as the being
who made him: he is profound in his views; and accurate in his judgment,
except where knowledge of the world is necessary to form a judgment. He
is so amiable, that I pronounce you will love him, if ever you become
acquainted with him. He would be, as he was, a great man in Congress.
Mr. Carmichael, is, I think, very little known in America. I never saw
him, and while I was in Congress I formed rather a disadvantageous idea
of him. His letters, received then, showed him vain, and more attentive to
ceremony and etiquette, than we suppose men of sense should be. I have now
a constant correspondence with him, and find him a little hypochondriac
and discontented. He possesses a very good understanding, though not of
the first order. I have had great opportunities of searching into his
character, and have availed myself of them. Many persons of different
nations, coming from Madrid to Paris, all speak of him as in high esteem,
and I think it certain that he has more of the Count de Florida Blanca's
friendship, than any diplomatic character at that court. As long as this
minister is in office, Carmichael can do more than any other person who
could be sent there.
You will see Franks, and doubtless he will be asking some appointment. I
wish there may be any one for which he is fit. He is light, indiscreet,
active, honest, affectionate. Though Bingham is not in diplomatic office,
yet as he wishes to be so, I will mention such circumstances of him, as
you might otherwise be deceived in. He will make you believe he was on the
most intimate footing with the first characters in Europe, and versed in
the secrets of every cabinet. Not a word of this is true. He had a rage
for being presented to great men, and had no * * * in the methods by which
he could effect it. * * * * *
The Marquis de La Fayette is a most valuable auxiliary to me. His zeal
is unbounded, and his weight with those in power, great. His education
having been merely military, commerce was an unknown field to him. But his
good sense enabling him to comprehend perfectly whatever is explained to
him, his agency has been very efficacious. He has a great deal of sound
genius, is well remarked by the King, and rising in popularity. He has
nothing against him, but the suspicion of republican principles. I think
he will one day be of the ministry. His foible is, a canine appetite for
popularity and fame; but he will get above this. _The Count de Vergennes_
is _ill_. The possibility of his _recovery_, renders it dangerous for us
to express a doubt of it; but he is in danger. He is a great minister in
European affairs, but has very imperfect ideas of our _institutions_, and
no confidence in them. His devotion to the principles of pure despotism,
renders him unaffectionate to our governments. But his fear of England
makes him value us as a make weight. He is cool, reserved in political
conversations, but free and familiar on other subjects, and a very
attentive, agreeable person to do business with. It is impossible to have
a clearer, better organized head; but age has chilled his heart.
Nothing should be spared, on our part, to attach this country to us.
It is the only one on which we can rely for support, under every event.
Its inhabitants love us more, I think, than they do any other nation on
earth. This is very much the effect of the good dispositions with which
the French officers returned. In a former letter, I mentioned to you the
dislocation of my wrist. I can make not the least use of it, except for
the single article of writing, though it is going on five months since the
accident happened. I have great anxieties, lest I should never recover
any considerable use of it. I shall, by the advice of my surgeons, set
out in a fortnight for the waters of Aix, in Provence. I chose these out
of several they proposed to me, because if they fail to be effectual, my
journey will not be useless altogether. It will give me an opportunity
of examining the canal of Languedoc, and of acquiring knowledge of
that species of navigation, which may be useful hereafter; but more
immediately, it will enable me to make the tour of the ports concerned
in commerce with us, to examine, on the spot, the defects of the late
regulations respecting our commerce, to learn the further improvements
which may be made in it, and on my return, to get this business finished.
I shall be absent between two and three months, unless anything happens
to recall me here sooner, which may always be effected in ten days, in
whatever part of my route I may be.
In speaking of characters, I omitted those of Reyneval and Hennin, the two
eyes of Count de Vergennes. The former is the most important character,
because possessing the most of the confidence of the Count. He is rather
cunning than wise, his views of things being neither great nor liberal.
He governs himself by principles which he has learned by rote, and is fit
only for the details of execution. His heart is susceptible of little
passions, but not of good ones. He is brother-in-law to M. Gerard,
from whom he received disadvantageous impressions of us, which cannot
be effaced. He has much duplicity. Hennin is a philosopher, sincere,
friendly, liberal, learned, beloved by everybody; the other by nobody. I
think it a great misfortune that the United States are in the department
of the former. As particulars of this kind may be useful to you, in your
present situation, I may hereafter continue the chapter. I know it will be
safely lodged in your discretion.
Feb. 5. Since writing thus far, Franks has returned from England. I
learn that Mr. Adams desires to be recalled, and that Smith should be
appointed chargé des affaires there. It is not for me to decide whether
any diplomatic character should be kept at a court, which keeps none with
us. You can judge of Smith's abilities by his letters. They are not of
the first order, but they are good. For his honesty, he is like our friend
Monroe; turn his soul wrong side outwards, and there is not a speck on it.
He has one foible, an excessive inflammability of temper, but he feels it
when it comes on, and has resolution enough to suppress it, and to remain
silent till it passes over.
I send you, by Colonel Franks, your pocket telescope, walking stick and
chemical box. The two former could not be combined together. The latter
could not be had in the form you referred to. Having a great desire
to have a portable copying machine, and being satisfied, from some
experiments, that the principle of the large machine might be applied in
a small one, I planned one when in England, and had it made. It answers
perfectly. I have since set a workman to making them here, and they are
in such demand that he has his hands full. Being assured that you will be
pleased to have one, when you shall have tried its convenience, I send you
one by Colonel Franks. The machine costs ninety-six livres, the appendages
twenty-four livres, and I send you paper and ink for twelve livres;
in all, one hundred and thirty-two livres. There is a printed paper of
directions; but you must expect to make many essays before you succeed
perfectly. A soft brush, like a shaving brush, is more convenient than
the sponge. You can get as much ink and paper as you please from London.
The paper costs a guinea a ream. I am, dear Sir, with sincere esteem and
affection, your most obedient humble servant.
[C] [The latter part of this letter is in cypher; but appended to
the copy preserved, are explanatory notes, which have enabled us
to publish it entire, except a few words, to which they afford no
key. These are either marked thus * * *, or the words which the
context seemed to require, inserted in italics.]
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, February 1, 1787.
SIR,--My last letters were of the 31st of December, and 9th of January;
since which last date, I have been honored with yours of December the 13th
and 14th. I shall pay immediate attention to your instructions relative
to the South Carolina frigate. I had the honor of informing you of an
improvement in the art of coining, made here by one Drost, and of sending
you, by Colonel Franks, a specimen of his execution in gold and silver. I
expected to have sent also a coin of copper. The enclosed note from Drost
will explain the reason why this was not sent. It will let you see also,
that he may be employed; as I suppose he is not so certain as he was of
being engaged here. Mr. Grand, who knows him, gives me reason to believe
he may be engaged reasonably. Congress will decide whether it be worth
their attention.
In some of my former letters, I suggested an opportunity of obliging this
court, by borrowing as much money in Holland as would pay the debt due
here, if such a loan could be obtained; as to which, I was altogether
ignorant. To save time, I wrote to Mr. Dumas, to know whether he thought
it probable a loan could be obtained, enjoining on him the strictest
secrecy, and informing him I was making the inquiry merely of my own
motion, and without instruction. I enclose you his answer. He thinks
purchasers of the debt could be found, with a sacrifice of a small part
of the capital, and a postponement be obtained of some of the first
reimbursements. The proposition by him, for an immediate adoption of this
measure by me, was probably urged on his mind by a desire to serve our
country, more than a strict attention to my duty, and the magnitude of
the object. I hope, on the contrary, that if it should be thought worth
a trial, it may be put into the hands of Mr. Adams, who knows the ground,
and is known there, and whose former successful negotiations in this line,
would give better-founded hopes of success on this occasion.
I formerly mentioned to you the hopes of preferment, entertained by the
Chevalier de La Luzerne. They have been baffled by events; none of the
vacancies taking place which had been expected. Had I pressed his being
ordered back, I have reason to believe the order would have been given.
But he would have gone back in ill humor with Congress, he would have laid
forever at their door the failure of a promotion then viewed as certain;
and this might have excited dispositions that would have disappointed us
of the good we hoped from his return. The line I have observed with him
has been, to make him sensible that nothing was more desired by Congress
than his return, but that they would not willingly press it, so as to
defeat him of a personal advantage. He sees his prospects fail, and will
return in the approaching spring, unless something unexpected should turn
up in his favor. In this case, the Count de Moutier has the promise of
succeeding to him, and, if I do not mistake his character, he would give
great satisfaction. So that I think you may calculate on seeing one or the
other, by midsummer.
It had been suspected that France and England might adopt those concerted
regulations of commerce for their West Indies, of which your letter
expresses some apprehensions. But the expressions in the 4th, 5th, 7th,
11th, 18th, and other articles of their treaty, which communicate to the
English the privileges of the most favored _European_ nation only, has
lessened, if not removed those fears. They have clearly reserved a right
of favoring, specially, any nation not European; and there is no nation
out of Europe, who could so probably have been in their eye at that
time, as ours. They are wise. They must see it probable, at least, that
any concert with England, will be but of short duration; and they could
hardly propose to sacrifice for that, a connection with us, which may be
perpetual.
We have been for some days in much inquietude for the Count de Vergennes.
He is very seriously ill. Nature seems struggling to decide his disease
into a gout. A swelled foot, at present, gives us a hope of this issue.
His loss would at all times have been great; but it would be immense
during the critical poise of European affairs existing at this moment. I
enclose you a letter from one of the foreign officers, complaining of the
nonpayment of their interest. It is only one out of many I have received.
This is accompanied by a second copy of the Moorish declaration sent me
by Mr. Barclay. He went to Alicant to settle with Mr. Lambe; but on his
arrival there, found he was gone to Minorca. A copy of his letter will
inform you of this circumstance, and of some others relative to Algiers,
with his opinion on them. Whatever the States may enable Congress to do
for obtaining the peace of that country, it is a separate question whether
they will redeem our captives, how, and at what price. If they decide to
redeem them, I will beg leave to observe, that it is of great importance
that the first redemption be made at as low a price as possible, because
it will form the future tariff. If these pirates find that they can have
a very great price for Americans, they will abandon proportionably their
pursuits against other nations, to direct them towards ours. That the
choice of Congress may be enlarged, as to the instruments they may use
for effecting the redemption, I think it my duty to inform them, that
there is here an order of priests called the Mathurins, the object of
whose institution is to beg alms for the redemption of captives. They keep
members always in Barbary, searching out the captives of their country,
and redeem, I believe, on better terms than any other body, public or
private. It occurred to me, that their agency might be obtained for the
redemption of our prisoners at Algiers. I obtained conference with the
General, and with some members of the order. The General, with all the
benevolence and cordiality possible, undertook to act for us, if we should
desire it. He told me that their last considerable redemption was of
about three hundred prisoners, who cost them somewhat upwards of fifteen
hundred livres apiece; but that they should not be able to redeem ours
as cheap as they do their own; and that it must be absolutely unknown
that the public concern themselves in the operation, or the price would
be greatly enhanced. The difference of religion was not once mentioned,
nor did it appear to me to be thought of. It was a silent reclamation and
acknowledgment of fraternity, between two religions of the same family,
which historical events of ancient date had rendered more hostile to one
another, than to their common adversaries. I informed the General, that
I should communicate the good dispositions of his order to those who
alone had the authority to decide whatever related to our captives. Mr.
Carmichael informs me, that moneys have been advanced for the support of
our prisoners at Algiers, which ought to be replaced. I infer from the
context of his letter, that these advances have been made by the court of
Madrid. I submit the information to Congress.
A treaty of commerce is certainly concluded between France and Russia. The
particulars of it are yet secret.
I enclose the gazettes of France and Leyden to this time, and have the
honor of assuring you of those sentiments of perfect esteem and respect
with which I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. SOULÉS.
February 2, 1787.
SIR,--I send you the papers M. de Creve-coeur sent to Normandy for.
The account of the destruction of Wyoming begins page 40. You may rely
certainly on the author's facts, and you will be easily able to separate
from them his reflections. You can best judge whether an account of that
interesting settlement, condensed into a few lines, might not form an
agreeable episode in your history, and prepare the mind more awfully for
its final catastrophe. I will thank you to return these papers as soon
as you are done with them that I may restore them to the hands of M. de
Creve-coeur before my departure, which will now be in a few days. I have
the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, February 6, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Your favors by Colonel Franks have come safely to hand. He will
set out from thence the 8th instant. The packet being to sail from Havre
the 10th, I enclose you the copy of a letter lately received from Mr.
Barclay, and of the paper it enclosed. In a letter from Mr. Carmichael, is
a postscript, dated December 25, in the following words: "Since writing
the preceding, the Portuguese ambassador has pressed me to hint, that
the present moment is favorable to push our treaty with the court." In
the body of the letter he says: "The Count de Expilly has promised me to
continue his attention to our prisoners during his stay at Algiers; and I
have also engaged the Consul of Spain, who remains there on his return,
to take care of them. Advances have been made for their support which
ought to be refunded." I suppose these advances have been made by order of
Mr. Lambe, and that his powers being at an end, it will be incumbent on
us to take measures on that subject. The Count de Vergennes is extremely
ill. His disease is gouty. We have for some days had hopes it would fix
itself decidedly in the foot. It shows itself there at times, as also in
the shoulder, the stomach, &c. Monsieur de Calonnes is likewise ill, but
his complaints are of a rheumatic kind, which he has often had before.
The illness of these two ministers occasioned the postponement of the
Assembly of the Notables to the 14th, and probably will yet postpone it.
Nothing is yet known of the objects of that meeting. I send you a pamphlet
giving a summary account of all the meetings of a general nature which
have taken place heretofore. The treaty between Prussia and this country
is certainly concluded, but its contents are not yet known. I shall set
out for the waters of Aix on the 13th instant, so that I am unable to say
when and whence I shall have the honor of addressing you again. But I take
measures for the conveying to me on my road all letters, so that should
anything extraordinary require it, I can at all times be recalled to Paris
in a fortnight. I shall hope to hear from you at times, as if I were in
Paris. I thank you much for the valuable present of your book. The subject
of it is interesting, and I am sure it is well treated. I shall take it
on my journey, that I may have time to study it. You told me once, you
had thought of writing on hereditary aristocracy. I wish you would carry
it into execution. It would make a proper sequel to the present work. I
wish you all possible happiness, and have the honor to be, with sentiments
of sincere esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO MRS. BINGHAM.
PARIS, February 7, 1787.
I know, Madam, that the twelve month is not yet expired; but it will be,
nearly, before this will have the honor of being put into your hands.
You are then engaged to tell me, truly and honestly, whether you do not
find the tranquil pleasures of America, preferable to the empty bustle of
Paris. For, to what does that bustle tend? At eleven o'clock, it is day,
_chez madame_. The curtains are drawn. Propped on bolsters and pillows,
and her head scratched into a little order, the bulletins of the sick are
read, and the billets of the well. She writes to some of her acquaintance,
and receives the visits of others. If the morning is not very thronged,
she is able to get out and hobble round the cage of the Palais Royal;
but she must hobble quickly, for the _coeffeur's_ turn is come; and a
tremendous turn it is! Happy, if he does not make her arrive when dinner
is half over! The torpitude of digestion a little passed, she flutters
half an hour through the streets, by way of paying visits, and then to
the spectacles. These finished, another half hour is devoted to dodging
in and out of the doors of her very sincere friends, and away to supper.
After supper, cards; and after cards, bed; to rise at noon the next day,
and to tread, like a mill horse, the same trodden circle over again. Thus
the days of life are consumed, one by one, without an object beyond the
present moment; ever flying from the ennui of that, yet carrying it with
us; eternally in pursuit of happiness, which keeps eternally before us. If
death or bankruptcy happen to trip us out of the circle, it is matter for
the buzz of the evening, and is completely forgotten by the next morning.
In America, on the other hand, the society of your husband, the fond
cares for the children, the arrangements of the house, the improvements
of the grounds, fill every moment with a healthy and an useful activity.
Every exertion is encouraging, because, to present amusement, it joins the
promise of some future good. The intervals of leisure are filled by the
society of real friends, whose affections are not thinned to cob-web, by
being spread over a thousand objects. This is the picture, in the light it
is presented to my mind; now let me have it in yours. If we do not concur
this year, we shall the next; or if not then, in a year or two more. You
see I am determined not to suppose myself mistaken.
To let you see that Paris is not changed in its pursuits, since it was
honored with your presence, I send you its monthly history. But this
relating only to the embellishments of their persons, I must add, that
those of the city go on well also. A new bridge, for example, is begun at
the Place Louis Quinze; the old ones are clearing off the rubbish which
encumbered them in the form of houses; new hospitals erecting; magnificent
walls of inclosure, and Custom-houses at their entrances, &c., &c., &c.
I know of no interesting change among those whom you honored with your
acquaintance, unless Monsieur de Saint James was of that number. His
bankruptcy, and taking asylum in the Bastile, have furnished matter of
astonishment. His garden, at the Pont de Neuilly, where, on seventeen
acres of ground, he had laid out fifty thousand louis, will probably sell
for somewhat less money. The workmen of Paris are making rapid strides
towards English perfection. Would you believe, that in the course of the
last two years, they have learned even to surpass their London rivals in
some articles? Commission me to have you a phaeton made, and, if it is not
as much handsomer than a London one, as that is than a Fiacre, send it
back to me. Shall I fill the box with caps, bonnets, &c.? Not of my own
choosing, but--I was going to say, of Mademoiselle Bertin's, forgetting,
for the moment, that she too is a bankrupt. They shall be chosen then by
whom you please; or, if you are altogether nonplused by her eclipse, we
will call an Assembleé des Notables to help you out of the difficulty, as
is now the fashion. In short, honor me with your commands of any kind, and
they shall be faithfully executed. The packets now established from Havre
to New York, furnish good opportunities of sending whatever you wish.
I shall end where I began, like a Paris day, reminding you of your
engagement to write me a letter of respectable length, an engagement the
more precious to me, as it has furnished the occasion, after presenting
my respects to Mr. Bingham, of assuring you of the sincerity of those
sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear
Madam, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO GOVERNOR RANDOLPH.
PARIS, February 7, 1787.
SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency, a report of
the proceedings on the inauguration of the bust of the Marquis de La
Fayette in this city. This has been attended with a considerable, but
a necessary delay. The principle that the King is the sole fountain of
honor in this country opposed a barrier to our desires, which threatened
to be insurmountable. No instance of a similar proposition from a foreign
power, had occurred in their history. The admitting it in this case, is
a singular proof of the King's friendly disposition towards the States of
America, and of his personal esteem for the Marquis de La Fayette.
I take this, the earliest occasion, of congratulating my country on your
Excellency's appointment to the chair of government, and of assuring you
with great sincerity, of those sentiments of perfect esteem and respect,
with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, February 8, 1787.
SIR,--The packet being to sail the day after tomorrow, I have awaited
the last possible moment of writing by her, in hopes I might be able to
announce some favorable change in the situation of the Count de Vergennes.
But none has occurred, and in the meantime he has become weaker by the
continuance of his illness. Though not desperately ill, he is dangerously
so. The Comptroller General, M. de Calonnes, has been very ill also, but
he is getting well. These circumstances have occasioned the postponement
of the Assemblée des Notables to the 14th instant, and will probably
occasion a further postponement. As I shall set out this day se'nnight
for the waters of Aix, you will probably hear the issue of the Count de
Vergennes' illness through some other channel, before I shall have the
honor of addressing you again. I may observe the same, as to the final
decision for the _effranchisement_ of Honfleur, which is in a fair way
of being speedily concluded. The exertions of Monsieur de Creve-coeur,
and particularly his influence with the Duke d'Harcourt, the principal
instrument in effecting it, have been of chief consequence in this matter.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, February 9, 1787.
SIR,--My last to you was dated December 25th; since which I have been
honored with your several favors of December the 29th, January the 5th,
9th and 23d. I thought that your affairs could not be more interesting
than they have been for a considerable time. Yet in the present moment
they are become more so, by the apparent withdrawing of so considerable a
personage in the drama, as the King of Prussia. To increase this interest,
another person, whose importance scarcely admits calculation, is in a
situation which fills us with alarm. Nature is struggling to relieve
him by a decided gout; she has my sincere prayers to aid her, as I am
persuaded she has yours. I have letters and papers from America, as late
as the 15th of December. The government of Massachusetts had imprisoned
three of the leaders of their insurgents. The insurgents, being collected
to the number of three or four hundred, had sent in their petition to
the government, praying another act of pardon for their leaders and
themselves, and, on this condition, offering to go every man home, and
conduct himself dutifully afterwards. This is the latest intelligence.
I thank you for your attention to the question I had taken the liberty of
proposing to you. I think with you, that it would be advisable to have our
debt transferred to individuals of your country. There could, and would be
no objection to the guarantee remaining as you propose; and a postponement
of the first payments of capital, would surely be a convenience to us.
For though the resources of the United States are great and growing, and
their dispositions good, yet their machine is new, and they have not got
it to go well. It is the object of their general wish at present, and they
are all in movement, to set it in a good train; but their movements are
necessarily slow. They will surely effect it in the end, because all have
the same end in view; the difficulty being only to get all the thirteen
States to agree on the same means. Divesting myself of every partiality,
and speaking from that thorough knowledge which I have of the country,
their resources and their principles, I had rather trust money in their
hands, than in that of any government on earth; because, though for
awhile the payments of the interest might be less regular, yet the final
reimbursement of the capital would be more sure.
I set out next week for the south of France, to try whether some mineral
waters in that quarter, much recommended, will restore the use of my hand.
I shall be absent from Paris two or three months; but I take arrangements
for the regular receipt of your favors, as if I were here. It will be
better, however, for you to put your letters to Mr. Jay, under cover to
Mr. Short, who remains here, and will forward them.
I have thought it my duty to submit to Congress the proposition about the
French debt, and may expect their answer in four months.
I have the honor to be, with sincere esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. BORGNIS DESBORDES FRERES.
PARIS, February 12, 1787.
GENTLEMEN,--Mr. Barclay, the American Consul General for France, being at
present out of the kingdom, I have given orders to Mr. Grand, banker at
Paris, to pay your draught for one hundred and eighty-six livres, advanced
by you for the relief of the shipwrecked Americans. I thank you for your
attention to these unfortunate people. It will rest with Mr. Barclay to
give such future directions as he shall think proper for cases of this
kind, which properly fall within the consular department. A certainty
that your kindness will meet his thanks, and that my interference in his
absence will be approved, has engaged me to do it without any hesitation.
I am just setting out on a journey of two or three months, but Mr. Grand,
as I have before mentioned, will pay your draught for the 168 livres
whenever you shall be pleased to make it. I have the honor to be, with
sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Gentlemen, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, February 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--As I propose to write you on business by Mr. Cairnes, who will
set out in a few days for London, the object of the present letter is only
to inform you that the Count de Vergennes died yesterday morning, and that
the Count de Montmorin is appointed his successor, and further to beg the
favor of you to forward the enclosed by the first vessel from London. I
set out on my journey on Sunday the 18th. I have the honor to be, with
sentiments of very sincere affection and respect, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, February 14, 1787.
SIR,--In the letter of the 8th instant, which I had the honor of writing
you, I informed you that the Count de Vergennes was dangerously ill.
He died yesterday morning, and the Count de Montmorin is appointed
his successor. Your personal knowledge of this gentleman, renders it
unnecessary for me to say anything of him.
Mr. Morris, during his office, being authorized to have the medals and
swords executed, which had been ordered by Congress, he authorized Colonel
Humphreys to take measures here for the execution. Colonel Humpreys did
so; and the swords were finished in time for him to carry them. The medals
not being finished, he desired me to attend to them. The workman who was
to make that of General Greene, brought me yesterday, the medal in gold,
twenty-three in copper, and the dye. Mr. Short, during my absence, will
avail himself of the first occasion which shall offer, of forwarding
the medals to you. I must beg leave, through you, to ask the pleasure of
Congress as to the number they would choose to have struck. Perhaps they
might be willing to deposit one of each person, in every college of the
United States. Perhaps they might choose to give a series of them, to each
of the crowned heads of Europe, which would be an acceptable present to
them. They will be pleased to decide. In the meantime, I have sealed up
the dye, and shall retain it till I am honored with their orders as to
this medal, and the others also, when they shall be finished.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. LE PREVOT DES MARCHANDS ET ECHEVINS DE PARIS.
PARIS, February 18, 1787.
SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of the letter with which
you have been pleased to honor me, together with the report on the
inauguration of the bust of the Major General the Marquis de La Fayette.
I availed myself of an opportunity which offered in the moment, of
transmitting them to the State of Virginia, with a faithful representation
of the favor with which the Prevot des Marchands et Echevins de Paris
received their proposition, the zeal with which it was pursued, and the
dignity of its ultimate execution. Knowing the attachment of my country
to the character which was the subject of that transaction, and the price
they will set on the attentions of the magistracy of Paris, I am safe in
assuring you that they will feel themselves infinitely obliged on this
occasion.
The interest you are pleased to take in the happiness of our infant
States, your judicious admonitions as to the means of preserving it, and
the terms in which you particularly honor some of their members, require
my personal thanks, which I humbly offer, with all those sentiments of
homage and respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, February 18, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was dated December 26, since which I have been
honored with yours of December 17. I now enclose you a duplicate of the
vote for the recall of Mr. Lambe. I take the liberty, also, of putting
under cover to you our confirmation of the Morocco treaty, together with a
joint letter to Fennish. The fear that Mr. Barclay might not be at Madrid
has occasioned my giving you this trouble, as well as that of addressing
the letter properly, and of having it transmitted.
I have received from Mr. Jay sundry despatches relative to the frigate the
South Carolina, and to a claim against the Court of Madrid founded on the
aid of that vessel in taking the Bahama and Providence islands, with an
instruction from Congress to confer with the Prince of Luxembourg, and get
him to interest the Duke de La Vauguyon to join you in your solicitations
of this matter. This is accordingly done, and you will have the aid of
the Duke. The despatches relative to this subject, I have sealed up and
addressed to you, but they will be delivered to the Duke de La Vauguyon,
to find a safe occasion of forwarding them. My last news from America
was of the 15th of December. The insurgents of Massachusetts had sent in
a petition to their government, praying the release of their leaders in
jail, and an act of pardon for themselves, and offering thereon to retire
every man to his home and to live submissively. You will have heard of the
death of the Count de Vergennes, and appointment of Mons. de Montmorin.
I was unlucky enough five months ago to dislocate my right wrist, and
though well set, I have as yet no use of it, except that I can write,
but in pain. I am advised to try the use of mineral waters, and those of
Aix in Provence being as much recommended as any others, I combine with
this object a design of making the tour of those seaports with which
we trade, Marseilles, Bordeaux, Nantes, &c., and shall set out the day
after to-morrow, and expect to be absent three months. This may probably
prevent my having the honor of writing to you during that interval, unless
anything extraordinary should arise. I take measures for the receipt of
all letters addressed to me as regularly as were I here. I have the honor
to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. BARCLAY.
PARIS, February 18, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge your separate favors of December 4th
and January 6th, and the joint one to Mr. Adams and myself of January 6th;
this last has been communicated to Congress, and to Mr. Adams. You have
my full and hearty approbation of the treaty you obtained from Morocco,
which is better and on better terms than I expected. Mr. Adams and myself
have annexed our confirmation to two of the copies, one of which is gone
to Congress; the other, with a joint letter to Fennish, I now enclose to
Mr. Carmichael, apprehending you are not in Madrid. I concur clearly with
you in opinion that, for many reasons, Mr. Carmichael would be a proper
person to negotiate our business with Algiers, if it be negotiable with
such means as we possess. I have expressed this opinion in my letters to
America, but I am sure we cannot raise the money necessary. Colonel Franks
was gone to London before I received your letter. He returned and embarked
in the packet for Havre, but nothing was done on the subject of accounts
or money. I was unlucky enough to dislocate my right wrist five months
ago, and though it was well set, I can yet make no use of it but to write.
I am advised to try mineral waters, and those of Aix in Provence, being as
much recommended as any others, I am induced to go to them by the desire
of making the tour of the ports with which we trade, Marseilles, Bordeaux,
Nantes, &c. I set out in two days and shall be absent three months. The
packets are finally fixed at Havre. They sail every six weeks. Honfleur
will, I think, certainly be made a free port; and I flatter myself will
become the centre for much of our trade, and particularly that of rice.
The death of Count de Vergennes, and appointment of Monsieur de Montmorin,
will reach you before this letter does. I have letters, &c., from America
as late as the 15th of December. The insurgents of Massachusetts had
prayed pardon for themselves and their leaders in jail, and on these terms
had offered to retire and live peaceably at home. Mrs. Barclay and your
family are well, except they are somewhat apprehensive of a film growing
over the eye of your youngest daughter; but should it do so, it will be
easily removed. I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, dear
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, February 20, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of January
25th. Colonel Franks sailed in the packet of this month from Havre for New
York. The arrangement of the packets opens a direct communication between
Paris and America, and if we succeed, as I expect we will, in getting
Honfleur made a free port, I hope to see that place become the deposit for
our whale oil, rice, tobacco and furs, and that, from thence, what is not
wanted in the country may be distributed to others. You remember giving
me a letter of credit on Messrs. Willinck and Staphorst for one thousand
guineas to pay for the swords and medals. When the swords were finished, I
drew on the Vandemjers, with whom the money was deposited, for sixty-five
thousand livres, to pay for the swords. They paid it. A medal is now
finished, and others will very soon be. But these gentlemen say they must
have fresh orders. In the meantime, the workmen complain. Will you be so
good as to draw in favor of Mr. Grand on Willinck, &c., for the balance of
the thousand guineas (which is about the sum that will be necessary), and
send the bill to Mr. Grand, who, in my absence, will negotiate it and pay
the workmen. I enclose you Vandemjer's answer. The meeting of the Notables
on Thursday, and the necessity of paying my court to our new minister,
will detain me till Friday, and perhaps till Tuesday next. Nothing is
known yet of the objects of this Assembly. I enclose you two new pamphlets
relative to it, and will inform you of whatever I can discover relative to
it during my stay. I learn with real pain the resolution you have taken
of quitting Europe. Your presence on this side the Atlantic gave me a
confidence that, if any difficulties should arise within my department,
I should always have one to advise with, on whose counsels I could rely.
I shall now feel bewidowed. I do not wonder at your being tired out by
the conduct of the court you are at. But is there not room to do a great
deal of good for us in Holland in the department of money? No one can
do it as well as yourself. But you have taken your resolution on mature
consideration, and I have nothing to offer, therefore, but my regrets.
If anything transpires from the Notables before my departure worth
communication, you shall yet hear from me. In the meantime, believe me
to be, with sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, February 23, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--The Notables met yesterday; the King opened the Assembly with
a short speech, wherein he expressed his inclination to consult with them
on the affairs of his kingdom, to receive their opinions on the plans he
had digested, and to endeavor to imitate the head of his family, Henry
IV., whose name is so dear to the nation. The speech was affectionate.
The Garde des Sceaux spoke about twenty minutes, complimented the clergy,
the noblesse, the magistrates and tiers etats. The Comptroller General
spoke about an hour. He enumerated the expenses necessary to arrange his
department when he came into it; he said his returns had been minutely
laid before the King; he took a review of the preceding administrations,
and more particularly of Mr. Neckar's; he detailed the improvement
which had been made; he portrayed the present state of the finances, and
sketched the several schemes proposed for their improvement; he spoke on a
change in the form of the taxes, the removal of the interior custom-houses
to the frontiers, provincial administrations and some other objects.
The Assembly was then divided into committees. To-day, there was to be
another grand Assembly, the plans more fully explained and referred to the
discussion of the committees. The grand Assembly will meet once a week and
vote individually. The propriety of my attending the first audience day
of Count Montmorin, which will not be till the 27th, retards my departure
till then.
I have read your book with infinite satisfaction and improvement. It will
do great good in America. Its learning and its good sense will, I hope,
make it an institute for our politicians, old as well as young. There is
one opinion in it, however, which I will ask you to reconsider, because it
appears to me not entirely accurate, and not likely to do good. Page 362,
"Congress is not a legislative, but a diplomatic assembly." Separating
into parts the whole sovereignty of our States, some of these parts are
yielded to Congress. Upon these I should think them both legislative
and executive, and that would have been judiciary also, had not the
confederation required them for certain purposes to appoint a judiciary.
It has accordingly been the decision of our courts that the confederation
is a part of the law of the land, and superior in authority to the
ordinary laws, because it cannot be altered by the legislature of any one
State. I doubt whether they are at all a diplomatic assembly. On the first
news of this work there were proposals to translate it. Fearing it might
be murdered in that operation, I endeavored to secure a good translator.
This is done, and I lend him my copy to translate from. It will be
immediately announced to keep others from attempting it. I am, with
sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, February 23, 1787.
SIR,--The Assemblée des Notables being an event in the history of this
country which excites notice, I have supposed it would not be disagreeable
to you to learn its immediate objects, though no way connected with
our interests. The Assembly met yesterday; the King, in a short but
affectionate speech, informed them of his wish to consult with them on
the plans he had digested, and on the general good of his people, and
his desire to imitate the head of his family, Henry IV., whose memory
is so dear to the nation. The Garde des Sceaux then spoke about twenty
minutes, chiefly in compliment to the orders present. The Comptroller
General, in a speech of about an hour, opened the budget, and enlarged on
the several subjects which will be under their deliberation. He explained
the situation of the finances at his accession to office, the expenses
which their arrangement had rendered necessary, their present state, with
the improvements made in them, the several plans which had been proposed
for their future improvement, a change in the form of some of their
taxes, the removal of the interior custom-houses to the frontiers, and
the institution of Provincial Assemblies. The Assembly was then divided
into committees, with a prince of the blood at the head of each. In this
form, they are to discuss separately the subjects which will be submitted
to them. Their decision will be reported by two members to the minister,
who, on view of the separate decisions of all the committees, will make
such changes in his plans as will best accommodate them to their views,
without too much departing from his own, and will then submit them to the
vote (but I believe not to the debate) of the General Assembly, which
will be convened for this purpose one day in every week, and will vote
individually.
The event of the Count de Vergennes' death, of which I had the honor to
inform you in a letter of the 14th instant, the appointment of the Count
Montmorin, and the propriety of my attending at his first audience, which
will be on the 27th, have retarded the journey I had proposed, a few days.
I shall hope, on my return, to meet here new powers for the consular
convention, as under those I have, it will be impossible to make the
changes in the convention which may be wished for.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO RICHARD PETERS.
PARIS, February 26, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of October 1, covering the letter and bill to
Captain Capitaine, did not come to my hands till yesterday. I wrote to
him immediately, to inform him it should be delivered here at any moment.
We talk and think of nothing here but the Assemblée des Notables. Were
all the puns collected, to which this Assembly has given rise, I think
they would make a larger volume than the Encyclopedie. The government is
said to want eighty millions of livres revenue more than they have. They
propose to give to the people provincial administrations, and to make
other improvements. It is a pity they had not more of the virtue called
economy, of which we have something to spare. I hope the company of Mrs.
Peters and your little ones have cured all your aches and pains both of
body and mind. That you and they may continue forever clear of them, is
the sincere prayer of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
PARIS, February 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am just now in the moment of my departure. Monsieur de
Montmorin having given us audience at Paris yesterday, I missed the
opportunity of seeing you once more. I am extremely pleased with his
modesty, the simplicity of his manners, and his dispositions toward us. I
promise myself a great deal of satisfaction in doing business with him.
I hope he will not give ear to any unfriendly suggestions. I flatter
myself I shall hear from you sometimes. Send your letters to my hotel,
as usual, and they will be forwarded to me. I wish you success in your
meeting. I should form better hopes of it, if it were divided into two
Houses, instead of seven. Keeping the good model of your neighboring
country before your eyes, you may get on, step by step, towards a good
constitution. Though that model is not perfect, yet, as it would unite
more suffrages than any new one which could be proposed, it is better to
make that the object. If every advance is to be purchased by filling the
royal coffers with gold, it will be gold well employed. The King, who
means so well, should be encouraged to repeat these Assemblies. You see
how we republicans are apt to preach, when we get on politics. Adieu, my
dear friend. Yours affectionately.
TO MADAME LA COMTESSE DE TESSE.
NISMES, March 20, 1787.
Here I am, Madam, gazing whole hours at the Maison quarrée like a lover at
his mistress. The stocking weavers and silk spinners around it consider
me a hypochondriac Englishman, about to write with a pistol the last
chapter of his history. This is the second time I have been in love since
I left Paris. The first was with a Diana at the Chateau de Laye-Epinaye
in Beaujolois, a delicious morsel of sculpture, by M. A. Slodtz. This,
you will say, was in rule, to fall in love with a female beauty; but
with a house! it is out of all precedent. No, Madam, it is not without a
precedent in my own history. While in Paris, I was violently smitten with
the Hotel de Salm, and used to go to the Tuileries almost daily, to look
at it. The _loueuse des chaises_, inattentive to my passion, never had
the complaisance to place a chair there, so that, sitting on the parapet,
and twisting my neck round to see the object of my admiration, I generally
left it with a _torti-colli_.
From Lyons to Nismes I have been nourished with the remains of Roman
grandeur. They have always brought you to my mind, because I know your
affection for whatever is Roman and noble. At Vienne I thought of you.
But I am glad you were not there; for you would have seen me more angry
than, I hope, you will ever see me. The Prætorian Palace, as it is called,
comparable, for its fine proportions, to the Maison quarrée, defaced by
the barbarians who have converted it to its present purpose, its beautiful
fluted Corinthian columns cut out, in part, to make space for Gothic
windows, and hewed down, in the residue, to the plane of the building, was
enough, you must admit, to disturb my composure. At Orange, too, I thought
of you. I was sure you had seen with pleasure the sublime triumphal arch
of Marius at the entrance of the city. I went then to the Arenæ. Would
you believe, Madam, that in this eighteenth century, in France, under the
reign of Louis XVI., they are at this moment pulling down the circular
wall of this superb remain, to pave a road? And that, too, from a hill
which is itself an entire mass of stone, just as fit, and more accessible?
A former intendant, a M. de Basville, has rendered his memory dear to
the traveller and amateur, by the pains he took to preserve and restore
these monuments of antiquity. The present one (I do not know who he is)
is demolishing the object, to make a good road to it. I thought of you
again, and I was then in great good humor, at the Pont du Gard, a sublime
antiquity, and well preserved. But most of all here, where Roman taste,
genius, and magnificence, excite ideas analogous to yours at every step. I
could no longer oppose the inclination to avail myself of your permission
to write to you, a permission given with too much complaisance by you,
and used by me with too much indiscretion. Madame de Tott did me the same
honor. But she, being only the descendant of some of those puny heroes who
boiled their own kettles before the walls of Troy, I shall write to her
from a Grecian, rather than a Roman canton; when I shall find myself, for
example, among her Phocæan relations at Marseilles.
Loving, as you do madam, the precious remains of antiquity, loving
architecture, gardening, a warm sun and a clear sky, I wonder you have
never thought of moving Chaville to Nismes. This, as you know, has
not always been deemed impracticable; and, therefore, the next time a
_Sur-intendant des batiments du roi_, after the example of M. Colbert,
sends persons to Nismes to move the Maison quarrée to Paris, that they
may not come empty handed, desire them to bring Chaville with them, to
replace it. Apropos of Paris. I have now been three weeks from there,
without knowing anything of what has passed. I suppose I shall meet it all
at Aix, where I have directed my letters to be lodged, _poste restante_.
My journey has given me leisure to reflect on this Assemblée des Notables.
Under a good and a young King, as the present, I think good may be made of
it. I would have the deputies then, by all means, so conduct themselves as
to encourage him to repeat the calls of this Assembly. Their first step
should be, to get themselves divided into two chambers instead of seven;
the Noblesse and the Commons separately. The second, to persuade the King,
instead of choosing the deputies of the Commons himself, to summon those
chosen by the people for the Provincial administrations. The third, as the
Noblesse is too numerous to be all of the Assemblée, to obtain permission
for that body to choose its own deputies. Two Houses, so elected, would
contain a mass of wisdom which would make the people happy, and the King
great; would place him in history where no other act can possibly place
him. They would thus put themselves in the track of the best guide they
can follow; they would soon overtake it, become its guide in turn, and
lead to the wholesome modifications wanting in that model, and necessary
to constitute a rational government. Should they attempt more than the
established habits of the people are ripe for, they may lose all, and
retard indefinitely the ultimate object of their aim. These, Madam, are my
opinions; but I wish to know yours, which, I am sure, will be better.
From a correspondent at Nismes, you will not expect news. Were I to
attempt to give you news, I should tell you stories one thousand years
old. I should detail to you the intrigues of the courts of the Cæsars, how
they affect us here, the oppressions of their prætors, prefects, &c. I am
immersed in antiquities from morning to night. For me, the city of Rome
is actually existing in all the splendor of its empire. I am filled with
alarms for the event of the irruptions daily making on us, by the Goths,
the Visigoths, Ostrogoths, and Vandals, lest they should re-conquer us to
our original barbarism. If I am sometimes induced to look forward to the
eighteenth century, it is only when recalled to it by the recollection of
your goodness and friendship, and by those sentiments of sincere esteem
and respect with which I have the honor to be Madam, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.
NICE, April 11, 1787.
Your head, my dear friend, is full of notable things; and being better
employed, therefore, I do not expect letters from you. I am constantly
roving about, to see what I have never seen before, and shall never see
again. In the great cities, I go to see what travellers think alone worthy
of being seen; but I make a job of it, and generally gulp it all down in
a day. On the other hand, I am never satiated with rambling through the
fields and farms, examining the culture and cultivators, with a degree of
curiosity which makes some take me to be a fool, and others to be much
wiser than I am. I have been pleased to find among the people a less
degree of physical misery than I had expected. They are generally well
clothed, and have a plenty of food, not animal indeed, but vegetable,
which is as wholesome. Perhaps they are over-worked, the excess of the
rent required by the landlord obliging them to too many hours of labor in
order to produce that, and wherewith to feed and clothe themselves. The
soil of Champagne and Burgundy I have found more universally good than I
had expected, and as I could not help making a comparison with England,
I found that comparison more unfavorable to the latter than is generally
admitted. The soil, the climate, and the productions are superior to
those of England, and the husbandry as good, except in one point; that of
manure. In England, long leases for twenty-one years, or three lives, to
wit, that of the farmer, his wife, and son, renewed by the son as soon
as he comes to the possession, for his own life, his wife's and eldest
child's, and so on, render the farms there almost hereditary, make it
worth the farmer's while to manure the lands highly, and give the landlord
an opportunity of occasionally making his rent keep pace with the improved
state of the lands. Here the leases are either during pleasure, or for
three, six, or nine years, which does not give the farmer time to repay
himself for the expensive operation of well manuring, and, therefore, he
manures ill, or not at all. I suppose, that could the practice of leasing
for three lives be introduced in the whole kingdom, it would, within the
term of your life, increase agricultural productions fifty per cent.; or
were any one proprietor to do it with his own lands, it would increase
his rents fifty per cent. in the course of twenty-five years. But I am
told the laws do not permit it. The laws then, in this particular, are
unwise and unjust, and ought to give that permission. In the southern
provinces, where the soil is poor, the climate hot and dry, and there are
few animals, they would learn the art, found so precious in England, of
making vegetable manure, and thus improving these provinces in the article
in which nature has been least kind to them. Indeed, these provinces
afford a singular spectacle. Calculating on the poverty of their soil,
and their climate by its latitude only, they should have been the poorest
in France. On the contrary, they are the richest, from one fortuitous
circumstance. Spurs or ramifications of high mountains, making down from
the Alps, and, as it were, reticulating these provinces, give to the
valleys the protection of a particular inclosure to each, and the benefit
of a general stagnation of the northern winds produced by the whole of
them, and thus countervail the advantage of several degrees of latitude.
From the first olive fields of Pierrelatte, to the orangeries of Hieres,
has been continued rapture to me. I have often wished for you. I think
you have not made this journey. It is a pleasure you have to come, and
an improvement to be added to the many you have already made. It will be
a great comfort to you, to know, from your own inspection, the condition
of all the provinces of your own country, and it will be interesting to
them at some future day, to be known to you. This is, perhaps, the only
moment of your life in which you can acquire that knowledge. And to do it
most effectually, you must be absolutely incognito, you must ferret the
people out of their hovels as I have done, look into their kettles, eat
their bread, loll on their beds under pretence of resting yourself, but
in fact, to find if they are soft. You will feel a sublime pleasure in the
course of this investigation, and a sublimer one hereafter, when you shall
be able to apply your knowledge to the softening of their beds, or the
throwing a morsel of meat into their kettle of vegetables.
You will not wonder at the subjects of my letters; they are the only ones
which have been presented to my mind for some time past; and the waters
must always be what are the fountains from which they flow. According
to this, indeed, I should have intermixed, from beginning to end, warm
expressions of friendship to you. But according to the ideas of our
country, we do not permit ourselves to speak even truths, when they may
have the air of flattery. I content myself, therefore, with saying once
for all, that I love you, your wife and children. Tell them so, and adieu.
Yours affectionately.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
NICE, April 12, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--At Marseilles, they told me I should encounter the rice fields
of Piedmont soon after crossing the Alps. Here they tell me there are none
nearer than Vercelli and Novarra, which is carrying me almost to Milan.
I fear that this circumstance will occasion me a greater delay than I had
calculated on. However I am embarked in the project, and shall go through
with it. To-morrow, I set out on my passage over the Alps, being to
pursue it ninety-three miles to Coni, on mules, as the snows are not yet
enough melted to admit carriages to pass. I leave mine here, therefore,
proposing to return by water from Genoa. I think it will be three weeks
before I get back to Nice. I find this climate quite as delightful as it
has been represented. Hieres is the only place in France, which may be
compared with it. The climates are equal. In favor of this place, are
the circumstances of gay and dissipated society, a handsome city, good
accommodations, and some commerce. In favor of Hieres, are environs of
delicious and extensive plains, a society more contracted, and therefore
more capable of esteem, and the neighborhood of Toulon, Marseilles and
other places, to which excursions may be made. Placing Marseilles in
comparison with Hieres, it has extensive society, a good theatre, freedom
from military control, and the most animated commerce. But its winter
climate is far inferior. I am now in the act of putting my baggage into
portable form for my bat-mule; after praying you therefore, to let my
daughter know I am well, and that I shall not be heard of again in three
weeks, I take my leave of you for that time, with assurances of the
sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
MARSEILLES, May 4, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of receiving at Aix your letter of February the 9th,
and immediately wrote to the Count de Montmorin, explaining the delay
of the answer of Congress to the King's letter, and desired Mr. Short
to deliver that answer with my letter to Monsieur de Montmorin, which he
informs me he has accordingly done.
My absence prevented my noting to you, in the first moment, the revolution
which has taken place at Paris, in the department of finance, by the
substitution of Monsieur de Fourqueux in the place of Monsieur de
Calonnes, so that you will have heard of it through other channels before
this will have the honor of reaching you.
Having staid at Aix long enough to prove the inefficacy of the waters,
I came on to this place for the purpose of informing myself here, as I
mean to do at the other sea-port towns, of whatever may be interesting to
our commerce. So far as carried on in our own bottoms, I find it almost
nothing, and so it must probably remain till something can be done with
the Algerines. Though severely afflicted with the plague, they have come
out within these few days, and showed themselves in force along the coast
of Genoa, cannonading a little town and taking several vessels.
Among other objects of inquiry, this was the place to learn something more
certain on the subject of rice, as it is a great emporium for that of the
Levant and of Italy. I wished particularly to know whether it was the use
of a different machine for cleaning, which brought European rice to market
less broken than ours, as had been represented to me by those who deal
in that article in Paris. I found several persons who had passed through
the rice country of Italy, but not one who could explain to me the nature
of the machine. But I was given to believe that I might see it myself
immediately on entering Piedmont. As this would require but about three
weeks, I determined to go and ascertain this point, as the chance only of
placing our rice above all rivalship in quality, as it is in color, by the
introduction of a better machine, if a better existed, seemed to justify
the application of that much time to it. I found the rice country to be in
truth Lombardy, one hundred miles further than had been represented, and
that though called Piedmont rice, not a grain is made in the country of
Piedmont. I passed through the rice fields of the Venellese and Milanese,
about sixty miles, and returned from thence last night, having found that
the machine is absolutely the same as ours, and of course, that we need
not listen more to that suggestion. It is a difference in the species of
grain, of which the government of Turin is so sensible, that, as I was
informed, they prohibit the exportation of rough rice on pain of death. I
have taken measures, however, which I think will not fail for obtaining a
quantity of it, and I bought on the spot a small parcel, which I have with
me. As further details on this subject to Congress would be misplaced, I
propose, on my return to Paris, to communicate them, and send the rice
to the society at Charleston for promoting agriculture, supposing that
they will be best able to try the experiment of cultivating the rice of
this quality, and to communicate the species to the two States of South
Carolina and Georgia, if they find it answer. I thought the staple of
these two States was entitled to this attention, and that it must be
desirable to them to be able to furnish rice of the two qualities demanded
in Europe, especially, as the greater consumption is in the forms for
which the Lombardy quality is preferred. The mass of our countrymen being
interested in agriculture, I hope I do not err in supposing that in a
time of profound peace, as the present, to enable them to adapt their
productions to the market, to point out markets for them, and endeavor to
obtain favorable terms of reception, is within the line of my duty.
My journey into this part of the country has procured me information which
I will take the liberty of communicating to Congress. In October last
I received a letter dated Montpelier, October the 2d, 1786, announcing
to me that the writer was a foreigner, who had a matter of very great
consequence to communicate to me, and desired I would indicate the channel
through which it might pass safely. I did so.
I received soon after a letter in the following words, omitting only the
formal parts. [_A translation of it is here given._]
"I am a native of Brazil. You are not ignorant of the frightful slavery
under which my country groans. This continually becomes more insupportable
since the epoch of your glorious independence, for the cruel Portuguese
omit nothing which can render our condition more wretched, from an
apprehension that we may follow your example. The conviction, that
these usurpers against the laws of nature and humanity only meditate
new oppressions, has decided us to follow the guiding light which you
have held out to us, to break our chains, to revive our almost expiring
liberty, which is nearly overwhelmed by that force, which is the sole
foundation of the authority that Europeans exercise over America. But it
is necessary that some power should extend assistance to the Brazilians,
since Spain would certainly unite herself with Portugal; and in spite of
our advantages for defence, we could not make it effectual, or, at least,
it would be imprudent to hazard the attempt without some assurance of
success. In this state of affairs, Sir, we can with propriety look only
to the United States, not only because we are following her example, but,
moreover, because nature, in making us inhabitants of the same continent,
has in some sort united us in the bonds of a common patriotism. On our
part, we are prepared to furnish the necessary supplies of money, and at
all times to acknowledge the debt of gratitude due to our benefactors. I
have thus, Sir, laid before you a summary of my views. It is in discharge
of this commission that I have come to France, since I could not effect
it in America without exciting suspicion. It now remains for you to decide
whether those views can be accomplished. Should you desire to consult your
nation on them, it is in my power to give you all the information you may
require."
As, by this time, I had been advised to try the waters of Aix, I wrote
to the gentleman my design, and that I would go off my road as far as
Nismes, under the pretext of seeing the antiquities of that place, if
he would meet me there. He met me, and the following is the sum of the
information I received from him: "Brazil contains as many inhabitants as
Portugal. They are, 1. Portuguese. 2. Native whites. 3. Black and mulatto
slaves. 4. Indians, civilized and savage. 1. The Portuguese are few in
number, mostly married there, have lost sight of their native country,
as well as the prospect of returning to it, and are disposed to become
independent. 2. The native whites form the body of their nation. 3. The
slaves are as numerous as the free. 4. The civilized Indians have no
energy, and the savage would not meddle. There are twenty thousand regular
troops. Originally these were Portuguese. But as they died off, they
were replaced by natives, so that these compose at present the mass of
the troops, and may be counted on by their native country. The officers
are partly Portuguese, partly Brazilians; their bravery is not doubted,
and they understand the parade, but not the science of their profession.
They have no bias for Portugal, but no energy either for anything. The
priests are partly Portuguese, partly Brazilians, and will not interest
themselves much. The Noblesse are scarcely known as such. They will,
in no manner, be distinguished from the people. The men of letters are
those most desirous of a revolution. The people are not much under the
influence of their priests, most of them read and write, possess arms,
and are in the habit of using them for hunting. The slaves will take the
side of their masters. In short, as to the question of revolution, there
is but one mind in that country. But there appears no person capable
of conducting a revolution, or willing to venture himself at its head,
without the aid of some powerful nation, as the people of their own might
fail them. There is no printing press in Brazil. They consider the North
American revolution as a precedent for theirs. They look to the United
States as most likely to give them honest support, and, from a variety of
considerations, have the strongest prejudices in our favor. This informant
is a native and inhabitant of Rio Janeiro, the present metropolis, which
contains fifty thousand inhabitants, knows well St. Salvador, the former
one, and the mines d'or, which are in the centre of the country. These are
all for a revolution; and, constituting the body of the nation, the other
parts will follow them. The King's fifth of the mines yields annually
thirteen millions of crusadoes or half dollars. He has the sole right of
searching for diamonds and other precious stones, which yield him about
half as much. His income from those two resources alone, then, is about
ten millions of dollars annually; but the remaining part of the produce of
the mines, being twenty-six millions, might be counted on for effecting a
revolution. Besides the arms in the hands of the people, there are public
magazines. They have abundance of horses, but only a part of their country
would admit the service of horses. They would want cannon, ammunition,
ships, sailors, soldiers and officers, for which they are disposed to
look to the United States, it being always understood that every service
and furniture will be well paid. Corn costs about twenty livres the one
hundred pounds. They have flesh in the greatest abundance, insomuch, that
in some parts they kill beeves for the skin only. The whale fishery is
carried on by Brazilians altogether, and not by Portuguese; but in very
small vessels, so that the fishermen know nothing of managing a large
ship. They would want of us, at all times, shipping, corn and salt fish.
The latter is a great article, and they are at present supplied with it
from Portugal. Portugal, being without either army or navy, could not
attempt an invasion under a twelvemonth. Considering of what it would
be composed, it would not be much to be feared, and, if it failed, they
would probably never attempt a second. Indeed, this source of their
wealth being intercepted, they are scarcely capable of a first effort. The
thinking part of the nation are so sensible of this, that they consider
an early separation inevitable. There is an implacable hatred between the
Brazilians and Portuguese; to reconcile which, a former minister adopted
the policy of letting the Brazilians into a participation of public
offices, but subsequent administrations have reverted to the ancient
policy of keeping the administration in the hands of native Portuguese.
There is a mixture of natives of the old appointments still remaining in
office. If Spain should invade them on their southern extremities, these
are so distant from the body of their settlements, that they could not
penetrate thence; and Spanish enterprise is not formidable. The mines
d'or are among mountains inaccessible to any army, and Rio Janeiro is
considered the strongest port in the world after Gibraltar. In case of
a successful revolution, a republican government in a single body would
probably be established."
I took care to impress on him, through the whole of our conversation,
that I had neither instructions nor authority to say a word to anybody on
this subject, and that I could only give him my own ideas, as a single
individual; which were, that we were not in a condition at present to
meddle nationally in any war; that we wished particularly to cultivate
the friendship of Portugal, with whom we have an advantageous commerce.
That yet a successful revolution in Brazil could not be uninteresting to
us. That prospects of lucre might possibly draw numbers of individuals to
their aid, and purer motives our officers, among whom are many excellent.
That our citizens being free to leave their own country individually,
without the consent of their governments, are equally free to go to any
other.
A little before I received the first letter of the Brazilian, a
gentleman informed me there was a Mexican in Paris, who wished to have
some conversation with me. He accordingly called on me. The substance
of the information I drew from him was as follows. He is himself a
native of Mexico, where his relations are, principally. He left it at
about seventeen years of age, and seems now to be about thirty-three or
thirty-four. He classes and characterizes the inhabitants of that country,
as follows: 1. The natives of Old Spain, possessed of most of the offices
of government, and firmly attached to it. 2. The clergy, equally attached
to the government. 3. The natives of Mexico, generally disposed to revolt,
but without instruction, without energy, and much under the dominion of
their priests. 4. The slaves, mulatto and black; the former enterprising
and intelligent, the latter brave, and of very important weight, into
whatever scale they throw themselves; but he thinks they will side with
their masters. 5. The conquered Indians, cowardly, not likely to take
any side, nor important which they take. 6. The free Indians, brave and
formidable, should they interfere, but not likely to do so, as being
at a great distance. I asked him the numbers of these several classes,
but he could not give them. The first, he thought very inconsiderable;
that the second formed the body of the freemen; the third equal to the
two first; the fourth, to all the preceding; and, as to the fifth, he
could form no idea of their proportion. Indeed, it appeared to me, that
his conjectures as to the others, were on loose grounds. He said he knew
from good information, there were three hundred thousand inhabitants in
the city of Mexico. I was still more cautious with him than with the
Brazilian, mentioning it as my private opinion (unauthorized to say a
word on the subject otherwise) that a successful revolution was still at
a distance with them; that I feared they must begin by enlightening and
emancipating the minds of their people; that, as to us, if Spain should
give us advantageous terms of commerce, and remove other difficulties, it
was not probable that we should relinquish certain and present advantages,
though smaller, for uncertain and future ones, however great. I was led
into this caution by observing that this gentleman was intimate at the
Spanish ambassador's, and that he was then at Paris, employed by Spain to
settle her boundaries with France, on the Pyrenees. He had much the air of
candor, but that can be borrowed; so that I was not able to decide about
him in my own mind.
Led by a unity of subject, and a desire to give Congress as general a view
of the disposition of our southern countrymen, as my information enables
me, I will add an article which, old and insulated, I did not think
important enough to mention at the time I received it. You will remember,
Sir, that during the late war, the British papers often gave details
of a rebellion in Peru. The character of those papers discredited the
information. But the truth was, that the insurrections were so general,
that the event was long on the poise. Had Commodore Johnson, then expected
on that coast, touched and landed there two thousand men, the dominion
of Spain in that country would have been at an end. They only wanted a
point of union, which this body would have constituted. Not having this,
they acted without concert, and were at length subdued separately. This
conflagration was quenched in blood; two hundred thousand souls, on
both sides, having perished; but the remaining matter is very capable of
combustion. I have this information from a person who was on the spot at
the time, and whose good faith, understanding, and means of information,
leave no doubt of the facts. He observed, however, that the numbers above
supposed to have perished, were on such conjectures only as he could
collect.
I trouble Congress with these details, because, however distant, we may
be, both in condition and dispositions, from taking an active part in any
commotions in that country, nature has placed it too near us, to make its
movements altogether indifferent to our interests, or to our curiosity.
I hear of another _Arret_ of this court, increasing the duties on foreign
stock-fish, and the premium on their own, imported into their islands; but
not having yet seen it, I can say nothing certain on it. I hope the effect
of this policy will be defeated by the practice which, I am told, takes
place on the Banks of Newfoundland, of putting our fish into the French
fishing-boats, and the parties sharing the premium, instead of ours paying
the duty.
I am in hopes Mr. Short will be able to send you the medals of General
Gates, by this packet. I await a general instruction as to these medals.
The academies of Europe will be much pleased to receive each a set.
I propose to set out the day after to-morrow for Bordeaux, (by the canal
of Languedoc,) Nantes, L'Orient and Paris.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. GUIDE.
MARSEILLES, May 6, 1787.
SIR,--A desire of seeing a commerce commenced between the dominions of
his Majesty, the King of Sardinia, and the United States of America, and a
direct exchange of their respective productions, without passing through a
third nation, led me into the conversation which I had the honor of having
with you on that subject, and afterwards with Monsieur Tallon, at Turin,
to whom I promised that I would explain to you, in writing, the substance
of what passed between us. The articles of your produce wanted with us,
are brandies, wines, oil, fruits, and manufactured silks: those with
which we can furnish you, are indigo, potash, tobacco, flour, salt fish,
furs and peltries, ships and materials for building them. The supply of
tobacco, particularly, being in the hands of government solely, appeared
to me to offer an article for beginning immediately the experiment of
direct commerce. That of the first quality can be had, at first hand,
only from James river, in Virginia; those of the second and third, from
the same place and from Baltimore, in Maryland. The first quality is
delivered in the ports of France at thirty-eight livres the quintal,
the second at thirty-six livres, the third at thirty-four livres, weight
and money of France, by individuals generally. I send you the copy of a
large contract, wherein the three qualities are averaged at thirty-six
livres. They may be delivered at Nice for those prices. Indeed, it is my
opinion, that by making shipments of your own produce to those places,
and buying the tobaccos on the spot, they may be had more advantageously.
In this case, it would be expedient that merchants of Nice, Turin, and
America, should form a joint concern for conducting the business in the
two countries. Monsieur Tallon desired me to point out proper persons in
America, who might be addressed for this purpose. The house of the most
extensive reputation, concerned in the tobacco trade, and on the firmest
funds, is that of Messrs. Ross and Pleasants, at Richmond, in Virginia. If
it should be concluded, on your part, to make any attempt of this kind,
and to address yourselves to these gentlemen, or any others, it would be
the best to write them your ideas, and receive theirs, before you make
either purchases or shipments. A more hasty conduct might occasion loss,
and retard, instead of encouraging the establishment of this commerce.
I would undertake to write, at the same time, to these, or any other
merchants whom you should prefer, in order to dispose them favorably,
and as disinterestedly as possible, for the encouragement of this essay.
I must observe to you, that our vessels are fearful of coming into
the Mediterranean on account of the Algerines; and that, if you should
freight vessels, those of the French will be most advantageous for you,
because received into our ports without paying any duties on some of those
articles, and lighter than others on all of them. English vessels, on
the other hand, are distinguished by paying heavier duties than those of
any other nation. Should you desire any further information, or to pass
letters with certainty to any mercantile house in America, do me the favor
to address yourselves to me, at Paris, and I shall do whatever depends on
me, for this object.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of high esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, June 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Having got back to Paris three days ago, I resume immediately
the correspondence with which you have been pleased to honor me. I wish
I could have begun it with more agreeable information than that furnished
me by Mr. Grand, that the funds of the United States here are exhausted,
and himself considerably in advance; and by the board of treasury at New
York, that they have no immediate prospect of furnishing us supplies. We
are thus left to shift for ourselves, without previous warning. As soon as
they shall replenish Mr. Grand's hands, I will give you notice, that you
may recommence your usual drafts on him; unless the board should provide a
separate fund for you, dependent on yourself alone, which I have strongly
and repeatedly pressed on them, in order to remove the indecency of
suffering your drafts to pass through any intermediate hand for payment.
My letters from America came down to the 24th of April. The disturbances
in the Eastern States were entirely settled. I do not learn that
the government had made any examples. Mr. Hancock's health being
re-established, the want of which had occasioned him to resign the
government of Massachusetts, he has been re-elected to the exclusion of
Governor Bowdoin. New York still refuses to pass the impost in any form,
and, were she to pass it, Pennsylvania will not uncouple it from the
supplementary funds. These two States and Virginia are the only ones, my
letters say, which have paid anything into the Continental treasury, for
a twelve month past. I send you a copy of a circular letter from Congress
to the several States, insisting on their removing all obstructions to the
recovery of British debts. This was hurried, that it might be delivered
to the Assembly of New York before they rose. It was delivered, but
they did nothing in consequence of it. The convention to be assembled at
Philadelphia will be an able one. Ten States were known to have appointed
delegates. Maryland was about to appoint; Connecticut was doubtful; and
Rhode Island had refused. We are sure, however, of eleven States. South
Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for three years; which
is a step towards a perpetual prohibition. Between six and seven hundred
thousand acres of land are actually surveyed into townships, and the sales
are to begin immediately. They are not to be sold for less than a dollar
the acre, in public certificates. I wrote you from Bordeaux on the subject
of Colonel Smith. I was sorry I missed him there, for other reasons as
well as from a curiosity to know his errand. The Notables have laid the
foundation of much good here; you have seen it detailed in the public
papers. The Prince of Wales is likely to recover from his illness, which
was very threatening. It is feared that three powers have combined to lift
the Prince of Orange out of his difficulties. Have you yet the cypher of
which I formerly wrote to you, or any copy of it?
I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, June 14, 1787.
SIR,--I arrived at this place three days ago, and avail myself of the
first possible moment of acknowledging the receipt of your favors of the
5th and 7th of June. The letters they accompanied for Mr. Jay shall be
sent by the packet, which sails the 25th instant, and by a passenger.
My letters from America are none later than the 24th of April. The
disturbances in the Eastern States were entirely settled. I do not learn
that the government required any capital punishments. We promise ourselves
good from the Convention holding at Philadelphia. It consists of the
ablest men in America. It will surely be the instrument of referring to
Congress the regulation of our trade. This may enable them to carry into
effect a general impost which one or two obstinate States have so long
prevented. Between six and seven hundred thousand acres of land are now
surveyed into townships, and will be immediately sold. The backwardness
of the States to bring money into the public treasury has increased rather
than diminished. This has prevented the treasury board from remitting any
money to this place for some time past, and Mr. Grand has given me notice
that their funds in his hands are exhausted, and himself considerably in
advance. This renders it necessary for us to suspend all draughts on him
until he shall have received supplies from the Board of Treasury, to whom
I write to press remittances. The moment we shall have wherewithal to
answer your accustomary draughts, I will exercise the pleasing office of
giving you notice of it. Indeed, I perceive by the papers that Mr. Adams
is gone over to Holland. I am not without hopes that his object may be
to procure supplies of money, and that your exertions joined with his may
give relief to us all. I have no answer from Congress on the subject which
has been thought of between us. I am afraid we may consider the refusal
of the impost as an answer. I am exceedingly anxious to see the turn the
affairs of your country may take. It will surely be seen soon whether
for the better or worse. I wish nothing may be gathering in the horizon
to obscure the prospects of the patriotic party. My prayers for their
prosperity are warm, as are the sentiments of personal esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO J. BANNISTER, JUNIOR.
PARIS, June 19, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of April the 23d, from New York, and
am sorry to find you have had a relapse. Time and temperance, however,
will cure you; to which add exercise. I hope you have long ago had a
happy meeting with your friends, with whom a few hours would be to me an
ineffable feast. The face of Europe appears a little turbid, but all will
subside. The Empress endeavored to bully the Turk, who laughed at her,
and she is going back. The Emperor's reformations have occasioned the
appearance of insurrection in Flanders, and he, according to character,
will probably tread back his steps. A change of system here, with respect
to the Dutch, is suspected; because the Kings of Prussia and England
openly espouse the cause of the Stadtholder, and that of the Patriots is
likely to fall. The American acquaintances whom you left here, not being
stationary, you will hardly expect news of them. Mrs. Barrett, lately
dead, was, I think, known to you. I had a letter from Ledyard lately,
dated at St. Petersburg. He had but two shirts, and yet more shirts than
shillings. Still he was determined to obtain the palm of being the first
circumambulator of the earth. He says, that having no money, they kick him
from place to place, and thus he expects to be kicked round the globe. Are
you become a great walker? You know I preach up that kind of exercise.
Shall I send you a conte-pas? It will cost you a dozen louis, but be a
great stimulus to walking, as it will record your steps. I finished my
tour a week or ten days ago. I went as far as Turin, Milan, Genoa; and
never passed three months and a half more delightfully. I returned through
the canal of Languedoc, by Bordeaux, Nantes, L'Orient, and Rennes; then
returned to Nantes and came up the Loire to Orleans. I was alone through
the whole, and think one travels more usefully when alone, because he
reflects more.
Present me in the most friendly terms to Mrs. Bannister, and to your
father, and be assured of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.[D]
PARIS, June 20, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 30th of January, with a postscript of
February the 5th. Having set out the last day of that month to try the
waters of Aix, and been journeying since, till the 10th instant, I have
been unable to continue my correspondence with you. In the meantime, I
have received your several favors of February the 16th, March the 18th
and 19th, and April the 23d. The last arrived here about the 25th of May,
while those of March the 18th and 19th, though written five weeks earlier,
arrived three weeks later. I mention this to show you how uncertain is the
conveyance through England.
The idea of separating the executive business of the confederacy from
Congress, as the judiciary is already, in some degree, is just and
necessary. I had frequently pressed on the members individually, while
in Congress, the doing this by a resolution of Congress for appointing
an executive committee, to act during the sessions of Congress, as
the committee of the States was to act during their vacations. But the
referring to this committee all executive business, as it should present
itself, would require a more persevering self-denial than I suppose
Congress to possess. It will be much better to make that separation by
a federal act. The negative, proposed to be given them on all the acts
of the several legislatures, is now, for the first time, suggested to my
mind. _Prima facie_, I do not like it. It fails in an essential character;
that the hole and the patch should be commensurate. But this proposes to
mend a small hole by covering the whole garment. Not more than one out of
one hundred State acts concern the confederacy. This proposition, then, in
order to give them one degree of power, which they ought to have, gives
them ninety-nine more, which they ought not to have, upon a presumption
that they will not exercise the ninety-nine. But upon every act, there
will be a preliminary question, Does this act concern the confederacy?
And was there ever a proposition so plain, as to pass Congress without a
debate? Their decisions are almost always wise; they are like pure metal.
But you know of how much dross this is the result. Would not an appeal
from the State judicature to a federal court, in all cases where the
act of Confederation controlled the question, be as effectual a remedy,
and exactly commensurate to the defect? A British creditor, for example,
sues for his debt in Virginia; the defendant pleads an act of the State,
excluding him from their courts; the plaintiff urges the Confederation,
and the treaty made under that, as controlling the State law; the judges
are weak enough to decide according to the views of their legislature. An
appeal to a federal court sets all to rights. It will be said, that this
court may encroach on the jurisdiction of the State courts. It may. But
there will be a power, to wit, Congress, to watch and restrain them. But
place the same authority in Congress itself, and there will be no power
above them, to perform the same office. They will restrain within due
bounds, a jurisdiction exercised by others, much more rigorously than if
exercised by themselves.
I am uneasy at seeing that the sale of our western lands is not yet
commenced. That valuable fund for the immediate extinction of our debt
will, I fear, be suffered to slip through our fingers. Every delay exposes
it to events which no human foresight can guard against. When we consider
the temper of the people of that country, derived from the circumstances
which surround them, we must suppose their separation possible, at every
moment. If they can be retained till their governments become settled
and wise, they will remain with us always, and be a precious part of
our strength and our virtue. But this affair of the Mississippi, by
showing that Congress is capable of hesitating on a question, which
proposes a clear sacrifice of the western, to the maritime States, will
with difficulty be obliterated. The proposition of my going to Madrid,
to try to recover there the ground which has been lost at New York, by
the concession of the vote of seven States, I should think desperate.
With respect to myself, weighing the pleasure of the journey and bare
possibility of success, in one scale, and the strong probability of
failure and the public disappointment directed on me, in the other, the
latter preponderates. Add to this, that jealousy might be excited in the
breast of a person, who could find occasions of making me uneasy.
The late changes in the ministry here excite considerable hopes. I
think we gain in them all. I am particularly happy at the re-entry of
Malesherbes into the Council. His knowledge and integrity render his value
inappreciable, and the greater to me, because, while he had no views of
office, we had established together the most unreserved intimacy. So far,
too, I am pleased with Montmorin. His honesty proceeds from the heart
as well as the head, and therefore may be more surely counted on. The
King loves business, economy, order, and justice, and wishes sincerely
the good of his people; but he is irascible, rude, very limited in his
understanding, and religious, bordering on bigotry. He has no mistress,
loves his queen, and is too much governed by her. She is capricious like
her brother, and governed by him; devoted to pleasure and expense; and
not remarkable for any other vices or virtues. Unhappily the King shows
a propensity for the pleasures of the table. That for drink has increased
lately, or, at least, it has become more known.
For European news in general, I will refer you to my letter to Mr. Jay. Is
it not possible, that the occurrences in Holland may excite a desire in
many, of leaving that country and transferring their effects out of it,
and thus make an opening for shifting into their hands, the debts due to
this country, to its officers, and Farmers? It would be surely eligible.
I believe Dumas, if put on the watch, might alone suffice; but he surely
might, if Mr. Adams should go when the moment offers. Dumas has been
in the habit of sending his letters open to me, to be forwarded to Mr.
Jay. During my absence, they passed through Mr. Short's hands, who made
extracts from them, by which I see he has been recommending himself and
me for the money negotiations in Holland. It might be thought, perhaps,
that I have encouraged him in this. Be assured, my dear Sir, that no such
idea ever entered my head. On the contrary, it is a business which would
be the most disagreeable to me of all others, and for which I am the
most unfit person living. I do not understand bargaining, nor possess the
dexterity requisite for the purpose. On the other hand, Mr. Adams, whom
I expressly and sincerely recommend, stands already on ground for that
business, which I could not gain in years. Pray set me to rights in the
minds of those who may have supposed me privy to this proposition. _En
passant_, I will observe with respect to Mr. Dumas, that the death of the
Count de Vergennes places Congress more at their ease, how to dispose of
him. Our credit has been ill treated here in public debate, and our debt
here deemed apocryphal. We should try to transfer this debt elsewhere,
and leave nothing capable of exciting ill thoughts between us. I shall
mention in my letter to Mr. Jay, a disagreeable affair which Mr. Barclay
has been thrown into, at Bordeaux. An honester man cannot be found, nor a
slower, nor more indecisive one. His affairs, too, are so embarrassed and
desperate, that the public reputation is, every moment, in danger of being
compromitted with him. He is perfectly amiable and honest, with all his
embarassments.
By the next packet, I shall be able to send you some books, as also your
watch and pedometer. The two last are not yet done. To search for books,
and forward them to Havre, will require more time than I had between
my return and the departure of this packet. Having been a witness,
heretofore, to the divisions in Congress on the subject of their foreign
ministers, it would be a weakness in me to suppose none with respect to
myself, or to count with any confidence on the renewal of my commission,
which expires on the 10th day of March next; and the more so, as instead
of requiring the disapprobation of seven States, as formerly, that of
one suffices for a recall, when Congress consists of only seven States,
two, when of eight, &c., which I suppose to be habitually their numbers
at present. Whenever I leave this place, it will be necessary to begin
my arrangements six months before my departure; and these, once fairly
begun and under way, and my mind set homewards, a change of purpose could
hardly take place. If it should be the desire of Congress that I should
continue still longer, I could wish to know it, at farthest, by the packet
which will sail from New York in September. Because, were I to put off
longer the quitting my house, selling my furniture, &c., I should not have
time left to wind up my affairs; and having once quitted, and sold off
my furniture, I could not think of establishing myself here again. I take
the liberty of mentioning this matter to you, not with a desire to change
the purpose of Congress, but to know it in time. I have never fixed in
my mind, the epoch of my return, so far as shall depend on myself, but I
never supposed it very distant. Probably I shall not risk a second vote on
this subject. Such trifling things may draw on me the displeasure of one
or two States, and thus submit me to the disgrace of a recall.
I thank you for the paccan nuts, which accompanied your letter of March.
Could you procure me a copy of the bill for proportioning crimes and
punishments, in the form in which it was ultimately rejected by the House
of Delegates? Young Mr. Bannister desired me to send him regularly the
_Mercure de France_. I will ask leave to do this through you, and that
you will adopt such method of forwarding them to him, as will save him
from being submitted to postage, which they would not be worth. As a
compensation for your trouble, you will be free to keep them till you
shall have read them. I am, with sentiments of the most sincere esteem,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.
[D] [Much of this letter is in cypher, but the notes annexed to it
have enabled the Editor to decipher and publish it.]
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, June 21, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you in a letter of May the 4th, from
Marseilles, which was to have gone by the last packet. But it arrived
a few hours too late for that conveyance, and has been committed to a
private one, passing through England, with a promise that it should go
through no post office.
I was desirous, while at the seaports, to obtain a list of the American
vessels which have come to them since the peace, in order to estimate
their comparative importance to us, as well as the general amount of our
commerce with this country, so far as carried on in our own bottoms. At
Marseilles, I found there had been thirty-two, since that period; at
Cette, not a single one; at Bayonne, one of our free ports, only one.
This last fact I learned from other information, not having visited that
place; as it would have been a deviation from my route, too considerable
for the importance of the object. At Bordeaux, Nantes, and L'Orient, I
could not obtain lists in the moment; but am in hopes I shall be able to
get them ere long. Though more important to us, they will probably be more
imperfect than that of Marseilles. At Nantes, I began with Monsieur Dobrée
an arrangement of his claims. I visited the military stores, which have
been detained there so long, opened some boxes of each kind, and found the
state of their contents much better than had been represented. An exact
list of the articles is to be sent me.
The importations into L'Orient of other fish oils, besides those of the
whale, brought to my notice there a defect in the letter of Monsieur de
Calonnes, of October the 22d, which letter was formerly communicated to
you. In that, _whale_ oil only was named. The other fish oils, therefore,
have continued to pay the old duties. In a conference with Monsieur de
Villedeuil, the present Comptroller General, since my return, I proposed
the extending the exemption to all _fish oils_, according to the letter
of the Hanseatic treaty, which had formed the basis of the regulations
respecting us. I think this will be agreed to. The delays of office
first, then the illness of Monsieur de Calonnes, and lastly, his removal
and the throng of business occasioned by the Assemblée des Notables,
have prevented the reducing the substance of the letter into the form
of an _Arret_, as yet; though I have continued soliciting it as much
as circumstances would bear. I am now promised that it shall be done
immediately, and that it shall be so far retrospective to the date of the
letter, as that all duties paid since that, shall be refunded.
The new accessions to the ministry are valued here. Good is hoped from the
Archbishop of Toulouse, who succeeds the Count de Vergennes as _Chef du
Conseil de finance_. Monsieur de Villedeuil, the Comptroller General, has
been approved by the public, in the offices he has heretofore exercised.
The Duke de Nivernois, called to the Council, is reckoned a good and
able man; and Monsieur de Malesherbes, called also to the Council,
is unquestionably the first character in the kingdom, for integrity,
patriotism, knowledge, and experience in business. There is a fear that
the Marechal de Castries is disposed to retire.
The face of things in Europe is a little turbid at present; but probably
all will subside. The Empress of Russia, it is supposed, will not push her
pretensions against the Turks to actual war. Weighing the fondness of the
Emperor for innovation, against his want of perseverance, it is difficult
to calculate what he will do with his discontented subjects in Brabant
and Flanders. If those provinces alone were concerned, he would probably
give back; but this would induce an opposition to his plan, in all his
other dominions. Perhaps he may be able to find a compromise. The cause
of the Patriots in Holland is a little clouded at present. England and
Prussia seem disposed to interpose effectually. The former has actually
ordered a fleet of six sail of the line, northwardly, under Gore; and the
latter threatens to put her troops into motion. The danger of losing such
a weight in their scale, as that of Prussia, would occasion this court to
prefer conciliation to war. Add to this the distress of their finances,
and perhaps not so warm a zeal in the new ministry for the innovations
in Holland. I hardly believe they will think it worth while to purchase
the change of constitution proposed there, at the expense of a war. But
of these things you will receive more particular and more certain details
from Mr. Dumas, to whom they belong.
Mr. Eden is appointed Ambassador from England to Madrid. To the hatred
borne us by his court and country, is added a recollection of the
circumstances of the unsuccessful embassy to America, of which he made a
part. So that I think he will carry to Madrid dispositions to do us all
the ill he can.
The late change in the ministry is very favorable to the prospects of the
Chevalier de La Luzerne. The Count de Montmorin, Monsieur de Malesherbes,
and Monsieur de Lamoignon, the Garde des Sceaux, are his near relations.
Probably something will be done for him, and without delay. The promise
of the former administration to the Count de Moutier, to succeed to this
vacancy, should it take place, will perhaps be performed by the present
one.
Mr. Barclay has probably informed you of his having been arrested in
Bordeaux, for a debt contracted in the way of his commerce. He immediately
applied to the parliament of that place, who ordered his discharge. This
took place after five days' actual imprisonment. I arrived at Bordeaux
a few days after his liberation. As the Procureur General of the King
had interested himself to obtain it, with uncommon zeal, and that too on
public principles, I thought it my duty to wait on him and return him my
thanks. I did the same to the president of the parliament, for the body
over which he presided; what would have been an insult in America, being
an indispensable duty here. You will see by the enclosed printed paper, on
what grounds the Procureur insisted on Mr. Barclay's liberation. Those on
which the parliament ordered it, are not expressed. On my arrival here, I
spoke with the minister on that subject. He observed, that the character
of consul is no protection in this country against process for debt;
that as to the character with which Mr. Barclay had been invested at the
court of Morocco, it was questionable whether it would be placed on the
diplomatic line, as it had not been derived immediately from Congress;
that, if it were, it would have covered him to Paris only, where he had
received his commission, had he proceeded directly thither, but that
his long stay at Bordeaux must be considered as terminating it there. I
observed to him, that Mr. Barclay had been arrested almost immediately
on his arrival at Bordeaux. But, says he, the arrest was made void by
the parliament, and still he has continued there several weeks. True, I
replied, but his adversaries declared they would arrest him again, the
moment he should go out of the jurisdiction of the parliament of Bordeaux,
and have actually engaged the Maréechaussée on the road, to do it. This
seemed to impress him. He said he could obtain a letter of safe conduct
which would protect him to Paris, but that, immediately on his arrival
here, he would be liable to arrest. I asked him if such a letter could not
be obtained to protect him to Paris, and back to Bordeaux, and even to
America? He said, that for that, the consent of the greater part of his
creditors would be necessary; and even with this, it was very doubtful
whether it could be obtained; still if I would furnish him with that
consent, he would do what should depend on him. I am persuaded he will,
and have written to Mr. Barclay to obtain the consent of his creditors.
This is the footing on which this matter stands at present. I have stated
it thus particularly, that you may know the truth, which will probably
be misrepresented in the English papers, to the prejudice of Mr. Barclay.
This matter has been a great affliction to him, but no dishonor where its
true state is known. Indeed he is incapable of doing anything not strictly
honorable.
In a letter of August the 30th, 1785, I had the honor of mentioning to you
what had passed here, on the subject of a convention for the regulation
of the two post offices. I now enclose you a letter from the Baron
D'Ogny, who is at the head of that department, which shows that he still
expects some arrangement. I have heard it said, that M. de Creve-coeur
is authorized to treat on this subject. You doubtless know if this be
true. The articles may certainly be better adjusted there, than here. This
letter from the Baron D'Ogny was in consequence of an application from a
servant of mine, during my absence, which would not have been made had I
been here. Nor will it be repeated; it being my opinion and practice to
pay small sums of money, rather than to risk favors.
I have the honor to enclose you also, copies of a letter and papers from
the Marechal de Castries, on the claim of an individual against the State
of South Carolina, for services performed on board the Indian; and the
petition of another, on a like claim; also copies of letters received
from O'Bryan at Algiers, and from Mr. Lambe. A letter of the 26th of May,
from Mr. Montgomery, at Alicant, informs me, that by a vessel arrived
at Carthagena from Algiers, they learn the death of the Dey of that
republic. Yet, as we hear nothing of it through any other channel, it
may be doubted. It escaped me at the time of my departure to Aix, to make
arrangements for sending you the gazettes regularly, by the packets. The
whole are now sent, though a great part of them are so old as to be not
worth perusal. Your favor of April the 24th has been duly received. I have
the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect,
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO MADAME DE CORNY.
PARIS, June 30, 1787.
On my return to Paris, it was among my first intentions to go to the
rue Chaussée d'Antin, No. 17, and inquire after my friends whom I
had left there. I was told they were in England. And how do you like
England, Madam? I know your taste for the works of art gives you a little
disposition to Anglomania. Their mechanics certainly exceed all others
in some lines. But be just to your own nation. They have not patience,
it is true, to set rubbing a piece of steel from morning till night, as a
lethargic Englishman will do, full charged with porter. But do not their
benevolence, their cheerfulness, their amiability, when compared with the
growling temper and manners of the people among whom you are, compensate
their want of patience? I am in hopes that when the splendor of their
shops, which is all that is worth looking at in London, shall have lost
their charm of novelty, you will turn a wistful eye to the people of
Paris, and find that you cannot be so happy with any others. The Bois de
Boulogne invites you earnestly to come and survey its beautiful verdure,
to retire to its umbrage from the heats of the season. I was through it
to-day, as I am every day. Every tree charged me with this invitation
to you. Passing by la Muette, it wished for you as a mistress. You want
a country house. This is for sale; and in the Bois de Boulogne, which
I have always insisted to be most worthy of your preference. Come then,
and buy it. If I had had confidence in your speedy return, I should have
embarrassed you in earnest with my little daughter. But an impatience
to have her with me, after her separation from her friends, added to a
respect for your ease, has induced me to send a servant for her.
I tell you no news, because you have correspondents infinitely more _au
fait_ of the details of Paris than I am. And I offer you no services,
because I hope you will come as soon as the letter could, which should
command them. Be assured, however, that nobody is more disposed to render
them, nor entertains for you a more sincere and respectful attachment,
than him who, after charging you with his compliments to Monsieur de
Corny, has the honor of offering you the homage of those sentiments of
distinguished esteem and regard, with which he is, dear Madam, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, July 1, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I returned about three weeks ago from a very useless voyage;
useless, I mean, as to the object which first suggested it, that of
trying the effect of the mineral waters of Aix, in Provence, on my hand.
I tried these, because recommended among six or eight others as equally
beneficial, and because they would place me at the beginning of a tour
to the seaports of Marseilles, Bordeaux, Nantes and L'Orient, which I
had long meditated, in hopes that a knowledge of the places and persons
concerned in our commerce, and the information to be got from them, might
enable me sometimes to be useful. I had expected to satisfy myself, at
Marseilles, of the causes of the difference of quality between the rice
of Carolina, and that of Piedmont, which is brought in quantities to
Marseilles. Not being able to do it, I made an excursion of three weeks
into the rice country beyond the Alps, going through it from Vercelli
to Pavia, about sixty miles. I found the difference to be, not in the
management, as had been supposed both here and in Carolina, but in the
species of rice; and I hope to enable them in Carolina, to begin the
cultivation of the Piedmont rice, and carry it on, hand in hand, with
their own, that they may supply both qualities; which is absolutely
necessary at this market. I had before endeavored to lead the depôt of
rice from Cowes to Honfleur, and hope to get it received there on such
terms, as may draw that branch of commerce from England to this country.
It is an object of two hundred and fifty thousand guineas a year. While
passing through the towns of Turin, Milan and Genoa, I satisfied myself
of the practicability of introducing our whale oil for their consumption,
and suppose it would be equally so, in the other great cities of that
country. I was sorry that I was not authorized to set the matter on foot.
The merchants with whom I chose to ask conferences, met me freely, and
communicated fully, knowing I was in a public character. I could, however,
only prepare a disposition to meet our oil merchants. On the article of
tobacco, I was more in possession of my ground; and put matters into a
train for inducing their government to draw their tobaccos directly from
the United States, and not, as heretofore, from Great Britain. I am now
occupied with the new ministry here, to put the concluding hand to the new
regulations for our commerce with this country, announced in the letter
of Monsieur de Calonnes, which I sent you last fall. I am in hopes, in
addition to those, to obtain a suppression of the duties on tar, pitch
and turpentine, and an extension of the privileges of American _whale_
oil, to their _fish_ oils in general. I find that the quantity of cod-fish
oil brought to L'Orient, is considerable. This being got off hand (which
will be in a few days) the chicaneries and vexations of the Farmers on
the article of tobacco, and their elusions of the order of Bernis, call
for the next attention. I have reasons to hope good dispositions in the
new ministry towards our commerce with this country. Besides endeavoring,
on all occasions, to multiply the points of contact and connection with
this country, which I consider as our surest mainstay under every event,
I have had it much at heart to remove from between us every subject of
misunderstanding or irritation. Our debts to the King, to the Officers,
and the Farmers, are of this description. The having complied with no
part of our engagements in these, draws on us a great deal of censure,
and occasioned a language in the Assemblée des Notables, very likely to
produce dissatisfaction between us. Dumas being on the spot in Holland,
I had asked of him sometime ago, in confidence, his opinion of the
practicability of transferring these debts from France to Holland, and
communicated his answer to Congress, pressing them to get you to go
over to Holland, and try to effect this business. Your knowledge of the
ground, and former successes, occasioned me to take this liberty without
consulting you because I was sure you would not weigh your personal
trouble against public good. I have had no answer from Congress; but
hearing of your journey to Holland, have hoped that some money operations
had led you there. If it related to the debts of this country, I would
ask a communication of what you think yourself at liberty to communicate,
as it might change the form of my answers to the eternal applications I
receive. The debt to the officers of France carries an interest of about
two thousand guineas, so we may suppose its principal is between thirty
and forty thousand. This makes more noise against us, than all our other
debts put together.
I send you the _Arrets_ which begin the reformation here, and some
other publications respecting America; together with copies of letters
received from O'Bryan and Lambe. It is believed that a naval armament has
been ordered at Brest, in correspondence with that of England. We know,
certainly, that orders are given to form a camp in the neighborhood of
Brabant, and that Count Rochambeau has the command of it. Its amount, I
cannot assert. Report says fifteen thousand men. This will derange the
plans of economy. I take the liberty of putting under your cover, a letter
for Mrs. Kinloch, of South Carolina, with a packet, and will trouble
you to inquire for her, and have them delivered. The packet is of great
consequence, and therefore referred to her care, as she will know the safe
opportunities of conveying it. Should you not be able to find her, and can
forward the packet to its address, by any very safe conveyance, I will beg
you to do it. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect
friendship and esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant.
TO DAVID HARTLEY.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received lately your favor of April the 23d, on my return
from a journey of three or four months; and am always happy in an occasion
of recalling myself to your memory. The most interesting intelligence from
America, is that respecting the late insurrection in Massachusetts. The
cause of this has not been developed to me, to my perfect satisfaction.
The most probable is, that those individuals were of the imprudent number
of those, who have involved themselves in debt beyond their abilities
to pay, and that a vigorous effort in that government to compel the
payment of private debts, and raise money for public ones, produced
the resistance. I believe you may be assured, that an idea or desire
of returning to anything like their ancient government, never entered
into their heads. I am not discouraged by this. For thus I calculate.
An insurrection in one of thirteen States, in the course of eleven years
that they have subsisted, amounts to one in any particular State, in one
hundred and forty-three years, say a century and a half. This would not
be near as many, as have happened in every other government that has ever
existed. So that we shall have the difference between a light and a heavy
government, as clear gain. I have no fear, but that the result of our
experiment will be, that men may be trusted to govern themselves without
a master. Could the contrary of this be proved, I should conclude, either
that there is no God, or that he is a malevolent being. You have heard
of the federal convention, now sitting at Philadelphia, for the amendment
of the Confederation. Eleven States appointed delegates certainly; it was
expected that Connecticut would also appoint, the moment its Assembly met.
Rhode Island had refused. I expect they will propose several amendments;
that that relative to our commerce will probably be adopted immediately,
but that the others must wait to be adopted one after another, in
proportion as the minds of the States ripen for them. Dr. Franklin
enjoys good health. I shall always be happy to hear from you, being
with sentiments of very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO B. VAUGHAN.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of February the 16th, came to my hands in the moment
I was setting out on a tour through the southern parts of France and
northern of Italy, from which I am but just now returned. I avail myself
of the earliest moment to acknowledge its receipt, and to thank you for
the box of magnets which I found here. Though I do not know certainly,
by, or from whom they come, I presume they came by Colonel Smith, who
was here in my absence, and from Messrs. Nairne and Blunt, through your
good offices. I think your letter of February the 16th, flatters me
with the expectation of another, with observations, on the hygrometers
I had proposed. I value what comes from you too much, not to remind
you of it. Your favor by Mr. Garnett also, came during my absence. I
presume he has left Paris, as I can hear nothing of him. I have lost the
opportunity, therefore, of seeing his method of resisting friction, as
well as of showing, by attentions to him, respect for yourself and your
recommendations. Mr. Paine (Common Sense) is here on his way to England.
He has brought the model of an iron bridge, with which he supposes a
single arch of four hundred feet, may be made. It has not yet arrived in
Paris. Among other projects, with which we begin to abound in America,
is one for finding the latitude by the variation of the magnetic needle.
The author supposes two points, one near each pole, through the northern
of which, pass all the magnetic meridians of the northern hemisphere, and
through the southern, those of the southern hemisphere. He determines
their present position and periodical revolution. It is said, his
publication is plausible. I have not seen it.
What are you going to do with your naval armament on your side the
channel? Perhaps you will ask me, what they are about to do here? A
British navy and Prussian army hanging over Holland on one side, a French
navy and army hanging over it on the other, looks as if they thought of
fighting. Yet I think both parties too wise for that, too laudably intent
on economizing, rather than on further embarrassing their finances. May
they not propose to have a force on the spot, to establish some neutral
form of a constitution, which these powers will cook up among themselves,
without consulting the parties for whom it is intended? The affair of
Geneva shows such combinations possible. Wretched, indeed, is the nation
in whose affairs foreign powers are once permitted to intermeddle. Lord
Wycombe is with us at present. His good sense, information and discretion,
are much beyond his years, and promise good things for your country.
I beg you to accept assurances of the esteem and respect with which I have
the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. GORDON.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
SIR,--Being just returned from a tour through the southern parts of
France and northern of Italy, I could not till this moment, acknowledge
the receipt of your obliging letter with the papers accompanying it.
It happened unluckily also that those addressed to the Marquis de La
Fayette, were under my cover. I put them into his hands the moment of my
return. From the opportunities you have had of coming at facts known as
yet to no other historian, from your dispositions to relate them fairly,
and from your known talents, I have sanguine expectations that your work
will be a valuable addition to historical science; and the more so, as
we have little yet on the subject of our war, which merits respect. I
fear, however, that this is not the field from which you are to expect
profit. The translation will sell here; but few read English. Be assured,
that nothing shall be wanting on my part to encourage a preference of
the original to a translation; but it will not be till the fall that
either will be called for, because, during summer, the readers are in the
country. I got from a bookseller here about forty guineas for a first copy
of Dr. Ramsay's work, which he had translated. If this would be an object
with you, I offer you my service. I have the honor to be, with sentiments
of great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO T. B. HOLLIS, ESQ.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
SIR,--On my return from a tour through the southern parts of France and
northern of Italy, I found here the present of books you had been so kind
as to send me. I should value them highly for their intrinsic merit, but
much more as coming from you. You will have seen that one of our republics
has experienced those commotions which the newspapers have been always
ascribing to all of them. I am not satisfied what has been the cause of
this, but the most probable account is, that these individuals were of
those who have so imprudently involved themselves in debt; and that a
vigorous exertion in their government to enforce the payment of private
debts, and raise money for the public ones, occasioned the insurrection.
One insurrection in thirteen States in the course of eleven years
that they have existed, amounts to one in any individual State in one
hundred and forty-three years, say a century and a half. This will not
weigh against the inconveniences of a government of force, such as are
monarchies and aristocracies. You see I am not discouraged by this little
difficulty; nor have I any doubt that the result of our experiment will
be, that men are capable of governing themselves without a master. I have
the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. BONDFIELD.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Revising the letters and notes in my possession on the subject
of our commerce, I observe you say in your letter of December 12, that
we pay alien duties in the ports of France, supposed the double of what
we ought to pay. If by this you mean that we are not on as favorable a
footing as Spain, it would be vain to remonstrate on that subject. The
family compact expressly excluded all other nations from the advantages
the two parties ceded to each other; but if there be any other nation
which enjoys any greater advantages in the ports of France than we do,
I should wish to know it, because, if it be not in consequence of a
particular compensation, I should hope to remove it. Will you be so good
as to explain the matter? and shall I ask the further favor of you to
forward the enclosed letter by the first vessel going from your port to
Virginia. I wish to hear from Mr. Barclay, who, I suppose, is still with
you, and whose service and comfort I have sincerely at heart. I am, with
much esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO MR. JAMES MANNY.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--The reason why the receipt of your favor of May 21, has been
thus unacknowledged, was my absence on a tour round the sea-port towns,
from which I am just returned. In the meantime, the occasion of your
inquiry relative to Mr. Morris' bills has passed; nor could I now explain
the reason of their protest. I understand, however, that they are since
honored. The effect, therefore, will only be to show that there is a limit
even to his credit.
Recent appearances in Europe would seem to threaten war. On one side,
England sending a navy of observation to hover over Holland, and Prussia
an army; this country sending a navy and army to hover over the other side
of the same country; yet it is morally sure that all these powers desire
peace most ardently. It remains to see, then, whether they mean any more
than to arrange a kind of constitution which shall be merely neutral, and
to force it on the United Netherlands, as done in the case of Geneva. I
need not write you American news. You have it of later date than I have. I
shall, therefore, only add assurances of the esteem and respect with which
I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO M. L'ABBE MORELLET.
PARIS, July 2, 1787.
I am sorry, my dear Sir, that your interest should be affected by the
ill behavior of Barrois; but when you consider the facts, you will be
sensible that I could not have indulged his indolence further without
increasing the injury to a more punctual workman. Stockdale, of London,
had asked leave to print my Notes. I agreed to it, and promised he should
have the plate of the map as soon as it should be corrected, and the
copies struck off for you and myself. He thereupon printed his edition
completely in three weeks. The printer, who was to strike off two hundred
and fifty maps for me, kept the plate but five days. It was then delivered
to Barrois, with notice that it could not be left longer with him than
should suffice to strike off his number. Repeated applications for it
by Mr. Short and my servant were only answered by repeated promises and
times of delivery fixed, no one of which was performed. When I returned,
he had been possessed of the plate upwards of two months. I was astonished
and confounded to be told it had not been sent to Stockdale, and that his
edition had been lying dead on his hands three months. I sent to Barrois
the very day of my return, to let him know, that justice to Stockdale
did not permit me to defer sending him the plate any longer, yet I would
wait five days, at the end of which he must deliver me the plate, whether
his maps were done or not. I received no answer, but waited ten days. I
then sent for the plate. The answer was, he was not at home. I sent again
the next day. Answer, he was not at home. I sent the third day. Not at
home. I then ordered the messenger to go back, and wait till he should
come home. This produced an answer of two lines, _qu'il alloit soigner
son ouvrier_? I wrote him word in return to deliver the plate instantly.
This I think was on Saturday or Sunday. He told the messenger he would
let me have it the Thursday following. I took patience, and sent on the
Friday, but telling the messenger if he refused to deliver it, to inform
him I would be plagued no more with sending messages, but apply to the
police. He then delivered it, and I sent it off immediately to London.
He had kept it three months, of which three weeks were after my return.
I think, Sir, you will be satisfied that justice to Stockdale, justice to
myself who had passed my word for sending on the plate, and sensibility to
the shuffling conduct of Barrois, permitted me to act no otherwise. But
no matter. Let his ill behavior make no odds between you and me. It will
affect your interest, and that suffices to determine me to order back the
plate as soon as Stockdale has done with it. He will not require more days
than Barrois months, so that it will be here before you can want it. But
it must never go into Barrois' hands again, nor of any person depending
on him, or under his orders. The workman who struck off the two hundred
and fifty for me seems to have been diligent enough. Either he, or any
other workman you please of that description, shall have it to strike
what number you wish. I forgot to observe, in its proper place, that when
I was in the midst of my difficulties, I did myself the honor of calling
on you, as well to have that of asking after your health on my return as
of asking your assistance to obtain the plate. Unluckily you were gone
to Versailles, so I was obliged to proceed as well as I could. It is no
excuse for Barrois to say he could not get his Imprimeur to proceed. He
should have applied to another. But as to you, it shall be set to rights
in the manner I have before stated. Accept my regret that you were in
the hands of so undeserving a workman, and one who placed me under the
necessity of interrupting a work which interested you. Be assured, at
the same time, of the sincerity of those sentiments of esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
[_The following observations appear to have been addressed to the
Count de Montmorin, about the 6th of July, 1787._]
Observations on the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes to Monsieur Jefferson,
dated Fontainebleau, October 22, 1786.
A committee was appointed, in the course of the last year, to take a
view of the subjects of commerce which might be brought from the United
States of America, in exchange for those of France, and to consider what
advantages and facilities might be offered to encourage that commerce.
The letter of Monsieur de Calonnes was founded on their report. It was
conclusive as to the articles on which satisfactory information had been
then obtained, and reserved, for future consideration, certain others,
needing further inquiry. It is proposed now to review those unfinished
articles, that they may also be comprehended in the _Arret_, and the
regulations on this branch of commerce, be rendered complete.
1. The letter promised to diminish the "Droits du Roi et d'amirauté,"
payable by an American vessel entering into a port of France, and to
reduce what should remain into a single duty, which shall be regulated by
the draught of the vessel, or her number of masts. It is doubted whether
it will be expedient to regulate the duty in either of these ways. If by
the draught of water, it will fall unequally on us as a nation; because
we build our vessels sharp-bottomed, for swift sailing, so that they draw
more water than those of other nations, of the same burthen. If by the
number of masts, it will fall unequally on individuals; because we often
see ships of one hundred and eighty tons, and brigs of three hundred
and sixty. This, then, would produce an inequality among individuals, of
six to one. The present principle is the most just, to regulate by the
burthen. It is certainly desirable, that these duties should be reduced to
a single one. Their names and numbers perplex and harass the merchant more
than their amount; subject him to imposition, and to the suspicion of it
when there is none. An intention of general reformation in this article,
has been accordingly announced, with augmentation as to foreigners. We
are in hopes, that this augmentation is not to respect us; because it is
proposed as a measure of reciprocity, whereas, in some of our States, no
such duties exist, and in the others, they are extremely light; because
we have been made to hope a diminution, instead of augmentation; and
because this distinction cannot draw on France any just claims from other
nations; the _Jura gentis amicissimæ_, conferred by her late treaties,
having reference expressly to the nations of Europe only; and those
conferred by the more ancient ones, not being susceptible of any other
interpretation, nor admitting a pretension of reference to a nation which
did not then exist, and which has come into existence under circumstances,
distinguishing its commerce from that of all other nations. Merchandize
received from them, takes employment from the poor of France; ours gives
it; theirs is brought in the last stage of manufacture; ours in the first;
we bring our tobaccos to be manufactured into snuff, our flax and hemp
into linen and cordage, our furs into hats, skins into saddlery, shoes and
clothing; we take nothing till it has received the last hand.
2. Fish oils. The Hanseatic treaty was the basis on which the diminution
of duty on this article was asked and granted. It is expressly referred to
as such, in the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes. Instead, however, of the
expression, "huile et graisse de baleine et d'autres poissons," used in
that treaty, the letter uses the terms, "huiles de baleine, spermaceti,
et tout ce qui est compris sous ces denominations." And the Farmers have
availed themselves of this variation, to refuse the diminution of duty on
the oils of the _vache marine_, _chein de mer_, _esturgeon_, and other
fish. It is proposed, therefore, to re-establish in the _Arret_, the
expression of the Hanseatic treaty, and to add, from the same treaty, the
articles "baleine coupée et fanon de baleine."
The letter states these regulations as finally made by the King. The
merchants, on this supposition, entered into speculations. But they found
themselves called on for the old duties, not only on other fish oils, but
on the whale oil. Monsieur de Calonnes always promised that the _Arret_
should be retrospective to the date of the letter, so as to refund to
them the duties they had thus been obliged to pay. To this, attention
is prayed in forming the _Arret_. His majesty having been pleased, as an
encouragement to the importation of our fish oils, to abolish the _Droits
de fabrication_, it is presumed that the purpose announced, of continuing
those duties on foreign oils, will not be extended to us.
3. Rice. The duty on this is only seven and a half deniers the quintal,
or about one-quarter per cent. on its first cost. While this serves to
inform a government of the quantities imported, it cannot discourage that
importation. Nothing further, therefore, is necessary on this article.
4. Pot-asse. This article is of principal utility to France, in her
bleacheries of linen, glass works, and soap works; and the potash of
America, being made of green wood, is known to be the best in the world.
All duty on it was therefore abolished by the King. But the city of Rouen
levies on it a duty of twenty sols the quintal, which is very sensible
in its price, brings it dearer to the bleacheries near Paris, to those
of Beauvais, Laval, &c., and to the glass works, and encourages them
to give a preference to the potash or soude of other nations. This is a
counteraction of the views of the King, expressed in the letter, which it
is hoped will be prevented.
5. Turpentine, tar and pitch, were not decided on, on the former occasion.
Turpentine (_terebenthine_) pays ten sols the quintal, and ten sols the
livre, making fifteen sols the quintal; which is ten per cent. on its
prime cost. Tar (_goudron brai gras_) pays eight livres the _leth_ of
twelve barrels, and ten sols the livre, amounting to twenty sols the
barrel; which is twelve and a half per cent. on its prime cost. Pitch
(_brai sec_) pays ten sols the quintal, and ten sols the livre, making
fifteen sols the quintal; which is twenty per cent. on its prime cost.
Duties of from ten to twenty per cent. on articles of heavy carriage,
prevent their importation. They eat up all the profits of the merchant,
and often subject him to loss. This has been much the case with respect to
turpentine, tar and pitch, which are principal articles of remittance for
the State of North Carolina. It is hoped, that it will coincide with the
views of government, in making the present regulations, to suppress the
duties on these articles, which, of all others, can bear them best.
TO T. M. RANDOLPH, JUNIOR.
PARIS, July 6, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April the 14th, came here during my absence on
a journey through the southern parts of France and northern of Italy,
from which I am but lately returned. This cause alone has prevented your
receiving a more early answer to it. I am glad to find, that among the
various branches of science presenting themselves to your mind, you have
fixed on that of politics as your principal pursuit. Your country will
derive from this a more immediate and sensible benefit. She has much
for you to do. For, though we may say with confidence, that the worst
of the American constitutions is better than the best which ever existed
before, in any other country, and that they are wonderfully perfect for
a first essay, yet every human essay must have defects. It will remain,
therefore, to those now coming on the stage of public affairs, to perfect
what has been so well begun by those going off it. Mathematics, Natural
Philosophy, Natural History, Anatomy, Chemistry, Botany, will become
amusements for your hours of relaxation, and auxiliaries to your principal
studies. Precious and delightful ones they will be. As soon as such a
foundation is laid in them, as you may build on as you please, hereafter,
I suppose you will proceed to your main objects, Politics, Law, Rhetoric,
and History. As to these, the place where you study them is absolutely
indifferent. I should except Rhetoric, a very essential member of them,
and which I suppose must be taught to advantage where you are. You would
do well, therefore, to attend the public exercises in this branch also,
and to do it with very particular diligence. This being done, the question
arises, where you shall fix yourself for studying Politics, Law, and
History? I should not hesitate to decide in favor of France, because
you will, at the same time, be learning to speak the language of that
country, become absolutely essential under our present circumstances. The
best method of doing this, would be to fix yourself in some family where
there are women and children, in Passey, Auteuil, or some other of the
little towns in reach of Paris. The principal hours of the day, you will
attend to your studies, and in those of relaxation, associate with the
family. You will learn to speak better from women and children in three
months, than from men in a year. Such a situation, too, will render more
easy a due attention to economy of time and money. Having pursued your
main studies here, about two years, and acquired a facility in speaking
French, take a tour of four or five months through this country and Italy,
return then to Virginia, and pass a year in Williamsburg, under the care
of Mr. Wythe; and you will be ready to enter on the public stage, with
superior advantages. I have proposed to you, to carry on the study of
the law with that of politics and history. Every political measure will,
forever, have an intimate connection with the laws of the land; and he,
who knows nothing of these, will always be perplexed, and often foiled
by adversaries having the advantage of that knowledge over him. Besides,
it is a source of infinite comfort to reflect, that under every chance
of fortune, we have a resource in ourselves from which we may be able to
derive an honorable subsistence. I would, therefore, propose not only the
study, but the practice of the law for some time, to possess yourself of
the habit of public speaking. With respect to modern languages, French,
as I have before observed, is indispensable. Next to this, the Spanish
is most important to an American. Our connection with Spain is already
important, and will become daily more so. Besides this, the ancient
part of American history is written chiefly in Spanish. To a person who
would make a point of reading and speaking French and Spanish, I should
doubt the utility of learning Italian. These three languages, being all
degeneracies from the Latin, resemble one another so much, that I doubt
the probability of keeping in the head a distinct knowledge of them
all. I suppose that he who learns them all, will speak a compound of the
three, and neither perfectly. The journey which I propose to you need not
be expensive, and would be very useful. With your talents and industry,
with science, and that steadfast honesty which eternally pursues right,
regardless of consequences, you may promise yourself everything--but
health, without which there is no happiness. An attention to health, then,
should take place of every other object. The time necessary to secure this
by active exercises, should be devoted to it, in preference to every other
pursuit. I know the difficulty with which a studious man tears himself
from his studies, at any given moment of the day. But his happiness, and
that of his family, depend on it. The most uninformed mind, with a healthy
body, is happier than the wisest valetudinarian. I need not tell you, that
if I can be useful to you in any part of this, or any other plan you shall
adopt, you will make me happy by commanding my services.
Will you be so good, Sir, as to return my most respectful thanks for
the diploma with which I am honored by the society instituted with you,
for the encouragement of the study of Natural History? I am afraid it
will never be in my power to contribute anything to the object of the
institution. Circumstances have thrown me into a very different line of
life, and not choice, as I am happy to find in your case. In the year
1781, while confined to my room by a fall from my horse, I wrote some
Notes, in answer to the inquiries of M. de Marbois, as to the natural and
political state of Virginia. They were hasty and undigested; yet as some
of these touch slightly on some objects of its natural history, I will
take the liberty of asking the society to accept a copy of them. For the
same reason, and because too, they touch on the political condition of our
country, I will beg leave to present you with a copy, and ask the favor
of you to find a conveyance for them from London to Edinburgh. They are
printed by Stockdale, bookseller, Piccadilly, and will be ready in three
or four weeks from this time. I will direct him to deliver two copies to
your order.
Repeating, constantly, the proffer of my services, I shall only add
assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ.
PARIS, July 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of the 14th of October in the moment
I was setting out on a tour of the sea-port towns of this country, from
which I have been not long returned. I received it, too, with that kind
of heartfelt pleasure which always attends the recollection of ancient
affections. I was glad to find that the adaptation of your rice to this
market was considered worth attention, as I had supposed it. I set out
from hence impressed with the idea the rice-dealers here had given me,
that the difference between your rice and that of Piedmont proceeded
from a difference in the machine for cleaning it. At Marseilles I hoped
to know what the Piedmont machine was; but I could find nobody who
knew anything of it. I determined, therefore, to sift the matter to the
bottom, by crossing the Alps into the rice country. I found their machine
exactly such a one as you had described to me in Congress in the year
1783. There was but one conclusion then to be drawn, to wit, that the
rice was of a different species, and I determined to take enough to put
you in seed; they informed me, however, that its exportation in the husk
was prohibited, so I could only bring off as much as my coat and surtout
pockets would hold. I took measures with a muleteer to run a couple of
sacks across the Apennines to Genoa, but have not great dependence on its
success. The little, therefore, which I brought myself, must be relied
on for fear we should get no more; and because, also, it is genuine from
Vercilli, where the best is made of all the Sardinian Lombardy, the whole
of which is considered as producing a better rice than the Milanese. This
is assigned as the reason for the strict prohibition. Piedmont rice sold
at Nice, (the port of its exportation,) when I was there, at seventeen
livres French, the French hundred weight. It varies from time to time as
the price of wheat does with us. The price of Carolina rice at Bordeaux,
Nantes, L'Orient and Havre, varies from sixteen florins to twenty-four
florins the French quintal, which is equal to one hundred and nine pounds
our weight. The best ports to send it to are Bordeaux and Havre, (or
Rouen, which is the same thing as Havre,) but it is essential that it
arrive here a month before the commencement of Lent, when the principal
demand is made for it. Carolina rice, after being sorted here into several
qualities, sells from six sols to ten sols the French pound, retail,
according to the quality. Unsorted and wholesale about thirty florins
the French quintal. Piedmont rice is of but one quality, which sells at
retail at ten sous the French pound, and wholesale is about three or four
livres dearer than yours. In order to induce your countrymen to ship their
rice here directly, I have proposed to some merchants here to receive
consignments, allowing the consigner to draw in the moment of shipping
for as much as he could sell on the spot, and the balance when it should
be sold. But they say this is impossible. They are to consider and inform
me what are the most favorable terms on which they can receive it. I am
told that freight, insurance, and commission are about four livres the
French quintal to a sea-port town. I have written so long a letter on the
subject of rice to Mr. Drayton for the Society of Agriculture, that I will
trouble you with no further particulars, but refer you to that. Indeed,
I am sensible I have written too much on the subject. Being absolutely
ignorant of it myself, it was impossible for me to know what particulars
merited communication. I thought it best, therefore, to communicate
everything. After writing that letter, I received one from Mr. Izard,
by which I found that he had examined the rice-process in Lombardy. He
was so much more capable than myself of giving the details, that I had
at one moment determined to suppress my letter. However, observing that
he considered the rice at Piedmont to be of the same species with yours,
and suspecting myself certainly that it is not, I determined to hazard my
letter and all those criticisms which fall justly on an ignorant person
writing on a subject to those much more learned in it than himself. A part
of my letter, too, related to the olive tree and caper, the first of which
would surely succeed in your country, and would be an infinite blessing
after some fifteen or twenty years. The caper would also probably succeed,
and would offer a very great and immediate profit. I thank you for your
obliging mention of my worthless notes on Virginia. Worthless and bad as
they are, they have been rendered more so, as I am told, by a translation
into French. That I may have neither merit or demerit not my own, I have
consented to their publication in England. I advised the bookseller to
send two hundred copies to Philadelphia, and two hundred to Richmond,
supposing that number might be sold in the United States; but I do not
know whether he will do it. If you will give me leave, I will send you a
copy of the original impression. I congratulate you, my dear friend, on
the law of your State, for suspending the importation of slaves, and for
the glory you have justly acquired by endeavoring to prevent it forever.
This abomination must have an end. And there is a superior bench reserved
in heaven for those who hasten it. The distractions of Holland thicken
apace. They begin to cut one another's throats heartily. I apprehend the
neighboring powers will interfere; but it is not yet clear whether in
concert or by taking opposite sides. It is a poor contest, whether they
shall have one, or many masters. Your nephew is arrived here in good
health. My first interview with him has impressed me much in his favor.
Present me very respectfully to Mrs. Rutledge, as well as to your brother
and his house. Accept yourself assurances of the sincere esteem and
respect with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, July 17, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have been duly honored with yours of the 10th instant, and
am happy to hear of the success of your journey to Amsterdam. There can
be no doubt of its ratification by Congress. Would to heaven they would
authorize you to take measures for transferring the debt of this country
to Holland, before you leave Europe. Most especially is it necessary to
get rid of the debt to the officers. Their connections at Court are such
as to excite very unfavorable feelings there against us, and some very
hard things have been said (particularly in the Assemblée des Notables)
on the prospect relative to our debts. The payment of the interest to
the officers would have kept them quiet; but there are two years now
due to them. I dare not draw for it without instructions, because in
the instances in which I have hitherto ventured to act uninstructed,
I have never been able to know whether they have been approved in the
private sentiments of the members of Congress, much less by any vote.
I have pressed on them the expediency of transferring the French debts
to Holland, in order to remove everything which may excite irritations
between us and this nation. I wish it may be done before this ministry may
receive ill impressions of us. They are at present very well disposed. I
send you by Mr. Appleton some pamphlets, and have the honor to be, with
sentiments of very cordial esteem, your affectionate and humble servant.
TO MR. JOSEPH FENWICK.
PARIS, July 21, 1787.
SIR,--I am this moment honored with your letter of the 16th, and wish
it was in my power to give you the information desired on the subject of
tobaccos. The complaint has been universal that the Farmers General have
not complied with the order of government. I have, therefore, desired
that they may be called on to report precisely what tobacco they have
purchased on the terms prescribed by the order, that if it shall appear
they have not bought the whole quantity, they may be compelled to do it
immediately. It is impossible to foresee whether any new regulations will
be made to take place on the expiration of the contract of Mr. Morris.
I shall certainly press for something to be done by way of antidote to
the monopoly under which this article is placed in France. The moment
anything is decided which may be interesting to our commerce, I shall take
great care to communicate it to them through Mr. Bondfield; though I do
not expect anything interesting to take place very soon. I am, with much
regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO STEPHEN CATHALAN, JUNIOR.
PARIS, July 21, 1787.
SIR,--I received your favor of May the 9th just as I was stepping into the
barge on my departure from Cette; which prevented my answering it from
that place. On my arrival here, I thought I would avail myself of the
opportunity of paying your balance, to make a little acquaintance with
Sir John Lambert. One or two unsuccessful attempts to find him at home,
with the intermediate procrastinations well known to men of business,
prevented my seeing him till yesterday, and have led me on to this moment,
through a perpetual remorse of conscience for not writing to you, and to
the constant belief that it would be to-morrow and to-morrow. At length, I
have seen him, paid him the eighty-five livres which you have been so kind
as to advance for me, and am actually at my writing-table, returning you
thanks for this kindness, and to yourself and the family for the thousand
others I received at their hands, at Marseilles. My journey, after leaving
you, wanted nothing but the company of Madame Cathalan and yourself, to
render it perfectly agreeable. I felt the want of it peculiarly on the
Canal de Languedoc, where, with society, the mode of travelling would have
been charming. I was much indebted to M. Minaudier for a good equipment
from Agde, and unceasing attentions to that place; for which I was
indebted to your recommendations as well as to his goodness.
I am honored with your father's letter of June the 30th; and, as he does
not read English, and I cannot write French, I must beg leave to answer
him through you. I thank him for his hints on the subject of tobacco. I
am now pressing for arrangements as to that article, to take place on the
expiration of Mr. Morris' contract, and the order of Bernis. What form
this business will take, or what will be the nature of the arrangements,
or whether there will be any, I am as yet unable to say. I will take care
to inform you the moment there is a decision.
The public business with which Mr. Barclay has been charged rendering
it necessary for him to repair to Congress, and the interest of his
creditors, his family and himself requiring his return to America, he
has departed for that country. I know nothing of Mr. Barclay's affairs in
this country. He has good possessions in America, which, he assured me,
were much more than sufficient to satisfy all the demands against him. He
went, determined to convert those immediately into money, and to collect
the debts due to him there, that he might be enabled to pay his debts. My
opinion of his integrity is such, as to leave no doubt in my mind, that he
will do everything in his power to render justice to his creditors, and I
know so well his attachment to M. Cathalan, as to be satisfied, that if
he makes any difference among his creditors, he will be among the most
favored. Mr. Barclay is an honest and honorable man, and is more goaded
towards the payment of his debts by his own feelings, than by all the
processes of law which could be set on foot against him.
No arrangements having ever been made as yet, for cases like that of
the carpenter of the American ship Sally, I am unable to answer on that
subject. I am in hopes, his money will last till he recovers his senses,
or till we can receive instructions what to do in that and similar cases.
Mr. Cathalan wishes a copy of my Notes on Virginia. If you will be so good
as to advise me by what channel they will go safely, I will do myself the
honor of sending a copy, either of the original or of the translation.
Present me affectionately to Mrs. Cathalan, the mother and daughter; tell
the latter I feed on the hopes of seeing her one day at Paris. My friendly
respects wait also on your father; and on yourself, assurances of the
esteem and consideration with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE DELEGATES OF RHODE ISLAND.
PARIS, July 22, 1787.
GENTLEMEN,--I was honored, in the month of January last, with a letter
from the honorable the Delegates of Rhode Island in Congress, enclosing a
letter from the corporation of Rhode Island College to his most Christian
Majesty, and some other papers. I was then in the hurry of preparation for
a journey into the South of France, and therefore unable, at that moment,
to make the inquiries which the object of the letter rendered necessary.
As soon as I returned, which was in the last month, I turned my attention
to that object, which was the establishment of a professorship of the
French language in the College, and the obtaining a collection of the
best French authors, with the aid of the King. That neither the College
nor myself might be compromitted uselessly, I thought it necessary to
sound, previously, those who were able to inform me what would be the
success of the application. I was assured, so as to leave no doubt, that
it would not be complied with; that there had never been an instance of
the King's granting such a demand in a foreign country, and that they
would be cautious of setting the precedent: that, in this moment, too,
they were embarrassed with the difficult operation of putting down all
establishments of their own, which could possibly be dispensed with, in
order to bring their expenditures down to the level of their receipts.
Upon such information I was satisfied, that it was most prudent not
to deliver the letter, and spare to both parties the disagreeableness
of giving and receiving a denial. The King did give to two colleges in
America copies of the works printing in the public press. But were this
to be obtained for the College of Rhode Island, it would extend only
to a volume or two of Buffon's works, still to be printed, Manilius'
Astronomicon, and one or two other works in the press, which are of no
consequence. I did not think this an object for the College, worth being
pressed. I beg the favor of you, gentlemen, to assure the corporation,
that no endeavors of mine should have been spared, could they have
effected their wish; and that they have been faithfully used in making the
preliminary enquiries which are necessary, and which ended in an assurance
that nothing could be done. These papers having been transmitted to me
through your delegation, will, I hope, be an apology for my availing
myself of the same channel, for communicating the result.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, July 23, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor, a few days ago, of putting into the hands of your
Excellency, some observations on the other articles of American produce,
brought into the ports of this country. That of our tobaccos, from the
particular form of their administration here, and their importance to
the King's revenues, has been placed on a separate line, and considered
separately. I will now ask permission to bring that subject under your
consideration.
The mutual extension of their commerce was among the fairest advantages
to be derived to France and the United States, from the independence of
the latter. An exportation of eighty millions, chiefly in raw materials,
is supposed to constitute the present limits of the commerce of the United
States with the nations of Europe; limits, however, which extend as their
population increases. To draw the best proportion of this into the ports
of France, rather than of any other nation, is believed to be the wish
and interest of both. Of these eighty millions, thirty are constituted by
the single article of tobacco. Could the whole of this be brought into
the ports of France, to satisfy its own demands, and the residue to be
re-vended to other nations, it would be a powerful link of commercial
connection. But we are far from this. Even her own consumption, supposed
to be nine millions, under the administration of the monopoly to which it
is farmed, enters little, as an article of exchange, into the commerce of
the two nations. When this article was first put into Farm, perhaps it did
not injure the commercial interests of the kingdom; because nothing but
British manufactures were then allowed to be given in return for American
tobaccos. The laying the trade open, then, to all the subjects of France,
could not have relieved her from a payment in money. Circumstances are
changed; yet the old institution remains. The body to which this monopoly
was given, was not mercantile. Their object is to simplify as much as
possible, the administration of their affairs. They sell for cash; they
purchase, therefore, with cash. Their interest, their principles and
their practice, seem opposed to the general interest of the kingdom,
which would require, that this capital article should be laid open to a
free exchange for the productions of this country. So far does the spirit
of simplifying their operations govern this body, that relinquishing the
advantages to be derived from a competition of sellers, they contracted
some time ago with a single person (Mr. Morris), for three years' supplies
of American tobacco, to be paid for in cash. They obliged themselves too,
expressly, to employ no other person to purchase in America, during that
term. In consequence of this, the mercantile houses of France, concerned
in sending her productions to be exchanged for tobacco, cut off, for
three years, from the hope of selling these tobaccos in France, were of
necessity to abandon that commerce. In consequence of this, too, a single
individual, constituted sole purchaser of so great a proportion of the
tobaccos made, had the price in his own power. A great reduction in it
took place, and that, not only on the quantity he bought, but on the
whole quantity made. The loss to the States producing the article, did
not go to cheapen it for their friends here. Their price was fixed. What
was gained on their consumption, was to enrich the person purchasing it;
the rest, the monopolists and merchants of other countries. The effect
of this operation was vitally felt by every farmer in America, concerned
in the culture of this plant. At the end of the year, he found he had
lost a fourth or a third of his revenue; the State, the same proportion
of its subjects of exchange with other nations: the manufactures of
this country, too, were either not to go there at all, or go through the
channel of a new monopoly, which, freed from the control of competition
in prices and qualities, was not likely to extend their consumption. It
became necessary to relieve the two countries from the fatal effects of
this double monopoly. I had the honor of addressing a letter, on the 15th
day of August, 1785, to his late excellency, the Count de Vergennes, upon
this subject, a copy of which I do myself the honor herein to enclose.
The effectual mode of relief was to lay the commerce open. But the King's
interest was also to be guarded. A committee was appointed to take this
matter into consideration; and the result was, an order to the Farmers
General, that no such contract should be made again. And to furnish such
aliment as might keep that branch of commerce alive, till the expiration
of the present contract, they were required to put the merchants in
general, on a level with Mr. Morris, for the quantity of twelve or
fifteen thousand hogsheads a year. That this relief, too, might not be
intercepted from the merchants of the two suffering nations by those of a
neighboring one, and that the transportation of so bulky an article might
go to nourish their own shipping, no tobaccos were to be counted of this
purchase, but those brought in French or American vessels. Of this order,
made at Bernis, his Excellency, Count de Vergennes, was pleased to honor
me with a communication, by a letter of the 30th of May, 1786, desiring
that I would publish it as well in America, as to the American merchants
in France. I did so; communicating it to Congress at the same time. This
order, thus viewed with the transactions which produced it, will be seen
to have been necessary; and its punctual and candid execution has been
rendered still more so, by the speculations of the merchants, entered into
on the faith of it. Otherwise, it would become the instrument of their
ruin instead of their relief. A twelve month has elapsed some time since;
and it is questioned whether the Farmers General have purchased, within
that time, the quantity prescribed, and on the conditions prescribed.
It would be impossible for the merchants to prove the negative; it will
be easy for the Farmers General to show the affirmative, if it exists. I
hope that a branch of commerce of this extent will be thought interesting
enough to both nations, to render it the desire of your Excellency to
require, as I deem it my duty to ask, a report of the purchases they have
made, according to the conditions of the order of Bernis, specifying, in
that report, 1, the quantities purchased; 2, the prices paid; 3, the dates
of the purchase and payment; 4, the flag of the vessel in which imported;
5, her name; 6, her port of delivery; and 7, the name of the seller. The
four first articles make part of the conditions required by the order of
Bernis; the three last may be necessary for the correction of any errors
which should happen to arise in the report.
But the order of Bernis was never considered but as a temporary relief.
The radical evil will still remain. There will be but one purchaser in
the kingdom, and the hazard of his refusal will damp every mercantile
speculation. It is very much to be desired, that before the expiration
of this order, some measure may be devised, which may bring this great
article into free commerce between the two nations. Had this been
practicable at the time it was put into Farm, that mode of collecting
the revenue would probably never have been adopted; now that it has
become practicable, it seems reasonable to discontinue this mode, and to
substitute some of those practised on other imported articles, on which
a revenue is levied, without absolutely suppressing them in commerce.
If the revenue can be secured, the interests of a few individuals will
hardly be permitted to weigh against those of as many millions, equally
subjects of his Majesty, and against those, too, of a nation allied to him
by all the ties of treaty, of interest and of affection. The privileges
of the most favored nation, have been mutually exchanged by treaty. But
the productions of other nations, which do not rival those of France, are
suffered to be bought and sold freely within the kingdom. By prohibiting
all his Majesty's subjects from dealing in tobacco, except with a single
company, one third of the exports of the United States are rendered
uncommerciable here. This production is so peculiarly theirs, that its
shackles affect no other nation. A relief from these shackles, will form a
memorable epoch in the commerce of the two nations. It will establish at
once a great basis of exchange, serving like a point of union to draw to
it other members of our commerce. Nature too, has conveniently assorted
our wants and our superfluities, to each other. Each nation has exactly
to spare, the articles which the other wants. We have a surplus of rice,
tobacco, furs, peltry, potash, lamp oils, timber, which France wants; she
has a surplus of wines, brandies, esculent oils, fruits and manufactures
of all kinds, which we want. The governments have nothing to do, but _not
to hinder_ their merchants from making the exchange. The difference of
language, laws and customs, will be some obstacle for a time; but the
interest of the merchants will surmount them. A more serious obstacle is
our debt to Great Britain. Yet, since the treaty between this country
and that, I should not despair of seeing that debt paid, in part, with
the productions of France, if our produce can obtain here, a free course
of exchange for them. The distant prospect is still more promising. A
century's experience has shown, that we double our numbers every twenty
or twenty-five years. No circumstance can be foreseen, at this moment,
which will lessen our rate of multiplication for centuries to come. For
every article of the productions and manufactures of this country, then,
which can be introduced into the habit there, the demand will double every
twenty or twenty-five years. And to introduce the habit, we have only to
let the merchants alone. Whether we may descend, by a single step, from
the present state, to that of perfect freedom of commerce in this article,
whether any, and what, intermediate operation may be necessary to prepare
the way to this, what cautions must be observed for the security of his
Majesty's revenue, which we do not wish to impair, will rest with the
wisdom of his ministers, whose knowledge of the subject will enable them
to devise the best plans, and whose patriotism and justice will dispose
them to pursue them. To the friendly dispositions of your Excellency, of
which we have had such early and multiplied proofs, I take the liberty of
committing this subject, particularly trusting that some method may be
devised, of reconciling the collection of his Majesty's revenues, with
the interests of the two nations; and have the honor of assuring you,
of those sincere sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I am your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. SKIPWITH.
PARIS, July 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--A long journey has prevented me from writing to any of my
friends, for some time past. This was undertaken with a view to benefit a
dislocated and ill-set wrist, by the mineral waters of Aix, in Provence.
Finding this hope vain, I was led from other views to cross the Alps as
far as Turin, Milan, Genoa; to follow the Mediterranean as far as Cette,
the canal of Languedoc, the Garonne, &c., to Paris. A most pleasing
journey it proved; arts and agriculture offering something new at every
step, and often things worth our imitation. But the accounts from our
country give me to believe that we are not in a condition to hope for the
imitation of anything good. All my letters are filled with details of our
extravagance. From these accounts, I look back to the time of the war as a
time of happiness and enjoyment, when amidst the privation of many things
not essential to happiness, we could not run in debt, because nobody would
trust us; when we practised by necessity the maxim of buying nothing but
what we had money in our pockets to pay for; a maxim which, of all others,
lays the broadest foundation for happiness. I see no remedy to our evils,
but an open course of law. Harsh as it may seem, it would relieve the
very patients who dread it, by stopping the course of their extravagance,
before it renders their affairs entirely desperate. The eternal and bitter
strictures on our conduct which teem in every London paper, and are copied
from them into others, fill me with anxiety on this subject. The state
of things in Europe is rather threatening at this moment. The innovations
of the Emperor in his dominions have excited a spirit of resistance. His
subjects in Brabant and Flanders are arming, and he has put forty-five
thousand troops in motion towards that country. I believe they will come
to blows. The parties in Holland have already spilt too much blood to be
easily stopped. If left to themselves, I apprehend the Stadtholderians
will be too strong; and if foreign powers interfere, the weight is still
on their side. England and Prussia will be too much for France. As it is
certain that neither of these powers wish for war, and that England and
France are particularly averse to it, perhaps the matter may end in an
armed mediation. If the mediators should not agree, they will draw their
negotiations into length, and trust to the chapter of accidents for their
final solution. With respect to our country, it stands well with the
present ministry here. The non-payment of our debt is against us. We are
occupied in procuring favorable terms of reception for our produce.
* * * * *
Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the sentiments of sincere esteem of
your affectionate friend and servant.
TO J. W. EPPES.
PARIS, July 28, 1787.
DEAR JACK,--The letter which you were so kind as to write to me the 22d of
May, 1786, was not delivered to me till the 3d of May, 1787, when it found
me in the neighborhood of Marseilles. Before that time, you must have
taken your degree, as mentioned in your letter. Those public testimonies
which are earned by merit, and not by solicitation, may always be accepted
without the imputation of vanity. Of this nature is the degree which your
masters proposed to confer on you. I congratulate you sincerely on it. It
will be a pleasing event to yourself; it will be the same to your parents
and friends, and to none more than myself. Go on deserving applause, and
you will be sure to meet with it; and the way to deserve it is, to be
good, and to be industrious. I am sure you will be good, and hope you
will be industrious. As to your future plan, I am too distant from you to
advise you on sure grounds. In general, I am of opinion, that till the age
of about sixteen, we are best employed on languages; Latin, Greek, French,
and Spanish, or such of them as we can. After this, I think the College of
William and Mary the best place to go through the courses of Mathematics,
Natural Philosophy in its different branches, and Law. Of the languages I
have mentioned, I think Greek the least useful. Write me word, from time
to time, how you go on. I shall always be glad to assist you with any
books you may have occasion for, and you may count with certainty on every
service I can ever render you, as well as on the sincere esteem of, dear
Jack, yours affectionately.
TO A. DONALD.
PARIS, July 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received with infinite satisfaction your letter of the 1st
of March; it was the first information I had of your being in America.
There is no person whom I shall see again with more cordial joy, whenever
it shall be my lot to return to my native country; nor any one whose
prosperity in the mean-time will be more interesting to me. I find, as
I grow older, that I set a higher value on the intimacies of my youth,
and am more afflicted by whatever loses one of them to me. Should it be
in my power to render any service in your shipment of tobacco to Havre
de Grace, I shall do it with great pleasure. The order of Bernis has,
I believe, been evaded by the Farmers General as much as possible. At
this moment, I receive information from most of the seaports, that they
refuse taking any tobacco, under the pretext that they have purchased
their whole quantity. From Havre I have heard nothing, and believe you
will stand a better chance there than anywhere else. Being one of the
ports of manufacture, too, it is entitled to a higher price. I have now
desired, that the Farmers may make a distinct return of their purchases,
which are conformable to the order of Bernis. If they have really bought
their quantity, _on those terms_, we must be satisfied; if they have not,
I shall propose their being obliged to make it up instantly. There is a
considerable accumulation of tobacco in the ports.
Among many good qualities which my countrymen possess, some of a different
character unhappily mix themselves. The most remarkable are, indolence,
extravagance, and infidelity to their engagements. Cure the two first, and
the last would disappear, because it is a consequence of them, and not
proceeding from a want of morals. I know of no remedy against indolence
and extravagance, but a free course of justice. Everything else is merely
palliative; but unhappily, the evil has gained too generally the mass
of the nation, to leave the course of justice unobstructed. The maxim
of buying nothing without the money in our pockets to pay for it, would
make of our country one of the happiest upon earth. Experience during
the war proved this; as I think every man will remember, that under all
the privations it obliged him to submit to, during that period, he slept
sounder, and awaked happier than he can do now. Desperate of finding
relief from a free course of justice, I look forward to the abolition
of all credit, as the only other remedy which can take place. I have
seen, therefore, with pleasure, the exaggerations of our want of faith,
with which the London papers teem. It is, indeed, a strong medicine for
sensible minds, but it is a medicine. It will prevent their crediting
us abroad, in which case we cannot be credited at home. I have been much
concerned at the losses produced by the fire of Richmond. I hope you have
escaped them. It will give me much pleasure to hear from you, as often as
you can spare a moment to write. Be assured that nobody entertains for you
sentiments of more perfect and sincere esteem than, dear Sir, your friend
and servant.
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON.
PARIS, July 30, 1787.
SIR,--Having observed that the consumption of rice in this country,
and particularly in this capital, was very great, I thought it my duty
to inform myself from what markets they draw their supplies, in what
proportion from ours, and whether it might not be practicable to increase
that proportion. This city being little concerned in foreign commerce,
it is difficult to obtain information on particular branches of it in
the detail. I addressed myself to the retailers of rice, and from them
received a mixture of truth and error, which I was unable to sift apart
in the first moment. Continuing, however, my inquiries, they produced at
length this result: that the dealers here were in the habit of selling
two qualities of rice, that of Carolina, with which they were supplied
chiefly from England, and that of Piedmont; that the Carolina rice was
long, slender, white and transparent, answers well when prepared with
milk, sugar, &c., but not so well when prepared _au gras_; that that of
Piedmont was shorter, thicker, and less white, but that it presented its
form better when dressed _au gras_, was better tasted, and therefore
preferred by good judges for those purposes; that the consumption of
rice, in this form, was much the most considerable, but that the superior
beauty of the Carolina rice, seducing the eye of those purchasers who
are attached to appearances, the demand for it was upon the whole as
great as for that of Piedmont. They supposed this difference of quality
to proceed from a difference of management; that the Carolina rice was
husked with an instrument that broke it more, and that less pains were
taken to separate the broken from the unbroken grains, imagining that
it was the broken grains which dissolved in oily preparations; that the
Carolina rice costs somewhat less than that of Piedmont; but that being
obliged to sort the whole grains from the broken, in order to satisfy
the taste of their customers, they ask and receive as much for the first
quality of Carolina, when sorted, as for the rice of Piedmont; but the
second and third qualities, obtained by sorting, are sold much cheaper.
The objection to the Carolina rice then, being, that it crumbles in
certain forms of preparation, and this supposed to be the effect of a
less perfect machine for husking, I flattered myself I should be able
to learn what might be the machine of Piedmont, when I should arrive at
Marseilles, to which place I was to go in the course of a tour through
the seaport towns of this country. At Marseilles, however, they differed
as much in account of the machines, as at Paris they had differed about
other circumstances. Some said it was husked between mill-stones, others
between rubbers of wood in the form of mill-stones, others of cork. They
concurred in one fact, however, that the machine might be seen by me,
immediately on crossing the Alps. This would be an affair of three weeks.
I crossed them and went through the rice country from Vercelli to Pavia,
about sixty miles. I found the machine to be absolutely the same with that
used in Carolina, as well as I could recollect a description which Mr. E.
Rutledge had given me of it. It is on the plan of a powder mill. In some
of them, indeed, they arm each pestle with an iron tooth, consisting of
nine spikes hooked together, which I do not remember in the description
of Mr. Rutledge. I therefore had a tooth made, which I have the honor
of forwarding you with this letter; observing, at the same time, that
as many of their machines are without teeth as with them, and of course,
that the advantage is not very palpable. It seems to follow, then, that
the rice of Lombardy (for though called Piedmont rice, it does not grow
in that county but in Lombardy) is of a different species from that of
Carolina; different in form, in color and in quality. We know that in
Asia they have several distinct species of this grain. Monsieur Poivre,
a former Governor of the Isle of France, in travelling through several
countries of Asia, observed with particular attention the objects of
their agriculture, and he tells us, that in Cochin-China they cultivate
six several kinds of rice, which he describes, three of them requiring
water, and three growing on highlands. The rice of Carolina is said to
have come from Madagascar, and De Poivre tells us, it is the white rice
which is cultivated there. This favors the probability of its being of a
different species originally, from that of Piedmont; and time, culture
and climate may have made it still more different. Under this idea, I
thought it would be well to furnish you with some of the Piedmont rice,
unhusked, but was told it was contrary to the laws to export it in that
form. I took such measures as I could, however, to have a quantity brought
out, and lest these should fail, I brought, myself, a few pounds. A part
of this I have addressed to you by the way of London; a part comes with
this letter; and I shall send another parcel by some other conveyance,
to prevent the danger of miscarriage. Any one of them arriving safe, may
serve to put in seed, should the society think it an object. This seed
too, coming from Vercelli, where the best rice is supposed to grow, is
more to be depended on than what may be sent me hereafter. There is a rice
from the Levant, which is considered as of a quality still different,
and some think it superior to that of Piedmont. The troubles which have
existed in that country for several years back, have intercepted it from
the European market, so that it is become almost unknown. I procured
a bag of it, however, at Marseilles, and another of the best rice of
Lombardy, which are on their way to this place, and when arrived, I will
forward you a quantity of each, sufficient to enable you to judge of their
qualities when prepared for the table. I have also taken measures to have
a quantity of it brought from the Levant, unhusked. If I succeed, it shall
be forwarded in like manner. I should think it certainly advantageous to
cultivate, in Carolina and Georgia, the two qualities demanded at market,
because the progress of culture, with us, may soon get beyond the demand
for the white rice; and because too, there is often a brisk demand for
the one quality, when the market is glutted with the other. I should
hope there would be no danger of losing the species of white rice, by a
confusion with the other. This would be a real misfortune, as I should not
hesitate to pronounce the white, upon the whole, the most precious of the
two, for us.
The dry rice of Cochin-China has the reputation of being the whitest to
the eye, best flavored to the taste, and most productive. It seems then
to unite the good qualities of both the others known to us. Could it
supplant them, it would be a great happiness, as it would enable us to get
rid of those ponds of stagnant water, so fatal to human health and life.
But such is the force of habit, and caprice of taste, that we could not
be sure beforehand it would produce this effect. The experiment, however,
is worth trying, should it only end in producing a third quality, and
increasing the demand. I will endeavor to procure some to be brought from
Cochin-China. The event, however, will be uncertain and distant.
I was induced, in the course of my journey through the south of France,
to pay very particular attention to the objects of their culture,
because the resemblance of their climate to that of the southern parts
of the United States, authorizes us to presume we may adopt any of their
articles of culture, which we would wish for. We should not wish for their
wines, though they are good and abundant. The culture of the vine is not
desirable in lands capable of producing anything else. It is a species
of gambling, and of desperate gambling too, wherein, whether you make
much or nothing, you are equally ruined. The middling crop alone is the
saving point, and that the seasons seldom hit. Accordingly, we see much
wretchedness among this class of cultivators. Wine, too, is so cheap in
these countries, that a laborer with us, employed in the culture of any
other article, may exchange it for wine, more and better than he could
raise himself. It is a resource for a country, the whole of whose good
soil is otherwise employed, and which still has some barren spots, and
surplus of population to employ on them. There the vine is good, because
it is something in the place of nothing. It may become a resource to us
at a still earlier period; when the increase of population shall increase
our productions beyond the demand for them, both at home and abroad.
Instead of going on to make an useless surplus of them, we may employ our
supernumerary hands on the vine. But that period is not yet arrived.
The almond tree is also so precarious, that none can depend for
subsistence on its produce, but persons of capital.
The caper, though a more tender plant, is more certain in its produce,
because a mound of earth of the size of a cucumber hill, thrown over the
plant in the fall, protects it effectually against the cold of winter.
When the danger of frost is over in the spring, they uncover it, and
begin its culture. There is a great deal of this in the neighborhood of
Toulon. The plants are set about eight feet apart, and yield, one year
with another, about two pounds of caper each, worth on the spot sixpence
sterling per pound. They require little culture, and this may be performed
either with the plough or hoe. The principal work is the gathering of the
fruit as it forms. Every plant must be picked every other day, from the
last of June till the middle of October. But this is the work of women
and children. This plant does well in any kind of soil which is dry, or
even in walls where there is no soil, and it lasts the life of a man.
Toulon would be the proper port to apply for them. I must observe, that
the preceding details cannot be relied on with the fullest certainty,
because, in the canton where this plant is cultivated, the inhabitants
speak no written language, but a medley, which I could understand but very
imperfectly.
The fig and mulberry are so well known in America, that nothing need be
said of them. Their culture, too, is by women and children, and therefore
earnestly to be desired in countries where there are slaves. In these, the
women and children are often employed in labors disproportioned to their
sex and age. By presenting to the master objects of culture, easier and
equally beneficial, all temptation to misemploy them would be removed,
and the lot of this tender part of our species be much softened. By
varying, too, the articles of culture, we multiply the chances for making
something, and disarm the seasons in a proportionable degree, of their
calamitous effects.
The olive is a tree the least known in America, and yet the most worthy
of being known. Of all the gifts of heaven to man, it is next to the
most precious, if it be not the most precious. Perhaps it may claim
a preference even to bread, because there is such an infinitude of
vegetables, which it renders a proper and comfortable nourishment. In
passing the Alps at the Col de Tende, where they are mere masses of rock,
wherever there happens to be a little soil, there are a number of olive
trees, and a village supported by them. Take away these trees, and the
same ground in corn would not support a single family. A pound of oil,
which can be bought for three or four pence sterling, is equivalent to
many pounds of flesh, by the quantity of vegetables it will prepare,
and render fit and comfortable food. Without this tree, the country
of Provence and territory of Genoa would not support one-half, perhaps
not one-third, their present inhabitants. The nature of the soil is of
little consequence if it be dry. The trees are planted from fifteen to
twenty feet apart, and when tolerably good, will yield fifteen or twenty
pounds of oil yearly, one with another. There are trees which yield much
more. They begin to render good crops at twenty years old, and last till
killed by cold, which happens at some time or other, even in their best
positions in France. But they put out again from their roots. In Italy,
I am told, they have trees two hundred years old. They afford an easy but
constant employment through the year, and require so little nourishment,
that if the soil be fit for any other production, it may be cultivated
among the olive trees without injuring them. The northern limits of
this tree are the mountains of the Cevennes, from about the meridian of
Carcassonne to the Rhone, and from thence, the Alps and Apennines as far
as Genoa, I know, and how much farther I am not informed. The shelter of
these mountains may be considered as equivalent to a degree and a-half of
latitude, at least, because westward of the commencement of the Cevennes,
there are no olive trees in 43½˚ or even 43˚ of latitude, whereas, we
find them _now_ on the Rhone at Pierrelatte, in 44½˚, and _formerly_
they were at Tains, above the mouth of the Isere, in 45˚, sheltered by
the near approach of the Cevennes and Alps, which only leave there a
passage for the Rhone. Whether such a shelter exists or not in the States
of South Carolina and Georgia, I know not. But this we may say, either
that it exists or that it is not necessary there, because we know that
they produce the orange in open air; and wherever the orange will stand
at all, experience shows that the olive will stand well, being a hardier
tree. Notwithstanding the great quantities of oil made in France, they
have not enough for their own consumption, and therefore import from
other countries. This is an article, the consumption of which will always
keep pace with its production. Raise it, and it begets it own demand.
Little is carried to America, because Europe has it not to spare. We,
therefore, have not learned the use of it. But cover the southern States
with it, and every man will become a consumer of oil, within whose reach
it can be brought in point of price. If the memory of those persons is
held in great respect in South Carolina who introduced there the culture
of rice, a plant which sows life and death with almost equal hand, what
obligations would be due to him who should introduce the olive tree, and
set the example of its culture! Were the owner of slaves to view it only
as the means of bettering their condition, how much would he better that
by planting one of those trees for every slave he possessed! Having been
myself an eye witness to the blessings which this tree sheds on the poor,
I never had my wishes so kindled for the introduction of any article
of new culture into our own country. South Carolina and Georgia appear
to me to be the States, wherein its success, in favorable positions at
least, could not be doubted, and I flattered myself it would come within
the views of the society for agriculture to begin the experiments which
are to prove its practicability. Carcassonne is the place from which the
plants may be most certainly and cheaply obtained. They can be sent from
thence by water to Bordeaux, where they may be embarked on vessels bound
for Charleston. There is too little intercourse between Charleston and
Marseilles to propose this as the port of exportation. I offer my services
to the society for the obtaining and forwarding any number of plants which
may be desired.
Before I quit the subject of climates, and the plants adapted to them,
I will add, as a matter of curiosity, and of some utility too, that my
journey through the southern parts of France, and the territory of Genoa,
but still more the crossing of the Alps, enabled me to form a scale of
the tenderer plants, and to arrange them according to their different
powers of resisting cold. In passing the Alps at the Col de Tende, we
cross three very high mountains successively. In ascending, we lose these
plants, one after another, as we rise, and find them again in the contrary
order as we descend on the other side; and this is repeated three times.
Their order, proceeding from the tenderest to the hardiest, is as follows:
caper, orange, palm, aloe, olive, pomegranate, walnut, fig, almond. But
this must be understood of the plant only; for as to the fruit, the order
is somewhat different. The caper, for example, is the tenderest plant,
yet, being so easily protected, it is among the most certain in its fruit.
The almond, the hardiest, loses its fruit the oftenest, on account of its
forwardness. The palm, hardier than the caper and orange, never produces
perfect fruit here.
I had the honor of sending you, the last year, some seeds of the sulla of
Malta, or Spanish St. Foin. Lest they should have miscarried, I now pack
with the rice a cannister of the same kind of seed, raised by myself. By
Colonel Franks, in the month of February last, I sent a parcel of acorns
of the cork oak, which I desired him to ask the favor of the Delegates of
South Carolina in Congress to forward to you.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO F. HOPKINSON, ESQ.
PARIS, August 1, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--A journey into the southern parts of France and northern of
Italy must apologize to you for the length of time elapsed since my last,
and for the delay of acknowledging the receipt of your favors of November
8 and December 9, 1786, and April 14, 1787. Your two phials of essence
de l'Orient arrived during that interval, and got separated from the
letters which accompanied them, so that I could not be sure which was your
first preparation, and which was your second. But I suppose, from some
circumstances, that the small phial was the first, and the larger one the
second. This was entirely spoiled, so that nothing was distinguishable
from it. The matter in the small phial was also too much spoiled for
use; but the pearl merchant, from whom I got my details, said he could
judge, from what remained, that it had been very good; that you had a
very considerable knowledge in the manner of preparing, but that there
was still one thing wanting which made the secret of the art; that this is
not only a secret of the art, but of every individual workman who will not
communicate to his fellows, believing his own method the best; that of ten
different workmen, all will practice different operations, and only one
of the ten be the right one; that the secret consists only in preparing
the fish, all the other parts of the process in the pearl manufactory
being known. That experience has proved it to be absolutely impossible
for the matter to cross the sea without being spoiled; but that if you
will send some in the best state you can, he will make pearls of it, and
send to you that you may judge of them yourself. He says the only possible
method of making anything of it would be for a workman to go over. He
would not engage in this, nor would he buy, because he says it is their
custom to have contracts for nine years' supply from the fishermen, and
that his contract furnishes him with as much as he can sell in the present
declining state of the pearl trade; that they have been long getting out
of fashion, polite people not wearing them at all, and the poor not able
to give a price; that their calling is, in fact, annihilating; that when
he renews his contract he shall be obliged to reduce the price he pays
twenty-five per cent.; that the matter sells from five to eight livres the
French pound, but most generally at six livres. He showed me a necklace
of twelve strands, which used to sell at ten livres, and now sells for
two and a half. He observed that the length of time the matter will keep
depends on the strength of the spirit of wine. The result is, then, that
you must send me a sample of your very best, and write what you would
propose after weighing these circumstances. The leg and feathers of the
bird are also arrived; but the comb, which you mention as annexed to the
foot, has totally disappeared. I suppose this is the effect of its drying.
I have not yet had an opportunity of giving it to Monsieur de Buffon,
but expect to do it soon. I thank you for the trouble you have taken with
Madame Champne's letters, and must give you another, that of enquiring for
James Lillie, belonging to the privateer General Mercer, of Philadelphia,
the property of Iroon, Carsons and Semple. Richard Graham & Co., merchants
of Philadelphia, seem to have been also interested; and Isaac Robinson,
Graham's son-in-law, to have commanded her. For the details I refer you
to the enclosed paper I received from a Madame Ferrier, sister to James
Lillie, from which you will perceive he has not been heard of since
1779. I receive many of these applications which humanity cannot refuse,
and I have no means of complying with them but by troubling gentlemen
on the spot. This, I hope, will be my apology. I am obliged to you for
subscribing to the Columbian Magazine for me. I find it a good thing, and
am sure it will be better from the time you have undertaken it. I wish
you had commenced before the month of December, for then the abominable
forgery inserted in my name in the last page, would never have appeared.
This, I suppose, the compilers took from English papers, those infamous
fountains of falsehood. Is it not surprising that our newswriters continue
to copy from those papers, though every one who knows anything of them,
knows they are written by persons who never go out of their garret nor
read a paper? The real letter alluded to was never meant to have been
public, and therefore was hastily and carelessly dictated while I was
obliged to use the pen of another. It became public, however. I send you a
genuine copy to justify myself in your eyes against the absurd thing they
have fathered upon me in the Magazine. Mr. Payne is here with his bridge,
which is well thought of. The Academy, to whom it is submitted, have not
yet made their report. I have shipped on board the Mary, Captain Howland,
bound from Havre to New York, a box containing the subsequent livraisons
of the Encyclopedie for yourself and Doctor Franklin from those formerly
sent you to the twenty-two inclusive. I think there are also in it some
new volumes of the Bibliotheque physico-economique for you. I had received
duplicates of some books (in sheets) for the colleges of Philadelphia and
Williamsburg. Whether I packed one copy in your box, and one in Madison's,
or both in his, I do not remember. You will see and be so good as to
deliver the one to the College of Philadelphia, if in your box. The box
is directed to Doctor Franklin, and will be delivered to Mr. Madison at
New York. I will send you either by this occasion or the next, the cost,
expenses, &c., &c. Present me in the most respectful and friendly terms
to Dr. Franklin and his grandson, to Mr. Rittenhouse and family, Mrs.
Hopkinson the elder and younger. My daughter (my elder one I mean, for
both are here now) presents her respects also to your mother. I am, with
sentiments of sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO R. IZARD, ESQ.
PARIS, August 1, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am to thank you for the laws and newspapers sent me by the
M. de Chateaufort. Your favor of April 4th, has also been duly received.
I am happy to find that the idea of diverting the rice trade from England
to France is thought to be impracticable. A journey which I made from
Marseilles lately, in Lombardy, in order to acquire information relative
to their rice, has corrected the misinformation which the retailers
of rice in this capital had given me. I am satisfied that the rice of
Lombardy is of a different species from yours. The exportation of it in
the husk being prohibited, I could not bring with me but as much as my
pockets would hold, which I have sent to your society of agriculture. It
may serve to raise seed from. I have taken measures for a couple of sacks,
but I do not make sure of them, nor rely so much on their quality as on
the parcel I brought myself. I have written so fully on this subject to
Mr. Drayton, that, without repeating it here, I will take the liberty
of referring you to that letter. I have endeavored to prevail upon the
merchants in this country to engage in the rice trade. I enclose you
the proposals of Messrs. Berard & Co., for that effect. They are a very
solid house. One of them resides here. Their principal establishment is
at L'Orient, where they would prefer receiving consignments of rice; but
they will receive them anywhere else, and should suppose Honfleur the best
port, and next to that Bordeaux. You observe they will answer bills to the
amount of twelve or fifteen livres the French quintal, if accompanying
the bill of lading, and will pay the surplus of the proceeds as soon as
received. If they sell at Havre or Rouen, they may receive ready money,
and of course pay the balance soon; if they sell at Paris, it must be
on a year's credit (because this will be to the retailers). The money,
therefore, will be received later, but it will be at least six livres the
quintal more; a difference well worth waiting for. I know of no mercantile
house in France of surer bottom.
Affairs in Europe seem to threaten war. Yet I think all may be settled
without it. The Emperor disapproves of the concessions made to the
Netherlands by their governors, but called for deputies to consult on
the matter. They have sent deputies without power to yield a jot, and go
on arming. From the character of their Sovereign, it is probable he will
avail himself of this deputation to concede their demands. The affairs of
Holland are so thoroughly embroiled, that they would certainly produce a
war if France and England were in a condition for it. But they are not,
and they will therefore find out some arrangement either perpetual or
temporary to stop the progress of the civil war begun in that country.
A spirit of distrust in the government here, and confidence in their own
force and rights, is pervading all ranks. It will be well if it awaits the
good which will be worked by the provincial assemblies, and will content
itself with that. The parliament demand an assembly of the States; they
are supported by the ministers of the nation, and the object of asking
that assembly is to fix a constitution, and to limit expenses. They refuse
to register any edict for a new tax. This has so far lessened the credit
of government, that the purse of the money lender is shut. They speak
here as freely as Junius wrote. Yet it is possible that in the event
of war, the spirit of the nation would rise to support a cause which is
approved--I mean that of Holland.
I have had the Messrs. Le Coulteux sounded on the subject of lending
money. I had before tried the same thing with others. But nothing is to be
obtained for persons on our side the water. They have no confidence in our
laws. Besides, all the money men are playing deeply in the stocks of the
country. The spirit of "_agiotage_" (as they call it) was never so high
in any country before. It will probably produce as total deprivation of
morals as the system of law did. All the money of France is now employed
in this, none being free even for the purposes of commerce, which suffers
immensely from this cause.
Before I conclude, I must add, on the subject of rice, that, what cannot
arrive here a month before the careme, would miss its sale, and must
therefore go to another market. The merchant, however, to whom it is
consigned, will be competent to this measure whenever he finds it a
necessary one. I beg leave to be presented very respectfully to Mrs. Izard
and your family, and to assure you of the sincere sentiments of esteem and
attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, August 2, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--My last was of June the 20th. Yours, received since that date,
are of May the 15th, and June the 6th. In mine I acknowledged the receipt
of the paccan nuts which came sealed up. I have reason to believe those
in the box have arrived at L'Orient. By the Mary, Captain Howland, lately
sailed from Havre to New York, I shipped three boxes of books, one marked
J. M. for yourself, one marked B. F. for Dr. Franklin, and one marked W.
H. for William Hay in Richmond. I have taken the liberty of addressing
them all to you, as you will see by the enclosed bill of lading, in
hopes you would be so good as to forward the other two. You will have
opportunities of calling on the gentlemen for the freight, &c. In yours
you will find the books noted in the account, inclosed herewith. You have
now Mabby's works complete, except that on Poland, which I have never
been able to get, but shall not cease to search for. Some other volumes
are wanting too, to complete your collection of Chronologies. The fourth
volume of D'Albon was lost by the bookbinder, and I have not yet been
able to get one to replace it. I shall continue to try. The Memoires sur
les droits et impositions en Europe, (cited by Smith,) was a scarce and
excessively dear book. They are now reprinting it. I think it will be in
three or four quartos, of from nine to twelve livres a volume. When it is
finished, I shall take a copy for you. Amelot's travels into China, I can
learn nothing of. I put among the books sent you two somewhat voluminous,
and the object of which will need explanation; these are the Tableau
de Paris and L'espion Anglois. The former is truly a picture of private
manners in Paris, but presented on the dark side, and a little darkened
moreover. But there is so much truth in its ground-work, that it will
be well worth your reading. You will then know Paris (and probably the
other large cities of Europe) as well as if you had been there for years.
L'espion Anglois is no caricature. It will give you a just idea of the
wheels by which the machine of government is worked here. There are in
it also many interesting details of the last war, which, in general, may
be relied on. It may be considered as the small history of great events.
I am in hopes, when you shall have read them, you will not think I have
misspent your money for them. My method for making out this assortment
was, to revise the list of my own purchases since the invoice of 1785,
and to select such as I had found worth your having. Besides this, I have
casually met with and purchased some few curious and cheap things.
I must trouble you on behalf of a Mr. Thomas Burke, at Loughburke, near
Loughrea, in Ireland, whose brother, James Burke, is supposed to have
died in 1785, on his passage from Jamaica, or St. Eustatius to New York.
His property on board the vessel is understood to have come to the hands
of alderman Groom at New York. The enclosed copy of a letter to him, will
more fully explain it. A particular friend of mine here applies to me for
information, which I must ask the favor of you to procure, and forward to
me.
Writing news to others, much pressed in time, and making this letter
one of private business, I did not intend to have said anything to you
on political subjects. But I must press one subject. Mr. Adams informs
me he has borrowed money in Holland, which, if confirmed by Congress,
will enable them to pay, not only the interest due here to the foreign
officers, but the principal. Let me beseech you to reflect on the
expediency of transferring this debt to Holland. All our other debts in
Europe do not injure our reputation so much as this. These gentlemen have
connections both in and out of office, and these again their connections,
so that our default on this article is further known, more blamed, and
excites worst dispositions against us, than you can conceive. If you
think as I do, pray try to procure an order for paying off their capital.
Mr. Adams adds, that if any certain tax is provided for the payment of
interest, Congress may borrow enough in Holland to pay off their whole
debts in France, both public and private, to the crown, to the Farmers,
and to Beaumarchais. Surely it will be better to transfer these debts
to Holland. So critical is the state of that country, that I imagine the
moneyed men of it would be glad to place their money in foreign countries,
and that Mr. Adams could borrow there for us, without a certain tax for
the interest, and saving our faith too, by previous explanations on that
subject. This country is really supposed on the eve of a * * * * Such
a spirit has risen within a few weeks, as could not have been believed.
They see the great deficit in their revenues, and the hopes of economy
lessen daily. The parliament refuse to register any act for a new tax,
and require an Assembly of the States. The object of this Assembly
is evidently to give law to the King, to fix a constitution, to limit
expenses. These views are said to gain upon the nation.[E]
* * * * *
A final decision of some sort should be made on Beaumarchais' affairs.
I am, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, dear Sir, your friend
and servant.
[E] [The parts of this letter marked by asterisks, are in cypher,
and unintelligible.]
TO THOMAS BARCLAY.
PARIS, August 3, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors of
June the 29th, and July the 6th and 8th.
I am of opinion that the affair of Geraud and Roland in Holland had
better be committed to Mr. Dumas in Holland, as lawsuits must be always
attended to by some person on the spot. For the same reason, I think that
of La Vayse and Puchilberg should be managed by the agent at L'Orient,
and Gruel's by the agent at Nantes. I shall always be ready to assist
the agents of L'Orient and Nantes in any way in my power; but were the
details to be left to me, they would languish necessarily, on account of
my distance from the place, and perhaps suffer too, for want of verbal
consultations with the lawyers entrusted with them. You are now with
Congress, and can take their orders on the subject. I shall, therefore,
do nothing in these matters, in reliance that you will put them into
such channel as they direct, furnishing the necessary documents and
explanations.
* * * * *
With respect to the French affair, being perfectly satisfied myself, I
have not ceased, nor shall I cease, endeavoring to satisfy others, that
your conduct has been that of an honest and honorable debtor, and theirs
the counterpart of Shylock in the play. I enclose you a letter containing
my testimony on your general conduct, which I have written to relieve a
debt of justice pressing on my mind, well knowing, at the same time, you
will not stand in need of it in America. Your conduct is too well known to
Congress, your character to all the world, to need any testimonials.
The moment I close my despatches for the packet, which will be the
9th instant, I shall, with great pleasure, go to pay my respects to
Mrs. Barclay at St. Germains, to satisfy her on the subject of your
transactions, and to assure her that my resources shall be hers, as long
as I have any. A multitude of letters to write, prevents my entering into
the field of public news, further than to observe, that it is extremely
doubtful whether the affairs of Holland will, or will not produce a war
between France, on one side, and England and Prussia, on the other.
I beg you to accept assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with
which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. BARCLAY.
PARIS, August 3, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--As you have acted since my arrival in France, in the characters
of Consul-General for that country, and Minister to the Court of Morocco,
and also as agent in some particular transactions for the State of
Virginia, I think it is a duty to yourself, to truth, and to justice,
on your departure for America, to declare that, in all these characters,
as far as has come within my notice, you have acted with judgment, with
attention, with integrity and honor. I beg you to accept this feeble
tribute to truth, and assurances of sincere attachment and friendship
from, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY EDWARD RANDOLPH.
PARIS, August 3, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--A journey into the southern parts of France, and northern of
Italy, has prevented my sooner acknowledging the receipt of your private
favors of July 12th, 1786, and January 28 and May 3, 1787. I am anxious
to hear what you have done in your federal convention. I am in hopes at
least you will persuade the States to commit their commercial arrangements
to Congress, and to enable them to pay their debts, interest and capital.
The coercive powers supposed to be wanting in the federal head, I am of
opinion they possess by the law of nature, which authorizes one party to
an agreement to compel the other to performance. A delinquent State makes
itself a party against the rest of the confederacy.
We have at present two fires kindled in Europe; 1, in Brabant. The
Emperor, the moment of his return to Vienna, disavowed the concessions
which had been made by his governors to quiet the Brabantines. They
prepared, therefore, for regular resistance. But as the emperor had,
at the same time, called for deputies to be sent to Vienna to consult
on their affairs, they have sent them, but without power to conclude
anything, and in the meantime they go on arming. The enterprising,
unpersevering, capricious, Thrasonic character of their Sovereign renders
it probable he will avail himself of this little condescendence in the
Brabantines to recede from all his innovations. 2. The Dutch are every now
and then cutting one another's throats. The party of the Stadtholder is
strongest within the confederacy, and is gaining ground. He has a majority
in the States General, and a strong party in the States of Holland. His
want of money is supplied by his cousin George. England and Prussia abet
his usurpations, and France the patriotic party. Were England and France
in a condition to go to war, there is no question but they would have been
at it before now. But their insuperable poverty renders it probable they
will compel a suspension of hostilities, and either arrange and force a
settlement on the Dutch, or if they cannot agree themselves on this, they
will try to protract things by negotiation. Can I be useful to you here in
anything in the purchase of books, of wines, of fruits, of modes for Mrs.
Randolph, or anything else? As to books, they are cheaper here than in
England, excepting those in Latin, Greek, or English. As to wines, I have
the best Vignerons of Bordeaux, Burgundy and Frontignan. Genuine wines can
never be had but of the Vigneron. The best of Bordeaux cost three livres
the bottle, but good may be bought for two. Command me freely, assured
that I shall serve you cheerfully, and that I am with respects to Mrs.
Randolph and attachment to yourself, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
PARIS, August 3, 1787.
SIR,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letters of
January 28th, and May 4th, which have come to hand since the date of mine
of February 7th. Immediately on the receipt of the former I caused enquiry
to be made relative to the bayonets, and found that they had certainly
been packed with the muskets. Your Excellency's favor of May 4th renders
unnecessary the sending the proofs. There have been shipped in the whole
from Bordeaux 3,400 stand of arms, and from Havre 3,406 cartouch boxes,
which I hope have come safely to hand. Besides these there has been a
shipment from Bordeaux of powder, &c., made by Mr. Barclay. This was but
the half of what was intended, and of what Mr. Barclay had contracted
for. But his bill on Mr. Grand was protested on a misconception of Mr.
Grand's, who, by a mixture of your account with that of the United States,
had supposed he had but about 12,000 livres of your money in his hands. I
was absent on a journey, and happened in the course of that to meet with
Mr. Barclay at Bordeaux, and we concluded to send you half the quantity.
Since my return, I have not been able to have your account exactly settled
so as to render it now; but am able to say in general and with certainty,
that everything sent you has been paid, and that after paying Houdon 3,000
livres for the second bust of the Marquis de La Fayette now nearly ready
to be sent off for you, and 10,000 livres the second payment due towards
General Washington's statue, there will remain enough in Mr. Grand's
hands to pay for a quantity of powder, &c., equal to that sent you by Mr.
Barclay from Bordeaux, which shall accordingly be done. This balance on
hand includes 5,300 livres paid by Mr. Littlepage, which, though he has
sent us a bill for, six or eight months ago, we had refused to receive
till the arrival of your Excellency's letter informing me it had not been
paid in America; it was therefore applied for and received by Mr. Grand
a few days ago. Mr. Barclay drew on me for the balance of his account
with the State of Virginia, 2,370 livres, which I paid; besides these
he afterwards discovered an omission of 108l. 8s. in his account, which
I pay also, so as to leave your account with him balanced. There is,
however, the articles of expenses for young Mercier, which he has neither
entered in your account, nor charged to me in my private account. It yet
remains due to him, therefore, and I shall pay it to him if he applies
to me. I should have called for it, but that he was gone to America
before I discovered the omission. Should the State have further occasion
for arms, your Excellency will be able to judge, combining quality and
price, whether those of Liege or of France are to be preferred. I shall
with cheerfulness obey your future orders on this or any other account,
and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. The original of the report on the inauguration of the bust of the
Marquis de La Fayette accompanies this.
TO WILLIAM HAY.
PARIS, August 4, 1787.
SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of April 26,
and May 3. I have forwarded, by a vessel lately sailed from Havre to New
York, a box marked W. H., containing the livraisons of the Encyclopedie
subsequent to those Dr. Currie has delivered you, to the 22d inclusive.
They are sent to the care of Mr. Madison at Congress, who will forward the
box to you. There is in it, also, the same livraisons to Colonel Monroe.
I will continue to forward them once or twice a year, as they come out. I
have stated in a letter to Dr. Currie the cost and expenses of the first
twenty-two livraisons, to enable yourself and himself to settle. The
future shall be charged to you or him, as your agreement shall be. It is
really a most valuable work, and almost supplies the place of a library.
I receive from too many quarters the account of the distresses of my
countrymen to doubt their truth--distresses brought on themselves by
a feebleness of mind which calculates very illy its own happiness. It
is a miserable arithmetic which makes any single privation whatever so
painful as a total privation of everything which must necessarily follow
the living so far beyond our income. What is to extricate us I know
not, whether law, or loss of credit. If the sources of the former are
corrupted, so as to prevent justice, the latter must supply its place,
leave us possessed of our infamous gains, but prevent all future ones of
the same character.
Europe is in a moment of crisis. The innovations by their sovereign in
the Austrian Netherlands have produced in the people a determination to
resist. The Emperor, by disavowing the concessions made by his governors
to quiet the people, seemed to take up the gauntlet which they had thrown.
Yet it is rather probable he will recede, and all be hushed up there. The
Dutch parties are in a course of hostilities which it will be difficult to
suspend. A war would have been begun before this, between this country on
one side, and England and Prussia on the other, had the parties been in
a condition for war. Perhaps England might have raised supplies, but it
would be on a certainty of being crushed under them. This country would
find greater difficulty. There is, however, a difference in her favor
which might reduce her on a level with England: that is, that it would be
a popular war here, and an unpopular one in England. Probably the weakness
of the two countries will induce them to join in compelling a suspension
of hostilities, and to make an arrangement for them, or if they cannot
agree in that, they will spin the matter into length by negotiation.
In fact, though both parties are arming, I do not expect any speedy
commencement of hostilities. I am, with very great respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. RAMSAY.
PARIS, August 4, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of November
8 and April 7, and the pleasure to inform you that the translation of
your book sells well, and is universally approved. Froulle will send
you some copies of it, by the first opportunity. I am happy to hear you
are occupied on the general history. It is a subject worthy your pen.
I observe Stockdale in London has printed your work and advertised it
for sale. Since I wrote to you on the subject of rice, I have had an
opportunity of examining the rice-fields of Lombardy, and having committed
my observations to writing, in a letter to Mr. Drayton, as President of
the Agricultural Society, I will take the liberty of referring you to that
letter, in which probably there is little new to your countrymen, though
all was new to me. However, if there be a little new and useful, it will
be my reward. I have been pressing on the merchants here the expediency
of enticing the rice-trade to Bordeaux and Honfleur. At length, I have
received the enclosed propositions. They are a firm and very solid house.
I wish they may produce the effect desired. I have enclosed a copy to
Mr. Izard, but forgot to mention to him, on the subject of white plains
and hoes (particularly named in his letter to me), that this house will
begin by furnishing them from England, which they think they can do as
cheap as you can receive them directly from England. The allowance made
to wholesale purchasers will countervail the double voyage. They hope
that after a while they can have them imitated here. Will you be so good
as to mention this to Mr. Izard? I fear that my zeal will make me expose
myself to ridicule in this business, for I am no merchant, and still less
knowing in the culture of rice. But this risk becomes a duty by the bare
possibility of doing good. You mention in your letter, your instalment
law as needing apology. I have never heard the payment by instalment
complained of in Europe. On the contrary, in the conferences Mr. Adams
and myself had with merchants in London, they admitted the necessity of
them. It is only necessary that the terms be faithfully observed, and the
payments be in real money. I am sensible that there are defects in our
federal government, yet they are so much lighter than those of monarchies,
that I view them with much indulgence. I rely, too, on the good sense of
the people for remedy, whereas the evils of monarchical government are
beyond remedy. If any of our countrymen wish for a King, give them Æsop's
fable of the frogs who asked a King; if this does not cure them, send them
to Europe. They will go back good republicans. Whether we shall have war
or not, is still doubtful. I conclude we shall not, from the inability
of both France and England to undertake a war. But our friend George
is rather remarkable for doing exactly what he ought not to do. He may,
therefore, force on a war in favor of his cousin of Holland. I am, with
very great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO E. CARRINGTON.
PARIS, August 4, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Since mine of the 16th of January, I have been honored by your
favors of April the 24th and June the 9th. I am happy to find that the
States have come so generally into the schemes of the federal convention,
from which, I am sure, we shall see wise propositions. I confess, I do not
go as far in the reforms thought necessary, as some of my correspondents
in America; but if the convention should adopt such propositions, I shall
suppose them necessary. My general plan would be, to make the States
one as to everything connected with foreign nations, and several as to
everything purely domestic. But with all the imperfections of our present
government, it is without comparison the best existing, or that ever
did exist. Its greatest defect is the imperfect manner in which matters
of commerce have been provided for. It has been so often said, as to be
generally believed, that Congress have no power by the Confederation
to enforce anything; for example, contributions of money. It was not
necessary to give them that power expressly; they have it by the law of
nature. When two parties make a compact, there results to each a power of
compelling the other to execute it. Compulsion was never so easy as in our
case, where a single frigate would soon levy on the commerce of any State
the deficiency of its contributions; nor more safe than in the hands of
Congress, which has always shown that it would wait, as it ought to do,
to the last extremities, before it would execute any of its powers which
are disagreeable. I think it very material, to separate, in the hands of
Congress, the executive and legislative powers, as the judiciary already
are, in some degree. This, I hope, will be done. The want of it has been
the source of more evil than we have experienced from any other cause.
Nothing is so embarrassing nor so mischievous, in a great assembly, as the
details of execution. The smallest trifle of that kind occupies as long
as the most important act of legislation, and takes place of everything
else. Let any man recollect, or look over, the files of Congress; he will
observe the most important propositions hanging over, from week to week,
and month to month, till the occasions have passed them, and the things
never done. I have ever viewed the executive details as the greatest cause
of evil to us, because they in fact place us as if we had no federal head,
by diverting the attention of that head from great to small objects; and
should this division of power not be recommended by the convention, it is
my opinion Congress should make it itself, by establishing an executive
committee.
* * * * *
I have the honor to be, with sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your
most obedient, most humble servant.
TO DR. CURRIE.
PARIS, August 4, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am favored with your letter of May the 2d, and most cordially
sympathise in your late immediate losses. It is a situation in which a
man needs the aid of all his wisdom and philosophy. But as it is better
to turn from the contemplation of our misfortunes to the resources we
possess of extricating ourselves, you will, of course, have found solace
in your vigor of mind, health of body, talents, habits of business, in
the consideration that you have time yet to retrieve everything, and a
knowledge that the very activity necessary for this, is a state of greater
happiness than the unoccupied one, to which you had a thought of retiring.
I wish the bulk of my extravagant countrymen had as good prospects and
resources as you. But with many of them, a feebleness of mind makes them
afraid to probe the true state of their affairs, and procrastinate the
reformation which alone can save something, to those who may yet be saved.
How happy a people were we during the war, from the single circumstance
that we could not run in debt! This counteracted all the inconveniences
we felt, as the present facility of ruining ourselves overweighs all the
blessings of peace. I know no condition happier than that of a Virginia
farmer might be, conducting himself as he did during the war. His estate
supplies a good table, clothes himself and his family with their ordinary
apparel, furnishes a small surplus to buy salt, sugar, coffee, and a
little finery for his wife and daughters, enables him to receive and to
visit his friends, and furnishes him pleasing and healthy occupation. To
secure all this, he needs but one act of self-denial, to put off buying
anything till he has the money to pay for it. Mr. Ammonett did not come.
He wrote to me, however, and I am making inquiry for the town and family
he indicated. As yet, neither can be heard of, and were they to be found,
the length of time would probably bar all claims against them. I have seen
no object present so many desperate faces. However, if inquiry can lighten
our way, that shall not be wanting, and I will write to him as soon as
we discover anything, or despair of discovering. Littlepage has succeeded
well in Poland. He has some office, it is said, worth five hundred guineas
a year. The box of seeds you were so kind as to forward me came safe to
hand. The arrival of my daughter, in good health, has been a source of
immense comfort to me. The injury of which you had heard, was a dislocated
wrist, and though it happened eleven months ago, was a simple dislocation,
and immediately aided by the best surgeon in Paris, it is neither well,
nor ever will be, so as to render me much service. The fingers remain
swelled and crooked, the hand withered, and the joint having a very
confined motion. You ask me when I shall return? My commission expires
next spring, and if not renewed, I shall return then. If renewed, I shall
stay somewhat longer; how much, will not depend on me altogether. So far
as it does, I cannot fix the epoch of my return, though I always flatter
myself it is not very distant. My habits are formed to those of my own
country. I am past the time of changing them, and am, therefore, less
happy anywhere else than there.
I shall always be happy to hear from you, being with very sincere esteem,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. HAWKINS.
PARIS, August 4, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of March the
8th and June the 9th, and to give you many thanks for the trouble you have
taken with the dionæa muscipula. I have not yet heard anything of them,
which makes me fear they have perished by the way. I believe the most
effectual means of conveying them hither, will be by the seed. I must add
my thanks, too, for the vocabularies. This is an object I mean to pursue,
as I am persuaded that the only method of investigating the filiation of
the Indian nations is by that of their languages.
I look up with you to the federal convention for an amendment of our
federal affairs. Yet I do not view them in so disadvantageous a light
at present, as some do. And above all things, I am astonished at some
people's considering a kingly government as a refuge. Advise such to read
the fable of the frogs who solicited Jupiter for a king. If that does not
put them to rights, send them to Europe, to see something of the trappings
of monarchy, and I will undertake that every man shall go back thoroughly
cured. If all the evils which can arise among us, from the republican form
of government, from this day to the day of judgment, could be put into
a scale against what this country suffers from its monarchical form in a
week, or England in a month, the latter would preponderate. Consider the
contents of the Red book in England, or the Almanac royale of France, and
say what a people gain by monarchy. No race of kings has ever presented
above one man of common sense in twenty generations. The best they can
do is, to leave things to their ministers; and what are their ministers,
but a committee, badly chosen? If the king ever meddles, it is to do
harm. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the esteem of your friend and
servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, August 5, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--A journey of between three and four months, into the southern
parts of France and northern of Italy, has prevented my writing to you.
In the meantime, you have changed your ground, and engaged in different
occupations, so that I know not whether the news of this side the water
will even amuse you. However, it is all I have for you. The storm which
seemed to be raised suddenly in Brabant, will probably blow over. The
Emperor, on his return to Vienna, pretended to revoke all the concessions
which had been made by his Governors General, to his Brabantine subjects;
but he, at the same time, called for deputies from among them to consult
with. He will use their agency to draw himself out of the scrape, and
all there, I think, will be quieted. Hostilities go on occasionally in
Holland. France espouses the cause of the Patriots, as you know, and
England and Prussia that of the Stadtholder. France and England are both
unwilling to bring on a war, but a hasty move of the King of Prussia will
perplex them. He has thought the stopping his sister sufficient cause
for sacrificing a hundred or two thousand of his subjects, and as many
Hollanders and French. He has therefore ordered twenty thousand men to
march, without consulting England, or even his own ministers. He may thus
drag England into a war, and of course this country, against their will.
But it is certain they will do everything they can to prevent it; and that
in this at least they agree. Though such a war might be gainful to us,
yet it is much to be deprecated by us at this time. In all probability,
France would be unequal to such a war by sea and by land, and it is
not our interest, or even safe for us, that she should be weakened. The
great improvements in their constitution, effected by the Assemblée des
Notables, you are apprized of. That of partitioning the country into a
number of subordinate governments, under the administration of Provincial
Assemblies, chosen by the people, is a capital one. But to the delirium of
joy which these improvements gave the nation, a strange reverse of temper
has suddenly succeeded. The deficiencies of their revenue were exposed,
and they were frightful. Yet there was an appearance of intention to
economise, and reduce the expenses of government. But expenses are still
very inconsiderately incurred, and all reformation in that point despaired
of. The public credit is affected; and such a spirit of discontent has
arisen, as has never been seen. The parliament refused to register the
edict for a stamp tax, or any other tax, and call for the States General,
who alone, they say, can impose a new tax. They speak with a boldness
unexampled. The King has called them to Versailles to-morrow, where
he will hold a _lit de justice_, and compel them to register the tax.
How the chapter will finish, we must wait to see. By a vessel lately
sailed from Havre to New York, I have sent you some more livraisons of
the Encyclopedie, down to the 22d inclusive. They were in a box with
Dr. Currie's, and addressed to Mr. Madison, who will forward them to
Richmond. I have heard you are in the Assembly. I will beg the favor of
you, therefore, to give me, at the close of the session, a history of the
most remarkable acts passed, the parties and views of the House, &c. This,
with the small news of my country, crops and prices, will furnish you
abundant matter to treat me, while I have nothing to give you in return,
but the history of the follies of nations in their dotage. Present me
in respectful and friendly terms to Mrs. Monroe, and be assured of the
sincere sentiments of esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
TO THE HONORABLE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, August 5, 1787.
GENTLEMEN,--In my last of June 17, 1787, I had the honor of communicating
to you the information I had received from Mr. Grand, that your funds
here were out, and he considerably in advance. I took occasion to mention
to him the paragraph in your letter of February 17, wherein you were so
kind as to say your attention should be immediately turned to the making
a remittance. However, I understood soon after that he had protested a
draught of Mr. Carmichael's, as also a smaller one of five hundred livres.
He called upon me, and explaining to me the extent of his advances,
observed that he should not be willing to add to them, except so far as
should be necessary for the private expenses of myself and secretary,
which he wished to be reduced as much below the ordinary allowance as
we could, until remittances should be received. He will send you by this
packet a state of his accounts, by which he informs me that your account
is in arrear about thirty-two thousand livres, advanced by him, and about
fifteen thousand livres from a fund of the State of Virginia, placed
here for the purchase of arms, making General Washington's statue, &c.
In examining his accounts, I found by the one he had sent you formerly,
that you were debited two articles of ten thousand livres and two thousand
seven hundred and twenty-four livres and sixty-six sous, which belonged
to the account of the State of Virginia. This I must explain to you.
That State had directed me to have the statue of General Washington
made, and given me assurances such as I could rely on, that I should
receive funds immediately. Doctor Franklin was setting out to America,
and Houdon, the statuary, expressed a willingness to go with him. But
it was necessary to advance him a sum of money for that purpose. Rather
than lose the opportunity, I ventured to borrow from the fund of the
United States those two sums for the State of Virginia, which I knew
would be immediately replaced. The funds of the State arrived, (being
nearly two hundred thousand livres,) and enabled me not only to replace
those sums immediately, but to furnish much larger supplies to the wants
of the United States, when their funds failed. Insomuch that the State
of Virginia is now in advance here for the United States about fifteen
thousand livres, as before mentioned. As yet it has not suffered by any of
these advances, but having no money left here but this balance, I shall
be censurable by that State if it be not replaced in time to answer the
demands on them, which will now be made within a few weeks. Mr. Grand has,
by my direction, credited you in the account he now sends for the two sums
of ten thousand livres and two thousand, seven hundred and twenty-four
livres and sixty-six sous, improperly charged in your former account. He
had also debited you in his account for the whole sums paid by the United
States, as well as those paid by Virginia, as by himself. The purpose of
this was to keep the accounts unmixed, though in fact the funds have been
applied occasionally in aid of each other.
I had proposed to Mr. Barclay the settlement of my account before his
departure for Morocco, but we concluded it would be better to do it on
his return, as that would enable me to bring it down to a later day.
It was not then expected he would be so long detained by that business.
Unfortunately for me, when at L'Orient, on his return to Paris, he found
it more advisable to proceed directly to America, so that I have lost this
opportunity of having my account settled. I shall either do it with him
on his return, if he returns soon, or with such other person here as you
will point out, or I will transmit it with copies of my vouchers, to be
settled by you, or do whatever else with it you shall please to direct.
The articles which, from their minuteness, have not admitted the taking
vouchers, I shall be ready to prove by my own oath. In this account I
have presumed to charge the United States with an outfit. The necessity
of this in the case of a minister, resident, and of course obliged to
establish a house, is obvious on reflection. There cannot be a surer proof
of its necessity than the experience and consent of all nations, as I
believe there is no instance of any nation sending a minister to reside
anywhere without an outfit. A year's salary is the least I have been able
to hear of, and I should be able to show that the articles of clothes,
carriage and horses, and household furniture, in a very plain style,
have cost me more than that. When I send you my account, either settled
here, or to be settled there, I shall take the liberty of referring this
article to the consideration of Congress. Its reasonableness has appeared
to me so palpable, that I have presumed it would appear so to Congress,
and have therefore kept up the expenses of my house at the current rate
of nine thousand dollars a year. If my expectations should be thought
unreasonable, I shall submit and immediately reduce my establishment, with
such rigor, as to make up this article in the shortest time possible. I
enclose you a letter from Fisseaux & Co. on the subject of their loan.
I wish the loan lately obtained by Mr. Adams, may enable you to get rid
of the debt to the Foreign Officers, principal and interest. Indeed,
if Mr. Adams could be charged with the transfer of our whole debt from
this country to Holland, it would be a most salutary operation. The
confusions of that country might perhaps facilitate that measure at
present, though no regular tax could be obtained in the moment for payment
of the interest. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most
perfect esteem and respect, gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 6, 1787.
SIR,--The last letter I had the honor of addressing you, was dated June
the 21st. I have now that of enclosing you a letter from the Swedish
ambassador, praying that inquiry may be made for a vessel of his nation,
piratically carried off, and measures taken relative to the vessel,
cargo and crew. Also a letter from William Russell and others, citizens
of America, concerned in trade to the island of Guadaloupe, addressed to
the Marechal de Castries, and complaining of the shutting to them the
port of Point à Pitre, and receiving them only at Basse-tern. This was
enclosed to me by the subscribers, to be delivered to the Marechal de
Castries. But the present is not the moment to move in that business;
and moreover, I suppose, that whenever parties are within the reach of
Congress, they should apply to them, and my instructions come through
that channel. Matters arising within the kingdom of France, to which
my commission is limited, and not admitting time to take the orders of
Congress, I suppose I may move in originally. I also enclose you the copy
of a letter from Mr. Barclay, closing his proceedings in our affairs with
Morocco. Before this reaches you, he will have had the honor of presenting
himself to you in person. After his departure, the parliament of Bordeaux
decided that he was liable to arrest. This was done on a letter from the
minister, informing them that Mr. Barclay was invested with no character
which privileged him from arrest. His constant character of consul was
no protection, and they did not explain whether his character to Morocco
was not originally diplomatic, or was expired. Mr. Barclay's proceedings
under this commission being now closed, it would be incumbent on me to
declare with respect to them, as well as his consular transactions, my
opinion of the judgment, zeal and disinterestedness with which he has
conducted himself; were it not that Congress has been so possessed of
those transactions from time to time, as to judge for themselves. I
cannot but be uneasy, lest my delay of entering on the subject of the
consular convention, may be disapproved. My hope was and is, that more
practicable terms might be obtained; in this hope, I do nothing till
further orders, observing by an extract from the journals you were pleased
to send me, that Congress have referred the matter to your consideration,
and conscious that we are not suffering in the meantime, as we have not a
single consul in France, since the departure of Mr. Barclay. I mentioned
to you in my last, the revival of the hopes of the Chevalier de La
Luzerne. I thought it my duty to remind the Count de Montmorin, the other
day, of the long absence of their minister from Congress. He told me, the
Chevalier de La Luzerne would not be sent back, but that we might rely
that, in the month of October, a person would be sent, with whom we should
be content. He did not name the person, though there is no doubt that it
is the Count de Mourtier. It is an appointment, which, according to the
opinion I have formed of him, bids as fair to give content, as any one
which could be made.
I also mentioned in my last letter, that I had proposed the reducing the
substance of Monsieur de Calonnes' letter into the form of an _Arret_,
with some alterations, which, on consultation with the merchants at the
different ports I visited, I had found to be necessary. I received, soon
after, a letter from the Comptroller General, informing me, that the
letter of Monsieur de Calonnes was in a course of execution. Of this, I
enclose you a copy. I was, in that moment, enclosing to him my general
observations on that letter, a copy of which are also enclosed. In these,
I stated all the alterations I wished to have made. It became expedient,
soon after, to bring on the article of tobacco; first, to know whether
the Farmers had executed the order of Bernis, and also to prepare some
arrangements to succeed the expiration of this order. So that I am
now pursuing the whole subject of our commerce, 1, to have necessary
amendments made in Monsieur de Calonnes' letter; 2, to put it into a
more stable form; 3, to have full execution of the order of Bernis; 4, to
provide arrangements for the article of tobacco, after that order shall
be expired. By the copy of my letter on the two last points, you will
perceive that I again press the abolition of the Farm of this article.
The conferences on that subject give no hope of effecting that. Some poor
palliative is probably all we shall obtain. The Marquis de La Fayette
goes hand in hand with me in all these transactions, and is an invaluable
auxiliary to me. I hope it will not be imputed either to partiality or
affectation, my naming this gentleman so often in my despatches. Were I
not to do it, it would be a suppression of truth, and the taking to myself
the whole merit where he has the greatest share.
The Emperor, on his return to Vienna, disavowed the concessions of his
Governors General to his subjects of Brabant. He, at the same time,
proposed their sending deputies to him, to consult on their affairs. They
refused in the first moment; but afterwards nominated deputies; without
giving them any power, however, to concede anything. In the meantime,
they are arming and training themselves. Probably the Emperor will avail
himself of the aid of these deputies to tread back his steps. He will be
the more prompt to do this, that he may be in readiness to act freely, if
he finds occasion, in the new scenes preparing in Holland. What these will
be cannot be foreseen. You well know, that the original party-divisions
of that country were, into Stadtholderians, Aristocrats, and Democrats.
There was a subdivision of the Aristocrats, into violent and moderate,
which was important. The violent Aristocrats would have wished to preserve
all the powers of government in the hands of the Regents, and that these
should remain self-elective; but choosing to receive a modification of
these powers from the Stadtholder, rather than from the people, they
threw themselves into his scale. The moderate Aristocrats would have
consented to a temperate mixture of democracy, and particularly, that the
Regents should be elected by the people. They were the declared enemies
of the Stadtholder, and acted in concert with the Democrats, forming with
them what was called the Patriots. It is the opinion of dispassionate
people on the spot, that their views might have been effected. But the
democratic party aimed at more. They talked of establishing tribunes of
the people, of annual accounts, of depriving the magistrates at the will
of the people, &c.; of enforcing all this with the arms in the hands
of the _corps francs_; and in some places, as at Heusden, Sprang, &c.,
began the execution of these projects. The moderate Aristocrats found it
difficult to strain their principles to this pitch. A schism took place
between them and the Democrats, and the former have for some time, been
dropping off from the latter, into the scale of the Stadtholder. This is
the fatal coalition which governs without obstacle in Zealand, Friesland,
and Guelderland, which constitutes the States of Utrecht, at Amersfort,
and, with their aid, the plurality in the States General. The States of
Holland, Groningen and Overyssel vote, as yet, in the opposition. But the
coalition gains ground in the States of Holland, and has been prevalent
in the Council of Amsterdam. If its progress be not stopped by a little
moderation in the Democrats, it will turn the scale decidedly in favor of
the Stadtholder, in the event of their being left to themselves without
foreign interference. If foreign powers interfere, their prospect does
not brighten. I see no sure friends to the Patriots but France, while
Prussia and England are their assured enemies. Nor is it probable that
characters so greedy, so enterprising, as the Emperor and Empress, will
be idle during such a struggle. Their views have long shown which side
they would take. That France has engaged to interfere, and to support the
Patriots, is beyond doubt. This engagement was entered into during the
life of the late King of Prussia, whose eye was principally directed on
the Emperor, and whose dispositions towards the Prince of Orange would
have permitted him to be clipped a little close. But the present King
comes in with warmer dispositions towards the Princess his sister. He
has shown decidedly, that he will support her, even to the destruction
of the balance of Europe, and the disturbance of its peace. The King of
England has equally decided to support that house, at the risk of plunging
his nation into another war. He supplies the Prince with money at this
moment. A particular remittance of one hundred and twenty thousand guineas
is known of. But his ministry is divided. Pitt is against the King's
opinion, the Duke of Richmond and the rest of the ministers, for it. Or
at least, such is the belief here. Mr. Adams will have informed you more
certainly. This division in the English ministry, with the ill condition
of their finances for war, produces a disposition, even in the King, to
try first every pacific measure; and that country and this were laboring
jointly to stop the course of hostilities in Holland, to endeavor to
effect an accommodation, and were scarcely executing at all, the armaments
ordered in their ports; when all of a sudden, an inflammatory letter
written by the Princess of Orange to the King of Prussia, induces him,
without consulting England, without consulting even his own Council, to
issue orders by himself to his Generals, to march twenty thousand men, to
revenge the insult supposed to be offered to his sister. With a pride and
egotism planted in the heart of every King, he considers her being stopped
in the road, as a sufficient cause to sacrifice a hundred or two thousand
of his own subjects, and as many of his enemies, and to spread fire,
sword and desolation, over the half of Europe. This hasty measure has
embarrassed England, undesirous of war if it can be avoided, yet unwilling
to separate from the power who is to render its success probable. Still
you may be assured, that that court is going on in concurrence with this,
to prevent extremities, if possible; always understood, that if the war
cannot be prevented, they will enter into it as parties, and in opposition
to one another. This event is, in my opinion, to be deprecated by the
friends of France. She never was equal to such a war by land, and such a
one by sea; and less so now, than in any moment of the present reign. You
remember that the nation was in a delirium of joy on the convocation of
the Notables, and on the various reformations agreed on between them and
the government. The picture of the distress of their finances was indeed
frightful, but the intentions to reduce them to order seemed serious.
The constitutional reformations have gone on well, but those of expenses
make little progress. Some of the most obviously useless have indeed been
lopped off, but the remainder is a heavy mass, difficult to be reduced.
Despair has seized every mind, and they have passed from an extreme of joy
to one of discontent. The parliament, therefore, oppose the registering
any new tax, and insist on an Assembly of the States General. The object
of this is to limit expenses, and dictate a constitution. The edict for
the stamp tax has been the subject of reiterated orders and refusals to
register. At length, the King has summoned the parliament to Versailles to
hold a bed of justice, in which he will order them, in person, to register
the edict. At the moment of my writing, they are gone to Versailles
for this purpose. There will yet remain to them, to protest against the
register, as forced, and to issue orders against its execution on pain of
death. But as the King would have no peaceable mode of opposition left, it
remains to be seen whether they will push the matter to this extremity. It
is evident, I think, that a spirit of this country is advancing towards
a revolution in their constitution. There are not wanting persons at the
helm, friends to the progress of this spirit. The Provincial Assemblies
will be the most probable instrument of effecting it.
Since writing thus far, I have received an intimation, that it will be
agreeable, not to press our commercial regulations at this moment the
ministry being too much occupied with the difficulties surrounding them,
to spare a moment on any subject which will admit of delay. Our business
must, therefore, be suspended for awhile. To press it out of season
would be to defeat it. It would be felt as a vital benefit here, could
we relieve their finances, by paying what we owe. Congress will judge
by Mr. Adams' letters, how far the transferring all our debts in this
country, to Holland, is practicable. On the replenishing their treasury
with our principal and interest, I should not be afraid to ask concessions
in favor of our West India trade. It would produce a great change of
opinion as to us and our affairs. In the Assemblée des Notables, hard
things were said of us. They were induced, however, in committing us to
writing, to smother their ideas a little. In the votes, now gone to be
printed, our debt is described in these words. "The twenty-first article
of the account, formed of the interest of the claims of his majesty on
the United States of America, cannot be drawn out for the present, except
as a document. The recovery of these claims, as well principal as perhaps
even interest, although they appear to rest on the most solid security,
may, nevertheless, be long delayed, and should not, consequently, be
taken into account in estimating the annual revenue. This article amounts
to one million and six hundred thousand livres." Above all things, it is
desirable to hush the foreign officers by payment. Their wants, the nature
of their services, their access to high characters, and connections with
them, bespeak the reasons for this. I hear also that Mr. Beaumarchais
means to make himself heard, if a memorial which he sends by an agent in
the present packet is not attended to, as he thinks it ought to be. He
called on me with it, and desired me to recommend his case to a decision,
and to note in my despatch, that it was the first time he had spoken to me
on the subject. This is true, it being the first time I ever saw him; but
my recommendations would be as displaced as unnecessary. I assured him,
Congress would do in that business, what justice should require, and their
means enable them. The information sent me by Mr. Montgomery from Alicant,
of the death of the Dey of Algiers, was not true. I had expressed my doubt
of it in my last, when I communicated it. I send herewith the newspapers
to this date, and a remonstrance of the parliament, to show you in what
language the King can be addressed at this day. I have received no journal
of Congress since the beginning of November last, and will thank you for
them if printed.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. August 7. The parliament were received yesterday very harshly by the
King. He obliged them to register the two edicts for the impot-territorial
and stamp tax. When speaking in my letter of the reiterated orders and
refusals to register, which passed between the King and parliament, I
omitted to insert the King's answer to a deputation of parliament, which
attended him at Versailles. It may serve to show the spirit which exists
between them. It was in these words, and these only. "Je vous ferai savoir
mes intentions. Allez-vous-en. Qu'on ferme la porte."
TO GOVERNOR RUTLEDGE.
PARIS, Aug. 6, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am honored with your letter by your son, and shall be happy
to render him every assistance in my power of whatever nature. The objects
of his stay in this country, and of his visit to London, are perfectly
well judged. So of that to Amsterdam. Perhaps it is questionable, whether
the time you propose he should spend at some of the German courts might
not be better employed at Madrid or Lisbon, and in Italy. At the former
there could be no object for him but politics, the system of which there
is intricate, and can never be connected with us; nor will our commercial
connections be considerable. With Madrid and Lisbon our connections, both
political and commercial, are great and will be increasing daily. Italy is
a field where the inhabitants of the Southern States may see much to copy
in agriculture, and a country with which we shall carry on considerable
trade. Pardon my submitting these thoughts to you. We shall pursue your
own plan unless you notify a change in it.
The present question in Europe is war or not war? I think there will be
none between the Emperor and his Brabantine subjects. But as to Holland,
it is more doubtful, for we do not as yet consider the little partisan
affairs which are taking place every day. France and England, conscious
that their exhausted means would poorly feed a war, have been strenuously
exerting themselves to procure an accommodation. But the King of Prussia,
in a moment of passion, has taken a measure which may defeat their wishes.
On receiving from the Princess of Orange, a letter informing him of her
having been stopped on the road, without consulting the court of London,
without saying a word to his own ministers, he issued orders himself to
his Generals to march twenty thousand men to be at her orders. England,
unwilling to bring on a war, may yet fear to separate from him who is
to be her main ally. Still, she is endeavoring, in concurrence with this
court, to stop the effects of this hasty movement, and to bring about a
suspension of hostilities and settlement of difficulties, always meaning
if they fail in this, to take the field in opposition to one another.
Blessed effect of a kingly government, where a pretended insult to the
sister of a king, is to produce the wanton sacrifice of a hundred or two
thousand of the people who have entrusted themselves to his government,
and as many of his enemies! and we think ours a bad government. The only
condition on earth to be compared with ours, in my opinion, is that of
the Indian, where they have still less law than we. The European, are
governments of kites over pigeons. The best schools for republicanism are
London, Versailles, Madrid, Vienna, Berlin, &c. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be
assured of the sincere esteem of your most obedient humble servant.
TO M. DE CREVE-COEUR.
PARIS, August 6, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I was not a little disappointed to find on my return that you
had gone punctually in the packet as you had proposed. Great is the change
in the dispositions of this country in the short time since you left it.
A continuation of inconsiderate expense seemed to have raised the nation
to the highest pitch of discontent. The parliament refused to register
the new taxes. After much and warm altercation, a _lit de justice_ has
been held this day at Versailles; it was opened by the reading a severe
remonstrance from the parliament, to which the King made a hard reply,
and finished by ordering the stamp tax, and impot-territorial to be
registered. Your nation is advancing to a change of constitution; the
young desire it, the middle aged are not averse, the old alone opposed to
it. They will die, the provincial assemblies will chalk out the plan, and
the nation, ripening fast, will execute it. All your friends are in the
country, so I can give you no news of them; but no news are always good
news. The Dutchess Danville is with some of her friends; the Duke and
Dutchess de La Rochefoucault gone to the waters; the Countess d'Houdelot
with Madame de La Britu. Your sons are well, and go on well, and we are
laboring here to improve on M. de Calonne's letter on our commerce. Adieu,
my dear Sir, and be assured of the sentiments of sincere esteem with which
I am your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL RICHARD CLAIBORNE.
PARIS, August 8, 1787.
SIR,--I am of opinion that American tenants for western lands could not
be procured, and if they could, they would be very unsure. The best,
as far as I have been able to judge, are foreigners, who do not speak
the language. Unable to communicate with the people of the country,
they confine themselves to their farms and their families, compare
their present state to what it was in Europe, and find great reason to
be contented. Of all foreigners, I should prefer Germans. They are the
easiest got, the best for their landlords, and do best for themselves. The
deed in which you were interested, having been sent to me the other day to
be authenticated, I took the enclosed note of its particulars for you. I
am, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN CHURCHMAN.
PARIS, August 8, 1787.
SIR,--I have duly received your favor of June the 6th, and immediately
communicated its contents to a member of the Academy. He told me that
they had received the other copy of your memorial, which you mention to
have sent through another channel; that your ideas were not conveyed so
explicitly, as to enable them to decide finally on their merit, but that
they had made an entry in their journals, to preserve to you the claim
of the original idea. As far as we can conjecture it here, we imagine you
make a table of variations of the needle, for all the different meridians
whatever. To apply this table to use, in the voyage between America and
Europe, suppose the variation to increase a degree in every one hundred
and sixty miles. Two difficulties occur: 1, a ready and accurate method of
finding the variation of the place; 2, an instrument so perfect, as that
(though the degree on it shall represent one hundred and sixty miles) it
shall give the parts of the degree so minutely, as to answer the purpose
of the navigator. The variation of the needle at Paris, actually, is 21
west. I make no question you have provided against the doubts entertained
here, and I shall be happy that our country may have the honor of
furnishing the old world what it has so long sought in vain. I am, with
much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR L'HOMMANDE.
PARIS, August 9, 1787.
SIR,--At the time you honored me with your letter of May the 31st, I was
not returned from a journey I had taken into Italy. This circumstance,
with the mass of business which had accumulated during my absence, must
apologise for the delay of my answer. Every discovery which multiplies the
subsistence of man, must be a matter of joy to every friend to humanity.
As such, I learn with great satisfaction, that you have found the means
of preserving flour more perfectly than has been done hitherto. But I am
not authorized to avail my country of it, by making any offer for its
communication. Their policy is, to leave their citizens free, neither
restraining nor aiding them in their pursuits. Though the interposition of
government, in matters of invention, has its use, yet it is in practice
so inseparable from abuse, that they think it better not to meddle with
it. We are only to hope, therefore, that those governments who are in the
habit of directing all the actions of their subjects, by particular law,
may be so far sensible of the duty they are under of cultivating useful
discoveries, as to reward you amply for yours, which is among the most
interesting to humanity. I have the honor to be, with great consideration
and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO PETER CARR.
PARIS, August 10, 1787.
DEAR PETER,--I have received your two letters of December the 30th and
April the 18th, and am very happy to find by them, as well as by letters
from Mr. Wythe, that you have been so fortunate as to attract his notice
and good will; I am sure you will find this to have been one of the most
fortunate events of your life, as I have ever been sensible it was of
mine. I enclose you a sketch of the sciences to which I would wish you
to apply, in such order as Mr. Wythe shall advise; I mention, also, the
books in them worth your reading, which submit to his correction. Many
of these are among your father's books, which you should have brought to
you. As I do not recollect those of them not in his library, you must
write to me for them, making out a catalogue of such as you think you
shall have occasion for, in eighteen months from the date of your letter,
and consulting Mr. Wythe on the subject. To this sketch, I will add a few
particular observations:
1. Italian. I fear the learning this language will confound your French
and Spanish. Being all of them degenerated dialects of the Latin, they are
apt to mix in conversation. I have never seen a person speaking the three
languages, who did not mix them. It is a delightful language, but late
events having rendered the Spanish more useful, lay it aside to prosecute
that.
2. Spanish. Bestow great attention on this, and endeavor to acquire an
accurate knowledge of it. Our future connections with Spain and Spanish
America, will render that language a valuable acquisition. The ancient
history of that part of America, too, is written in that language. I send
you a dictionary.
3. Moral Philosophy. I think it lost time to attend lectures on this
branch. He who made us would have been a pitiful bungler, if he had
made the rules of our moral conduct a matter of science. For one man of
science, there are thousands who are not. What would have become of them?
Man was destined for society. His morality, therefore, was to be formed
to this object. He was endowed with a sense of right and wrong, merely
relative to this. This sense is as much a part of his nature, as the sense
of hearing, seeing, feeling; it is the true foundation of morality, and
not the το χαλον, truth, &c., as fanciful writers have imagined. The
moral sense, or conscience, is as much a part of man as his leg or arm. It
is given to all human beings in a stronger or weaker degree, as force of
members is given them in a greater or less degree. It may be strengthened
by exercise, as may any particular limb of the body. This sense is
submitted, indeed, in some degree, to the guidance of reason; but it is
a small stock which is required for this: even a less one than what we
call common sense. State a moral case to a ploughman and a professor. The
former will decide it as well, and often better than the latter, because
he has not been led astray by artificial rules. In this branch, therefore,
read good books, because they will encourage, as well as direct your
feelings. The writings of Sterne, particularly, form the best course of
morality that ever was written. Besides these, read the books mentioned in
the enclosed paper; and, above all things, lose no occasion of exercising
your dispositions to be grateful, to be generous, to be charitable, to
be humane, to be true, just, firm, orderly, courageous, &c. Consider
every act of this kind, as an exercise which will strengthen your moral
faculties and increase your worth.
4. Religion. Your reason is now mature enough to examine this object.
In the first place, divest yourself of all bias in favor of novelty and
singularity of opinion. Indulge them in any other subject rather than
that of religion. It is too important, and the consequences of error may
be too serious. On the other hand, shake off all the fears and servile
prejudices, under which weak minds are servilely crouched. Fix reason
firmly in her seat, and call to her tribunal every fact, every opinion.
Question with boldness even the existence of a God; because, if there
be one, he must more approve of the homage of reason, than that of
blindfolded fear. You will naturally examine first, the religion of your
own country. Read the Bible, then, as you would read Livy or Tacitus. The
facts which are within the ordinary course of nature, you will believe on
the authority of the writer, as you do those of the same kind in Livy and
Tacitus. The testimony of the writer weighs in their favor, in one scale,
and their not being against the laws of nature, does not weigh against
them. But those facts in the Bible which contradict the laws of nature,
must be examined with more care, and under a variety of faces. Here you
must recur to the pretensions of the writer to inspiration from God.
Examine upon what evidence his pretensions are founded, and whether that
evidence is so strong, as that its falsehood would be more improbable than
a change in the laws of nature, in the case he relates. For example, in
the book of Joshua, we are told, the sun stood still several hours. Were
we to read that fact in Livy or Tacitus, we should class it with their
showers of blood, speaking of statues, beasts, &c. But it is said, that
the writer of that book was inspired. Examine, therefore, candidly, what
evidence there is of his having been inspired. The pretension is entitled
to your inquiry, because millions believe it. On the other hand, you are
astronomer enough to know how contrary it is to the law of nature that
a body revolving on its axis, as the earth does, should have stopped,
should not, by that sudden stoppage, have prostrated animals, trees,
buildings, and should after a certain time have resumed its revolution,
and that without a second general prostration. Is this arrest of the
earth's motion, or the evidence which affirms it, most within the law of
probabilities? You will next read the New Testament. It is the history of
a personage called Jesus. Keep in your eye the opposite pretensions: 1,
of those who say he was begotten by God, born of a virgin, suspended and
reversed the laws of nature at will, and ascended bodily into heaven; and
2, of those who say he was a man of illegitimate birth, of a benevolent
heart, enthusiastic mind, who set out without pretensions to divinity,
ended in believing them, and was punished capitally for sedition, by being
gibbeted, according to the Roman law, which punished the first commission
of that offence by whipping, and the second by exile, or death _in furea_.
See this law in the Digest, Lib. 48. tit. 19. §. 28. 3. and Lipsius Lib.
2. de cruce. cap. 2. These questions are examined in the books I have
mentioned, under the head of Religion, and several others. They will
assist you in your inquiries; but keep your reason firmly on the watch in
reading them all. Do not be frightened from this inquiry by any fear of
its consequences. If it ends in a belief that there is no God, you will
find incitements to virtue in the comfort and pleasantness you feel in its
exercise, and the love of others which it will procure you. If you find
reason to believe there is a God a consciousness that you are acting under
his eye, and that he approves you, will be a vast additional incitement;
if that there be a future state, the hope of a happy existence in that
increases the appetite to deserve it; if that Jesus was also a God, you
will be comforted by a belief of his aid and love. In fine, I repeat,
you must lay aside all prejudice on both sides, and neither believe nor
reject anything, because any other persons, or description of persons,
have rejected or believed it. Your own reason is the only oracle given you
by heaven, and you are answerable, not for the rightness, but uprightness
of the decision. I forgot to observe, when speaking of the New Testament,
that you should read all the histories of Christ, as well of those whom a
council of ecclesiastics have decided for us, to be Pseudo-evangelists,
as those they named Evangelists. Because these Pseudo-evangelists
pretended to inspiration, as much as the others, and you are to judge
their pretensions by your own reason, and not by the reason of those
ecclesiastics. Most of these are lost. There are some, however, still
extant, collected by Fabricius, which I will endeavor to get and send you.
5. Travelling. This makes men wiser, but less happy. When men of sober
age travel, they gather knowledge, which they may apply usefully for
their country; but they are subject ever after to recollections mixed with
regret; their affections are weakened by being extended over more objects;
and they learn new habits which cannot be gratified when they return
home. Young men, who travel, are exposed to all these inconveniences in
a higher degree, to others still more serious, and do not acquire that
wisdom for which a previous foundation is requisite, by repeated and just
observations at home. The glare of pomp and pleasure is analogous to
the motion of the blood; it absorbs all their affection and attention,
they are torn from it as from the only good in this world, and return
to their home as to a place of exile and condemnation. Their eyes are
forever turned back to the object they have lost, and its recollection
poisons the residue of their lives. Their first and most delicate passions
are hackneyed on unworthy objects here, and they carry home the dregs,
insufficient to make themselves or anybody else happy. Add to this, that
a habit of idleness, an inability to apply themselves to business is
acquired, and renders them useless to themselves and their country. These
observations are founded in experience. There is no place where your
pursuit of knowledge will be so little obstructed by foreign objects, as
in your own country, nor any, wherein the virtues of the heart will be
less exposed to be weakened. Be good, be learned, and be industrious,
and you will not want the aid of travelling, to render you precious to
your country, dear to your friends, happy within yourself. I repeat my
advice, to take a great deal of exercise, and on foot. Health is the
first requisite after morality. Write to me often, and be assured of the
interest I take in your success, as well as the warmth of those sentiments
of attachment with which I am, dear Peter, your affectionate friend.
TO DR. GILMER.
PARIS, August 11, 1787.
DEAR DOCTOR,--Your letter of January the 9th, 1787, came safely to
hand in the month of June last. Unluckily you forgot to sign it, and
your handwriting is so Protean, that one cannot be sure it is yours.
To increase the causes of incertitude, it was dated _Pen-park_, a name
which I only know, as the seat of John Harmer. The hand-writing, too,
being somewhat in his style, made me ascribe it hastily to him, indorse
it with his name, and let it lie in my bundle to be answered at leisure.
That moment of leisure arriving, I set down to answer it to John Harmer,
and now, for the first time, discover marks of its being yours, and
particularly those expressions of friendship to myself and family, which
you have ever been so good as to entertain, and which are to me among
the most precious possessions. I wish my sense of this, and my desires
of seeing you rich and happy, may not prevent my seeing any difficulty in
the case you state of George Harmer's wills; which as you state them, are
thus:
1. A will, dated December the 26th, 1779, written in his own hand, and
devising to his brother the estates he had received from him.
2. Another will, dated June the 25th, 1782, written also in his own hand,
devising his estate to trustees, to be conveyed to such of his relations.
I. H. I. L. or H. L. as should become capable of acquiring property, or,
on failure of that, to be sold and the money remitted them.
3. A third will, dated September the 12th, 1786, devising all his estate
at Marrowbone, and his tracts at Horse-pasture and Poison-field to you;
which will is admitted to record, and of course, has been duly executed.
You say the learned are divided on these wills. Yet I see no cause of
division, as it requires little learning to decide, that "the first deed
and last will must always prevail." I am afraid, therefore, the difficulty
may arise on the want of words of inheritance in the devise to you; for
you state it as a devise to "George Gilmer" (without adding "and to his
heirs,") of "all the _estate_ called Marrowbone," "the _tract_ called
Horse-pasture," and "the _tract_ called Poison-field." If the question
is on this point, and you have copied the words of the will exactly, I
suppose you take an estate in fee simple in Marrowbone, and for life only
in Horse-pasture and Poison-field; the want of words of inheritance in
the two last cases, being supplied as to the first, by the word "estate,"
which has been repeatedly decided to be descriptive of the quantum of
interest devised, as well as of its locality. I am in hopes, however, you
have not copied the words exactly, that there are words of inheritance
to all the devises, as the testator certainly knew their necessity, and
that the conflict only will be between the different wills, in which
case I see nothing which can be opposed to the last. I shall be very
happy to eat at Pen-park, some of the good mutton and beef of Marrowbone,
Horse-pasture and Poison-field, with yourself and Mrs. Gilmer, and my
good old neighbors. I am as happy nowhere else, and in no other society,
and all my wishes end, where I hope my days will end, at Monticello. Too
many scenes of happiness mingle themselves with all the recollections
of my native woods and fields, to suffer them to be supplanted in my
affection by any other. I consider myself here as a traveller only, and
not a resident. My commission expires next spring, and if not renewed, I
shall, of course, return then. If renewed, I shall remain here some time
longer. How much, I cannot say; yet my wishes shorten the period. Among
the strongest inducements will be, that of your society and Mrs. Gilmer's,
which I am glad to find brought more within reach, by your return to
Pen-park. My daughters are importunate to return also. Patsy enjoys good
health, and is growing to my stature. Maria arrived here about a month
ago, after a favorable voyage, and in perfect health. My own health has
been as good as ever, after the first year's probation. If you knew how
agreeable to me are the details of the small news of my neighborhood, your
charity would induce you to write frequently. Your letters lodged in the
post office at Richmond (to be forwarded to New York) come with certainty.
We are doubtful yet, whether there will be war or not. Present me with
warm affection to Mrs. Gilmer, and be assured yourself of the unvarying
sentiments of esteem and attachment, with which I am, dear Doctor, your
sincere friend and servant.
TO COLONEL T. M. RANDOLPH.
PARIS, August 11, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Mr. Ammonett sent me your favor of May 7, which you expected he
would have brought. He furnished me with the name of the family to whose
property he supposes himself entitled, and the name of the town where it
lies. I have endeavored to have them searched out, but as yet neither
family nor town is discovered. If they can be found, the estate will
then be to be searched for; the laws for limitation of actions will form
the next opposition to him, and probably the laws of forfeiture against
the Protestants, who were the subject of the revocation of the edict of
Nantes, which laws have never been repealed, nor probably ever will be,
even should the future condition of Protestants here be mitigated. I shall
proceed in the enquiry for him, and let him know the result.
Your son Thomas, at Edinburgh, has done me the favor to open a little
correspondence with me. He has sometimes asked my advice as to the course
of his studies, which I have given to him the more freely as he informed
me he was not tied down to any particular plan by your instructions. He
informed me in his last letter that you proposed he should come to Paris
this fall, stay here the winter, and return to Virginia in the spring.
I understand him as proposing to study the law, so that probably, on his
return, you will place him at Williamsburg for that purpose. On this view
of his destination I venture to propose to you another plan. The law may
be studied as well in one place as another; because it is a study of books
alone, at least till near the close of it. Books can be read equally well
at Williamsburg, at London, or Paris. The study of the law is an affair of
three years, the last of which should be spent in attending Mr. Wythe's
lectures. Upon the plan he has now in expectation, his residence here
six months as a traveller, must cost him two hundred guineas, and three
years' study at Williamsburg, four hundred and fifty guineas more, making
five hundred and fifty guineas in the whole. My proposition is that he
shall pass his two first years of legal study in some one of the villages
within an hour's walk of Paris, boarded with some good family, wherein he
may learn to speak the language, which is not to be learned in any other
way. By this means he will avoid the loss of time and money which would
be the consequence of a residence in the town, and he will be nigh enough
to come to dine, to make acquaintances, see good company, and examine the
useful details of the city. With very great economy he may do this on one
hundred guineas a year, but at his ease for one hundred and fifty guineas.
At the end of two years I would propose him a journey through the southern
parts of France, thence to Genoa, Leghorn, Florence, Rome, Naples, Venice,
Milan, Turin, Geneva, Lyons and Paris. This will employ him seven months,
and cost him three hundred and thirty guineas, if he goes alone, or
two hundred and thirty guineas if he finds a companion. Then he should
return to Virginia, and pass his third year of legal study in attending
Mr. Wythe's lectures. This whole plan would take three years and seven
months, and cost from seven hundred to seven hundred and fifty guineas,
which would be one month longer, and one hundred and fifty or two hundred
guineas dearer than the one proposed. The advantages of this would be his
learning to speak French well, his acquiring a better acquaintance here
with men and things, and his having travelled through the most interesting
parts of Europe, advantages which he will forever think cheaply purchased
for one hundred and fifty or two hundred guineas, even were a deduction
of that sum to be made from the establishment you mean to give him. But in
every case, whether you decide that he shall return to study in Virginia,
or remain here for that purpose, I would recommend that he should not be
tied down to quit Edinburgh this fall precisely, but only when he shall
have finished his courses of lectures in those sciences with which he
should not be unacquainted. I have taken the liberty of noting these to
him. I perceive by his letters that he has a good genius, and everybody
bears witness to his application, which is almost too great. It would be
a pity, therefore, he should miss of giving them full encouragement. I
must beg your pardon for thus intruding myself into a business belonging
to yourself alone, and hope you will find its excuse in the motives from
which it proceeds, friendship for yourself, Mrs. Randolph and your son.
I wish to see you gratified, and to be gratified myself in seeing him
act the advantageous part, which will naturally result from his talents,
his merit, and the favorable ground from which he will start; a fear of
seeing this endangered by a too early return to our own country where the
example of his cotemporaries may soon possibly lead him from the regular
pursuits his friends may chalk out for him, all these considerations have
impelled me to take this liberty, and to rely for pardon on the assurance
of the sincere attachment and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your
affectionate friend and servant.
TO THE REVEREND J. MADISON.
PARIS, August 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have been long, very long, without answering your favor of
March 27, 1786, and since that I have received those of December 28, and
by Mrs. Oster. The reason of this has been that the genius of invention
and improvement in Europe seems to be absolutely taking a nap. We have
nothing to communicate to you but of the small kind, such as making the
axletree turn with the wheel, which has been proposed here, adopted
by some, and thought to be proved best by experiment, though theory
has nothing to urge in its favor. A hydrostatic waistcoat is lately
announced, which a person puts on either above or below his clothes in a
minute, and fills with air by blowing with the mouth in twelve seconds.
It is not yet shown, however, so I cannot tell you either the manner or
matter of its construction. It may be useful when the loss of a vessel is
foreseen. Herschell's discovery of two satellites to his planet, you have
heard of ere this. He first saw them in January last. One revolves round
its principal in about a week; the other in about a fortnight. I think
your conjecture that the periodical variation of light in certain fixed
stars proceeds from Maculæ, is more probable than that of Maupertius,
who supposes those bodies may be flat, and more probable also than that
which supposes the star to have an orbit of revolution so large as to
vary sensibly its degree of light. The latter is rendered more difficult
of belief from the shortness of the period of variation. I thank you
for the shells you sent me. Their identity with marine shells and their
vicinity to the sea, argue an identity of cause. But still the shells
found in the mountains are very imperfectly accounted for. I have lately
become acquainted with a memoire on a petrification mixed with shells by
a Monsieur de La Sauvagere, giving an exact account of what Voltaire had
erroneously stated in his questions Encyclopediques, article Coquilles,
from whence I had transferred it into my notes. Having been lately at
Tours, I had an opportunity of enquiring into de La Sauvagere's character,
and the facts he states. The result was entirely in his and their favor.
This fact is so curious, so circumstantially detailed, and yet so little
like any known operation of nature, that it throws the mind under absolute
suspense. The memoir is out of print. But my bookseller is now in search
of it, and if he can find it I will put a copy of it into a box of books
I shall send by the September packet, addressed to Mr. Wythe. In the same
box I will put for you the Bibliotheque Physico-economique, for 1786,
1787, the connoissance des tems, Fourcroy's Chemistry, wherein all the
later discoveries are digested, and a number of my notes on Virginia, of
a copy of which you will be pleased to accept. It is a poor crayon, which
yourself and the gentlemen which issue from your school must fill up.
We are doubtful here whether we are to have peace or war. The movements
of Prussia and England indicate war; the finances of England and France
indicate peace. I think the two last will endeavor to accommodate the
Dutch differences. Be pleased to present me respectfully to Mrs. Madison,
and after repeating the recommendation of my nephew to you, I take the
liberty of assuring you of that esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO THE HONORABLE J. BLAIR.
PARIS, August 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received the letter with which you were pleased to honor me,
by Mrs. Oster, and immediately waited on her with a tender of my services.
She had, however, so far got her matters arranged as to be no longer in
fear of any disagreeable measure, and is since gone to establish herself
with her friends in Lorraine. I wish she may not there have alarms of a
different nature. We have hitherto been in hopes that the desperate state
of the finances of France and England would indispose those powers to war,
and induce them, by an armed mediation, to quiet the affairs of Holland.
The actual march, however, of the Prussian troops, the departure of the
British squadron somewhere westwardly, and the preparations for a naval
armament at Brest, and a land one in the neighborhood of the Netherlands,
render war at present more expected than it has been. Still we look to
the necessities of the two principal powers as promising efficacy to
the negotiations not yet broken off. Though we shall be neutrals, and
as such shall derive considerable pecuniary advantages, yet I think we
shall lose in happiness and morals by being launched again into the
ocean of speculation, led to overtrade ourselves, tempted to become
sea-robbers under French colors, and to quit the pursuits of agriculture,
the surest road to affluence and best preservative of morals. Perhaps,
too, it may divert the attention of the States from those great political
improvements, which the honorable body, of which you are a member, will,
I hope, propose to them. What these may be, I know not, but I am sure they
will be what they should be. My idea is that we should be made one nation
in every case concerning foreign affairs, and separate ones in whatever
is merely domestic; that the Federal government should be organized into
Legislative, Executive and Judiciary, as are the State governments, and
some peaceable means of enforcement devised for the Federal head over the
States. But of all these things you are a better judge. I have delivered
your message to Mr. Mazzei, who is still here. Be so good as to present me
respectfully to Mrs. Blair, and to be assured yourself of the sentiments
of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOSEPH JONES.
PARIS, August 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have never yet thanked you, but with the heart, for the
act of Assembly confirming the agreement with Maryland, the pamphlet
and papers I received from you a twelve month ago. Very soon after their
receipt, I got my right wrist dislocated, which prevented me long from
writing, and as soon as that was able to bear it, I took a long journey,
from which I am but lately returned. I am anxious to hear what our federal
convention recommends, and what the States will do in consequence of their
recommendation. * * * * With all the defects of our constitution, whether
general or particular, the comparison of our governments with those of
Europe, is like a comparison of heaven and hell. England, like the earth,
may be allowed to take the intermediate station. And yet, I hear there are
people among you, who think the experience of our governments has already
proved, that republican governments will not answer. Send those gentry
here, to count the blessings of monarchy. A king's sister, for instance,
stopped on the road, and on a hostile journey, is sufficient cause for him
to march immediately twenty thousand men to revenge this insult, when he
had shown himself little moved by the matter of right then in question.
* * * * *
From all these broils we are happily free, and that God may keep us long
so, and yourself in health and happiness, is the prayer of, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
PARIS, August 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am happy to find, by the letter of August the 1st, 1786,
which you did me the honor to write to me, that the modern dress for your
statue would meet your approbation. I found it strongly the sentiment
of West, Copley, Trumbull, and Brown, in London: after which, it would
be ridiculous to add, that it was my own. I think a modern in an antique
dress as just an object of ridicule as a Hercules or Marius with a periwig
and a chapeau bras.
I remember having written to you, while Congress sat at Annapolis, on
the water communication between ours and the western country, and to have
mentioned particularly the information I had received of the plain face
of the country between the sources of Big Beaver and Cayohoga, which made
me hope that a canal of no great expense might unite the navigation of
Lake Erie and the Ohio. You must since have had occasion of getting better
information on this subject, and if you have, you would oblige me by a
communication of it. I consider this canal, if practicable, as a very
important work.
I remain in hopes of great and good effects from the decision of the
Assembly over which you are presiding. To make our States one as to all
foreign concerns, preserve them several as to all merely domestic, to give
to the federal head some peaceable mode of enforcing its just authority,
to organize that head into legislative, executive, and judiciary
apartments, are great desiderata in our federal constitution. Yet with
all its defects, and with all those of our particular governments, the
inconveniences resulting from them, are so light in comparison with
those existing in every other government on earth, that our citizens
may certainly be considered as in the happiest political situation which
exists.
The Assemblée des Notables has been productive of much good in this
country. The reformation of some of the most oppressive laws has taken
place, and is taking place. The allotment of the State into subordinate
governments, the administration of which is committed to persons
chosen by the people, will work in time a very beneficial change in
their constitution. The expense of the trappings of monarchy, too, is
lightening. Many of the useless officers, high and low, of the King,
Queen, and Princes, are struck off. Notwithstanding all this, the
discovery of the abominable abuses of public money by the late Comptroller
General, some new expenses of the court, not of a piece with the projects
of reformation, and the imposition of new taxes, have, in the course
of a few weeks, raised a spirit of discontent in this nation, so great
and so general, as to threaten serious consequences. The parliaments
in general, and particularly that of Paris, put themselves at the head
of this effervescence, and direct its object to the calling the States
General, who have not been assembled since 1614. The object is to fix a
constitution, and to limit expenses. The King has been obliged to hold a
bed of justice, to enforce the registering the new taxes; the parliament,
on their side, propose to issue a prohibition against their execution.
Very possibly this may bring on their exile. The mild and patriotic
character of the new ministry, is the principal dependence against this
extremity.
The turn which the affairs of Europe will take, is not yet decided.
* * * * *
A war, wherein France, Holland, and England should be parties, seems,
_prima facie_, to promise much advantage to us. But in the first place,
no war can be safe for us which threatens France with an unfavorable
issue; and in the next, it will probably embark us again into the ocean
of speculation, engage us to over-trade ourselves, convert us into
sea-rovers, under French and Dutch colors, divert us from agriculture,
which is our wisest pursuit, because it will in the end contribute
most to real wealth, good morals, and happiness. The wealth acquired by
speculation and plunder, is fugacious in its nature, and fills society
with the spirit of gambling. The moderate and sure income of husbandry
begets permanent improvement, quiet life, and orderly conduct, both
public and private. We have no occasion for more commerce than to take off
our superfluous produce, and the people complain that some restrictions
prevent this; yet the price of articles with us, in general, shows the
contrary. Tobacco, indeed, is low, not because we cannot carry it where
we please, but because we make more than the consumption requires. Upon
the whole, I think peace advantageous to us, necessary for Europe, and
desirable for humanity. A few days will decide, probably, whether all
these considerations are to give way to the bad passions of Kings, and
those who would be Kings.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. August 15. The parliament is exiled to Troyes this morning.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
PARIS, August 14, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I remember when you left us, it was with a promise to
supply all the defects of correspondence with our friends, of which we
complained, and which you had felt in common with us. Yet I have received
but one letter from you, which was dated June the 5th, 1786, and I
answered it, August the 14th, 1786. Dropping that, however, and beginning
a new account, I will observe to you, that wonderful improvements are
making here in various lines. In architecture, the wall of circumvallation
round Paris, and the palaces by which we are to be let out and in, are
nearly completed; four hospitals are to be built instead of the old
Hotel-Dieu; one of the old bridges has all its houses demolished, and
a second nearly so; a new bridge is begun at the Place Louis XV.; the
Palais Royale is gutted, a considerable part in the centre of the garden
being dug out, and a subterranean circus begun, wherein will be equestrian
exhibitions, &c. In society, the habit habillé is almost banished, and
they begin to go even to great suppers in frock: the court and diplomatic
corps, however, must always be excepted. They are too high to be reached
by any improvement. They are the last refuge from which etiquette,
formality, and folly will be driven. Take away these, and they would be on
a level with other people.
* * * * *
[After describing the unsettled state of Europe, as in some of the
preceding letters, the writer proceeds:]
So much for the blessings of having Kings, and magistrates who would be
Kings. From these events, our young Republic may learn useful lessons,
never to call on foreign powers to settle their differences, to guard
against hereditary magistrates, to prevent their citizens from becoming
so established in wealth and power, as to be thought worthy of alliance
by marriage with the nieces, sisters, &c., of Kings, and, in short, to
besiege the throne of heaven with eternal prayers, to extirpate from
creation this class of human lions, tigers, and mammoths called Kings;
from whom, let him perish who does not say, "good Lord deliver us;" and
that so we may say, one and all, or perish, is the fervent prayer of
him who has the honor to mix with it, sincere wishes for your health and
happiness, and to be, with real attachment and respect, dear Sir, your
affectionate friend and humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 15, 1787.
SIR,--An American gentleman leaving Paris this afternoon to go by the way
of L'Orient to Boston, furnishes me the rare occasion of a conveyance,
other than the packet, sure and quick. My letter by the packet informed
you of the bed of justice, for enregistering the stamp tax and land tax.
The parliament, on their return, came to an _Arretee_ (a resolution)
which, besides protesting against the enregistering, as done by force,
laid the foundation for an _Arret de defence_ (an act) against the
execution of the two new laws. The question on the final _Arret_ was
adjourned to the day before yesterday. It is believed they did not
conclude on this _Arret_, as it has not appeared. However, there was a
concourse of about ten thousand people at the parliament house, who, on
their adjournment, received them with acclamations of joy, loosened the
horses of the most eminent speakers against the tax from their carriages,
and drew them home. This morning, the parliament is exiled to Troyes. It
is believed to proceed, principally, from the fear of a popular commotion
here.
The officer, charged by this court to watch the English squadron, which
was under sailing orders, returned about a week ago, with information
that it had sailed, having shaped its course westwardly. This is another
step towards war. It is the more suspicious, as their minister here denies
the fact. Count Adhemar is here from London, by leave from his court. The
Duke of Dorset, the British ambassador here, has lately gone to London
on leave. Neither of these ambassadors has the confidence of his court,
on the point of abilities. The latter merits it for his honesty. The
minister of the British court, resident here, remains; but Mr. Eden, their
ambassador to Spain, under pretence of taking this in his route, is in
truth their _factotum_ in the present emergency. Nothing worth noting has
occurred since my last, either in the Dutch or Austrian Netherlands.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, August 15, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--A gentleman going from hence by L'Orient to Boston, furnishes
me an opportunity of recommending to your care the enclosed letters,
which I could not get ready for the last packet. Pray inform me in your
next whether letters directed to your foreign ministers, or franked by
them, are free of postage; that they ought to be so is acknowledged
substantially by the resolution of Congress, allowing us to charge
postages. I have sometimes suspected that my letters stagnate in the
post-offices. My letters by the last packet brought down the domestic
news of this country to the day in which the bed of justice was held. The
day before yesterday the parliament house was surrounded by ten thousand
people, who received them on their adjournment with acclamations of joy,
took out the horses of the principal speakers and drew their chariots
themselves to their hotels. The parliament not having taken the desperate
step (as far as is yet known) of forbidding the execution of the new tax
laws by an _Arret de defence sur peine de mort_, we presume it is the fear
of a popular commotion which has occasioned the King to exile them to
Troyes. This is known only this morning. The ministry here have certain
information that the English squadron has sailed and took its course
westwardly. This is another move towards war. No other important fact has
taken place since my letter by the packet. Adieu. Yours affectionately.
TO THE COUNT DEL VERMI.
PARIS, August 15, 1787.
SIR,--In consequence of the permission you were so kind as to give me,
when I had the honor of seeing you at Milan, I shall sometimes take
the liberty of troubling you with a line. I cannot begin with an act of
greater justice than that of expressing to you all my gratitude for your
attentions and services while in your capital, and to which I am indebted
for the best informations I received there. I then mentioned some late
publications on the subject of America, of which I would do myself the
honor of sending you one, because it was my own, and two others because
worth reading. Mine are some notes only on the State of Virginia. The
others are Ramsay's history of the war and Soulé's history. The first
is very authentic, there being no fact in it which may not be relied
on; but it is confined to the war in the southern States. The last is a
general history, of which we can only say it is the best of those written
in Europe. There is a history of the same period now printing in London,
though written in America by an English clergyman of the name of Gordon.
He had access to some collections of papers not known to any other writer.
But I am unable to say as yet what may be the merit of his work. You must
have observed when in America, that time and trial had discovered defects
in our federal constitution. A new essay, made in the midst of the flames
of war, could not be perfect. The States have appointed deputies, who
are now sitting at Philadelphia, to consider what are the defects, and
to propose new articles to be added to the instrument of confederation
for amending them. The articles to be proposed by them will have to be
confirmed by Congress and by the Legislature of every State before they
will be in force. As yet their proceedings are not known. Probably they
go to the following points: 1. To invest Congress with the exclusive
sovereignty in every matter relative to foreign nations and the general
mass of our Union, retaining to the States their individual sovereignty in
matters merely domestic. 2. To devise some peaceable mode whereby Congress
may enforce their decisions. 3. To organize Congress into three branches,
Legislative, Executive and Judiciary. I had the honor of informing you of
the commotions which had taken place in Massachusetts, the only ones which
had ever taken place since the declaration of Independence. I have now
that of informing you that those commotions have been entirely quieted.
General Washington is well, and is president of the federal convention
sitting at Philadelphia, as before mentioned. Dr. Franklin and others,
the greatest characters of America, are members of it. I do not give you
European news; you have that from other quarters; after adding therefore,
that the books before mentioned, are delivered to Messieurs Cathalan,
of Marseilles, who will send them to their correspondent at Genoa, with
instructions to forward them to you at Milan. I shall only repeat very
sincere assurances of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor
to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, August 30, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Since your favor of July the 10th, mine have been of July the
17th, 23d and 28th. The last enclosed a bill of exchange from Mr. Grand,
on Tessier, for £46, 17s. 10d. sterling, to answer General Sullivan's bill
for that sum. I hope it got safe to hand, though I have been anxious about
it, as it went by post, and my letters through that channel sometimes
miscarry.
From the separation of the Notables to the present moment, has been
perhaps the most interesting interval ever known in this country. The
propositions of the government, approved by the Notables, were precious
to the nation, and have been in an honest course of execution, some of
them being carried into effect, and others preparing. Above all, the
establishment of the Provincial Assemblies, some of which have begun their
sessions, bid fair to be the instrument for circumscribing the power of
the crown, and raising the people into consideration. The election given
to them, is what will do this. Though the minister, who proposed these
improvements, seems to have meant them as the price of the new supplies,
the game has been so played, as to secure the improvements to the nation,
without securing the price. The Notables spoke softly on the subject
of the additional supplies. But the parliament took them up roundly,
refused to register the edicts for the new taxes, till compelled in a
bed of justice, and suffered themselves to be transferred to Troyes,
rather than withdraw their opposition. It is urged principally against
the King, that his revenue is one hundred and thirty millions more than
that of his predecessor was, and yet he demands one hundred and twenty
millions further. You will see this well explained in the "Conference
entre un ministre d'etat et un Conseiller au parliment," which I send you,
with some small pamphlets. In the meantime, all tongues in Paris (and
in France as it is said) have been let loose, and never was a license
of speaking against the government exercised in London more freely or
more universally. Caricatures, placards, bons mots, have been indulged
in by all ranks of people, and I know of no well-attested instance of a
single punishment. For sometime mobs of ten, twenty and thirty thousand
people collected daily, surrounded the parliament house, huzzaed the
members, even entered the doors and examined into their conduct, took the
horses out of the carriages of those who did well, and drew them home.
The government thought it prudent to prevent these, drew some regiments
into the neighborhood, multiplied the guards, had the streets constantly
patrolled by strong parties, suspended privileged places, forbade all
clubs, &c. The mobs have ceased; perhaps this may be partly owing to
the absence of parliament. The Count d'Artois, sent to hold a bed of
justice in the Cour des Aides, was hissed and hooted without reserve,
by the populace; the carriage of Madame de (I forget the name) in the
Queen's livery was stopped by the populace, under a belief that it was
Madame de Polignac, whom they would have insulted; the Queen, going to
the theatre at Versailles with Madame de Polignac, was received with
a general hiss. The King, long in the habit of drowning his cares in
wine, plunges deeper and deeper. The Queen cries, but sins on. The Count
d'Artois is detested, and Monsieur, the general favorite. The Archbishop
of Thoulouse is made minister principal, a virtuous, patriotic, and able
character. The Marechal de Castries retired yesterday, notwithstanding
strong solicitations to remain in office. The Marechal de Segur retired
at the same time, prompted to it by the court. Their successors are not
yet known. Monsieur de St. Priest goes ambassador to Holland, in the room
of Verac, transferred to Switzerland, and the Count de Moustier goes to
America, in the room of the Chevalier de La Luzerne, who has a promise
of the first vacancy. These nominations are not yet made formally, but
they are decided on, and the parties are ordered to prepare for their
destination.
As it has been long since I have had a confidential conveyance to you,
I have brought together the principal facts from the adjournment of the
Notables to the present moment, which, as you will perceive from their
nature, required a confidential conveyance. I have done it the rather,
because, though you will have heard many of them, and seen them in the
public papers, yet, floating in the mass of lies which constitute the
atmosphere of London and Paris, you may not have been sure of their truth;
and I have mentioned every truth of any consequence, to enable you to
stamp as false, the facts pretermitted. I think that in the course of
three months, the royal authority has lost, and the rights of the nation
gained, as much ground by a revolution of public opinion only, as England
gained in all her civil wars under the Stuarts. I rather believe, too,
they will retain the ground gained, because it is defended by the young
and the middle aged, in opposition to the old only. The first party
increases, and the latter diminishes daily, from the course of nature. You
may suppose, that in this situation, war would be unwelcome to France. She
will surely avoid it, if not forced into it by the courts of London and
Berlin. If forced, it is probable she will change the system of Europe
totally, by an alliance with the two empires, to whom nothing would be
more desirable. In the event of such a coalition, not only Prussia, but
the whole European world must receive from them their laws. But France
will probably endeavor to preserve the present system, if it can be done,
by sacrificing to a certain degree, the pretensions of the Patriotic party
in Holland. But of all these matters, you can judge, in your position,
where less secrecy is observed, better than I can.
I have news from America as late as July the 19th. Nothing had transpired
from the federal convention. I am sorry they began their deliberations
by so abominable a precedent as that of tying up the tongues of their
members. Nothing can justify this example but the innocence of their
intentions, and ignorance of the value of public discussions. I have no
doubt that all their other measures will be good and wise. It is really an
assembly of demigods. General Washington was of opinion, that they should
not separate till October.
I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of friendship and respect,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. LE COMTE DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, September 8, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing your Excellency on the 3d of July,
some observations on the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of October
22d, 1786, relative to the commerce of France with the United States of
America; of proposing to it some small amendments, and of expressing a
wish that it might be put into such a form as would secure its execution.
Monsieur de Villedeuil, then Comptroller general was pleased to inform
me that the Farmers General had received orders on the first of April,
1787, to conform themselves to the decisions notified in that letter, and
that on the 5th of the same month they had given orders not to levy "sur
les _huiles_ et autres produits de la _peche Americane_ que les droits
mentionnes dans la lettre." This expression, restrained to the produce
of the _fisheries_, with recent information received from the American
agent at Havre, make me apprehensive that the ancient duties are still
demanded on all other objects, and induce me to repeat to your Excellency
my request that the letter of M. de Calonnes may be put into such form
as will insure its execution and stability. In my letter of July 25th,
I took the liberty of proposing that timely measures might be adopted
for encouraging the direct importation of the tobacco of the United
States into this Kingdom when the order of Bernis should be expired,
and that in the meantime that order might be strictly executed. A great
accumulation of tobaccos in the seaports of France, and a refusal of
the Farmers General to purchase any more, on the pretence that they have
purchased the whole quantity required by government, excites discontent
among the merchants. It is their opinion that the Farms have not complied
with the order of Bernis. As the government was pleased to desire the
publication of that order to induce the merchants to bring tobaccos here,
it would be very satisfactory to make known also the execution of that
order. If the Farms can verify that they have strictly executed it, all
discontent will cease and the merchants become sensible that the present
glut is occasioned by their importing too much. On the other hand, if
it shall appear, from the list of purchases made by the Farms, or from
other evidence, that they have not purchased the whole quantity on the
conditions prescribed by government, they will doubtless be instructed to
do it, and that too without delay, as the duration of the contract with
Mr. Morris, and of the order of Bernis, formed on that, will soon expire.
A parcel of gazettes and magazines sent to me from America, for my own
use, and detained in the syndic chamber, obliges me to trouble your
Excellency for an order for their delivery.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. LIMOSIN.
PARIS, Sept. 9, 1787.
SIR,--Immediately on the receipt of your favor of the 31st of August,
I waited on the person who is charged with the superintendence of the
conduct of the Farms, and informed him that the custom-house officers had
required the ancient duties on a cargo of pearlash, arrived at Havre.
He observed to me that the duties promised to be abolished by the King
were only those due to himself or the Farms; but that there were _droits
loceaux_, which he could not abolish; that the officers of the customs
might have demanded the droits loceaux, but that it was impossible they
should have demanded any other duties. If they have done so, I will beg
the favor of you to send me such evidence of the demand as will enable
me to press for a proper notice of the Farms, if they have failed to give
orders, or a punishment of the officer, if he has failed to obey them.
No further changes in the government since my last. The office of
Directeur du tresor royal was offered to M. de La Borde and refused by
him. Had no accident intervened, I think the affairs of the Dutch would
have been arranged without producing any war immediately. They are even
at this moment in a train of negotiation. But, in the meantime, a war
has broke out between the Russians and Turks. We have no news yet of
any action, but the Turks have imprisoned the Russian Ambassador at
Constantinople, and no hope is entertained of preventing hostilities.
Considering the situation of things in Europe, it seems inevitable that
this fire must spread over the whole of it. The utmost that can be hoped,
in my opinion, is that the season is so far advanced as that the other
powers of Europe may not be drawn into the vortex of hostilities till
the ensuing spring. The desire of government to prevent a war, might make
it disagreeable to them to see this opinion published. I will pray you,
therefore, to make use of it only for your own government, and that of
the Americans concerned in commerce with your port. I shall make the same
communication to our agents at Nantes and Bordeaux. I have the honor to
be, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO MR. T. BLAKE.
PARIS, Sept. 9, 1787.
SIR,--Congress do not grant their sea-letters for the East Indies,
but to ships belonging to citizens of the United States, and navigated
by officers and seamen of the United States. Even the cargo must also
belong to their own citizens. Nor can these letters be obtained but on an
application to Congress themselves, whereupon they appoint a committee of
their own body to enquire into the circumstances relative to the vessel,
cargo and crew, and on their report of the fact, they grant or refuse the
passport.
I am, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. BONDFIELD.
PARIS, September 9, 1787.
SIR,--The affairs of Holland, though at one moment they had threatened a
war, had got into a hopeful train of accommodation, when all of a sudden a
war is kindled between the Russians and Turks. The latter have imprisoned
the Russian Ambassador resident with them, which you know is their manner
of declaring war; and though no news of actual hostilities is yet arrived,
every body considers them as inevitable. In the present state of Europe,
a spark dropped anywhere must kindle the whole. The only thing to be
hoped is that the advance of the season may prevent the other powers from
being drawn into the vortex of hostilities, till the next spring. But this
cannot be depended on. Government here would still wish for peace, and may
see disagreeably the publication of any opinion unfriendly to their wish.
I will beg of you, therefore to make use of this for your own information
only, and that of the persons concerned in our commerce from your port. My
duty leads me to care of them, and my desire to give no offence makes me
wish to give no further alarm. I make the same communication to the ports
of Nantes, L'Orient, and Havre. I am, with much esteem, Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO M. DUMAS.
PARIS, September 10, 1787.
SIR,--I am honored with your favor of the 5th instant, and will forward
the letter to Mr. Jay by the packet-boat which sails the 25th of this
month. I am sorry for the situation in which Mr. Grand's refusal to make
further advances has placed you. I know its pain, because I participate of
it. The aspect of your affairs has also been discouraging. Perhaps the war
kindled between Russia and Turkey may engage your friends, of necessity in
measures they wished to avoid, and may ultimately relieve you. Our Federal
Convention is likely to sit till October; there is a general disposition
through the States to adopt what they shall propose, and we may be assured
their propositions will be wise, as a more able assembly never sat in
America. Happily for us, that when we find our constitutions defective and
insufficient to secure the happiness of our people, we can assemble with
all the coolness of philosophers, and set it to rights, while every other
nation on earth must have recourse to arms to amend or to restore their
constitutions. The sale of our western lands begins this month. I hope
from this measure a very speedy reduction of our national debt. It can
only be applied to pay off the principal, being irrevocably made a sinking
fund for that purpose. I have the honor to be, with much esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DON FRANCISCO CHIAPPI.
PARIS, September 15, 1787.
SIR,--I have lately received from Mr. Jay, Secretary for foreign affairs
to the United States of America, the enclosed letter from Congress to
his Majesty the Emperor (whom God preserve), and their ratification of
the treaty between his Majesty (whom God preserve) and the United States,
together with an instruction to forward them to you, to be delivered into
the hands of his Majesty (whom God preserve). I am at the same time to
ask the favor of you to deliver the inclosed letter to Taher Ben Abdelkack
Fennish.
Mr. Jay also informs me that Congress had confirmed Mr. Barclay's
appointment of yourself to be their agent at Morocco, of Don Joseph
Chiappi to be their agent at Mogador, and Don Girolamo Chiappi to be
their agent at Tangier, with which agents it was their desire that their
ministers at Versailles and London should regularly correspond; that want
of time prevented his having and sending to me the certified copies of
these acts by that opportunity, but that he would do it by the next. It
will be with singular pleasure that I shall be instrumental in forwarding
to you these testimonies of the sense which Congress entertains of your
personal merit, and of your dispositions to be useful to the citizens of
America.
In the meantime, I shall be very happy to receive from you such
communications, from time to time, as may be interesting to either nation,
and will avail myself of every occasion of making communications of the
same nature to you, and of assuring you of those sentiments of esteem and
respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO MR. WYTHE.
PARIS, Sept. 16, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of Dec.
the 13th and 22d, 1786, and of Jan., 1787. These should not have been so
long unanswered, but that they arrived during my absence on a journey
of between three and four months through the southern parts of France,
and northern of Italy. In the latter country, my time allowed me to go
no farther than Turin, Milan, and Genoa: consequently, I scarcely got
into classical ground. I took with me some of the writings, in which
endeavors have been made to investigate the passage of Annibal over the
Alps, and was just able to satisfy myself, from a view of the country,
that the descriptions given of his march are not sufficiently particular
to enable us, at this day, even to guess at his track across the Alps.
In architecture, painting, sculpture, I found much amusement; but more
than all, in their agriculture, many objects of which might be adopted
with us to great advantage. I am persuaded, there are many parts of our
lower country where the olive tree might be raised, which is assuredly
the richest gift of heaven. I can scarcely except bread. I see this tree
supporting thousands among the Alps, where there is not soil enough to
make bread for a single family. The caper too, might be cultivated with
us. The fig we do raise. I do not speak of the vine, because it is the
parent of misery. Those who cultivate it are always poor, and he who would
employ himself with us in the culture of corn, cotton, &c., can procure,
in exchange for them, much more wine, and better, than he could raise by
its direct culture.
I sent you formerly copies of the documents on the Tagliaferro family,
which I had received from Mr. Febroni. I now send the originals. I have
procured for you a copy of Polybius, the best edition; but the best
edition of Vitruvius, which is with the commentaries of Ticinus, is not to
be got here. I have sent to Holland for it. In the meantime, the Polybius
comes in a box containing books for Peter Carr, and for some of my friends
in Williamsburg and its vicinities. I have taken the liberty of addressing
the box to you. It goes to New York in the packet boat which carries this
letter, and will be forwarded to you by water, by Mr. Madison. Its freight
to New York is paid here. The transportation from thence to Williamsburg
will be demanded of you, and shall stand as the equivalent to the cost
of Polybius and Vitruvius, if you please. The difference either way will
not be worth the trouble of raising and transmitting accounts. I send you
herewith, a state of the contents of the box, and for whom each article
is. Among these are some, as you will perceive, of which I ask your
acceptance. It is a great comfort to me, that while here, I am able to
furnish some amusement to my friends, by sending them such productions
of genius, ancient and modern, as might otherwise escape them; and I hope
they will permit me to avail myself of the occasion while it lasts.
This world is going all to war. I hope ours will remain clear of it. It
is already declared between the Turks and Russians, and considering the
present situation of Holland, it cannot fail to spread itself all over
Europe. Perhaps it may not be till next spring, that the other powers will
be engaged in it: nor is it as yet clear how they will arrange themselves.
I think it not impossible that France and the two empires may join against
all the rest. The Patriotic party in Holland will be saved by this, and
the Turks sacrificed. The only thing which can prevent the union of France
and the two empires, is the difficulty of agreeing about the partition
of the spoils. Constantinople is the key of Asia. Who shall have it? is
the question. I cannot help looking forward to the re-establishment of
the Greeks as a people, and the language of Homer becoming again a living
language, as among possible events. You have now with you Mr. Paradise,
who can tell you how easily the modern may be improved into the ancient
Greek.
You ask me in your letter, what ameliorations I think necessary in our
federal constitution. It is now too late to answer the question, and it
would always have been presumption in me to have done it. Your own ideas,
and those of the great characters who were to be concerned with you in
these discussions, will give the law, as they ought to do, to us all.
My own general idea was, that the States should severally preserve their
sovereignty in whatever concerns themselves alone, and that whatever may
concern another State, or any foreign nation, should be made a part of
the federal sovereignty; that the exercise of the federal sovereignty
should be divided among three several bodies, legislative, executive,
and judiciary, as the State sovereignities are; and that some peaceable
means should be contrived, for the federal head to force compliance
on the part of the States. I have reflected on your idea of wooden, or
ivory diagrams, for the geometrical demonstrations. I should think wood
as good as ivory; and that in this case, it might add to the improvement
of the young gentlemen, that they should make the figures themselves.
Being furnished by a workman with a piece of veneer, no other tool than a
penknife and a wooden rule, would be necessary. Perhaps pasteboards, or
common cards, might be still more convenient. The difficulty is, how to
reconcile figures which must have a very sensible breadth to our ideas of
a mathematical line, which, as it has neither breadth nor thickness, will
revolt more at these than at simple lines drawn on paper or slate. If,
after reflecting on this proposition, you would prefer having them made
here, lay your commands on me, and they shall be executed.
I return you a thousand thanks for your goodness to my nephew. After
my debt to you for whatever I am myself, it is increasing it too much
to interest yourself for his future fortune. But I know, that to you, a
consciousness of doing good is a luxury ineffable. You have enjoyed it
already, beyond all human measure, and that you may long live to enjoy it,
and to bless your country and friends, is the sincere prayer of him who
is, with every possible sentiment of esteem and respect, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. RITTENHOUSE.
PARIS, September 18, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of April the
14th, and June the 26th, as also of the second volume of the transactions
you were so kind as to send me. It would have been a grateful present
indeed, could you have accompanied them with a copy of your observations
on our western country. Besides the interest I feel in that country in
common with others, I have a particular one, as having ventured so many
crudities on that subject. A copy of these, with some late corrections,
I have put into a box of books sent to Mr. Madison, and another for Mr.
Hopkinson. I hope he will forward them to you from New York. I have also
put into the same box for you a dissertation, by De la Sauvagere, on the
spontaneous growth of shells. When I was at Tours this summer, I inquired
into the character of De la Sauvagere, from a gentleman who had known him
well. He told me he was a person of talents, but of a heated imagination;
however, that he might be depended on for any facts advanced on his own
knowledge. This gentleman added, that he had seen such proofs of this
growth of shells in many parts of the country round Tours, as to convince
him of the truth of the fact; and that he has never seen any person, even
the most incredulous, quit those Falunieres but under the same conviction.
After all, I cannot say I give faith to it. It is so unlike the processes
of nature, to produce the same effect in two different ways, that I can
only bring myself to agree it is not impossible. I have added for you
the Connoissance des Temps for '88 and '89, and a copy of Fourcroi's
Chemistry, which is the best and most complete publication in that line,
which we have had for some time past. I shall be happy to receive an
account of your improvement in time-pieces, as well as the third volume of
the transactions, when published. There are abundance of good things in
the second volume. But I must say there are several which have not merit
enough to be placed in such company. I think we should be a little rigid
in our admission of papers. It is the peculiar privilege derived from
our not being obliged to publish a volume in any fixed period of time. A
person here pretends to have discovered the method of rendering sea-water
potable, and has some respectable certificates of its success. He has
contrived a varnish, also, for lining biscuit barrels, which preserves
the biscuit good, and keeps it free from insects. He asks money for his
secrets, so we are not to know them soon.
The affairs of Holland had got so far entangled as to leave little hope
that war could be avoided. In this situation, the Turks have declared war
against the Russians. This, I think, renders a general war inevitable.
Perhaps the European powers may take this winter to determine which side
each shall take. There is a possibility that an alliance between France
and the two empires may induce England and Prussia to tread back their
steps. In that case, the Patriotic party in Holland will be peaceably
placed at the head of their government. The Turks will be driven out
of Europe, their continental possessions divided between Russia and the
Emperor, and perhaps their islands and Egypt allotted to France. These
events seem possible at present. * * * * * * *
TO THE HONORABLE THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, September 18, 1787.
GENTLEMEN,--Congress having thought proper, by their vote of July the
18th, to entrust me to take measures for the redemption of our captives at
Algiers, and to desire you to furnish the money necessary, it is proper to
state to you some data whereby you may judge what sum is necessary. The
French prisoners, last redeemed by the order of Mathurins, cost somewhat
less than four hundred dollars: but the General of the order told me,
that they had always been made to pay more for foreign prisoners than
their own. The smallest sum then, at which we can expect ours, including
redemption, clothing, feeding, and transportation, will be five hundred
dollars each. There are twenty of them. Of course, ten thousand dollars
is the smallest sum which can be requisite. I think a larger sum should
be set apart, as so much of it as shall not be wanting for the prisoners,
will remain for other uses. As soon as you shall have notified me that
the money is ready, I will proceed to execute the order of Congress.
I must add the injunctions of the General of the Mathurins, that it be
not made known that the public interest themselves in the redemption of
these prisoners, as that would induce the Algerians to demand the most
extravagant price. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most
profound respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, September 19, 1787.
SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 6th and 15th of August; since
which, I have been honored with yours of July the 24th, acknowledging
the receipt of mine of the 14th and 23d of February. I am anxious to
hear you have received that also of May the 4th, written from Marseilles.
According to the desires of Congress, expressed in their vote confirming
the appointments of Francisco, Giuseppa and Girolamo Chiappi, their
agents in Morocco, I have written letters to these gentlemen, to begin a
correspondence with them. To the first, I have inclosed the ratification
of the treaty with the Emperor of Morocco, and shall send it either by
our agent at Marseilles, who is now here, or by the Count Daranda, who
sets out for Madrid in a few days, having relinquished his embassy here.
I shall proceed on the redemption of our captives at Algiers, as soon as
the commissioners of the treasury shall enable me, by placing the money
necessary, under my orders. The prisoners redeemed by the religious order
of Mathurins, cost about four hundred dollars each, and the General of
the order told me, that they had never been able to redeem foreigners on
so good terms as their own countrymen. Supposing that their redemption,
clothing, feeding and transportation, should amount to five hundred
dollars each, there must be, at least, a sum of ten thousand dollars set
apart for this purpose. Till this is done, I shall take no other step than
the preparatory one, of destroying at Algiers all idea of our intending
to redeem the prisoners. This, the General of the Mathurins told me, was
indispensably necessary, and that it must not, on any account, transpire,
that the public would interest themselves for their redemption. This was
rendered the more necessary, by the declaration of the Dey to the Spanish
consul, that he should hold him responsible, at the Spanish price, for our
prisoners, even for such as should die. Three of them have died of the
plague. By authorizing me to redeem at the prices _usually_ paid by the
European nations, Congress, I suppose, could not mean the Spanish price,
which is not only unusual, but unprecedented, and would make our vessels
the first object with those pirates. I shall pay no attention, therefore,
to the Spanish price, unless further instructed. Hard as it may seem, I
should think it necessary not to let it be known even to the relations of
the captives, that we mean to redeem them.
I have the honor to enclose you a paper from the admiralty of Guadaloupe,
sent to me as a matter of form, and to be lodged, I suppose, with our
marine records. I enclose, also, a copy of a letter from the Count de
Florida Blanca to Mr. Carmichael, by which you will perceive, they have
referred the settlement of the claim of South Carolina for the use of
their frigate, to Mr. Gardoqui, and to the Delegates of South Carolina in
Congress.
I had the honor to inform you, in my last letter, of the parliament's
being transferred to Troyes. To put an end to the tumults in Paris,
some regiments were brought nearer, the patroles were strengthened and
multiplied, some mutineers punished by imprisonment: it produced the
desired effect. It is confidently believed, however, that the parliament
will be immediately recalled, the stamp tax and land tax repealed, and
other means devised of accommodating their receipts and expenditures.
Those supposed to be in contemplation, are a rigorous levy of the old
tax of the _deux vingtièmes_, on the rich, who had, in a great measure,
withdrawn their property from it, as well as on the poor, on whom it had
principally fallen. This will greatly increase the receipts; while they
are proceeding on the other hand, to reform their expenses far beyond what
they had promised. It is said these reformations will amount to eighty
millions. Circumstances render these measures more and more pressing.
I mentioned to you in my last letter, that the officer charged by the
ministry to watch the motion of the British squadron, had returned with
information that it had sailed westwardly. The fact was not true. He had
formed his conclusion too hastily, and thus led the ministry into error.
The King of Prussia, urged on by England, has pressed more and more the
affairs of Holland, and lately has given to the States General of Holland,
four days only to comply with his demand. This measure would, of itself,
have rendered it impossible for France to proceed longer in the line of
accommodation with Prussia. In the same moment, an event takes place,
which seems to render all attempt at accommodation idle. The Turks have
declared war against the Russians, and that under circumstances which
exclude all prospect of preventing its taking place. The King of Prussia
having deserted his ancient friends, there remains only France and Turkey,
perhaps Spain also, to oppose the two empires, Russia and England. By such
a piece of Quixotism, France might plunge herself into ruin with the Turks
and Dutch, but would save neither. But there is certainly a confederacy
secretly in contemplation, of which the public have not yet the smallest
suspicion; that is, between France and the two empires. I think it sure
that Russia has desired this, and that the Emperor, after some hesitation,
has acceded. It rests on this country to close. Her indignation against
the King of Prussia will be some spur. She will thereby save her party in
Holland, and only abandon the Turks to that fate she cannot ward off, and
which their precipitation has brought on themselves, by the instigations
of the English ambassador at the Porte, and against the remonstrances of
the French ambassador. Perhaps this formidable combination, should it take
place, may prevent the war of the western powers, as it would seem that
neither England nor Prussia would carry their false calculations so far,
as, with the aid of the Turks only, to oppose themselves to such a force.
In that case, the Patriots of Holland would be peaceably established in
the powers of their government, and the war go on against the Turks only,
who would probably be driven from Europe. This new arrangement would be a
total change of the European system, and a favorable one for our friends.
The probability of a general war, in which this country will be engaged
on one side, and England on the other, has appeared to me sufficient to
justify my writing to our agents in the different ports of France, to put
our merchants on their guard, against risking their property in French
or English bottoms. The Emperor, instead of tracing back his steps in
Brabant, as was expected, has pursued the less honorable plan of decoying
his subjects thence by false pretences, to let themselves be invested by
his troops, and this done, he dictates to them his own terms. Yet it is
not certain the matter will end with that.
The Count de Moustier is nominated Minister Plenipotentiary to America;
and a frigate is ordered to Cherbourg, to carry him over. He will endeavor
to sail by the middle of the next month, but if any delay should make him
pass over the whole of October, he will defer his voyage to the spring,
being unwilling to take a winter passage. Monsieur de St. Priest is
sent ambassador to Holland, in the room of Monsieur de Verac, appointed
to Switzerland. The Chevalier de Luzerne might, I believe, have gone
to Holland, but he preferred a general promise of promotion, and the
possibility that it might be to the court of London. His prospects are
very fair. His brother, the Count de la Luzerne, (now Governor in the West
Indies,) is appointed minister of the marine, in the place of Monsieur
de Castries, who has resigned. The Archbishop of Thoulouse is appointed
_ministre principale_, and his brother, Monsieur de Brienne, minister of
war, in the place of Monsieur de Segur. The department of the Comptroller
has had a very rapid succession of tenants. From Monsieur de Calonnes it
passed to Monsieur de Forqueux, from him to Villedeuil, and from him to
Lambert, who holds it at present, but divided with a Monsieur Cabarrus,
(whom I believe you knew in Spain,) who is named _Directeur du tresor
royal_, the office into which M. Neckar came at first. I had the honor
to inform you, that before the departure of the Count de Luzerne to his
government in the West Indies, I had pressed on him the patronage of
our trade with the French islands; that he appeared well disposed, and
assured me he would favor us as much as his instructions, and the laws
of the colonies, would permit. I am in hopes these dispositions will be
strengthened by his residence in the islands, and that his acquaintance
among the people there, will be an additional motive to favor them.
Probably they will take advantage of his appointment, to press indulgences
in commerce with us. The ministry is of a liberal complexion, and well
disposed to us. The war may add to the motives for opening their islands
to other resources for their subsistence, and for doing what may be
agreeable to us. It seems to me, at present, then, that the moment of
the arrival of the Count de La Luzerne, will be the moment for trying to
obtain a freer access to their islands. It would be very material to do
this, if possible, in a permanent way, that is to say, by treaty. But
I know of nothing we have to offer in equivalent. Perhaps the payment
of our debt to them might be made use of as some inducement, while they
are so distressed for money. Yet the borrowing the money in Holland will
be rendered more difficult by the same event, in proportion as it will
increase the demand for money by other powers.
The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date are enclosed, together with
some pamphlets on the internal affairs of this country.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO CHARLES THOMPSON.
PARIS, Sept. 20, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April the 28th did not come to my hands till the
first instant. Unfortunately, the box of plants, which were a day too late
to come by the April packet, missed the packet of June the 10th also, and
only came by that of July the 25th. They are not yet arrived at Paris,
but I expect them daily. I am sensible of your kind attention to them,
and that as you were leaving New York, you took the course which bade
fair to be the best. That they were forgotten in the hands in which you
placed them, was probably owing to too much business, and more important.
I have desired Mr. Madison to refund to you the money you were so kind as
to advance for me. The delay of your letter will apologize for this delay
of the repayment. I thank you also for the extract of the letter you were
so kind as to communicate to me, on the antiquities found in the western
country. I wish that the persons who go thither would make very exact
descriptions of what they see of that kind, without forming any theories.
The moment a person forms a theory, his imagination sees, in every object,
only the traits which favor that theory. But it is too early to form
theories on those antiquities. We must wait with patience till more facts
are collected. I wish your Philosophical Society would collect exact
descriptions of the several monuments as yet known, and insert them naked
in their Transactions, and continue their attention to those hereafter to
be discovered. Patience and observation may enable us in time, to solve
the problem, whether those who formed the scattering monuments in our
western country, were colonies sent off from Mexico, or the founders of
Mexico itself? Whether both were the descendants or the progenitors of
the Asiatic red men? The Mexican tradition, mentioned by Dr. Robertson,
is an evidence, but a feeble one, in favor of the one opinion. The number
of languages radically different, is a strong evidence in favor of the
contrary one. There is an American by the name of Ledyard, he who was with
Captain Cook on his last voyage, and wrote an account of that voyage,
who has gone to St. Petersburg; from thence he was to go to Kamschatka;
to cross over thence to the northwest coast of America, and to penetrate
through the main continent, to our side of it. He is a person of ingenuity
and information. Unfortunately, he has too much imagination. However, if
he escapes safely, he will give us new, curious and useful information.
I had a letter from him, dated last March, when he was about to leave St.
Petersburg on his way to Kamschatka.
With respect to the inclination of the strata of rocks, I had observed
them between the Blue Ridge and North Mountains in Virginia, to be
parallel with the pole of the earth. I observed the same thing in most
instances in the Alps, between Cette and Turin; but in returning along
the precipices of the Apennines, where they hang over the Mediterranean,
their direction was totally different and various; and you mention that
in our western country they are horizontal. This variety proves they have
not been formed by subsidence, as some writers of theories of the earth
have pretended; for then they should always have been in circular strata,
and concentric. It proves, too, that they have not been formed by the
rotation of the earth on its axis, as might have been suspected, had all
these strata been parallel with that axis. They may, indeed, have been
thrown up by explosions, as Whitehurst supposes, or have been the effect
of convulsions. But there can be no proof of the explosion, nor is it
probable that convulsions have deformed every spot of the earth. It is now
generally agreed that rock grows, and it seems that it grows in layers in
every direction, as the branches of trees grow in all directions. Why seek
farther the solution of this phenomenon? Everything in nature decays. If
it were not reproduced then by growth, there would be a chasm.
I remember you asked me, in a former letter, whether the steam mill in
London was turned by the steam immediately, or by the intermediate agency
of water raised by the steam. When I was in London, Boulton made a secret
of his mill. Therefore, I was permitted to see it only superficially.
I saw no water wheels, and therefore supposed none. I answered you,
accordingly, that there were none. But when I was at Nismes, I went to
see the steam mill there, and they showed it to me in all the parts. I
saw that their steam raised water, and that this water turned a wheel.
I expressed my doubts of the necessity of the inter-agency of water,
and that the London mill was without it. But they supposed me mistaken;
perhaps I was so; I have had no opportunity since of clearing up the
doubt.
* * * * *
I had a letter from Mr. Churchman, but not developing his plan of knowing
the longitude, fully. I wrote him what was doubted about it, so far as we
could conjecture what it was.
I am, with very great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, Sept. 22, 1787.
SIR,--The letters of which the enclosed are copies, are this moment
received, and as there is a possibility that they may reach Havre before
the packet sails, I have the honor of enclosing them to you. They contain
a promise of reducing the duties on tar, pitch and turpentine, and that
the government will interest itself with the city of Rouen, to reduce the
local duty on potash. By this you will perceive that we are getting on a
little in this business, though under their present embarrassments, it is
difficult to procure the attention of the ministers to it. The parliament
has enregistered the edict of a rigorous levy of the _deux vingtiemes_.
As this was proposed by the King in lieu of the impost territorial, there
is no doubt now that the latter, with the stamp tax, will be immediately
repealed. There can be no better proof of the revolution in the public
opinion, as to the powers of the monarch, and of the force, too, of that
opinion. Six weeks ago, we saw the King displaying the plentitude of his
omnipotence, as hitherto conceived, to enforce these two acts. At this
day, he is forced to retract them by the public voice; for as to the
opposition of the parliament, that body is too little esteemed to produce
this effect in any case where the public do not throw themselves into the
same scale.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, Sept. 22, 1787.
SIR,--When I had the honor of addressing you this morning, intelligence
was handing about, which I did not think well enough authenticated to
communicate to you. As it is now ascertained, I avail myself of the chance
that another post may yet reach Havre before the departure of the packet.
This will depend on the wind, which has for some days been unfavorable.
I must premise, that this court, about ten days ago, declared, by their
chargé des affaires in Holland, that if the Prussian troops continued to
menace Holland with an invasion, his Majesty was determined, in quality
of ally, to succor that province. An _official_ letter from the Hague, of
the 18th instant, assures that the Prussian army entered the territory of
Holland on the 15th, that most of the principal towns had submitted, some
after firing a gun or two, others without resistance; that the Rhingrave
de Salm had evacuated Utretcht, with part of the troops under his command,
leaving behind him one hundred and forty-four pieces of cannon, with great
warlike stores; that the standard of Orange was hoisted everywhere; that
no other cockade could be worn at the Hague; that the States General were
to assemble that night for reinstating the Stadtholder in all his rights.
The letter concludes, "we have this moment intelligence that Woerden
has capitulated; so that Amsterdam remains without defence." So far the
letter. We know, otherwise, that Monsieur de St. Priest, who had set
out on his embassy to the Hague, has stopped at Antwerp, not choosing to
proceed further till new orders. This court has been completely deceived,
first by its own great desire to avoid a war, and secondly by calculating
that the King of Prussia would have acted on principles of common sense,
which would surely have dictated, that a power, lying between the jaws
of Russia and Austria, should not separate itself from France, unless,
indeed, he had assurances of dispositions in those two powers, which
are not supposed to exist. On the contrary, I am persuaded that they ask
the alliance of France, whom we suppose to be under hesitations between
her reluctance to abandon the Turks, her jealousy of increasing by their
spoils, the power of the two empires, and the inability to oppose them.
If they cannot obtain her alliance, they will surely join themselves to
England and Prussia.
Official advices are received, that the first division of the Russian
army has passed the Borysthenes into the Polish Ukraine, and is marching
towards the frontiers of Turkey. Thus, we may consider the flames of war
as completely kindled in two distinct parts of this quarter of the globe,
and that though France and England have not yet engaged themselves in it,
the probabilities are, that they will do it.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CARNES.
PARIS, September 22, 1787.
SIR,--I am honored by your favor of the 17th instant. A war between France
and England does not necessarily engage America in it; and I think she
will be disposed rather to avail herself of the advantages of a neutral
power. By the former usage of nations, the goods of a friend were safe,
though taken in an enemy bottom, and those of an enemy were lawful prize,
though found in a free bottom. But in our treaties with France, &c., we
have established the simpler rule, that a free bottom makes free goods,
and an enemy bottom, enemy goods. The same rule has been adopted by the
treaty of armed neutrality between Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Holland and
Portugal, and assented to by France and Spain. Contraband goods, however,
are always excepted, so that they may still be seized; but the same powers
have established that naval stores are not contraband; and this may be
considered now as the law of nations. Though England acquiesced under this
during the late war, rather than draw on herself the neutral powers, yet
she never acceded to the new principle, and her obstinacy on this point,
is what has prevented the late renewal of her treaty with Russia. On the
commencement of a new war, this principle will probably be insisted on by
the neutral powers, whom we may suppose to be Sweden, Denmark, Portugal,
America, and perhaps Spain. Quere; if England will again acquiesce.
Supposing these details might be useful to you, I have taken the liberty
of giving them, and of assuring you of the esteem with which I am, Sir,
your very humble servant.
TO M. LIMOZIN.
PARIS, September 22, 1787.
SIR,--I must trouble you with another letter to Mr. Jay, to be delivered
to Monsieur Bourgoin on board the packet, which I hope will not be sailed
before it gets to your hands, as the letter is of extreme importance. It
is to inform Congress that official advice is just received here that the
Prussian troops entered the territory of Holland on the 15th instant; that
most of the principal towns had submitted, that Utrecht was evacuated by
the Rhingrave de Salm, and Woerden capitulated, so that Amsterdam remained
without defence. M. de St. Priest had stopped at Antwerp and waited
further orders. We know also, that the first division of the Russian
army has passed the Borysthenes into the Polish Ukraine, and is marching
towards the frontiers of Turkey. War then is well kindled in those two
quarters. Monsieur Cabarus is arrived at Paris, but will not accept the
appointment offered him unless they will adopt his plans. On this there is
hesitation; so that it is not certain he will come in.
I have received your favor of the 20th, and shall make proper use of its
contents. Should the packet be sailed, I will pray you to send my letter
by the first of the vessels which you mention bound for Philadelphia. I
am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, September 24, 1787.
SIR,--The times are now so critical, that every day brings something
new and important, not known the day before. Observing the wind still
unfavorable, I am in hopes the packet may not sail to-morrow, and that
this letter may be at Havre in time for that conveyance. Mr. Eden has
waited on Count Montmorin to inform him, officially, that England must
consider its convention with France, relative to the giving notice of its
naval armament, as at an end, and that they are arming generally. This
is considered here as a declaration of war. The Dutch ambassador told me
yesterday, that he supposed the Prussian troops probably in possession
of the Hague. I asked him if it would interrupt the course of business,
commercial or banking, in Amsterdam; and particularly, whether our depot
of money there was safe. He said, the people of Amsterdam would be surely
so wise as to submit, when they should see that they could not oppose the
Stadtholder; therefore he supposed our depot safe, and that there would be
no interruption of business. It is the hour of the departure of the post;
so I have only time to add assurances of the respect and esteem with which
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, September 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor by Mr. Cutting, and thank you sincerely
for the copy of your book. The departure of a packet boat, which always
gives me full employment for sometime before, has only permitted me
to look into it a little. I judge of it from the first volume, which I
thought formed to do a great deal of good. The first principle of a good
government, is certainly, a distribution of its powers into executive,
judiciary and legislative, and a subdivision of the latter into two or
three branches. It is a good step gained, when it is proved that the
English constitution, acknowledged to be better than all which have
preceded it, is only better in proportion as it has approached nearer to
this distribution of powers. From this, the last step is easy, to show
by a comparison of our constitutions with that of England, how much more
perfect they are. The article of Confederations is certainly worthy of
your pen. It would form a most interesting addition, to show, what have
been the nature of the Confederations which have existed hitherto, what
were their excellences, and what their defects. A comparison of ours with
them would be to the advantage of ours, and would increase the veneration
of our countrymen for it. It is a misfortune that they do not sufficiently
know the value of their constitutions, and how much happier they are
rendered by them, than any other people on earth, by the governments under
which they live.
You know all that has happened in the United Netherlands. You know
also that our friends, Van Staphorsts, will be among the most likely to
become objects of severity, if any severities should be exercised. Is
the money in their hands entirely safe? If it is not, I am sure you have
already thought of it. Are we to suppose the game already up, and that
the Stadtholder is to be re-established, perhaps erected into a monarch,
without the country lifting a finger in opposition to it. If so, it is a
lesson the more for us. In fact, what a crowd of lessons do the present
miseries of Holland teach us? Never to have an hereditary officer of any
sort: never to let a citizen ally himself with kings: never to call in
foreign nations to settle domestic differences: never to suppose that
any nation will expose itself to war for us, &c. Still I am not without
hopes that a good rod is in soak for Prussia, and that England will feel
the end of it. It is known to some, that Russia made propositions to the
Emperor and France, for acting in concert; that the Emperor consents,
and has disposed four camps of one hundred and eighty thousand men, from
the limits of Turkey to those of Prussia. This court hesitates, or rather
its Premier hesitates; for the Queen, Montmorin and Breteuil, are for the
measure. Should it take place, all may yet come to rights, except for the
Turks, who must retire from Europe, and this they must do, were France
Quixotic enough to undertake to support them. We, I hope, shall be left
free to avail ourselves of the advantages of neutrality; and yet, much
I fear, the English, or rather their stupid King, will force us out of
it. For thus I reason. By forcing us into the war against them, they will
be engaged in an expensive land war, as well as a sea war. Common sense
dictates, therefore, that they should let us remain neuter: _ergo_ they
will not let us remain neuter. I never yet found any other general rule
for foretelling what they will do, but that of examining what they ought
not to do.
* * * * *
I have the honor to be, with my best respects to Mrs. Adams, and
sentiments of perfect esteem and regard to yourself, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL SMITH.
PARIS, September 28, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor by Mr. Cutting. I had before
had a transient acquaintance with him, and knew him to be sensible. Your
recommendation is always a new merit. I really think, and had taken the
liberty some time ago of hinting to Congress, that they would do well
to have a diplomatic character at Lisbon. There is no country whose
commerce is more interesting to us. I wish Congress would correspond
to the wishes of that court, in sending a person there, and to mine,
in sending yourself. For I confess, I had rather see you there than at
London, because I doubt whether it be honorable for us to keep anybody
at London, unless they keep some person at New York. Of all nations on
earth, they require to be treated with the most hauteur. They require to
be kicked into common good manners. You ask, if you shall say anything
to Sullivan about the bill. No. Only that it is paid. I have within these
two or three days, received letters from him explaining the matter. It was
really for the skin and bones of the moose, as I had conjectured. It was
my fault, that I had not given him a rough idea of the expense I would
be willing to incur for them. He had made the acquisition an object of
a regular campaign, and that too of a winter one. The troops he employed
sallied forth, as he writes me, in the month of March--much snow--a herd
attacked--one killed--in the wilderness--a road to cut twenty miles--to be
drawn by hand from the frontiers to his house--bones to be cleaned, &c.,
&c., &c. In fine, he puts himself to an infinitude of trouble, more than
I meant: he did it cheerfully, and I feel myself really under obligations
to him. That the tragedy might not want a proper catastrophe, the box,
bones, and all, are lost, so that this chapter of Natural History will
still remain a blank. But I have written to him not to send me another.
I will leave it for my successor to fill up, whenever I shall make my bow
here. The purchase for Mrs. Adams shall be made, and sent by Mr. Cutting.
I shall always be happy to receive her commands. Petit shall be made
happy by her praises of his last purchase for her. I must refer you to Mr.
Adams for the news. Those respecting the Dutch you know as well as I. Nor
should they be written but with the pen of Jeremiah. Adieu mon ami! Yours
affectionately.
TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE BUFFON.
PARIS, October 3, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of informing you, some time ago, that I had written
to some of my friends in America, desiring they would send me such of the
spoils of the moose, caribou, elk and deer, as might throw light on that
class of animals; but more particularly, to send me the complete skeleton,
skin and horns of the moose, in such condition as that the skin might
be sewed up and stuffed, on its arrival here. I am happy to be able to
present to you at this moment, the bones and skin of a moose, the horns
of another individual of the same species, the horns of the caribou, the
elk, the deer, the spiked horned buck, and the roebuck of America. They
all come from New Hampshire and Massachusetts, and were received by me
yesterday. I give you their popular names, as it rests with yourself to
decide their real names. The skin of the moose was dressed with the hair
on, but a great deal of it has come off, and the rest is ready to drop
off. The horns of the elk are remarkably small. I have certainly seen some
of them which would have weighed five or six times as much. This is the
animal which we call elk in the southern parts of America, and of which I
have given some description in the Notes on Virginia, of which I had the
honor of presenting you a copy. I really doubt whether the flat-horned
elk exists in America; and I think this may be properly classed with
the elk, the principal difference being in the horns. I have seen the
daim, the cerf, the chevreuil of Europe. But the animal we call elk, and
which may be distinguished as the round-horned elk, is very different
from them. I have never seen the brand-hirtz or cerf d'Ardennes, nor the
European elk. Could I get a sight of them, I think I should be able to
say which of them the American elk resembles most, as I am tolerably well
acquainted with that animal. I must observe also, that the horns of the
deer, which accompany these spoils, are not of the fifth or sixth part
of the weight of some that I have seen. This individual has been of three
years of age, according to our method of judging. I have taken measures,
particularly, to be furnished with large horns of our elk and our deer,
and therefore beg of you not to consider those now sent, as furnishing
a specimen of their ordinary size. I really suspect you will find that
the moose, the round-horned elk, and the American deer, are species not
existing in Europe. The moose is, perhaps, of a new class. I wish these
spoils, Sir, may have the merit of adding anything new to the treasures
of nature, which have so fortunately come under your observation, and
of which she seems to have given you the key: they will in that case be
some gratification to you, which it will always be pleasing to me to have
procured; having the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect
esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, October 4, 1787.
SIR,--I received your favor of the 23d of September, two days ago. That of
the 28th and 29th, was put in my hands this morning. I immediately waited
on the ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary, of the United Netherlands,
and also on the envoy of Prussia, and asked their good offices to have
an efficacious protection extended to your person, your family, and your
effects, observing that the United States know no party, but are the
friends and allies of the United Netherlands as a nation, and would expect
from their friendship, that the person who is charged with their affairs
until the arrival of a minister, should be covered from all insult and
injury which might be offered him by a lawless mob; well assured that
their minister residing with Congress, would, on all occasions, receive
the same. They have been so good as to promise me, each, that he will
in his first despatches press this matter on the proper power, and give
me reason to hope that it will be efficacious for your safety. I will
transmit your letter to Mr. Jay by the Count de Moustier, who sets out
within a week for New York, as Minister Plenipotentiary for France, in
that country. I sincerely sympathize in your sufferings, and wish that
what I have done may effect an end to them, being with much respect and
esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY PRESIDENT SULLIVAN.
PARIS, October 5, 1787.
SIR,--I have now before me your several favors of April the 16th, 26th,
and 30th, and of May the 9th and 29th, and received also a few days ago
the box containing the skin, bones, and horns of the moose, and other
animals, which your Excellency has been so kind as to take so much trouble
to obtain and forward. They were all in good enough condition, except
that a good deal of the hair of the moose had fallen off. However, there
remained still enough to give a good idea of the animal, and I am in hopes
Monsieur de Buffon will be able to have him stuffed, and placed on his
legs in the King's Cabinet. He was in the country when I sent the box to
the Cabinet, so that I have as yet no answer from him. I am persuaded he
will find the moose to be a different animal from any he had described
in his work. I am equally persuaded that our elk and deer are animals of
a different species from any existing in Europe. Unluckily, the horns of
them now received are remarkably small. However, I have taken measures to
procure some from Virginia. The moose is really a valuable acquisition;
but the skeletons of the other animals would not be worth the expense
they would occasion to me, and still less the trouble to you. Of this, you
have been already so kind as to take a great deal more than I intended to
have given you, and I beg you to accept my sincere thanks. Should a pair
of large horns of the elk or deer fall into your way by accident, I would
thank you to keep them till some vessel should be coming directly from
your nearest port to Havre. So also of very large horns of the moose, for
I understand they are sometimes enormously large indeed. But I would ask
these things only on condition they should occasion you no trouble, and me
little expense.
You will have known that war is commenced between the Turks and Russians,
and that the Prussian troops have entered Holland, and reinstated the
Stadtholder. It is said that even Amsterdam has capitulated. Yet it
is possible, and rather probable, this country will engage in a war to
restore the Patriots. If they do, it will be the most general one long
known in Europe. We, I hope, shall enjoy the blessings of a neutrality,
and probably see England once more humbled. I am, with great esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, October 8, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of writing you on the 19th of September, twice on
the 22d, and again on the 24th. The two first went by the packet, the
third by a vessel bound to Philadelphia. I have not yet learned by what
occasion the last went. In these several letters, I communicated to you
the occurrences of Europe, as far as they were then known. Notwithstanding
the advantage which the Emperor seemed to have gained over his subjects
of Brabant, by the military arrangements he had been permitted to make
under false pretexts, he has not obtained his ends. He certainly wished
to enforce his new regulations; but he wished more to be cleared of all
domestic difficulties, that he might be free to act in the great scenes
which are preparing for the theatre of Europe. He seems, therefore to
have instructed his Governor General of the Netherlands to insist on
compliance as far as could be insisted, without producing resistance by
arms; but, at the same time, to have furnished him with a sufficiently
complete recantation, to prevent the effects of insurrection. The Governor
pressed; the people were firm; a small act of force was then attempted,
which produced a decided resistance, in which the people killed several
of the military: the last resource was then used, which was the act of
recantation; this produced immediate tranquillity, and everything there is
now finally settled, by the Emperor's relinquishment of his plans.
My letter of the evening of September the 22d, informed you that the
Prussian troops had entered Holland, and that of the 24th that England had
announced to this court that she was arming generally. These two events
being simultaneous, proved that the two sovereigns acted in concert.
Immediately after, the court of London announced to the other courts
of Europe, that if France entered Holland with armed force, she would
consider it as an act of hostility, and declare war against her; sending
Mr. Granville here at the same, to make what she called a conciliatory
proposition. This proposition was received as a new insult, Mr. Granville
very coolly treated, and he has now gone back. It is said, he has carried
the ultimatum of France. What it is, particularly, has not transpired; it
is only supposed, in general, to be very firm. You will see, in one of the
Leyden gazettes, one of the letters written by the ministers of England
to the courts of their respective residence, communicating the declaration
before mentioned. In the meantime, Holland has been sooner reduced by the
Prussian troops than could have been expected. The abandonment of Utrecht
by the Rhingrave of Salm, seems to have thrown the people under a general
panic, during which every place submitted, except Amsterdam. That had
opened conferences with the Duke of Brunswick; but as late as the second
instant, no capitulation was yet concluded. The King of Prussia, on his
first move, demanded categorically of the King of Poland, what part he
intended to act in the event of war. The latter answered, he should act as
events should dictate; and is, in consequence of this species of menace
from Prussia, arming himself. He can bring into the field almost seventy
thousand good cavalry. In the meantime, though nothing transpires publicly
of the confederation between France and the two empires, mentioned in my
letter of September the 19th, it is not the less sure that it is on the
carpet, and will take place. To the circumstances before mentioned may
be added, as further indications of war, the naming as Generalissimo of
their marine on the Atlantic, Monsieur de Suffrein, on the Mediterranean,
Monsieur Albert de Rioms, the recalling Monsieur de St. Priest, their
ambassador, from Antwerp, before he had reached the Hague, and the
activity of their armies by sea. On the other hand, the little movement by
land would make one suppose they expected to put the King of Prussia into
other hands. They, too, like the Emperor, are arranging matters at home.
The rigorous levy of the _deux vingtiemes_ is enregistered, the stamp act
and impost territorial are revoked, the parliament recalled, the nation
soothed by these acts, and inspired by the insults of the British court.
The part of the Council still leaning towards peace, are become unpopular,
and perhaps may feel the effects of it. No change in the administration
has taken place since my last, unless we may consider as such, Monsieur
Cabarrus's refusal to stand in the lines. Thinking he should be forced to
follow, too seriously, plans formed by others, he has declined serving.
Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as
general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with great
advantages. Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our happiness,
is another question. But is it sure, that Great Britain, by her searches,
her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will permit us to
preserve our neutrality? I know it may be argued, that the land war which
she would superadd to her sea war, by provoking us to join her enemies,
should rationally hold her to her good behavior with us. But since the
accession of the present monarch, has it not been passion, and not reason
which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her measures? Has there been a
better rule of prognosticating what he would do, than to examine what he
ought not to do? When I review his dispositions, and review his conduct, I
have little hope of his permitting our neutrality. He will find subjects
of provocation in various articles of our treaty with France, which will
now come into view, in all their consequences, and in consequences very
advantageous to the one, and injurious to the other country. I suggest
these doubts, on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for
war, and in the opinion that provisions for that event should be thought
of.
The enclosed letter from Mr. Dumas came to me open, though directed to
you. I immediately waited on the ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary,
of Holland, and the envoy of Prussia, and prayed them to interest
themselves to have his person, his family and his goods protected. They
promised me readily to do it, and have written accordingly; I trust it
will be with effect. I could not avoid enclosing you the letter from
Monsieur Bouebé, though I have satisfied him he is to expect nothing from
Congress for his inventions. These are better certified than most of those
things are; but if time stamps their worth, time will give them to us.
He expects no further answer. The gazettes of Leyden and France to this
date accompany this, which will be delivered you by the Count de Moustier,
Plenipotentiary from this country.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, October 8, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--The bearer hereof, the Count de Moustier, successor to Monsieur
de La Luzerne, would, from his office, need no letter of introduction
to you or to anybody. Yet I take the liberty of recommending him to
you, to shorten those formal approaches, which the same office would
otherwise expose him to, in making your acquaintance. He is a great
enemy to formality, etiquette, ostentation and luxury. He goes with
the best dispositions to cultivate society, without poisoning it by ill
example. He is sensible, disposed to view things favorably, and being well
acquainted with the constitution of England, her manners and language, is
the better prepared for his station with us. But I should have performed
only the lesser, and least pleasing half of my task, were I not to add
my recommendations of Madame de Brehan. She is goodness itself. You must
be well acquainted with her. You will find her well disposed to meet
your acquaintance, and well worthy of it. The way to please her, is to
receive her as an acquaintance of a thousand years standing. She speaks
little English. You must teach her more, and learn French from her. She
hopes, by accompanying Monsieur de Moustier, to improve her health, which
is very feeble, and still more, to improve her son in his education,
and to remove him to a distance from the seductions of this country. You
will wonder to be told, that there are no schools in this country to be
compared to ours, in the sciences. The husband of Madame de Brehan is
an officer, and obliged by the times to remain with the army. Monsieur
de Moustier brings your watch. I have worn it two months, and really
find it a most incomparable one. It will not want the little re-dressing
which new watches generally do, after going about a year. It costs six
hundred livres. To open it in all its parts, press the little pin on the
edge, with the point of your nail; that opens the crystal; then open the
dial-plate in the usual way; then press the stem, at the end within the
loop, and it opens the back for winding up or regulating.
De Moustier is remarkably communicative. With adroitness he may be pumped
of anything. His openness is from character, not from affectation. An
intimacy with him may, on this account, be politically valuable. I am,
dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
(Private.) PARIS, October 8, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--The Count de Moustier, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Court
of Versailles to the United States, will have the honor of delivering
you this. The connection of your offices will necessarily connect you
in acquaintance; but I beg leave to present him to you, on account of
his personal as well as his public character. You will find him open,
communicative, candid, simple in his manners, and a declared enemy to
ostentation and luxury. He goes with a resolution to add no aliment to it
by his example, unless he finds that the dispositions of our countrymen
require it indispensably. Permit me, at the same time, to solicit your
friendly notice, and through you, that also of Mrs. Jay, to Madame la
Marquise de Brehan, sister-in-law to Monsieur de Moustier. She accompanies
him, in hopes that a change of climate may assist her feeble health, and
also, that she may procure a more valuable education for her son, and
safer from seduction, in America than in France. I think it impossible
to find a better woman, more amiable, more modest, more simple in her
manners, dress, and way of thinking. She will deserve the friendship of
Mrs. Jay, and the way to obtain hers, is to receive her and treat her
without the shadow of etiquette.
The Count d'Aranda leaves us in a day or two. He desired me to recall him
to your recollection, and to assure you of his friendship. In a letter
which I mean as a private one, I may venture details too minute for a
public one, yet not unamusing, or unsatisfactory. I may venture names,
too, without the danger of their getting into a newspaper. There has long
been a division in the Council here, on the question of war and peace.
Monsieur de Montmorin and Monsieur de Breteuil have been constantly for
war. They are supported in this by the Queen. The King goes for nothing.
He hunts one half the day, is drunk the other, and signs whatever he
is bid. The Archbishop of Thoulouse desires peace. Though brought in
by the Queen, he is opposed to her in this capital object, which would
produce an alliance with her brother. Whether the Archbishop will yield
or not, I know not. But an intrigue is already begun for ousting him
from his place, and it is rather probable it will succeed. He is a good
and patriotic minister for peace, and very capable in the department
of finance. At least, he is so in theory. I have heard his talents for
execution censured. Can I be useful here to Mrs. Jay or yourself, in
executing any commissions, great or small? I offer you my services with
great cordiality. You know whether any of the wines in this country may
attract your wishes. In my tour, last spring, I visited the best vineyards
of Burgundy, Cote-rotie, Hermitage, Lunelle, Frontignan, and white and red
Bordeaux, got acquainted with the proprietors, and can procure for you the
best crops from the vigneron himself. Mrs. Jay knows if there is anything
else here, in which I could be useful to her. Command me without ceremony,
as it will give me real pleasure to serve you, and be assured of the
sincere attachment and friendship, with which I am, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR LE COMTE DE MOUSTIER.
PARIS, October 9, 1787.
Mr. Jefferson has the honor of presenting his respects to Monsieur le
Comte de Moustier, and of taking leave of him by letter, which he is
prevented doing in person, by an unexpected visit to Versailles to-day.
He will hope to have the pleasure of sometimes hearing from him, and
will take the liberty occasionally, of troubling him with a letter. He
considers the Count de Moustier as forming, with himself, the two end
links of that chain which holds the two nations together, and is happy
to have observed in him dispositions to strengthen rather than to weaken
it. It is a station of importance, as on the cherishing good dispositions
and quieting bad ones, will depend, in some degree, the happiness and
prosperity of the two countries. The Count de Moustier will find the
affections of the Americans with France, but their habits with England.
Chained to that country by circumstances, embracing what they loathe, they
realize the fable of the living and the dead bound together. Mr. Jefferson
troubles the Count de Moustier with two letters, to gentlemen whom he
wishes to recommend to his particular acquaintance, and to that of Madame
de Brehan. He bids Monsieur de Moustier a most friendly adieu, and wishes
him everything which may render agreeable his passage across the water,
and his residence beyond it.
TO MADAME DE BREHAN.
PARIS, October 9, 1787.
Persuaded, Madam, that visits at this moment must be troublesome, I beg
you to accept my adieus in this form. Be assured, that no one mingles
with them more regret at separating from you. I will ask your permission
to enquire of you by letter sometimes, how our country agrees with your
health and your expectations, and will hope to hear it from yourself. The
imitation of European manners, which you will find in our towns, will, I
fear, be little pleasing. I beseech you to practice still your own, which
will furnish them a model of what is perfect. Should you be singular, it
will be by excellence, and after awhile you will see the effect of your
example.
Heaven bless you, Madam, and guard you under all circumstances; give you
smooth waters, gentle breezes, and clear skies, hushing all its elements
into peace, and leading with its own hand the favored bark, till it shall
have safely landed its precious charge on the shores of our new world.
TO M. LIMOZIN.
PARIS, October 9, 1787.
SIR,--I have duly received your favor with my account balance 160_l._
7_s._, which shall be paid to your order. I observe it is supposed with
you that the differences between the courts of London and St. Cloud are
nearly settled. But be assured on the contrary, that no accommodation is
expected, and that war is as certain as it can be, without being actually
commenced or declared. There remains indeed, a possibility of preventing
it, but it is very feeble. This court would be disposed to do it, but they
believe that of London decided on war. We cannot foresee the moment it
will commence, but it is not distant, according to present appearances. M.
de Suffrein is appointed to command on the Ocean, and M. Albert de Rion on
the Mediterranean.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, October 14, 1787.
SIR,--I have duly received your favors of October the 23d and 26th. With
respect to the mission you suggest in the former, no powers are lodged in
the hands of Mr. Adams and myself. Congress commissioned Mr. Adams, Dr.
Franklin and myself, to treat with the Emperor on the subject of amity
and commerce; at the same time, they gave us the commission to Prussia,
with which you are acquainted. We proposed treating through the imperial
ambassador here. It was declined on their part, and our powers expired,
having been given but for two years. Afterwards, the same ambassador here
was instructed to offer to treat with us. I informed him our powers were
expired, but that I would write to Congress on the subject. I did so, but
have never yet received an answer. Whether this proceeds from a change
of opinion in them, or from the multiplicity of their occupations, I am
unable to say; but this state of facts will enable you to see that we
have no powers in this instance, to take the measures you had thought of.
I sincerely sympathise with you in your sufferings. Though forbidden by
my character, to meddle in the internal affairs of an allied State, it is
the wish of my heart that their troubles may have such an issue, as will
secure the greatest degree of happiness to the body of the people; for it
is with the mass of the nation we are allied, and not merely with their
governors. To inform the minds of the people, and to follow their will,
is the chief duty of those placed at their head. What party in your late
struggles was most likely to do this, you are more competent to judge than
I am. Under every event, that you may be safe and happy, is the sincere
wish of him, who has the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MADAME DE CORNY.
PARIS, October 18, 1787.
I now have the honor, Madam, to send you the Memoire of M. de Calonnes.
Do not injure yourself by hurrying its perusal. Only, when you shall
have read it at your ease, be so good as to send it back, that it may
be returned to the Duke of Dorset. You will read it with pleasure. It
has carried comfort to my heart, because it must do the same to the
King and the nation. Though it does not prove M. de Calonnes to be more
innocent than his predecessors, it shows him not to have been that
exaggerated scoundrel, which the calculations and the clamors of the
public have supposed. It shows that the public treasures have not been so
inconceivably squandered, as the parliaments of Grenoble, Thoulouse, &c.,
had affirmed. In fine, it shows him less wicked, and France less badly
governed, than I had feared. In examining my little collection of books,
to see what it could furnish you on the subject of Poland, I find a small
piece which may serve as a supplement to the history I had sent you. It
contains a mixture of history and politics, which I think you will like.
How do you do this morning? I have feared you exerted and exposed yourself
too much yesterday. I ask you the question, though I shall not await its
answer. The sky is clearing, and I shall away to my hermitage. God bless
you, my dear Madam, now and always. Adieu.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, October 23, 1787.
SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency on the subject of
the _Arret_ which has lately appeared, for prohibiting the importation
of whale oils and spermaceti, the produce of foreign fisheries. This
prohibition being expressed in general terms, seems to exclude the whale
oils of the United States of America, as well as of the nations of Europe.
The uniform disposition, however, which his Majesty and his ministers have
shown to promote the commerce between France and the United States, by
encouraging our productions to come hither, and particularly those of our
fisheries, induces me to hope, that these were not within their view, at
the passing of this _Arret_. I am led the more into this opinion, when I
recollect the assiduity exercised for several months, in the year 1785,
by the committee appointed by government to investigate the objects of
commerce of the two countries, and to report the encouragements of which
it was susceptible; the result of that investigation, which his Majesty's
Comptroller General did me the honor to communicate, in a letter of the
22d of October, 1786, stating therein the principles which should be
established for the future regulations of that commerce, and particularly
distinguishing the articles of whale oils by an abatement of the duties
on them for the present, and a promise of further abatement after the year
1790; the thorough re-investigation with which Monsieur de Lambert honored
this subject, when the letter of 1786 was to be put into the form of an
_Arret_; that _Arret_ itself, bearing date the 29th of December last,
which ultimately confirmed the abatements of duty present and future,
and declared that his Majesty reserved to himself to grant other favors
to that production, if on further information, he should find it for the
interest of the two nations; and finally, the letter in which Monsieur
de Lambert did me the honor to enclose the _Arret_, and to assure me,
that the duties which had been levied on our whale oils, contrary to
the intention of the letter of 1786, should be restored. On a review,
then, of all these circumstances, I cannot but presume, that it has not
been intended to reverse, in a moment, views so maturely digested, and
uniformly pursued; and that the general expressions of the _Arret_ of
September the 28th had within their contemplation the nations of Europe
only. This presumption is further strengthened by having observed, that
in the treaties of commerce, made since the epoch of our independence,
the _jura gentis amicissimæ_ conceded to other nations, are expressly
restrained to those of the "most favored _European_ nation;" his Majesty
wisely foreseeing, that it would be expedient to regulate the commerce of
a nation, which brings nothing but raw materials to employ the industry
of his subjects, very differently from that of the European nations,
who bring mostly what has already passed through all the stages of
manufacture.
On these circumstances, I take the liberty of asking information from
your Excellency, as to the extent of the late _Arret_; and if I have
not been mistaken in supposing it did not mean to abridge that of
December the 29th, I would solicit an explanatory _Arret_, to prevent the
misconstructions of it, which will otherwise take place. It is much to be
desired, too, that this explanation could be given as soon as possible, in
order that it may be handed out with the _Arret_ of September the 28th.
Great alarm may otherwise spread among the merchants and adventurers
in the fisheries, who, confiding in the stability of regulations, which
his Majesty's wisdom had so long and well matured, have embarked their
fortunes in speculations in this branch of business.
The importance of the subject to one of the principal members of our
Union induces me to attend with great anxiety, the re-assurance from your
Excellency, that no change has taken place in his Majesty's views on this
subject; and that his dispositions to multiply, rather than diminish the
combinations of interest between the two people, continue unaltered.
Commerce is slow in changing its channel. That between this country
and the United States, is as yet but beginning; and this beginning has
received some checks. The _Arret_ in question would be a considerable one,
without the explanation I have the honor to ask. I am persuaded, that
a continuation of the dispositions which have been hitherto manifested
towards us, will insure effects, political and commercial, of value to
both nations.
I have had too many proofs of the friendly interest your Excellency
is pleased to take, in whatever may strengthen the bands and connect
the views of the two countries, to doubt your patronage of the present
application; or to pretermit any occasion of repeating assurances of those
sentiments of high respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be,
your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR L'ABBE DE MORELLET.
PARIS, Oct. 24, 1787.
SIR,--I wish it were in my power to announce to the Count de Cambrai that
the Treasury Board of the United States had enabled their banker here
to answer the demands of the foreign officers. But it is not. As soon as
I knew that there was a deficiency of money to pay the interest of this
demand, I informed the Treasury Board of it. They answered me they would
supply the necessary fund as soon as it should be in their power; and I
am persuaded they have not failed in inclination to do it. Of this I had
the honor to notify the Count de Cambrai the last year. It is not unknown
to you that the part of our new machine of government which works the
worst, is that which respects the raising money; and it is that which
has occasioned the late attempts to amend our confederation. Foreseeing
that our Treasury Board might not be able to remit money from America, I
suggested to Congress the expediency of borrowing money in Holland to pay
off the foreign officers. And in the month of July last, being assured
they could command the money in Holland, I pressed a more particular
proposition to this purpose. As I do not foresee any possible objection
to the proposition I made them, I think myself sure of their acceding to
it, and that I may receive news of it in the month of December. I may
be disappointed as to the time of receiving their answer, because the
course of their business is slow; but I do not apprehend it will be much
retarded, and still less that they will refuse it altogether. The moment
I receive an answer, the Count de Cambrai may be assured it shall be
communicated to him. In doing this I shall gratify not only my personal
friendship for him, but also those sentiments of particular esteem
and attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE J. JAY.
PARIS, Oct. 27, 1787.
SIR,--When I had the honor of addressing you on the 8th instant, the
appearances of war were such, that no one would have been surprised to
hear that hostilities were actually commenced at sea. The preparations
were pushed with such vivacity on the part of England, that it was
believed she had other objects in view than those she spoke out. However,
having protected by her countenance the establishment of the Stadtholder
by the Prussian troops, and completely detached the Court of Berlin from
that of Versailles, she made a proposition to the latter to disarm, which
was agreed to. Mutual declarations for this purpose were signed last night
at Versailles, of which I have now the honor to enclose you copies.
Commissaries are to be appointed on each side to see that the disarming
takes place. The Count de Moustier having been detained at Brest a
fortnight by contrary wind, and this continuing obstinately in the same
point, admits a possibility that this letter may yet reach Brest before
his departure. It passes through the post office and will be opened and
read of course. I shall have the honor of addressing you more fully a week
hence by a private hand. I have now that of assuring you of the sincerity
of that esteem and respect with which I have honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 3, 1787.
SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 8th and 27th of October. In the
former, I mentioned to you the declaration of this country, that they
would interpose with force, if the Prussian troops entered Holland; the
entry of those troops into Holland; the declaration of England, that if
France did oppose force, they would consider it as an act of war; the
naval armaments on both sides; the nomination of the Bailli de Suffrein
as Generalissimo on the ocean; and the cold reception of Mr. Granville
here, with his conciliatory propositions, as so many symptoms which seemed
to indicate a certain and immediate rupture. It was indeed universally
and hourly expected. But the King of Prussia, a little before these last
events, got wind of the alliance on the carpet between France and the two
empires; he awaked to the situation in which that would place him; he made
some applications to the court of St. Petersburg, to divert the Empress
from the proposed alliance, and supplicated the court of London not to
abandon him. That court had also received a hint of the same project;
both seemed to suspect, for the first time, that it would be possible for
France to abandon the Turks, and that they were likely to get more than
they had played for at Constantinople; for they had meant nothing more
there, than to divert the Empress and Emperor from the affairs of the
west, by employing them in the east, and at the same time, to embroil them
with France as the patroness of the Turks. The court of London engaged not
to abandon Prussia: but both of them relaxed a little the tone of their
proceedings. The King of Prussia sent a Mr. Alvensleben here expressly
to explain and soothe: the King of England, notwithstanding the cold
reception of his propositions by Grenville, renewed conferences here
through Eden and the Duke of Dorset. The minister, in the affection of
his heart for peace, readily joined in conference, and a declaration and
counter-declaration were cooked up at Versailles, and sent to London for
approbation. They were approved, arrived here at one o'clock the 27th,
were signed that night at Versailles, and on the next day, I had the honor
of enclosing them to you, under cover to the Count de Moustier, whom
I supposed still at Brest, dating my letter as of the 27th, by mistake
for the 28th. Lest, however, these papers should not have got to Brest
before the departure of the Count de Moustier, I now enclose you other
copies. The English declaration states a notification of this court, in
September, by Barthelemy, their minister at London, "that they would send
succours into Holland," as the first cause of England's arming; desires
an explanation of the intentions of this court, as to the affairs of
Holland, and proposes to disarm; on condition, however, that the King of
France shall not retain any hostile views in any quarter, for what has
been done in Holland. This last phrase was to secure Prussia, according to
promise. The King of France acknowledges the notification by his minister
at London, promises he will do nothing in consequence of it, declares he
has no intention to intermeddle with force in the affairs of Holland, and
that he will entertain hostile views in no quarter, for what has been done
there. He disavows having ever had any intention to interpose with force
in the affairs of that republic. This disavowal begins the sentence, which
acknowledges he had notified the contrary to the court of London, and it
includes no apology to soothe the feelings which may be excited in the
breasts of the Patriots of Holland, at hearing the King declare he never
did intend to aid them with force, when promises to do this were the basis
of those very attempts to better their constitution, which have ended in
its ruin, as well as their own.
I have analyzed these declarations, because, being somewhat wrapped up in
their expressions, their full import might escape, on a transient reading;
and it is necessary it should not escape. It conveys to us the important
lesson, that no circumstances of morality, honor, interest, or engagement,
are sufficient to authorize a secure reliance on any nation, at all times,
and in all positions. A moment of difficulty, or a moment of error, may
render forever useless the most friendly dispositions in the King, in
the major part of his ministers, and the whole of his nation. The present
pacification is considered by most as only a short truce. They calculate
on the spirit of the nation, and not on the agued hand which guides its
movements. It is certain, that from this moment the whole system of Europe
changes. Instead of counting together England, Austria, and Russia, as
heretofore, against France, Spain, Holland, Prussia, and Turkey, the
division will probably be, England, Holland, and Prussia, against France,
Austria, Russia, and perhaps Spain. This last power is not sure, because
the dispositions of its heir apparent are not sure. But whether the
present be truce or peace, it will allow time to mature the conditions of
the alliance between France and the two empires, always supposed to be on
the carpet. It is thought to be obstructed by the avidity of the Emperor,
who would swallow a good part of Turkey, Silesia, Bavaria, and the rights
of the Germanic body. To the two or three first articles, France might
consent, receiving in gratification a well-rounded portion of the Austrian
Netherlands, with the islands of Candia, Cyprus, Rhodes, and perhaps lower
Egypt. But all this is in embryo, uncertainly known, and counterworked by
the machinations of the courts of London and Berlin.
The following solution of the British armaments is supposed in a letter of
the 25th ultimo, from Colonel Blachden of Connecticut, now at Dunkirk, to
the Marquis de La Fayette. I will cite it in his own words:--"A gentleman
who left London two days ago, and came to this place to-day, informs me
that it is now generally supposed that Mr. Pitt's great secret, which
has puzzled the whole nation so long, and to accomplish which design the
whole force of the nation is armed, is to make a vigorous effort for
the recovery of America. When I recollect the delay they have made in
delivering the forts in America, and that little more than a year ago, one
of the British ministry wrote to the King a letter, in which were these
remarkable words, 'if your Majesty pleases, America may yet be yours;' add
to this, if it were possible for the present ministry in England to effect
such a matter, they would secure their places and their power for a long
time, and should they fail in the end, they would be certain of holding
them during the attempt, which it is in their power to prolong as much
as they please, and, at all events, they would boast of having endeavored
the recovery of what a former ministry had abandoned--it is possible." A
similar surmise has come in a letter from a person in Rotterdam to one at
this place. I am satisfied that the King of England believes the mass of
our people to be tired of their independence, and desirous of returning
under his government; and that the same opinion prevails in the ministry
and nation. They have hired their newswriters to repeat this lie in their
gazettes so long, that they have become the dupes of it themselves. But
there is no occasion to recur to this, in order to account for their
arming. A more rational purpose avowed, that purpose executed, and when
executed, a solemn agreement to disarm, seem to leave no doubt that the
re-establishment of the Stadtholder was their object. Yet it is possible,
that having found that this court will not make war in this moment for any
ally, new views may arise, and they may think the moment favorable for
executing any purposes they may have, in our quarter. Add to this, that
reason is of no aid in calculating their movements. We are, therefore,
never safe till our magazines are filled with arms. The present season
of truce or peace, should, in my opinion, be improved without a moment's
respite, to effect this essential object, and no means be omitted, by
which money may be obtained for the purpose. I say this, however, with
due deference to the opinion of Congress, who are better judges of the
necessity and practicability of the measure.
I mentioned to you, in a former letter, the application I had made to the
Dutch ambassadors and Prussian envoy, for the protection of Mr. Dumas.
The latter soon after received an assurance, that he was put under the
protection of the States of Holland; and the Dutch ambassador called on
me a few days ago, to inform me, by instruction from his constituents,
"that the States General had received a written application from Mr.
Adams, praying their protection of Dumas; that they had instructed their
_greffier_, Fagel, to assure Mr. Adams, by letter, that he was under
the protection of the States of Holland; but to inform him, at the same
time, that Mr. Dumas' conduct, out of the line of his office, had been so
extraordinary, that they would expect de l'honnêteté de Mr. Adams, that
he would charge some other person with the affairs of the United States,
during his absence."
Your letter of September the 8th, has been duly received. I shall pay
due attention to the instructions relative to the medals, and give any
aid I can in the case of Boss' vessel. As yet, however, my endeavors to
find Monsieur Pauly, _avocat au conseil d'etat_, _rue Coquilliere_, have
been ineffectual. There is no such person living in that street. I found
a Monsieur Pauly, _avocat au parlement_, in another part of the town; he
opened the letter, but said it could not mean him. I shall advertise in
the public papers. If that fails, there will be no other chance of finding
him. Mr. Warnum will do well, therefore, to send some other description by
which the person may be found. Indeed, some friend of the party interested
should be engaged to follow up this business, as it will require constant
attention, and probably a much larger sum of money than that named in the
bill enclosed in Mr. Warnum's letter.
I have the honor to enclose you a letter from O'Bryan to me, containing
information from Algiers, and one from Mr. Montgomery, at Alicant. The
purpose of sending you this last, is to show you how much the difficulties
of ransom are increased since the Spanish negotiations. The Russian
captives have cost about eight thousand livres apiece, on an average. I
certainly have no idea that we should give any such sum; and, therefore,
if it should be the sense of Congress to give such a price, I would be
glad to know it by instruction. My idea is, that we should not ransom, but
on the footing of the nation which pays least, that it may be as little
worth their while to go in pursuit of us, as any nation. This is cruelty
to the individuals now in captivity, but kindness to the hundreds that
would soon be so, were we to make it worth the while of those pirates
to go out of the Straits in quest of us. As soon as money is provided,
I shall put this business into train. I have taken measures to damp at
Algiers all expectations of our proposing to ransom, at any price. I feel
the distress which this must occasion to our countrymen there, and their
connections; but the object of it is their ultimate good, by bringing down
their holders to such a price as we ought to pay, instead of letting them
remain in such expectations as cannot be gratified. The gazettes of France
and Leyden accompany this.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
[_The annexed are translations of the declaration and counter-
declaration, referred to in the preceding letter._]
DECLARATION.
The events which have taken place in the republic of the United provinces,
appearing no longer to leave any subject of discussion, and still less of
dispute, between the two courts, the undersigned are authorized to ask,
if it be the intention of his most Christian Majesty to act in pursuance
of the notification given, on the 16th of last month, by the Minister
Plenipotentiary of his most Christian Majesty, which, announcing his
purpose of aiding Holland, has occasioned maritime armaments on the part
of his Majesty, which armaments have become reciprocal.
If the court of Versailles is disposed to explain itself on this subject,
and on the conduct adopted towards the republic, in a manner conformably
to the desire evinced by each party, to preserve a good understanding
between the two courts, it being also understood, at the same time, that
no hostile view is entertained in any quarter, in consequence of the past;
his Majesty, always eager to manifest his concurrence in the friendly
sentiments of his most Christian Majesty, agrees forthwith that the
armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war, shall be mutually
discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations shall be placed
on the footing of a peace establishment, such as existed on the first of
January of the present year.
Signed.{DORSET.
{WM. EDEN.
At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1887.
COUNTER-DECLARATION.
It neither being, nor ever having been, the intention of his Majesty to
interpose by force in the affairs of the republic of the United provinces,
the communication made to the court of London by M. Barthelemy, having had
no other object than to announce to that court an intention, the motives
of which no longer exist, _especially since the King of Prussia has made
known his resolution_, his Majesty makes no difficulty in declaring, that
he has no wish to act in pursuance of the communication aforesaid, and
that he entertains no hostile view in any quarter, relative to what has
passed in Holland.
Consequently, his Majesty, desiring to concur in the sentiments of his
Britannic Majesty, for the preservation of a good understanding between
the two courts, consents with pleasure to the proposition of his Britannic
Majesty, that the armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war,
shall be mutually discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations
shall be replaced upon the footing of the peace establishment, as it
existed on the first day of January of the present year.
Signed. MONTMORIN.
At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1787.
TO JOHN JAY.
(Private.) PARIS, November 3, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I shall take the liberty of confiding sometimes to a private
letter such details of the small history of the court or cabinet, as may
be worthy of being known, and yet not proper to be publicly communicated.
I doubt whether the administration is yet in a permanent form. The
Count de Montmorin and Baron de Breteuil are, I believe, firm enough in
their places. It was doubted whether they would wait for the Count de La
Luzerne, if the war had taken place; but at present, I suppose they will.
I wish it also, because M. de Hector, his only competitor, has on some
occasions shown little value for the connection with us. Lambert, the
Comptroller General, is thought to be very insecure. I should be sorry
also to lose him. I have worked several days with him, the Marquis de
La Fayette, and Monsieur du Pont, (father of the young gentleman gone to
America with the Count de Moustier) to reduce into one _Arret_, whatever
concerned our commerce. I have found him a man of great judgment and
application, possessing good general principles on subjects of commerce,
and friendly dispositions towards us. He passed the _Arret_ in a very
favorable form, but it has been opposed in the Council, and will, I fear,
suffer some alteration in the article of whale oil. That of tobacco,
which was put into a separate instrument, experiences difficulties also,
which do not come from him. M. du Pont has rendered us essential service
on these occasions. I wish his son could be so well noticed, as to make
a favorable report to his father; he would, I think, be gratified by it,
and his good dispositions be strengthened, and rendered further useful to
us. Whether I shall be able to send you these regulations by the present
packet, will depend on their getting through the Council in time. The
Archbishop continues well with his patroness. Her object is, a close
connection with her brother. I suppose he convinces her, that peace will
furnish the best occasion of cementing that connection.
It may not be uninstructive, to give you the origin and nature of
his influence with the Queen. When the Duke de Choiseul proposed the
marriage of the Dauphin with this lady, he thought it proper to send a
person to Vienna, to perfect her in the language. He asked his friend,
the Archbishop of Thoulouse, to recommend to him a proper person. He
recommended a certain Abbé. The Abbé, from his first arrival at Vienna,
either tutored by his patron, or prompted by gratitude, impressed on
the Queen's mind, the exalted talents and merit of the Archbishop, and
continually represented him as the only man fit to be placed at the helm
of affairs. On his return to Paris, being retained near the person of
the Queen, he kept him constantly in her view. The Archbishop was named
of the Assembly des Notables, had occasion enough there to prove his
talents, and Count de Vergennes, his great enemy, dying opportunely, the
Queen got him into place. He uses the Abbé even yet, for instilling all
his notions into her mind. That he has imposing talents and patriotic
dispositions, I think is certain. Good judges think him a theorist only,
little acquainted with the details of business, and spoiling all his
plans by a bungled execution. He may perhaps undergo a severe trial. His
best actions are exciting against him a host of enemies, particularly
the reduction of the pensions, and reforms in other branches of economy.
Some think the other ministers are willing he should stay in, till he has
effected this odious, yet necessary work, and that they will then make him
the scape-goat of the transaction. The declarations too, which I send you
in my public letter, if they should become public, will probably raise an
universal cry. It will all fall on him, because Montmorin and Breteuil
say, without reserve, that the sacrifice of the Dutch has been against
their advice. He will, perhaps, not permit these declarations to appear
in this country. They are absolutely unknown; they were communicated to
me by the Duke of Dorset, and I believe no other copy has been given here.
They will be published doubtless in England, as a proof of their triumph,
and may thence make their way into this country. If the Premier can stem
a few months, he may remain long in office, and will never make war if he
can help it. If he should be removed, the peace will probably be short.
He is solely chargeable with the loss of Holland. True, they could not
have raised money by taxes, to supply the necessities of war; but could
they do it were their finances ever so well arranged? No nation makes war
now-a-days, but by the aid of loans; and it is probable, that in a war
for the liberties of Holland, all the treasures of that country would have
been at their service. They have now lost the cow which furnishes the milk
of war. She will be on the side of their enemies, whenever a rupture shall
take place; and no arrangement of their finances can countervail this
circumstance.
I have no doubt, you permit access to the letters of your foreign
ministers, by persons only of the most perfect trust. It is in the
European system, to bribe the clerks high, in order to obtain copies of
interesting papers. I am sure you are equally attentive to the conveyance
of your letters to us, as you know that all are opened that pass through
any post-office of Europe. Your letters which come by the packet, if put
into the mail at New York, or into the post-office at Havre, wear proofs
that they have been opened. The passenger to whom they are confided,
should be cautioned always to keep them in his own hands, till he can
deliver them personally in Paris.
I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, November 6, 1787.
SIR,--I take the liberty of asking your Excellency's perusal of the
enclosed case of an American hostage, confined in the prisons of Dunkirk.
His continuance there seems to be useless, and yet endless. Not knowing
how far the government can interfere for his relief, as it is a case
wherein private property is concerned, I do not presume to ask his
liberation absolutely; but I will solicit from your Excellency such
measures in his behalf, as the laws and usages of the country may permit.
The Comptroller General having been so good as to explain to me in a
conversation that he wished to know what duties were levied in England on
American whale oil, I have had the honor of informing him by letter, that
the ancient duties on that article are seventeen pounds, six shillings and
six pence, sterling, the ton, and that some late additional duties make
them amount to about eighteen pounds sterling. That the common whale oil
sells there but for about twenty pounds sterling, the ton, and of course
the duty amounts to a prohibition. This duty was originally laid on all
foreign fish oil, with a view to favor the British and American fisheries.
When we became independent, and, of course, foreign to great Britain,
we became subject to the foreign duty. No duty, therefore, which France
may think proper to lay on this article, can drive it to the English
market. It could only oblige the inhabitants of Nantucket to abandon
their fishery. But the poverty of their soil offering them no other
resource, they must quit their country, and either establish themselves
in Nova Scotia, where, as British fishermen, they may participate of the
British premium, in addition to the ordinary price of their whale oil,
or they must accept the conditions which this government offers, for the
establishment they have proposed at Dunkirk. Your Excellency will judge,
what conditions may counterbalance, in their minds, the circumstances of
the vicinity of Nova Scotia, sameness of language, laws, religion, customs
and kindred. Remaining in their native country, to which they are most
singularly attached, excluded from commerce with England, taught to look
to France as the only country from which they can derive sustenance, they
will, in case of war, become useful rovers against its enemies. Their
position, their poverty, their courage, their address and their hatred,
will render them formidable scourges on the British commerce. It is to be
considered then, on the one hand, that the duty which M. de Calonnes had
proposed to retain on their oil, may endanger the shifting this useful
body of seamen out of our joint scale into that of the British; and also
may suppress a considerable subject of exchange for the productions
of France: on the other hand, that it may produce an addition to his
majesty's revenue. What I have thus far said, is on the supposition, that
the duty may operate a diminution of the price received by the fishermen.
If it act in the contrary direction, and produce an augmentation of price
to the consumer, it immediately brings into competition a variety of other
oils, vegetable and animal, a good part of which France receives from
abroad, and the fisherman thus losing his market, is compelled equally to
change either his calling or country. When M. de Calonnes first agreed
to reduce the duties to what he has declared, I had great hopes the
commodity could bear them, and that it would become a medium of commerce
between France and the United States. I must confess, however, that my
expectations have not been fulfilled, and that but little has come here
as yet. This induces me to fear, that it is so poor an article, that any
duty whatever will suppress it. Should this take place, and the spirit of
emigration once seize those people, perhaps an abolition of all duty might
then come too late to stop, what it would now easily prevent. I fear there
is danger in the experiment; and it remains for the wisdom of his Majesty
and his ministers to decide, whether the prospect of gain to the revenue,
or establishing a national fishery, may compensate this danger. If the
government should decide to retain the duty, I shall acquiesce in it
cheerfully, and do everything in my power to encourage my countrymen still
to continue their occupation.
The actual session of our several legislatures would render it interesting
to forward immediately the regulations proposed on our commerce; and the
expiration of the order of Bernis, at the close of this month, endangers a
suspension and derangement in the commerce of tobacco, very embarrassing
to the merchants of the two countries. Pardon me therefore, Sir, if I
appear solicitous to obtain the ultimate decision of his Majesty's Council
on these subjects, and to ask as early a communication of that decision,
as shall be convenient.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HON. JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 7, 1787.
SIR,--By a letter of the 2d instant, from the Count de Moustier, I
perceive he is still at Brest. The wind has been now near a month in
the south-western quarter, and if it remains there a few days longer, my
despatches by the packet may reach you as soon as those by Monsieur de
Moustier. This being the last post which can reach the packet, should
she sail on the 10th, I avail myself of it to inform you of the only
circumstance, since the date of my letters delivered to Mr. Stuari,
worth your knowledge; that is the appointment of the Chevalier de La
Luzerne, Ambassador to the Court of London. This fortunate issue of those
expectations which made him unwilling to return to America, together
with the character of his successor, will, I hope, render it pleasing to
Congress that his return was not too much pressed. He would have gone back
with dispositions toward us very different from those he will carry for
us to the Court of London. He has been constantly sensible that we wished
his return, and that we could have procured it, but that we did not wish
to stand in the way of his promotion. He will view this as in some measure
the effect of our indulgence, and I think we may count on his patronage
and assistance wherever they may be useful to us. I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, November 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--This will be delivered you by young Mr. Rutledge. Your
knowledge of his father will introduce him to your notice. He merits it
moreover, on his own account.
I am now to acknowledge your favors of Oct. the 8th and 26th. That of
Aug. 25th was duly received, nor can I recollect by what accident I was
prevented from acknowledging it in mine of Sept. the 28th. It has been
the source of my subsistence hitherto, and must continue to be so, till I
receive letters on the affairs of money from America. Van Staphorsts and
Willinks have answered my drafts. Your books for the Marquis de La Fayette
are received here. I will notify it to him, who is at present with his
Provincial Assembly in Auvergne.
Little is said lately of the progress of the negotiations between the
courts of Petersburg, Vienna and Versailles. The distance of the former,
and the cautious, unassuming character of its minister here, is one cause
of delays: a greater one is, the greediness and unstable character of the
Emperor. Nor do I think that the Principal here will be easily induced
to lend himself to any connection, which shall threaten a war within a
considerable number of years. His own reign will be that of peace only,
in all probability; and were any accident to tumble him down, this country
would immediately gird on its sword and buckler, and trust to occurrences
for supplies of money. The wound their honor has sustained festers in
their hearts; and it may be said with truth, that the Archbishop, and
a few priests determined to support his measures, because, proud to see
their order come again into power, are the only advocates for the line
of conduct which has been pursued. It is said and believed through Paris
literally, that the Count de Montmorin, "_pleuroit comme un enfant_,"
when obliged to sign the counter-declaration. Considering the phrase as
figurative, I believe it expresses the distress of his heart. Indeed,
he has made no secret of his individual opinion. In the meantime, the
Principal goes on with a firm and patriotic spirit, in reforming the
cruel abuses of the government, and preparing a new constitution, which
will give to this people as much liberty as they are capable of managing.
This, I think, will be the glory of his administration, because, though
a good theorist in finance, he is thought to execute badly. They are
about to open a loan of one hundred millions, to supply present wants,
and it is said, the preface of the _Arret_ will contain a promise of the
convocation of the States General, during the ensuing year. Twelve or
fifteen Provincial Assemblies are already in action, and are going on
well; and I think, that though the nation suffers in reputation, it will
gain infinitely in happiness, under the present administration. I enclose
to Mr. Jay, a pamphlet which I will beg of you to forward. I leave it open
for your perusal. When you shall have read it, be so good as to stick a
wafer in it. It is not yet published, nor will be for some days. This copy
has been ceded to me as a favor.
How do you like our new constitution? I confess there are things in it
which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an Assembly
has proposed. The house of federal representatives will not be adequate
to the management of affairs, either foreign or federal. Their President
seems a bad edition of a Polish King. He may be elected from four years
to four years, for life. Reason and experience prove to us, that a
chief magistrate, so continuable, is an office for life. When one or
two generations shall have proved that this is an office for life, it
becomes, on every occasion, worthy of intrigue, of bribery, of force, and
even of foreign interference. It will be of great consequence to France
and England, to have America governed by a Galloman or Angloman. Once
in office, and possessing the military force of the Union, without the
aid or check of a council, he would not be easily dethroned, even if the
people could be induced to withdraw their votes from him. I wish that at
the end of the four years, they had made him forever ineligible a second
time. Indeed, I think all the good of this new constitution might have
been couched in three or four new articles, to be added to the good, old
and venerable fabric, which should have been preserved even as a religious
relique. Present me and my daughters affectionately to Mrs. Adams. The
younger one continues to speak of her warmly. Accept yourself, assurances
of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. I am in negotiation with de La Blancharie. You shall hear from me
when arranged.
TO COLONEL SMITH.
PARIS, November 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of October
the 4th, 8th, and 26th. In the last, you apologise for your letters
of introduction to Americans coming here. It is so far from needing
apology on your part, that it calls for thanks on mine. I endeavor to
show civilities to all the Americans who come here, and who will give me
opportunities of doing it; and it is a matter of comfort to know, from
a good quarter, what they are, and how far I may go in my attentions to
them.
Can you send me Woodmason's bills for the two copying presses for the
Marquis de La Fayette and the Marquis de Chastellux? The latter makes
one article in a considerable account, of old standing, and which I
cannot present for want of this article. I do not know whether it is
to yourself or Mr. Adams, I am to give my thanks for the copy of the
new constitution. I beg leave through you to place them where due.
It will yet be three weeks before I shall receive them from America.
There are very good articles in it, and very bad. I do not know which
preponderate. What we have lately read, in the history of Holland, in
the chapter on the Stadtholder, would have sufficed to set me against
a chief magistrate, eligible for a long duration, if I had ever been
disposed towards one; and what we have always read of the elections of
Polish Kings should have forever excluded the idea of one continuable
for life. Wonderful is the effect of impudent and persevering lying. The
British ministry have so long hired their gazetteers to repeat, and model
into every form, lies about our being in anarchy, that the world has at
length believed them, the English nation has believed them, the ministers
themselves have come to believe them, and what is more wonderful, we have
believed them ourselves. Yet where does this anarchy exist? Where did
it ever exist, except in the single instance of Massachusetts? And can
history produce an instance of rebellion so honorably conducted? I say
nothing of its motives. They were founded in ignorance, not wickedness.
God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion.
The people cannot be all, and always, well informed. The part which
is wrong will be discontented, in proportion to the importance of the
facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions,
it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty. We
have had thirteen States independent for eleven years. There has been
one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century and a half,
for each State. What country before, ever existed a century and a half
without a rebellion? And what country can preserve its liberties, if
its rulers are not warned from time to time, that this people preserve
the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them
right as to facts, pardon and pacify them. What signify a few lives
lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from
time to time, with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural
manure. Our convention has been too much impressed by the insurrection
of Massachusetts; and on the spur of the moment, they are setting up a
kite to keep the hen yard in order. I hope in God, this article will be
rectified before the new constitution is accepted. You ask me if anything
transpires here on the subject of South America? Not a word. I know that
there are combustible materials there, and that they wait the torch only.
But this country probably will join the extinguishers. The want of facts
worth communicating to you, has occasioned me to give a little loose to
dissertation. We must be contented to amuse, when we cannot inform.
Present my respects to Mrs. Smith, and be assured of the sincere esteem
of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. JAMES MAURY.
PARIS, November 13, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of October 25, the day before yesterday
only. It would be needless for me, therefore, to add to what you already
know on the subject of peace and war. The principal minister here is
so intent on domestic improvements, and on peace, as necessary to give
leisure for them, that it will not be his fault, if it be disturbed again.
It will be equally unnecessary for me to give you a formal attestation
of your being a citizen of the United States. Should any occasion for it
arise hereafter, I shall be always ready to certify it. With respect to
tobacco, the contract with Mr. Morris and the order of Berni cease with
this year. I am obtaining an arrangement for the five years which yet
remain of the present lease to the Farmers General, by which they will
be obliged to take all the tobacco for which they shall have occasion
from America, except about one-fifth northern, which they represent
as necessary. They will be obliged to take only such as comes directly
from America, without having touched at any European port in _French_
or _American_ bottoms, and to make the purchase in _France_. It will be
particularly watched that they purchase not a single hogshead in England.
By this I hope to have completely effected the diverting so much of the
tobacco trade as amounts to their own consumption from England to France.
I am glad to find, also, by your letter, that this operation will have
the effect to raise the price of this commodity at the English market.
24,000 hogheads of tobacco a year, less at that market than heretofore,
must produce some change, and it could not be for the worse. The order to
the farmers will name only 14,000 hogheads a year, but it is certain they
must extend it themselves nearly or quite to 24,000, as their consumption
is near 30,000. I am endeavoring to bring hither also, directly, the
rice of America, consumed in this country. At present they buy it from
London. I am of opinion they could consume the whole of what is made in
America, especially if the rice States will introduce the culture of the
Piedmont and Egyptian rices also, both of which qualities are demanded
here in concurrence with that of Carolina. I have procured for them the
seed from Egypt and Piedmont. The indulgences given to American whale oil
will ensure its coming here directly. In general, I am in hopes to ensure
here the transportation of all our commodities which come to this country
in American and French bottoms exclusively, which will countervail the
effect of the British navigation act on our carrying business. The returns
in French instead of English manufactures, will take place by degrees.
Supposing that these details cannot but be agreeable to you as a merchant
and as an American, I trouble you with them; being with much sincerity,
and on all occasions, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MONSIEUR DUMAS.
PARIS, December 9, 1787.
SIR,--Your letter of November 27, showing that mine of November 14, had
not then got to hand, had given me alarm for its fate, and I had sat down
to write you a second acknowledgment of the receipt of your two favors of
October 23 and 26, and to add the receipt, also, of those of November 14,
22 and 27. A copy of my answer of November 14 was prepared to be enclosed
to you, but in that moment came your favors of November 30, December 2d
and 4th, by which I perceived that the original had at length got safe to
hand. By that you have seen all that interference, direct or indirect,
on the part of Mr. Adams and myself in the business you had done me the
honor to suggest, would be improper. Your despatches for Mr. Jay shall go
with mine in the packet of this month. These will bring the matter into
the view of Congress. In the meantime I think it would be well to avoid
exciting at Brussels or anywhere else the least expectation thereon,
because it is impossible for us to know what that body may, in its wisdom
and with all circumstances under its eye, decide should be done. They
had, in the year 1784, made up their minds as to the system of commercial
principles they wished to pursue. These were very free. They proposed them
to all the powers of Europe. All declined except Prussia. To this general
opposition they may now find it necessary to present a very different
general system to which their treaties will form cases of exception, and
they may wish to lessen rather than multiply those cases of exception.
Add to this, that it is in contemplation to change the organization of
the federal government, and they may think it better to leave the system
of foreign connection to be formed by those who are to pursue it. I only
mention these as possible considerations, without pretending to know
the sentiments of that honorable body, or any one of its members on the
subject; and to show that no expectations should be raised which might
embarrass them or embroil ourselves. The proposed change of government
seems to be the proper topic to urge as the reason why Congress may not at
this moment choose to be forming new treaties. Should they choose it, on
the other hand, the reserve of those who act for them, while uninstructed,
cannot do injury.
I find the expectation very general that the present peace will be of
short duration. There are circumstances in favor of this opinion, there
are others against it. Certain it is that this country is in a state so
unprepared as to excite astonishment. After the last war, she seems to
have reposed on her laurels, in confidence that no power would venture to
disturb that repose.
It is presumable her present ministry will prepare to vindicate their
nation and their friends. The late events have kindled a fire, which,
though smothered of necessity for the present moment, will probably never
be quenched but by signal revenge. Individuals will, in the meantime, have
incurred sufferings which that may not repair. That yours may be lessened
for the present, and relieved in future, is the sincere wish of him who
has the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and regard, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, December 11, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I am later in acknowledging the receipt of your favors of
October the 15th, and November the 5th and 15th, because we have been
long expecting a packet, which I hoped would bring communications worth
detailing to you; and she arrived only a few days ago, after a very long
passage indeed. I am very sorry you have not been able to make out the
cypher of my letter of September the 25th, because it contained things
which I wished you to know at that time. They have lost now a part of
their merit; but still, I wish you could decipher them, as there remains
a part, which it might yet be agreeable to you to understand. I have
examined the cypher from which it was written. It is precisely a copy of
those given to Messrs. Barclay and Lambe. In order that you may examine
whether yours corresponds, I will now translate into cypher the three
first lines of my letter of June the 14th.
* * * * *
This will serve to show whether your cypher corresponds with mine, as well
as my manner of using it. But I shall not use it in future, till I know
from you the result of your re-examination of it. I have the honor now, to
return you the letter you had been so good as to enclose to me. About the
same time of Liston's conversation with you, similar ones were held with
me by Mr. Eden. He particularly questioned me on the effect of our treaty
with France, in the case of a war, and what might be our dispositions.
I told him without hesitation, that our treaty obliged us to receive
the armed vessels of France, with their prizes, into our ports, and to
refuse the admission of prizes made on her by her enemies; that there
was a clause by which we guaranteed to France her American possessions,
and which might, perhaps, force us into the war, if these were attacked.
"Then it will be war," said he, "for they will assuredly be attacked." I
added, that our dispositions would be to be neutral, and that I thought
it the interest of both those powers that we should be so, because it
would relieve both from all anxiety as to the feeding their West India
islands, and England would, moreover, avoid a heavy land war on our
continent, which would cripple all her proceedings elsewhere. He expected
these sentiments from me personally, and he knew them to be analogous to
those of our country. We had often before had occasions of knowing each
other: his peculiar bitterness towards us had sufficiently appeared,
and I had never concealed from him, that I considered the British as our
natural enemies, and as the only nation on earth who wished us ill from
the bottom of their souls. And I am satisfied, that were our continent
to be swallowed up by the ocean, Great Britain would be in a bonfire from
one end to the other. Mr. Adams, as you know, has asked his recall. This
has been granted, and Colonel Smith is to return too; Congress having
determined to put an end to their commission at that court. I suspect and
hope they will make no new appointment.
Our new constitution is powerfully attacked in the American newspapers.
The objections are, that its effect would be to form the thirteen States
into one; that, proposing to melt all down into one general government,
they have fenced the people by no declaration of rights; they have not
renounced the power of keeping a standing army; they have not secured
the liberty of the press; they have reserved the power of abolishing
trials by jury in civil cases; they have proposed that the laws of the
federal legislatures, shall be paramount to the laws and constitutions
of the States; they have abandoned rotation in office; and particularly,
their President may be re-elected from four years to four years, for
life, so as to render him a King for life, like a King of Poland; and
they have not given him either the check or aid of a council. To these
they add calculations of expense, &c., &c., to frighten the people. You
will perceive that these objections are serious, and some of them not
without foundation. The constitution, however, has been received with
a very general enthusiasm, and as far as can be judged from external
demonstrations, the bulk of the people are eager to adopt it. In the
eastern States, the printers will print nothing against it, unless the
writer subscribes his name. Massachusetts and Connecticut have called
conventions in January, to consider of it. In New York, there is a
division. The Governor (Clinton) is known to be hostile to it. Jersey,
it is thought, will certainly accept it. Pennsylvania is divided; and
all the bitterness of her factions has been kindled anew on it. But the
party in favor of it is strongest, both in and out of the legislature.
This is the party anciently of Morris, Wilson, &c. Delaware will do
what Pennsylvania shall do. Maryland is thought favorable to it; yet it
is supposed Chase and Paca will oppose it. As to Virginia, two of her
Delegates, in the first place, refused to sign it. These were Randolph,
the Governor, and George Mason. Besides these, Henry, Harrison, Nelson,
and the Lees, are against it. General Washington will be for it, but it
is not in his character to exert himself much in the case. Madison will be
its main pillar; but though an immensely powerful one, it is questionable
whether he can bear the weight of such a host. So that the presumption
is, that Virginia will reject it. We know nothing of the dispositions
of the States south of this. Should it fall through, as is possible,
notwithstanding the enthusiasm with which it was received in the first
moment, it is probable that Congress will propose, that the objections
which the people shall make to it being once known, another convention
shall be assembled, to adopt the improvements generally acceptable, and
omit those found disagreeable. In this way, union may be produced under a
happy constitution, and one which shall not be too energetic, as are the
constitutions of Europe. I give you these details, because, possibly, you
may not have received them all. The sale of our western lands is immensely
successful. Five millions of acres have been sold at private sale, for
a dollar an acre, in certificates, and at the public sales, some of them
had sold as high as two dollars and forty cents the acre. The sales had
not been begun two months. By these means, taxes, &c., our domestic debt,
originally twenty-eight millions of dollars, was reduced, by the 1st day
of last October, to twelve millions, and they were then in treaty for two
millions of acres more, at a dollar, private sale. Our domestic debt will
thus be soon paid off, and that done, the sales will go on for money,
at a cheaper rate, no doubt, for the payment of our foreign debt. The
_petite guerre_ always waged by the Indians, seems not to abate the ardor
of purchase or emigration. Kentucky is now counted at sixty thousand.
Frankland is also growing fast.
I have been told, that the cutting through the Isthmus of Panama, which
the world has so often wished, and supposed practicable, has at times been
thought of by the government of Spain, and that they once proceeded so
far, as to have a survey and examination made of the ground; but that the
result was, either impracticability or too great difficulty. Probably the
Count de Campomanes, or Don Ulloa, can give you information on this head.
I should be exceedingly pleased to get as minute details as possible on
it, and even copies of the survey, report, &c., if they could be obtained
at a moderate expense. I take the liberty of asking your assistance in
this.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, December 12, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--In the month of July, I received from Fiseaux & Co. of
Amsterdam, a letter notifying me that the principal of their loan to
the United States would become due the first day of January. I answered
them, that I had neither powers nor information on the subject, but
would transmit their letter to the board of treasury. I did so, by the
packet which sailed from Havre, August the 10th. The earliest answer
possible, would have been by the packet which arrived at Havre three
or four days ago. But by her I do not receive the scrip of a pen from
anybody. This makes me suppose, that my letters are committed to Paul
Jones, who was to sail a week after the departure of the packet; and
that possibly, he may be the bearer of orders from the treasury, to repay
Fiseaux's loan with the money you borrowed. But it is also possible, he
may bring no order on the subject. The slowness with which measures are
adopted on our side the water, does not permit us to count on punctual
answers; but, on the contrary, renders it necessary for us to suppose,
in the present case, that no orders will arrive in time, and to consider
whether anything, and what, should be done? As it may be found expedient
to transfer all our foreign debts to Holland, by borrowing there, and
as it may always be prudent to preserve a good credit in that country,
because we may be forced into wars, whether we will or not, I should
suppose it very imprudent to suffer our credit to be annihilated, for so
small a sum as fifty-one thousand guilders. The injury will be greater,
too, in proportion to the smallness of the sum; for they will ask, "How
can a people be trusted for large sums, who break their faith for such
small ones?" You know best what effect it will have on the minds of
the money lenders of that country, should we fail in this payment. You
know best, also, whether it is practicable and prudent for us, to have
this debt paid without orders. I refer the matter, therefore, wholly to
your consideration, willing to participate with you in any risk and any
responsibility which may arise. I think it one of those cases, where
it is a duty to risk one's self. You will perceive, by the enclosed,
the necessity of an immediate answer, and that, if you think anything
can and should be done, all the necessary authorities from you should
accompany your letter. In the meantime, should I receive any orders from
the treasury by Paul Jones, I will pursue them, and consider whatever you
shall have proposed or done, as _non avenue_.
I am, with much affection, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, December 20, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of October the 8th, by the Count de
Moustier. Yours of July the 18th, September the 6th and October the 24th,
were successively received, yesterday, the day before, and three or four
days before that. I have only had time to read the letters; the printed
papers communicated with them, however interesting, being obliged to lie
over till I finish my despatches for the packet, which despatches must
go from hence the day after to-morrow. I have much to thank you for;
first and most for the cyphered paragraph respecting myself. These little
informations are very material towards forming my own decisions. I would
be glad even to know, when any individual member thinks I have gone wrong
in any instance. If I know myself, it would not excite ill blood in me,
while it would assist to guide my conduct, perhaps to justify it, and to
keep me to my duty, alert. I must thank you too, for the information in
Thomas Burke's case; though you will have found by a subsequent letter,
that I have asked of you a further investigation of that matter. It is to
gratify the lady who is at the head of the convent wherein my daughters
are, and who, by her attachment and attention to them, lays me under great
obligations. I shall hope, therefore, still to receive from you the result
of all the further inquiries my second letter had asked. The parcel of
rice which you informed me had miscarried, accompanied my letter to the
Delegates of South Carolina. Mr. Bourgoin was to be the bearer of both,
and both were delivered together into the hands of his relation here,
who introduced him to me, and who, at a subsequent moment, undertook to
convey them to Mr. Bourgoin. This person was an engraver, particularly
recommended to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Hopkinson. Perhaps he may have mislaid
the little parcel of rice among his baggage. I am much pleased that the
sale of western lands is so successful. I hope they will absorb all the
certificates of our domestic debt speedily, in the first place, and that
then, offered for cash, they will do the same by our foreign ones.
The season admitting only of operations in the cabinet, and these being in
a great measure secret, I have little to fill a letter. I will therefore
make up the deficiency, by adding a few words on the constitution proposed
by our convention.
I like much the general idea of framing a government, which should go on
of itself, peaceably, without needing continual recurrence to the State
legislatures. I like the organization of the government into legislative,
judiciary and executive. I like the power given the legislature to levy
taxes, and for that reason solely, I approve of the greater House being
chosen by the people directly. For though I think a House so chosen, will
be very far inferior to the present Congress, will be very illy qualified
to legislate for the Union, for foreign nations, &c., yet this evil does
not weigh against the good, of preserving inviolate the fundamental
principle, that the people are not to be taxed but by representatives
chosen immediately by themselves. I am captivated by the compromise of the
opposite claims of the great and little States, of the latter to equal,
and the former to proportional influence. I am much pleased too, with the
substitution of the method of voting by person, instead of that of voting
by States; and I like the negative given to the Executive, conjointly
with a third of either House; though I should have liked it better, had
the judiciary been associated for that purpose, or invested separately
with a similar power. There are other good things of less moment. I
will now tell you what I do not like. First, the omission of a bill of
rights, providing clearly, and without the aid of sophism, for freedom
of religion, freedom of the press, protection against standing armies,
restriction of monopolies, the eternal and unremitting force of the habeas
corpus laws, and trials by jury in all matters of fact triable by the laws
of the land, and not by the laws of nations. To say, as Mr. Wilson does,
that a bill of rights was not necessary, because all is reserved in the
case of the general government which is not given, while in the particular
ones, all is given which is not reserved, might do for the audience to
which it was addressed; but it is surely a _gratis dictum_, the reverse of
which might just as well be said; and it is opposed by strong inferences
from the body of the instrument, as well as from the omission of the
cause of our present Confederation, which had made the reservation in
express terms. It was hard to conclude, because there has been a want
of uniformity among the States as to the cases triable by jury, because
some have been so incautious as to dispense with this mode of trial in
certain cases, therefore, the more prudent States shall be reduced to the
same level of calamity. It would have been much more just and wise to
have concluded the other way, that as most of the States had preserved
with jealousy this sacred palladium of liberty, those who had wandered,
should be brought back to it; and to have established general right rather
than general wrong. For I consider all the ill as established, which may
be established. I have a right to nothing, which another has a right to
take away; and Congress will have a right to take away trials by jury in
all civil cases. Let me add, that a bill of rights is what the people are
entitled to against every government on earth, general or particular; and
what no just government should refuse, or rest on inference.
The second feature I dislike, and strongly dislike, is the abandonment,
in every instance, of the principle of rotation in office, and most
particularly in the case of the President. Reason and experience tell
us, that the first magistrate will always be re-elected if he may be
re-elected. He is then an officer for life. This once observed, it
becomes of so much consequence to certain nations, to have a friend or
a foe at the head of our affairs, that they will interfere with money
and with arms. A Galloman, or an Angloman, will be supported by the
nation he befriends. If once elected, and at a second or third election
outvoted by one or two votes, he will pretend false votes, foul play, hold
possession of the reigns of government, be supported by the States voting
for him, especially if they be the central ones, lying in a compact body
themselves, and separating their opponents; and they will be aided by one
nation in Europe, while the majority are aided by another. The election of
a President of America, some years hence, will be much more interesting to
certain nations of Europe, than ever the election of a King of Poland was.
Reflect on all the instances in history, ancient and modern, of elective
monarchies, and say if they do not give foundation for my fears; the Roman
Emperors, the Popes while they were of any importance, the German Emperors
till they became hereditary in practice, the Kings of Poland, the Deys
of the Ottoman dependencies. It may be said, that if elections are to be
attended with these disorders, the less frequently they are repeated the
better. But experience says, that to free them from disorder, they must
be rendered less interesting by a necessity of change. No foreign power,
nor domestic party, will waste their blood and money to elect a person,
who must go out at the end of a short period. The power of removing every
fourth year by the vote of the people, is a power which they will not
exercise, and if they were disposed to exercise it, they would not be
permitted. The King of Poland is removable every day by the diet. But
they never remove him. Nor would Russia, the Emperor, &c., permit them to
do it. Smaller objections are, the appeals on matters of fact as well as
laws; and the binding all persons, legislative, executive and judiciary
by oath, to maintain that constitution. I do not pretend to decide, what
would be the best method of procuring the establishment of the manifold
good things in this constitution, and of getting rid of the bad. Whether
by adopting it, in hopes of future amendment; or after it shall have been
duly weighed and canvassed by the people, after seeing the parts they
generally dislike, and those they generally approve, to say to them, "We
see now what you wish. You are willing to give to your federal government
such and such powers; but you wish, at the same time, to have such and
such fundamental rights secured to you, and certain sources of convulsion
taken away. Be it so. Send together deputies again. Let them establish
your fundamental rights by a sacrosanct declaration, and let them pass
the parts of the constitution you have approved. These will give powers to
your federal government sufficient for your happiness."
This is what might be said, and would probable produce a speedy, more
perfect and more permanent form of government. At all events, I hope you
will not be discouraged from making other trials, if the present one
should fail. We are never permitted to despair of the commonwealth. I
have thus told you freely what I like, and what I dislike, merely as a
matter of curiosity; for I know it is not in my power to offer matter
of information to your judgment, which has been formed after hearing
and weighing everything which the wisdom of man could offer on these
subjects. I own, I am not a friend to a very energetic government. It is
always oppressive. It places the governors indeed more at their ease,
at the expense of the people. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has
given more alarm, than I think it should have done. Calculate that one
rebellion in thirteen States in the course of eleven years, is but one
for each State in a century and a half. No country should be so long
without one. Nor will any degree of power in the hands of government,
prevent insurrections. In England, where the hand of power is heavier than
with us, there are seldom half a dozen years without an insurrection.
In France, where it is still heavier, but less despotic, as Montesquieu
supposes, than in some other countries, and where there are always two
or three hundred thousand men ready to crush insurrections, there have
been three in the course of the three years I have been here, in every
one of which greater numbers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a
great deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole nod of the
despot is death, insurrections are the events of every day. Compare
again the ferocious depredations of their insurgents, with the order, the
moderation and the almost self-extinguishment of ours. And say, finally,
whether peace is best preserved by giving energy to the government, or
information to the people. This last is the most certain, and the most
legitimate engine of government. Educate and inform the whole mass of the
people. Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and
order, and they will preserve them. And it requires no very high degree
of education to convince them of this. They are the only sure reliance
for the preservation of our liberty. After all, it is my principle that
the will of the majority should prevail. If they approve the proposed
constitution in all its parts, I shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes
they will amend it, whenever they shall find it works wrong. This reliance
cannot deceive us, as long as we remain virtuous; and I think we shall
be so, as long as agriculture is our principal object, which will be the
case, while there remains vacant lands in any part of America. When we
get piled upon one another in large cities, as in Europe, we shall become
corrupt as in Europe, and go to eating one another as they do there. I
have tired you by this time with disquisitions which you have already
heard repeated by others, a thousand and a thousand times; and therefore,
shall only add assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I have
the honor to be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
P. S. The instability of our laws is really an immense evil. I think it
would be well to provide in our constitutions, that there shall always
be a twelvemonth between the engrossing a bill and passing it; that it
should then be offered to its passage without changing a word; and that if
circumstances should be thought to require a speedier passage, it should
take two-thirds of both Houses, instead of a bare majority.
TO E. CARRINGTON.
PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have just received your two favors of October the 23d and
November the 10th. I am much obliged to you for your hints in the Danish
business. They are the only information I have on that subject, except
the resolution of Congress, and warn me of a rock on which I should most
certainly have split. The vote plainly points out an agent, only leaving
it to my discretion to substitute another. My judgment concurs with that
of Congress as to his fitness. But I shall inquire for the surest banker
at Copenhagen to receive the money, not because I should have had any
doubts, but because I am informed others have them. Against the failure of
a banker, were such an accident, or any similar one to happen, I cannot
be held accountable in a case where I act without particular interest.
My principal idea in proposing the transfer of the French debt, was, to
obtain on the new loans a much longer day for the reimbursement of the
principal, hoping that the resources of the United States could have been
equal to the article of interest alone. But I shall endeavor to quiet, as
well as I can, those interested. A part of them will probably sell out at
any rate; and one great claimant may be expected to make a bitter attack
on our honor. I am very much pleased to hear, that our western lands sell
so successfully. I turn to this precious resource, as that which will, in
every event, liberate us from our domestic debt, and perhaps too, from our
foreign one; and this, much sooner than I had expected. I do not think any
thing could have been done with them in Europe. Individual speculators and
sharpers had duped so many with their unlocated land-warrants, that every
offer would have been suspected.
As to the new constitution, I find myself nearly a neutral. There is a
great mass of good in it, in a very desirable form; but there is also, to
me, a bitter pill or two. I have written somewhat lengthily to Mr. Madison
on this subject, and will take the liberty to refer you to that part of my
letter to him. I will add one question to what I have said there. Would
it not have been better to assign to Congress exclusively the article of
imposts for federal purposes, and to have left direct taxation exclusively
to the States? I should suppose the former fund sufficient for all
probable events, aided by the land office.
The form which the affairs of Europe may assume, is not yet decipherable
by those out of the cabinet. The Emperor gives himself, at present, the
air of a mediator. This is necessary to justify a breach with the Porte.
He has his eye at the same time on Germany, and particularly on Bavaria,
the Elector of which has, for a long time, been hanging over the grave.
Probably, France would now consent to the exchange of the Austrian
Netherlands, to be created into a kingdom for the Duke de Deuxports,
against the electorate of Bavaria. This will require a war. The Empress
longs for Turkey, and viewing France as her principal obstacle, would
gladly negotiate her acquiescence. To spur on this, she is coqueting it
with England. The King of Prussia, too, is playing a double game between
France and England. But I suppose the former incapable of forgiving him,
or of ever reposing confidence in him. Perhaps the spring may unfold to
us the final arrangement which will take place among the powers of this
continent.
I often doubt whether I should trouble Congress or my friends with these
details of European politics. I know they do not excite that interest
in America, of which it is impossible for one to divest himself here. I
know too, that it is a maxim with us, and I think it a wise one, not to
entangle ourselves with the affairs of Europe. Still, I think, we should
know them. The Turks have practiced the same maxim of not meddling in the
complicated wrangles of this continent. But they have unwisely chosen to
be ignorant of them also, and it is this total ignorance of Europe, its
combinations and its movements, which exposes them to that annihilation
possibly about taking place. While there are powers in Europe which fear
our views, or have views on us, we should keep an eye on them, their
connections and oppositions, that in a moment of need, we may avail
ourselves of their weakness with respect to others as well as ourselves,
and calculate their designs and movements, on all the circumstances under
which they exist. Though I am persuaded, therefore, that these details
are read by many with great indifference, yet I think it my duty to enter
into them, and to run the risk of giving too much, rather than too little
information. I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, dear
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
P. S. The resolution of Congress, relative to the prize money received
here, speaks of that money as paid to me. I hope this matter is properly
understood. The treasury board desired me to receive it, and apply it
to such and such federal purposes; and they would pay the dividends of
the claimants in America. This would save the expense of remittance. I
declined, however, receiving the money, and ordered it into the hands of
their banker, who paid it away for the purposes to which they had destined
it. I should be sorry, an idea should get abroad, that I had received the
money of these poor fellows, and applied it to other purposes. I shall, in
like manner, order the Danish and Barbary money into the hands of bankers,
carefully avoiding ever to touch a sou of it, or having any other account
to make out than what the banker will furnish.
TO THE HON. MR. JAY.
PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.
SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of addressing you were of the 3d
and 7th of November. Your several favors, to wit, two of July 27, two of
Oct. 24, and one of Nov. 3, have all been delivered within the course
of a week past; and I embrace the earliest occasion of returning to
Congress my sincere thanks for the new proofs I receive therein of their
confidence in me, and of assuring them of my best endeavors to merit
it. The several matters on which I receive instruction shall all be duly
attended to. The Commissioners of the Treasury inform me they will settle
the balance appropriated to the Barbary business, apprise me of it, and
place it under my power. The moment this is done, I will take the measures
necessary to effect the instructions of Congress. The letter to you from
the Governor of Rhode Island desires my attention to the application of
the claimants of the brig Apollonia, which shall surely be complied with.
I trust that an application will be made by the claimants. It will be
the more important, as the letter in this case, as in that of the sloop
Sally, formerly recommended to me, is directed to an advocate whom all my
endeavors have not enabled me to find. I fear, therefore, that the papers
in both cases must remain in my hands till called for by the person whom
the parties shall employ for the ordinary solicitation and management
of their appeals. I suppose they will engage some person to answer from
time to time the pecuniary demands of lawyers, clerks, and other officers
of the courts, to wait upon the judges and explain their cases to them,
which is the usage here, to instruct their lawyers and confer with them
whenever necessary, and in general to give all those attentions which the
solicitation of private causes constantly require here. Their management
indeed is very much a matter of intrigue and of money.
The public affairs of Europe are quiet at present, except as between the
Turks and Russians; and, even these, some people suppose may be quieted.
It is thought that Russia would accommodate easily. The peace between
France and England is very generally considered as insecure. It is said
the latter is not honestly disarming; she is certainly augmenting her land
forces, and the speech of the King, and debates of the court members,
prove their diffidence in the late accommodation. Yet it is believed
their premier is a friend to peace, and there can be no doubt of the same
dispositions in the chief minister here. The divisions continue between
the King and his parliament. A promise has been obtained for convoking the
States general, as early as 1791, at farthest. The embarrassments in the
department of finance are not yet so cleared up as that the public can see
their way through them. The arrival of the Count de La Luzerne, just now
announced, will probably put their marine operations into new activity.
I have the honor to enclose you three letters from Mr. Dumas. By one of
the 23d of October, he proposed to me that Mr. Adams and myself should
authorize him to go to Brussels on the subject he explains to you. I wrote
him the answer of Nov. 14th. by which I expected he would see that nothing
could be done, and think no more of it. His subsequent letters, however,
giving me reason to apprehend that, making too sure of the expediency of
the treaty he proposed, he might excite expectations from that government,
I wrote him the letter of Dec. 9 to suggest to him that this proposition
might not be so certainly eligible as he seemed to expect, and to advise
him to avoid doing anything which might commit or embarrass Congress. The
uneasiness of his present situation, and the desire of a refuge from it,
had probably suggested to him this idea, and occasioned him to view it
with partiality.
This will be accompanied with the gazettes of France and Leyden. There
being no passenger to go by the packet, within my knowledge, this letter
will go through the post-office. I shall, therefore, only add assurances
of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR LIMOZIN.
PARIS, December 22, 1787.
SIR,--I have the honor now, to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of
the 18th and 19th of November, and two of the 18th of the present month. I
did not write to you immediately on the receipt of the two first, because
the observations they contained were to be acted on here. I was much
obliged to you for them, as I have been frequently before for others, and
you will find that I have profited by them in the _Arret_ which is to come
out for the regulation of our commerce, wherein most of the things are
provided for, which you have from time to time recommended. With respect
to the article of yellow wax, I think there is a general clause in the
_Arret_, which will take it in; but I am not sure of it. If there be
not, it is now too late to get any alteration made. You shall receive the
_Arret_ the moment it is communicated to me.
I have examined the case of Captain Thomas, with all the dispositions
possible to interpose for him. But on mature reflection, I find it is
one of those cases wherein my solicitation would be ill received. The
government of France, to secure to its subjects the carrying trade between
her colonies and the mother country, have made a law, forbidding any
foreign vessels to undertake to carry between them. Notwithstanding this,
an American vessel has undertaken, and has brought a cargo. For me to
ask that this vessel shall be received, would be to ask a repeal of the
law, because there is no more reason for receiving her, than there will
be for receiving the second, third, &c., which shall act against the same
law, nor for receiving an American vessel, more than the vessels of any
other nations. Captain Thomas has probably engaged in this business, not
knowing the law; but ignorance of the law is no excuse, in any country.
If it were, the laws would lose their effect, because it can be always
pretended. Were I to make this application to the Comptroller General,
he might possibly ask me, whether, in a like case, of a French vessel in
America acting through ignorance, against law, we would suspend the law
as to her? I should be obliged honestly to answer, that with us, there is
no power which can suspend the law for a moment; and Captain Thomas knows
that this answer would be the truth. The Senegal company seems to be as
much engaged in it as he is. I should suppose his most probable means of
extrication would be with their assistance, and availing himself of their
privileges, and the apparent authority he has received from the officers
of government there. I am sorry his case is such a one as I cannot present
to the minister. A jealousy of our taking away their carrying trade, is
the principal reason which obstructs our admission into their West India
islands. It would not be right for me to strengthen that jealousy.
I have the honor to be, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO THE BOARD OF TREASURY.
PARIS, Dec. 30, 1787.
GENTLEMEN,--In my letter of Aug. 5, I had the honor of enclosing to
you a letter written me by Messrs. Fiseaux & Co., reminding us that the
principal of the loan of 51,000 florins obtained by them, would become
due on the first day of the ensuing year. A few days ago, I received
another from them calling for the money. At first I was disposed to
answer them that I was in nowise authorized to do anything in it, and
that it rested with you altogether. But, on consulting with some persons
better acquainted with the delicacy of credit in Holland, I found there
was reason to fear that a failure to pay that money might not only do
essential injury to our credit in general, but even hinder the progress of
the loan going on in the hands of Willincks and Van Staphorsts; and that
it would be for the interest of that loan itself, to pay this demand out
of it, if possible. I wrote, therefore, to Mr. Adams, to consult him about
it, and to know, if he was of the same opinion, whether he would venture
to join me in directing such an application of the money. I wrote at the
same to Willincks and Van Staphorsts, to know whether they could have as
much in their hands to spare, and whether they would venture to pay it on
our order. Mr. Adams approved of the proposition, and was willing to join
in ordering the payment. Willincks and Van Staphorsts answered that they
had in their hands money enough to pay the February interest of the former
loan, and to answer, for some time yet, Mr. Adams' and my draughts for
our subsistence; but that if they should pay the principal of Fiseaux's
loan, it would be an advance of their own: they likewise observed, that
to pay such a sum without your orders, placed them under an unnecessary
responsibility. Upon this, I concluded to ask them only to pay this year's
interest, now becoming due, to desire Fiseaux to receive this, and with it
to endeavor to quiet the creditors till your orders could be received. I
have this day written to Fiseaux, and to Willincks and Van Staphorsts to
this purpose, and avail myself of a vessel about to sail from Havre, to
communicate the whole transaction to you, and to express my wish that you
will be pleased to give an answer to Fiseaux. I enclose to you his letters
to me on the subject. From what I can learn, I suspect that if there were
a cordial understanding between the Willincks and Van Staphorsts, if the
former had been as well disposed as the latter, the matter would have
been settled with Fiseaux. I have the honor to be, with much respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, December 31, 1787.
SIR,--Since the receipt of the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of October
the 22d, 1786, I have several times had the honor of mentioning to you,
that I was endeavoring to get the substance of that letter reduced into
an _Arret_, which, instead of being revocable by a single letter of a
Comptroller General, would require an _Arret_ to repeal or alter it, and
of course must be discussed in full Council, and so give time to prevent
it. This has been pressed as much as it could be with prudence. One cause
of delay has been the frequent changes of the Comptroller General; as we
had always our whole work to begin again with every new one. Monsieur
Lambert's continuance in office for some months, has enabled us, at
length, to get through the business; and I have just received from him
a letter, and the _Arret_ duly authenticated; of which I have the honor
to send you a number of printed copies. You will find that the several
alterations and additions are made, which, on my visit to the sea-ports,
I had found to be necessary, and which my letters of June the 21st and
August the 6th, particularly mentioned to you. Besides these, we have
obtained some new articles of value, for which openings arose in the
course of the negotiation. I say _we_ have done it, because the Marquis
de La Fayette has gone hand in hand with me through this business, and has
been a most invaluable aid. I take the liberty of making some observations
on the articles of the _Arret_, severally, for their explanation, as well
as for the information of Congress.
Article 1. In the course of our conferences with the Comptroller General,
we had prevailed on him to pass this article with a suppression of
all duty. When he reported the _Arret_, however, to the Council, this
suppression was objected to, and it was insisted to re-establish the
duties of seven livres and ten sous, and of ten sous the livre, reserved
in the letter of M. de Calonnes. The passage of the _Arret_ was stopped,
and the difficulty communicated to me. I urged everything I could, in
letters and in conferences, to convince them that whale oil was an article
which could bear no duty at all. That if the duty fell on the consumer,
he would choose to buy vegetable oils; if on the fisherman, he could no
longer live by his calling, remaining in his own country; and that if
he quitted his own country, the circumstances of vicinity, sameness of
language, laws, religion and manners, and perhaps the ties of kindred,
would draw him to Nova Scotia, in spite of every encouragement which
could be given at Dunkirk; and that thus those fishermen would be shifted
out of a scale friendly to France, into one always hostile. Nothing,
however, could prevail. It hung on this article alone, for two months,
during which we risked the total loss of the _Arret_, on the stability in
office of Monsieur Lambert; for if he had gone out, his successor might
be less favorable; and if Monsieur Neckar were the successor, we might
lose the whole, as he never set any store by us, or the connection with
us. About ten days ago, it became universally believed that Monsieur
Lambert was to go out immediately. I therefore declined further insisting
on the total suppression, and desired the _Arret_ might pass, leaving the
duties on whale oil as Monsieur de Calonnes had promised them; but with a
reservation, which may countenance our bringing on this matter again, at a
more favorable moment.
Article 2. The other fish oils are placed in a separate article; because
whatever encouragements we may hereafter obtain for whale oils, they will
not be extended to those which their own fisheries produce.
Article 3. A company had silently, and by unfair means, obtained a
monopoly for the making and selling spermaceti candles: as soon as we
discovered it, we solicited its suppression, which is effected by this
clause.
Article 4. The duty of an eighth per cent. is merely to oblige the masters
of vessels to enter their cargoes, for the information of government;
without inducing them to attempt to smuggle.
Article 6. Tar, pitch and turpentine of America, coming in competition
with the same articles produced in the south western parts of France,
we could obtain no greater reduction, than two and a-half per cent. The
duties before, were from four to six times that amount.
Article 10. The right of entrepôt given by this article, is almost the
same thing, as the making all their ports, free ports for us. The ships
are indeed subject to be visited, and the cargoes must be reported in
ports of entrepôt, which need not be done in the free ports. But the
communication between the entrepôt and the country, is not interrupted
by continual search of all persons passing into the country, which has
proved so troublesome to the inhabitants of our free ports, as that a
considerable proportion of them have wished to give back the privilege of
their freedom.
Article 13. This article gives us the privileges and advantages of
native subjects, in all their possessions in Asia, and in the _scales
leading thereto_. This expression means at present the isles of France
and Bourbon, and will include the Cape of Good Hope, should any future
event put it into the hands of France. It was with a view to this, that
I proposed the expression, because we were then in hourly expectation
of a war, and it was suspected that France would take possession of that
place. It will, in no case, be considered as including anything westward
of the Cape of Good Hope. I must observe further, on this article, that it
will only become valuable on the suppression of their East India Company;
because, as long as their monopoly continues, even native subjects cannot
enter their Asiatic ports for the purposes of commerce. It is considered,
however, as certain, that this Company will be immediately suppressed.
The article of tobacco could not be introduced into the _Arret_; because
it was necessary to consider the Farmers General as parties to that
arrangement. It rests, therefore, of necessity, on the basis of a letter
only. You will perceive that this is nothing more than a continuation
of the order of Berni, only leaving the prices unfixed; and like that,
it will require a constant and vexatious attention to have its execution
enforced.
The States who have much to carry, and few carriers, will observe,
perhaps, that the benefits of these regulations are somewhat narrowed by
confining them to articles brought hither in French or American bottoms.
But they will consider that nothing in these instruments moves from us.
The advantages they hold out are all given by this country to us, and
the givers will modify their gifts as they please. I suppose it to be a
determined principle of this court not to suffer our carrying business, so
far as their consumption of our commodities extends, to become a nursery
for British seamen. Nor would this, perhaps, be advantageous to us,
considering the dispositions of the two nations towards us. The preference
which our shipping will obtain on this account, may counterpoise the
discouragements it experiences from the aggravated dangers of the Barbary
States. Nor is the idea unpleasing which shows itself in various parts of
these papers, of naturalizing American bottoms, and American citizens in
France and in its foreign possessions. Once established here, and in their
eastern settlements, they may revolt less at the proposition to extend it
to those westward. They are not yet, however, at that point; we must be
contented to go towards it a step at a time, and trust to future events
for hastening our progress.
With respect to the alliance between this and the two imperial courts,
nothing certain transpires. We are enabled to conjecture its progress
only from facts which now and then show themselves. The following may be
considered as indications of it. 1. The Emperor has made an attempt to
surprise Belgrade. The attempt failed, but will serve to plunge him into
the war, and to show that he had assumed the character of mediator, only
to enable himself to gain some advantage by surprise. 2. The mediation of
France is probably at an end, and their abandonment of the Turks agreed
on; because they have secretly ordered their officers to quit the Turkish
service. This fact is known to but few, and not intended to be known; but
I think it certain. 3. To the offer of mediation lately made by England
and Prussia, the court of Petersburg answered, that having declined the
mediation of a friendly power, (France,) she could not accept that of
two courts, with whose dispositions she had reason to be dissatisfied.
4. The States General are said to have instructed their ambassador here,
lately, to ask of M. de Montmorin, whether the inquiry had been made,
which they had formerly desired; "By what authority the French engineers
had been placed in the service of Holland?" And that he answered that
the inquiry had not been made, nor should be made. Though I do not
consider the channel through which I get this fact, as absolutely sure,
yet it is so respectable that I give credit to it myself. 5. The King
of Prussia is withdrawing his troops from Holland. Should this alliance
show itself, it would seem that France thus strengthened might dictate
the re-establishment of the affairs of Holland in her own form. For it is
not conceivable that Prussia would dare to move, nor that England would
alone undertake such a war, and for such a purpose. She appears, indeed,
triumphant at present, but the question is who will triumph last?
I enclose you a letter from Mr. Dumas. I received one from him myself,
wherein he assures me that no difficulties shall be produced, by what he
had suggested relative to his mission to Brussels. The gazettes of France
and Leyden to this date accompany this letter, which, with the several
papers put under your cover, I shall send to M. Limozin, our agent at
Havre, to be forwarded by the Juno, Captain Jenkins, which sails from that
port for New York, on the 3d of January.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR LAMBERT.
PARIS, January 3, 1788.
SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter of the 29th of December,
enclosing the _Arret_ on the commerce between France and the United
States. I availed myself of the occasion of a vessel sailing this day
from Havre for New York, to forward it to Congress. They will receive with
singular satisfaction this new testimony of his Majesty's friendship for
the United States, of his dispositions to promote their interest, and to
strengthen the bands which connect the two nations.
Permit me, Sir, to return you, personally, my sincere thanks for the
great attention you have paid to this subject, for the sacrifices you
have kindly made, of time so precious as yours, every moment of which
is demanded and is occupied by objects interesting to the happiness of
millions; and to proffer you the homage of those sincere sentiments
of attachment and respect with which I have the honour to be, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE QUESNAY.
PARIS, January 6, 1788.
SIR,--I have never expressed an objection to the part of your plan
relative to the theatre. The utility of this in America is a great
question on which I may be allowed to have an opinion; but it is not for
me to decide on it, nor to object to the proposal of establishing one
at Richmond. The only objection to your plan which I have ever made, is
that contained in my letter to you. I feared it was too extensive for the
poverty of the country. You remove the objection by observing, it is to
extend to several States. Whether professors itinerant from one State to
another may succeed, I am unable to say, having never known an experiment
of it. The fear that these professors may be disappointed in their
expectations, has determined me not to meddle in the business at all.
Knowing how much people going to America overrate the resources of living
there, I have made a point never to encourage any person to go there, that
I may not partake of the censure which may follow their disappointment.
I beg you, therefore, not to alter your plan in any part of it on my
account, but permit me to pursue mine of being absolutely neutral.
Monsieur de La Luzerne and the Marquis de La Fayette, know too much of
the country themselves to need any information from me, or any reference
to my opinion; and the friendly dispositions which they have towards
you, will insure you their good offices. Convinced of the honesty of your
intentions and of your zeal, I wish you every possible success, and shall
be really happy to see your plan answer your expectations. You have more
courage than I have, to take upon yourself the risk of transplanting and
contenting so many persons. I beg you to be assured of the sincerity of
the esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO MR. DRAYTON.
PARIS, January 13, 1788.
SIR,--By Captain Shewell, who is sailing about this time from Marseilles
to Charleston, I directed to be forwarded to you one of two couffes of
rough rice, which I had brought from Egypt. The other came on to me here,
and will be carried from Havre to New York, addressed to you, to the care
of the Delegates of South Carolina in Congress. I wish both may arrive
in time for the approaching seed time, and that the trials with this and
the Piedmont rice may furnish new advantages to your agriculture. I have
considerable hopes of receiving some dry rice from Cochin-China, the young
Prince of that country, lately gone from hence, having undertaken that
it shall come to me. But it will be some time first. These are all but
experiments; the precept, however, is wise which directs us to try all
things, and hold fast that which is good.
Your letter of May the 22d, 1787, informs me that mine of May the 6th,
1786, had never got to hand. I now have the honor to enclose you a copy
of it, of no other consequence than to show you that I was incapable of
so insensible an inattention as the miscarriage of that letter exposed me
to the charge of in your mind. I shall take opportunities of forwarding
to you more of the seed of the Spanish Saintfoine, some of which I have
received directly from Malta. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of
the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO LE COMTE BERNSTORFF, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, COPENHAGEN.
PARIS, January 21, 1788.
SIR,--I am instructed by the United States of America, in Congress
assembled, to bring again under the consideration of his Majesty, the King
of Denmark, and of his ministers, the case of the three prizes taken from
the English during the late war, by an American squadron under the command
of Commodore Paul Jones, put into Bergen in distress, there rescued from
our possession by orders from the court of Denmark, and delivered back to
the English. Dr. Franklin, then Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States at the court of Versailles, had the honor of making applications
to the court of Denmark, for a just indemnification to the persons
interested, and particularly by a letter of the 22d of December, 1779,
a copy of which I have now the honor of enclosing to your Excellency.
In consequence of this, a sum of ten thousand pounds was proposed to
him, as an indemnification, through the Baron de Waltersdorff, then at
Paris. The departure of both those gentlemen from this place, soon after,
occasioned an intermission in the correspondence on this subject. But
the United States continue to be very sensibly affected by this delivery
of their prizes to Great Britain, and the more so, as no part of their
conduct had forfeited their claim to those rights of hospitality which
civilized nations extend to each other. Not only a sense of justice due
to the individuals interested in those prizes, but also an earnest desire
that no subject of discontent may check the cultivation and progress
of that friendship which they wish may subsist and increase between the
two countries, prompt them to remind his Majesty of the transaction in
question; and they flatter themselves that his Majesty will concur with
them in thinking, that as restitution of the prizes is not practicable, it
is reasonable and just that he should render, and that they should accept,
a compensation equivalent to the value of them. And the same principles
of justice towards the parties, and of amity to the United States,
which influenced the breast of his Majesty to make, through the Baron de
Waltersdorff, the proposition of a particular sum, will surely lead him
to restore their full value, if that were greater, as is believed, than
the sum proposed. In order to obtain, therefore, a final arrangement of
this demand, Congress have authorized me to depute a special agent to
Copenhagen, to attend the pleasure of his Majesty. No agent could be so
adequate to this business, as the Commodore Paul Jones, who commanded
the squadron which took the prizes. He will, therefore, have the honor
of delivering this letter to your Excellency, in person; of giving such
information as may be material, relative to the whole transaction; of
entering into conferences for its final adjustment, and, being himself
principally interested, not only in his own right, but as the natural
patron of those who fought under him, whatever shall be satisfactory to
him, will have a great right to that ultimate approbation, which Congress
have been pleased to confide to me.
I beg your Excellency to accept the homage of that respect which your
exalted station, talents, and merit impress, as well as those sentiments
of esteem and regard with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM RUTLEDGE.
PARIS, Feb. 2. 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I should sooner have answered your favor of Jan. the 2d, but
that we have expected for some time to see you here. I beg you not to
think of the trifle I furnished you with, nor to propose to return it,
till you shall have that sum more than you know what to do with. And on
every other occasion of difficulty, I hope you will make use of me freely.
I presume you will now remain at London, to see the trial of Hastings.
Without suffering yourself to be imposed on by the pomp in which it will
be enveloped, I would recommend to you to consider and decide for yourself
these questions. If his offence is to be decided by the law of the land,
why is he not tried in that court in which his fellow-citizens are tried,
that is, the King's bench? If he is cited before another court, that he
may be judged, not according to the law of the land, but by the discretion
of his judges, is he not disfranchised of his most precious right, the
benefit of the laws of his country, in common with his fellow-citizens?
I think you will find, in investigating this subject, that every solid
argument is against the extraordinary court, and that every one in its
favor is specious only. It is a transfer from a judicature of learning
and integrity, to one, the greatness of which is both illiterate and
unprincipled. Yet such is the force of prejudice with some, and of the
want of reflection in others, that many of our constitutions have copied
this absurdity, without suspecting it to be one. I am glad to hear that
our new constitution is pretty sure of being accepted by States enough
to secure the good it contains, and to meet with such opposition in
some others, as to give us hopes it will be accommodated to them, by
the amendment of its most glaring faults, particularly the want of a
declaration of rights.
The long expected edict of the protestants, at length appears here.
Its analysis is this. It is an acknowledgment (hitherto withheld by the
laws) that protestants can beget children, and that they can die, and
be offensive unless buried. It does not give them permission to think,
to speak, or to worship. It enumerates the humiliations to which they
shall remain subject, and the burthens to which they shall continue to
be unjustly exposed. What are we to think of the condition of the human
mind in a country, where such a wretched thing as this has thrown the
State into convulsions, and how must we bless our own situation in a
country, the most illiterate peasant of which is a Solon, compared with
the authors of this law. There is modesty often, which does itself injury;
our countrymen possess this. They do not know their own superiority. You
see it; you are young, you have time and talents to correct them. Study
the subject while in Europe, in all the instances which will present
themselves to you, and profit your countrymen of them, by making them to
know and value themselves.
Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the esteem with which I am your
friend and servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, Feb. 6, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--The Commissioners of the Treasury have given notice to
Willincks and Van Staphorsts, that they shall not be able to remit them
one shilling till the New Government gets into action, and that therefore
the sole resource for the payment of the Dutch interest till that period
is in the progress of the last loan. Willinck and Van Staphorst reply that
there is not the least probability of raising as much on that loan as will
pay the next June interest, and that, if that payment fails one day, it
will do an injury to our credit, which a very long time will not wipe off.
A Mr. Stanetshi, one of our brokers, who holds $4,340,000 of our domestic
debt, offers, if we will pay him one year's interest of that debt, he
will have the whole of the loan immediately filled up, that is to say, he
will procure the sum of six hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred
and forty florins still unsubscribed. His year's interest (deducting
from it ten per cent. which he will allow for payment in Europe instead
of America) will require one hundred and eighty thousand florins of this
money. Messrs. Willinck and Van Staphorsts say that, by this means, they
can pay Fiseaux debt, and all the Dutch interest, and our current expenses
here, till June 1789, by which time the New Government may be in action.
They have proposed this to the Commissioners of the Treasury. But it
is possible that the delay of letters going and coming, with the time
necessary between the receiving their answer and procuring the money, may
force the decision of this proposition on me at the eleventh hour. I wish,
therefore, to avail myself of your counsel before your departure, on this
proposition. Your knowledge of the subject enables you to give the best
opinion, and your zeal for the public interest, and I trust your friendly
disposition towards me will prompt you to assist me with your advice on
this question, to wit, if the answer of the Commissioners does not come in
time, and there shall appear no other means of raising the June interest,
will it be worse to fail in that payment, or to accept of about seven
hundred thousand florins, on the condition of letting one hundred and
eighty thousand be applied to the payment of a year's interest of a part
of our domestic debt? Do me the friendship to give me an answer to this as
soon as possible, and be assured of the sentiments of esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, Feb. 7, 1788.
GENTLEMEN,--Your favors of November the 10th and 13th, and December
the 5th, have been duly received. Commodore Jones left this place for
Copenhagen, the 5th instant, to carry into execution the resolution of
Congress of October the 25th. Whatever moneys that court shall be willing
to allow, shall be remitted to your bankers, either in Amsterdam or Paris,
as shall be found most beneficial, allowing previously to be withdrawn
Commodore Jones' proportion, which will be necessary for his subsistence.
I desired him to endeavor to prevail on the Danish minister to have the
money paid in Amsterdam or Paris, by their banker in either of those
cities, if they have one.
M. Ast (secretary to the consulate) is at L'Orient. Whether he comes up
with the papers, or sends them, they shall be received, sealed up and
taken care of. I will only ask the favor of you, that I may never be
desired to break the seals, unless very important cause for it should
arise.
I have just received from Messrs. Willincks and Van Staphorsts, a letter
of January the 31st, in which are these words. "The official communication
we have of the actual situation and prospect of the finances of the United
States, would render such a partial payment as that to Fiseaux' house
of no avail towards the support of the public credit, unless effectual
measures shall be adopted, to provide funds for the two hundred and
seventy thousand florins, interest, that will be due the 1st of June
next; a single day's retard in which would ground a prejudice of long
duration." They informed me, at the same time, that they had made to you
the following communication; that Mr. Stanitski, our principal broker, and
holder of thirteen hundred and forty thousand dollars, of certificates
of our domestic debt, offers to have our loan of a million of guilders
(of which six hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred and forty
are still unfilled) immediately made up, on condition that he may retain
thereout, one hundred and eighty thousand guilders, being one year's
interest on his certificates, allowing a deduction of ten per cent. from
his said interest, as a compensation for his receiving it in Amsterdam
instead of America, and not pretending that this shall give him any title
to ask for any payment of future interest in Europe. They observe, that
this will enable them to face the demands of Dutch interest, till the
1st of June, 1789, pay the principal of Fiseaux' debt, and supply the
current expenses of your legation in Europe. On these points, it is for
you to decide. I will only take the liberty to observe, that if they shall
receive your acceptance of the proposition, some day's credit will still
be to be given for producing the cash, and that this must be produced
fifteen days before it is wanting, because that much previous notice is
always given to the creditors that their money is ready. It is, therefore,
but three months from this day, before your answer should be in Amsterdam.
It might answer a useful purpose also, could I receive a communication of
that answer, ten days earlier than they. The same stagnation attending
our passage from the old to the new form of government, which stops
the feeble channel of money hitherto flowing towards our treasury, has
suspended also what foreign credit we had. So that, at this moment, we may
consider the progress of our loan as stopped. Though much an enemy to the
system of borrowing, yet I feel strongly the necessity of preserving the
power to borrow. Without this, we might be overwhelmed by another nation,
merely by the force of its credit. However, you can best judge whether
the payment of a single year's interest on Stanitski's certificates, in
Europe, instead of America, may be more injurious to us than the shock
of our credit in Amsterdam, which may be produced by a failure to pay our
interest.
I have only to offer any services which I can render in this business,
either here or by going to Holland, at a moment's warning, if that should
be necessary.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DOCTOR PRICE.
PARIS, February 7, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--It is rendering mutual service to men of virtue and
understanding to make them acquainted with one another. I need no other
apology for presenting to your notice the bearer hereof, Mr. Barlow. I
know you were among the first who read the Visions of Columbus, while yet
in manuscript; and think the sentiments I heard you express of that poem
will induce you to be pleased with the acquaintance of their author. He
comes to pass a few days only at London, merely to know something of it.
As I have little acquaintance there, I cannot do better for him than to
ask you to be so good as to make him known to such persons, as his turn
and his time might render desirable to him.
I thank you for the volume you were so kind as to send me some time ago.
Everything you write is precious, and this volume is on the most precious
of all our concerns. We may well admit morality to be the child of the
understanding rather than of the senses, when we observe that it becomes
dearer to us as the latter weaken, and as the former grows stronger by
time and experience, till the hour arrives in which all other objects
lose all their value. That that hour may be distant with you, my friend,
and that the intermediate space may be filled with health and happiness,
is the sincere prayer of him who is, with sentiments of great respect and
friendship, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO A. DONALD.
PARIS, February 7, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I received duly your friendly letter of November the 12th. By
this time, you will have seen published by Congress the new regulations
obtained from this court, in favor of our commerce. You will observe,
that the arrangement relative to tobacco is a continuation of the order
of Berni for five years, only leaving the price to be settled between the
buyer and seller. You will see, too, that all contracts for tobacco are
forbidden, till it arrives in France. Of course, your proposition for a
contract is precluded. I fear the prices here will be low, especially
if the market be crowded. You should be particularly attentive to the
article, which requires that the tobacco should come in French or American
bottoms, as this article will, in no instance, be departed from.
I wish with all my soul, that the nine first conventions may accept the
new constitution, because this will secure to us the good it contains,
which I think great and important. But I equally wish, that the four
latest conventions, whichever they be, may refuse to accede to it, till
a declaration of rights be annexed. This would probably command the offer
of such a declaration, and thus give to the whole fabric, perhaps, as much
perfection as any one of that kind ever had. By a declaration of rights, I
mean one which shall stipulate freedom of religion, freedom of the press,
freedom of commerce against monopolies, trial by juries in all cases, no
suspensions of the habeas corpus, no standing armies. These are fetters
against doing evil, which no honest government should decline. There
is another strong feature in the new constitution, which I as strongly
dislike. That is, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. Of this
I expect no amendment at present, because I do not see that anybody has
objected to it on your side the water. But it will be productive of cruel
distress to our country, even in your day and mine. The importance to
France and England, to have our government in the hands of a friend or
a foe, will occasion their interference by money, and even by arms. Our
President will be of much more consequence to them than a King of Poland.
We must take care, however, that neither this, nor any other objection to
the new form, produces a schism in our Union. That would be an incurable
evil, because near friends falling out, never re-unite cordially; whereas,
all of us going together, we shall be sure to cure the evils of our new
Constitution, before they do great harm. The box of books I had taken
the liberty to address to you, is but just gone from Havre for New York.
I do not see, at present, any symptoms strongly indicating war. It is
true, that the distrust existing between the two courts of Versailles and
London, is so great, that they can scarcely do business together. However,
the difficulty and doubt of obtaining money make both afraid to enter
into war. The little preparations for war, which we see, are the effect
of distrust, rather than of a design to commence hostilities. And in such
a state of mind, you know, small things may produce a rupture; so that
though peace is rather probable, war is very possible.
Your letter has kindled all the fond recollections of ancient times;
recollections much dearer to me than anything I have known since. There
are minds which can be pleased by honors and preferments; but I see
nothing in them but envy and enmity. It is only necessary to possess them,
to know how little they contribute to happiness, or rather how hostile
they are to it. No attachments soothe the mind so much as those contracted
in early life; nor do I recollect any societies which have given me more
pleasure, than those of which you have partaken with me. I had rather
be shut up in a very modest cottage, with my books, my family and a few
old friends, dining on simple bacon, and letting the world roll on as it
liked, than to occupy the most splendid post, which any human power can
give. I shall be glad to hear from you often. Give me the small news as
well as the great. Tell Dr. Currie, that I believe I am indebted to him
a letter, but that like the mass of our countrymen, I am not, at this
moment, able to pay all my debts; the post being to depart in an hour, and
the last stroke of a pen I am able to send by it, being that which assures
you of the sentiments of esteem and attachment, with which I am, dear Sir,
your affectionate friend and servant.
TO M. WARVILLE.
PARIS, February 12, 1788.
SIR,--I am very sensible of the honor you propose to me, of becoming a
member of the society for the abolition of the slave trade. You know that
nobody wishes more ardently to see an abolition, not only of the trade,
but of the condition of slavery; and certainly, nobody will be more
willing to encounter every sacrifice for that object. But the influence
and information of the friends to this proposition in France will be far
above the need of my association. I am here as a public servant, and those
whom I serve, having never yet been able to give their voice against the
practice, it is decent for me to avoid too public a demonstration of my
wishes to see it abolished. Without serving the cause here, it might
render me less able to serve it beyond the water. I trust you will be
sensible of the prudence of those motives, therefore, which govern my
conduct on this occasion, and be assured of my wishes for the success of
your undertaking, and the sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I
have the honor to be. Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, Feb. 12, 1788.
SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 5th inst. enclosing that for
Mr. Jay. The packet was gone, as I presume, but I have another occasion
of forwarding it securely. Your attentions to the Leyden gazette are, in
my opinion, very useful. The paper is much read and respected. It is the
only one I know in Europe which merits respect. Your publications in it
will tend to re-establish that credit which the solidity of our affairs
deserve. With respect to the sale of lands, we know that two sales of
five millions and two millions of acres have been made. Another was begun
for four millions, which, in the course of the negotiation, may have been
reduced to three millions, as you mention. I have not heard that this
sale is absolutely concluded, but there is reason to presume it. Stating
these sales at two-thirds of a dollar the acre, and allowing for 3 or
400,000 acres sold at public sale, and a very high price, we may say they
have absorbed seven millions of dollars of the domestic federal debt. The
States, by taxation and otherwise, have absorbed eleven millions more: so
that debt stands now at about ten millions of dollars, and will probably
be all absorbed in the course of the next year. There will remain then
our foreign debt, between ten and twelve millions, including interest.
The sale of lands will then go on for the payment of this. But, as this
payment must be in cash, not in public effects, the lands must be sold
cheaper. The demand will probably be less brisk. So we may suppose this
will be longer paying off than the domestic debt. With respect to the new
Government, nine or ten States will probably have accepted by the end
of this month. The others may oppose it. Virginia, I think, will be of
this number. Besides other objections of less moment, she will insist on
annexing a bill of rights to the new Constitution, _i. e._ a bill wherein
the government shall declare that, 1. Religion shall be free; 2. Printing
presses free; 3. Trials by jury preserved in all cases; 4. No monopolies
in commerce; 5. No standing army. Upon receiving this bill of rights, she
will probably depart from her other objections; and this bill is so much
to the interest of all the States, that I presume they will offer it, and
thus our constitution be amended, and our Union closed by the end of the
present year. In this way, there will have been opposition enough to do
good, and not enough to do harm. I have such reliance on the good sense
of the body of the people, and the honesty of their leaders, that I am
not afraid of their letting things go wrong to any length in any cause.
Wishing your better health, and much happiness, I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR DE BERTROUS.
PARIS, Feb. 21, 1788.
SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of the letter you did me the
honor to write me on the 21st of January, together with the book on the
culture of the olive tree. This is a precious present to me, and I pray
you to accept my thanks for it. I am just gratified by letters from
S. Carolina, which inform me that in consequence of the information I
had given them on the subject of the olive tree, and the probability
of its succeeding with them, several rich individuals propose to begin
its culture there. This will not interfere with the commerce of France,
because she imports much more oil than she exports, and because the
consumption of oil in the United States at present, is so inconsiderable,
that should their demand be totally withdrawn at the European market, and
supplied at home, it will produce no sensible effect in Europe. We can
never produce that article in very great quantity, because it happens that
in our two southernmost States, where only the climate is adapted to the
olive, the soil is so generally rich as to be unfit for that tree, and
proper for other productions of more immediate profit. I am to thank you,
also, for the raisins of Smyrna, without seed, which I received from you
through Mr. Grand. * * * * *
TO MONSIEUR TRONCHIN.
PARIS, February 26, 1788.
SIR,--I should with great cheerfulness have done anything I could for the
manufacturers of Bourges, had anything been in my power. To this I should
have been induced by justice to them, and a desire to serve whomsoever
you befriend. This company is part of a great mass of creditors to whom
the United States contracted debts during the late war. Those States,
like others, are not able to pay immediately all the debts which the
war brought on them; but they are proceeding rapidly in that payment,
and will, perhaps, get through it more speedily than any nation ever did
before.
You will have seen in the public papers the progress they are making in
this matter. They proceed in this by fixed rules, from which it is their
principle never to depart in any instance, nor to do on any account for
any one person what they will not be able to do for all others claiming
on the same grounds. This company should engage the French Consul,
or some other person on the spot, to be always ready to present their
claim whenever anything can be received on it, according to the order of
payment established by Congress. I suppose that the interest might have
been annually received. With respect to what they call the reduction
of the debt from its nominal sum, it is not a reduction of it, but an
appreciation at its true value. The public effects of the United States,
such as their paper bills of credit, loan office bills, &c., were a
commodity which varied its value from time to time. A scale of their
value for every month has been settled according to what they sold for at
market, in silver or gold. This value in gold or silver, with an interest
of six per cent. annually till payment, is what the United States pay.
This they are able to pay; but were they to propose to pay off all their
paper, not according to what it cost the holder, in gold or silver, but
according to the sum named in it, their whole country, if sold, and all
their persons into the bargain, might not suffice. They would, in this
case, make a bankruptcy where none exists, as an individual would, who
being very able to pay the real debts he has contracted, would undertake
to give to every man fifty times as much as he had received from him. The
company will receive the market value of the public effects they have on
their hands, and six per cent. per annum on that; and I can only repeat
my advice to them, to appoint some friend on the spot to act for them
whenever anything can be received. I have the honor to be, with sentiments
of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, March 2, 1788.--Sunday.
DEAR SIR,--I received this day, a letter from Mrs. Adams, of the 26th
ultimo, informing me you would set out on the 29th, for the Hague.
Our affairs at Amsterdam press on my mind like a mountain. I have no
information to go on, but that of Willincks and Van Staphorsts, and
according to that, something seems necessary to be done. I am so anxious
to confer with you on this subject, and to see you and them together,
and get some effectual arrangement made in time, that I determine to meet
you at the Hague. I will set out the moment some repairs are made to my
carriage; it is promised me at three o'clock to-morrow; but probably they
will make it night, and that I may not set out till Tuesday morning. In
that case, I shall be at the Hague on Friday night; in the meantime, you
will perhaps have made all your bows there. I am sensible how irksome
this must be to you, in the moment of your departure. But it is a great
interest of the United States which is at stake, and I am sure you will
sacrifice to that, your feelings and your interest. I hope to shake you
by the hand, within twenty-four hours after you receive this; and in the
meantime, I am, with much esteem and respect, dear Sir, your affectionate
friend and humble servant.
TO THE HON. JOHN JAY.
AMSTERDAM, March 13, 1788.
SIR,--Mr. Adams having announced to our bankers here his approaching
departure from Europe, and referred them to me for counsel on our affairs
in their hands, they sent me a state of them, and of the difficulties
which were pressing at the moment, and impending more seriously for the
month of June. They were urging me by almost every post on this subject.
In this situation, information of Mr. Adams' journey of leave to the Hague
reached me on the day of his arrival there. I was sensible how important
it was to have the benefit of his interference in a department which had
been his peculiarly from the beginning, and with all the details of which
he was as intimately acquainted as I was little so. I set out therefore
in the instant, joined him at the Hague, and he readily concurred with
me in the necessity of our coming here to confer with our bankers on the
measures which might be proper and practicable. We are now engaged on
this subject, and the result, together with a full explanation of the
difficulties which commanded our attention, shall be the subject of a
letter which I shall do myself the honor of writing you by Mr. Adams,
to be forwarded by Colonel Smith, who will go in the English packet. I
avoid further particulars in the present letter, because it is to pass
through the different post-offices to Paris. It will be forwarded thence
by Mr. Short, whom I have desired to do himself the honor of writing
to you any occurrences since my departure, which may be worthy of being
communicated, by the French packet of this month. I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
AMSTERDAM, March 16, 1788.
SIR,--In a letter of the 13th instant, which I had the honor of addressing
you from this place, I mentioned in general terms, the object of my
journey hither, and that I should enter into more particular details,
by the confidential conveyance which would occur through Mr. Adams and
Colonel Smith.
The board of treasury had, in the month of December, informed me and our
bankers here, that it would be impossible for them to make any remittances
to Europe for the then ensuing year, and that they must, therefore, rely
altogether on the progress of the late loan. But this, in the meantime,
after being about one-third filled, had ceased to get forward. The
bankers who had been referred to me for advice by Mr. Adams, stated those
circumstances, and pressed their apprehension for the ensuing month of
June, when two hundred and seventy thousand florins would be wanting
for interest. In fine, they urged an offer of the holders of the former
bonds to take all those remaining on hand, provided they might receive
out of them the interest on a part of our domestic debt, of which they
had also become the holders. This would have been one hundred and eighty
thousand florins. To this proposition I could not presume any authority to
listen. Thus pressed between the danger of failure on one hand, and this
proposition on the other, I heard of Mr. Adams being gone to the Hague, to
take leave. His knowledge of the subject was too valuable to be neglected
under the present difficulty, and it was the last moment in which we could
be availed of it. I set out immediately, therefore, for the Hague, and
we came on to this place together, in order to see what could be done.
It was easier to discover, than to remove, the causes which obstructed
the progress of the loan. Our affairs here, like those of other nations,
are in the hands of particular bankers. These employ particular, and they
have their particular circle of money lenders. These money lenders, as I
have before mentioned, while placing a part of their money in our foreign
loans, had at the same time employed another part in a joint speculation,
to the amount of eight hundred and forty thousand dollars, in our domestic
debt. A year's interest was becoming due on this, and they wished to
avail themselves of our want of money for the foreign interest, to obtain
payment of the domestic. Our first object was to convince our bankers,
that there was no power on this side the Atlantic which could accede to
this proposition, or give it any countenance. They at length, therefore,
but with difficulty, receded from this ground, and agreed to enter into
conferences with the brokers and lenders, and to use every exertion to
clear the loan from the embarrassment in which this speculation had
engaged it. What will be the result of these conferences, is not yet
known. We have hopes, however, that it is not desperate, because the
bankers consented yesterday to pay off the capital of fifty-one thousand
florins, which had become due on the first day of January, and which had
not yet been paid. We have gone still further. The treasury-board gives
no hope of remittances, till the new government can procure them. For
that government to be adopted, its legislature assembled, its system of
taxation and collection arranged, the money gathered from the people into
the treasury, and then remitted to Europe, must extend considerably into
the year 1790. To secure our credit then, for the present year only, is
but to put off the evil day to the next. What remains of the last loan,
when it shall be filled up, will little more than clear us of present
demands, as may be seen by the estimate enclosed. We thought it better,
therefore, to provide at once for the years 1789 and 1790, also; and
thus to place the government at its ease, and her credit in security,
during that trying interval. The same estimate will show, that another
million of florins will be necessary to effect this. We stated this to
our bankers, who concurred in our views, and that to ask the whole sum at
once, would be better than to make demands from time to time so small,
as that they betray to the money holders the extreme feebleness of our
resources. Mr. Adams, therefore, has executed bonds for another million of
florins; which, however, are to remain unissued till Congress shall have
ratified the measure; so that this transaction is something or nothing,
at their pleasure. We suppose its expediency so apparent, as to leave
little doubt of its ratification. In this case, much time will have been
saved by the execution of the bonds at this moment, and the proposition
will be presented under a more favorable appearance, according to the
opinion of the bankers. Mr. Adams is under a necessity of setting out
to-morrow morning, but I shall stay two or three days longer, to attend
to and encourage the efforts of the bankers; though it is yet doubtful
whether they will ensure us a safe passage over the month of June. Not
having my letters here to turn to, I am unable to say whether the last I
wrote mentioned the declaration of the Emperor that he should take part
in the war against the Turks. This declaration appeared a little before,
or a little after that letter, I do not recollect which. Some little
hostilities have taken place between them. The court of Versailles seems
to pursue immovably its pacific system, and from every appearance in the
country from which I write, we must conclude that its tragedy is wound up.
The triumph appears complete, and tranquillity perfectly established. The
numbers who have emigrated are differently estimated, from twenty to forty
thousand.
A little before I left Paris, I received a piece of intelligence, which
should be communicated, leaving you to lay what stress on it, it may
seem to deserve. Its authenticity may be surely relied on. At the time of
the late pacification, Spain had about fifteen ships of the line nearly
ready for sea. The convention for disarming did not extend to her, nor
did she disarm. This gave inquietude to the court of London, and they
demanded an explanation. One was given, they say, which is perfectly
satisfactory. The Russian minister at Versailles, getting knowledge of
this, became suspicious on his part. He recollected that Spain, during
the late war, had been opposed to the entrance of a Russian fleet into
the Mediterranean, and concluded if England was not the object of this
armament, Russia might be. It is known that that power means to send
a fleet of about twenty-four ships into the Mediterranean this summer.
He sent to the Count de Montmorin, and expressed his apprehensions. The
Count de Montmorin declared that the object of Spain in that armament, was
totally different; that he was not sure she would succeed; but that France
and Spain were to be considered as one, and that the former would become
guarantee for the latter; that she would make no opposition to the Russian
fleet. If neither England nor Russia be the object, the question recurs,
who is it for? You know best if our affairs with Spain are in a situation
to give jealousy to either of us. I think it very possible that the
satisfaction of the court of London may have been pretended, or premature.
It is possible, also, that the affairs of Spain in South America, may
require them to assume a threatening appearance. I give you the facts,
however, and you will judge whether they are objects of attention or of
mere curiosity.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. I enclose herewith an extract of a letter from the Count de
Vergennes to the French ambassador at the Hague, which will make a
remarkable chapter in the history of the late revolution here. It is not
public, nor should be made so by us. Probably those who have been the
victims of it, will some day publish it.
TO MR. DUMAS.
AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.
SIR,--I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 14th,
18th and 23d instant. I would have preferred doing it in person, but the
season, and the desire of seeing what I have not yet seen, invite me to
take the route of the Rhine. I shall leave this place to-morrow morning,
and probably not reach Paris till the latter end of April. In the moment
we were to have conferred on the subject of paying the arrears due to
you, a letter of the 20th of February from the Board of Treasury was
received, forbidding the application of money to any purpose, (except our
current claims,) till the June interest should be actually in hand. Being
by the letter tied up from giving an order in your favor, I return you
the letter you had written to Mr. Jay, on the supposition that the order
for your arrears was given. It has been suggested, however, that if you
could receive bonds of the loan, you could make them answer your purpose,
and the commissioners say this would in nowise interfere with the views
of the treasury board, nor the provision for the June interest. I have,
therefore, recommended to them in writing, to give you bonds to the amount
of your balance, if you choose to take them, rather than to wait. I wish
this may answer your purpose. I remember that in the conversation which I
had the honor of having with you, on the evening I was at the Hague, you
said that your enemies had endeavored to have it believed that Congress
would abandon you, and withdraw your appointments. An enemy generally
says and believes what he wishes, and your enemies particularly, are not
those who are most in the councils of Congress, nor the best qualified
to tell what Congress will do. From the evidences you have received of
their approbation, and from their well-known steadiness and justice, you
must be assured of a continuance of their favor, were they to continue
under the present form. Nor do I see anything in the new government which
threatens us with less firmness. The Senate, who will make and remove
their foreign officers, must, from its constitution, be a wise and steady
body. Nor would a new government begin its administration by discarding
old servants; servants who have put all to the risk, and when the risk
was great, to obtain that freedom and security under which themselves will
be what they shall be. Upon the whole, my dear Sir, tranquillize yourself
and your family upon this subject. All the evidence which exists as yet,
authorizes you to do this, nor can I foresee any cause of disquiet in
future. That none may arise, that yourself and family may enjoy health,
happiness, and the continued approbation of those by whom you wish most
to be approved, is the sincere wish of him, who has the honor to be, with
sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.
GENTLEMEN, * * * * * * * * I cannot close my letter without some
observations on the transfer of our domestic debt to foreigners. This
circumstance and the failure to pay off Fiseaux' loan, were the sole
causes of the stagnation of our late loan. For otherwise, our credit
would have stood on more hopeful grounds than heretofore. There was a
condition in the last loan, that the lenders furnished one-third of the
money, the remaining two-thirds of the bonds should remain eighteen months
unsold, and at their option to take or not, and that in the meantime
the same bankers should open no other loan for us. These same lenders
became purchasers of our domestic debt, and they were disposed to avail
themselves of the power they had thus acquired over us as to our foreign
demands, to make us pay the domestic one. Should the present necessities
have obliged you to comply with their proposition for the present year, I
should be of opinion it ought to be the last instance. If the transfer of
these debts to Europe, meet with any encouragement from us, we can no more
borrow money here, let our necessities be what they will. For who will
give ninety-six per cent. for the foreign obligations of the same nation,
whose domestic ones can be bought at the same market for fifty-five per
cent.; the former, too, bearing an interest of only five per cent., while
the latter yields six. If any discouragements can be honestly thrown on
this transfer, it would seem advisable, in order to keep the domestic
debt at home. It would be a very effectual one, if, instead of the title
existing in our treasury books alone, it was made to exist in loose
papers, as our loan office debts do. The European holder would then be
obliged to risk the title paper of his capital, as well as his interest,
in the hands of his agents in America, whenever the interest was to be
demanded; whereas, at present, he trusts him with the interest only. This
single circumstance would put a total stop to all future sales of domestic
debt at this market. Whether this, or any other obstruction, can or should
be thrown in the way of these operations, is not for me to decide; but I
have thought the subject worthy your consideration.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. SHORT.
AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have received from you three letters of March the 9th,
14th, and 17th, and written you two of the 10th and 13th. In the last, I
mentioned to you that I should leave this place the 13th, but I have been
drawn on from day to day by the hope of seeing the business on which I
came settled, on the basis of positive engagement, and the great object
of the month of June appeared so sure, that we were about proceeding to
immediate payment of Mr. Grand, the State of Virginia, and all smaller
claims, when a letter of the 20th February, from the Commissioners of
the Treasury, arrived, forbidding the application of money to any object
except the diplomatic expenses, till the cash for the June interest was
actually in hand. No room was left for the bankers to execute their
discretion. The consequence is a delay of all other objects for some
weeks, which probably might have been effected instantly, without danger
to the great one. Indeed, I had obtained a positive engagement on that
ground. Be so good as to communicate this much to Mr. Grand.
A letter from Mr. Van Berkel, at New York, confirms the arrival of the
Count de Moustier there on the 18th of January, and removes all suspense
and anxiety on that subject. You know we received a similar account the
day before I left Paris, which I communicated to M. de Montmorin. It is
with infinite affliction that I recollect, in the hurry of my departure,
to have omitted to have notified the same to M. Dupont, who had a son
embarked in the same bottom. I am haunted with this recollection, and
would beg either yourself or Mr. Grand, whichever sees M. Dupont first,
to let him know that it was neither want of attention nor attachment to
him which occasioned it to escape me, but the confusion which attended the
setting out on such a journey on so short notice.
I set out to-morrow for Utrecht, Nimeguen, &c., and shall pursue the
course of the Rhine as far as the roads will permit me, not exceeding
Strasburg. Whenever they become impassable, or too difficult, if they do
become so, I shall turn off to Paris. So also if anything of importance
should call for me at Paris sooner, you will be so good as to address to
me at Frankfort and Strasburg. I will call at the post office there, and
be happy to find news from you relative to yourself, my daughters, and
America. I shall be at Frankfort about the 8th of April, and at Strasburg
about the 15th. You shall hear from me on the road. * * * * * * *
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
PARIS, May 2, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter by the last packet,
and thank you for the information it contains on the communication between
the Cayahoga and Big Beaver. I have ever considered the opening a canal
between those two water courses as the most important work in that line
which the State of Virginia could undertake. It will infallibly turn
through the Potomac all the commerce of Lake Erie, and the country west
of that, except what may pass down the Mississippi; and it is important
that it be soon done, lest that commerce should, in the meantime, get
established in another channel. Having, in the spring of the last year,
taken a journey through the southern parts of France, and particularly
examined the canal of Languedoc, through its whole course, I take the
liberty of sending you the notes I made on the spot, as you may find in
them something, perhaps, which may be turned to account, some time or
other, in the prosecution of the Potomac canal. Being merely a copy from
my travelling notes, they are undigested and imperfect, but may still
perhaps give hints capable of improvement in your mind.
The affairs of Europe are in such a state still, that it is impossible
to say what form they will take ultimately. France and Prussia, viewing
the Emperor as their most dangerous and common enemy, had heretofore
seen their common safety as depending on a strict connection with one
another. This had naturally inclined the Emperor to the scale of England,
and the Empress also, as having views in common with the Emperor, against
the Turks. But these two powers would, at any time, have gladly quitted
England, to coalesce with France, as being the power which they met
everywhere, opposed as a barrier to all their schemes of aggrandisement.
When, therefore, the present King of Prussia took the eccentric measure
of bidding defiance to France, by placing his brother in law on the throne
of Holland, the two empires immediately seized the occasion of soliciting
an alliance with France. The motives for this appeared so plausible, that
it was believed the latter would have entered into this alliance, and
that thus, the whole political system of Europe would have taken a new
form. What has prevented this court from coming into it, we know not.
The unmeasurable ambition of the Emperor, and his total want of moral
principle and honor, are suspected. A great share of Turkey, the recovery
of Silesia, the consolidation of his dominions by the Bavarian exchange,
the liberties of the Germanic body, all occupy his mind together, and his
head is not well enough organized, to pursue so much only of all this
as is practicable. Still, it was thought that France might safely have
coalesced with these powers, because Russia and herself holding close
together, as their interests would naturally dictate, the Emperor could
never stir but with their permission. France seems, however, to have taken
the worst of all parties, that is, none at all. She folds her arms, lets
the two empires go to work to cut up Turkey as they can, and holds Prussia
aloof, neither as a friend nor foe. This is withdrawing her opposition
from the two empires, without the benefit of any condition whatever. In
the meantime, England has clearly overreached herself. She excited the
war between the Russians and Turks, in hopes that France, still supporting
the Turks, would be embarrassed with the two empires. She did not foresee
the event which has taken place, of France abandoning the Turks, and
that which may take place, of her union with the two empires. She allied
herself with Holland, but cannot obtain the alliance of Prussia. This
latter power would be very glad to close again the breach with France,
and, therefore, while there remains an opening for this, holds off from
England, whose fleets could not enter into Silesia, to protect that
from the Emperor. Thus, you see, that the old system is unhinged, and
no new one hung in its place. Probabilities are rather in favor of a
connection between the two empires, France and Spain. Several symptoms
show themselves, of friendly dispositions between Russia and France,
unfriendly ones between Russia and England, and such as are barely short
of hostility between England and France. But into real hostilities, this
country would with difficulty be drawn. Her finances are too deranged, her
internal union too much dissolved, to hazard a war. The nation is pressing
on fast to a fixed constitution. Such a revolution in the public opinion
has taken place, that the crown already feels its powers bounded, and is
obliged, by its measures, to acknowledge limits. A States General will
be called at some epoch not distant; they will probably establish a civil
list, and leave the government to temporary provisions of money, so as to
render frequent assemblies of the national representative necessary. How
that representative will be organized is yet uncertain. Among a thousand
projects, the best seems to me, that of dividing them into two Houses, of
Commons and Nobles; the Commons to be chosen by the Provincial Assemblies,
who are chosen themselves by the people, and the Nobles by the body of
Noblesse, as in Scotland. But there is no reason to conjecture that this
is the particular scheme which will be preferred.
The war between the Russians and Turks, has made an opening for our
Commodore Paul Jones. The Empress has invited him into her service.
She insures to him the rank of rear admiral; will give him a separate
command, and, it is understood, that he is never to be commanded. I think
she means to oppose him to the Captain Pacha, on the Black Sea. He is by
this time, probably, at St. Petersburg. The circumstances did not permit
his awaiting the permission of Congress, because the season was close at
hand for opening the campaign. But he has made it a condition, that he
shall be free at all times to return to the orders of Congress, whenever
they shall please to call for him; and also, that he shall not in any
case be expected to bear arms against France. I believe Congress had it
in contemplation, to give him the grade of admiral, from the date of his
taking the Serapis. Such a measure now would greatly gratify him, second
the efforts of fortune in his favor, and better the opportunities of
improving him for our service, whenever the moment shall come in which we
may want him.
The danger of our incurring something like a bankruptcy in Holland, which
might have been long, and even fatally felt in a moment of crisis, induced
me to take advantage of Mr. Adams' journey to take leave at the Hague
to meet him there, get him to go on to Amsterdam, and try to avert the
impending danger. The moment of paying a great sum of annual interest
was approaching. There was no money on hand; the board of treasury had
notified that they could not remit any; and the progress of the loan which
had been opened there, had absolutely stopped. Our bankers there gave
me notice of all this; and that a single day's failure in the payment
of interest would have the most fatal effect on our credit. I am happy
to inform you we were able to set the loan a going again, and that the
evil is at least postponed. Indeed, I am tolerably satisfied, that if
the measures we proposed are ratified by Congress, all European calls for
money (except the French debt) are secure enough, till the end of the year
1790; by which time, we calculated that the new government might be able
to get money into their treasury. Much conversation with the bankers,
brokers and money holders, gave me insight into the state of national
credit there, which I had never before been able satisfactorily to get.
The English credit is the first, because they never open a loan, without
laying and appropriating taxes for the payment of the interest, and there
has never been an instance of their failing one day, in that payment. The
Emperor and Empress have good credit, because they use it little, and have
hitherto been very punctual. This country is among the lowest, in point of
credit. Ours stands in hope only. They consider us as the surest nation
on earth for the repayment of the capital; but as the punctual payment
of interest is of absolute necessity in their arrangements, we cannot
borrow but with difficulty and disadvantage. The monied men, however,
look towards our new government with a great degree of partiality, and
even anxiety. If they see that set out on the English plan, the first
degree of credit will be transferred to us. A favorable occasion will
arise to our new government of asserting this ground to themselves.
The transfer of the French debt, public and private, to Amsterdam, is
certainly desirable. An act of the new government, therefore, for opening
a loan in Holland for the purpose, laying taxes at the same time, for
paying annually the interest and a part of the principal, will answer the
two valuable purposes, of ascertaining the degree of our credit, and of
removing those causes of bickering and irritation, which should never be
permitted to subsist with a nation, with which it is so much our interest
to be on cordial terms as with France. A very small portion of this debt,
I mean that part due to the French officers, has done us an injury, of
which, those in office in America, cannot have an idea. The interest is
unpaid for the last three years; and these creditors, highly connected,
and at the same time needy, have felt and communicated hard thoughts of
us. Borrowing, as we have done, three hundred thousand florins a year,
to pay our interest in Holland, it would have been worth while to have
added twenty thousand more to suppress those clamors. I am anxious about
everything which may affect our credit. My wish would be, to possess it in
the highest degree, but to use it little. Were we without credit, we might
be crushed by a nation of much inferior resources, but possessing higher
credit. The present system of war renders it necessary to make exertions
far beyond the annual resources of the State, and to consume in one year
the efforts of many. And this system we cannot change. It remains then,
that we cultivate our credit with the utmost attention.
I had intended to have written a word to your Excellency on the subject
of the new constitution, but I have already spun out my letter to an
immoderate length. I will just observe, therefore, that according to my
ideas, there is a great deal of good in it. There are two things, however,
which I dislike strongly. 1. The want of a declaration of rights. I am
in hopes the opposition of Virginia will remedy this, and produce such
a declaration. 2. The perpetual re-eligibility of the President. This, I
fear, will make that an office for life, first, and then hereditary. I was
much an enemy to monarchies before I came to Europe. I am ten thousand
times more so, since I have seen what they are. There is scarcely an
evil known in these countries, which may not be traced to their king,
as its source, nor a good, which is not derived from the small fibres of
republicanism existing among them. I can further say, with safety, there
is not a crowned head in Europe, whose talents or merits would entitle
him to be elected a vestryman, by the people of any parish in America.
However, I shall hope, that before there is danger of this change taking
place in the office of President, the good sense and free spirit of our
countrymen, will make the changes necessary to prevent it. Under this
hope, I look forward to the general adoption of the new constitution with
anxiety, as necessary for us under our present circumstances. I have so
much trespassed on your patience already, by the length of this letter,
that I will add nothing further, than those assurances of sincere esteem
and attachment with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, May 3, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Mine of February the 6th, acknowledged the receipt of yours of
December the 9th and 20th; since that, those of February the 19th and 20th
have come to hand. The present will be delivered to you by Mr. Warville,
whom you will find truly estimable, and a great enthusiast for liberty.
His writings will have shown you this.
For public news, I must refer you to my letters to Mr. Jay. Those I
wrote to him from Amsterdam will have informed you of my journey thither.
While there, I endeavored to get, as well as I could, into the state of
national credit there; for though I am an enemy to the using our credit
but under absolute necessity, yet the possessing a good credit I consider
as indispensable, in the present system of carrying on war. The existence
of a nation having no credit is always precarious. The credit of England
is the best. Their paper sells at par on the exchange of Amsterdam the
moment any of it is offered, and they can command there any sum they
please. The reason is, that they never borrow, without establishing taxes
for the payment of the interest, and they never yet failed one day in
that payment. The Emperor and Empress have good credit enough. They use
it little and have been ever punctual. This country cannot borrow at all
there; for though they always pay their interest within the year, yet it
is often some months behind. It is difficult to assign to our credit its
exact station in this scale. They consider us as the most certain nation
on earth for the principal; but they see that we borrow of themselves
to pay the interest, so that this is only a conversion of their interest
into principal. Our paper, for this reason, sells for from four to eight
per cent. below par, on the exchange, and our loans are negotiated with
the Patriots only. But the whole body of money dealers, Patriot and
Stadtholderian, look forward to our new government with a great degree
of partiality and interest. They are disposed to have much confidence in
it, and it was the prospect of its establishment, which enabled us to set
the loan of last year into motion again. They will attend steadfastly to
its first money operations. If these are injudiciously begun, correction,
whenever they shall be corrected, will come too late. Our borrowings
will always be difficult and disadvantageous. If they begin well, our
credit will immediately take the first station. Equal provision for the
interest, adding to it a certain prospect for the principal, will give us
a preference to all nations, the English not excepted. The first act of
the new government should be some operation, whereby they may assume to
themselves this station. Their European debts form a proper subject for
this. Digest the whole, public and private, Dutch, French and Spanish,
into a table, showing the sum of interest due every year, and the portions
of principal payable the same year. Take the most certain branch of
revenue, and one which shall suffice to pay the interest, and leave such
a surplus as may accomplish all the payments of the capital, at terms
somewhat short of those at which they will become due. Let the surplusses
of those years in which no reimbursement of principal falls, be applied
to buy up our paper on the exchange of Amsterdam, and thus anticipate
the demands of principal. In this way, our paper will be kept up at par;
and this alone will enable us to command in four and twenty hours, at any
time, on the exchange of Amsterdam, as many millions as that capital can
produce. The same act which makes this provision for the existing debts,
should go on to open a loan to their whole amount; the produce of that
loan to be applied, as fast as received, to the payment of such parts of
the existing debts as admit of payment. The rate of interest to be as the
government should privately instruct their agent, because it must depend
on the effect these measures would have on the exchange. Probably it
could be lowered from time to time. Honest and annual publications of the
payments made will inspire confidence, while silence would conceal nothing
from those interested to know.
You will perceive by the _compte rendu_ which I send you, that this
country now calls seriously for its interest at least. The non-payment of
this, hitherto, has done our credit little injury, because the government
here, saying nothing about it, the public have supposed they wished to
leave us at our ease as to the payment. It is now seen that they call for
it, and they will publish annually the effect of that call. A failure
here, therefore, will have the same effect on our credit hereafter, as
a failure at Amsterdam. I consider it then, as of a necessity not to be
dispensed with, that these calls be effectually provided for. If it shall
be seen that the general provision, before hinted at, cannot be in time,
then it is the present government which should take on itself to borrow in
Amsterdam, what may be necessary. The new government should by no means be
left by the old, to the necessity of borrowing a stiver, before it can tax
for its interest. This will be to destroy the credit of the new government
in its birth. And I am of opinion, that if the present Congress will add
to the loan of a million (which Mr. Adams and myself have proposed this
year) what may be necessary for the French calls to the year 1790, the
money can be obtained at the usual disadvantage. Though I have not, at
this moment, received such authentic information from our bankers as I
may communicate to Congress, yet I know privately from one of them, (Mr.
Jacob Van Staphorst, who is here,) that they had on hand a fortnight ago,
four hundred thousand florins, and the sale going on well. So that the
June interest, which had been in so critical a predicament, was already
secured. If the loan of a million on Mr. Adams' bonds of this year, be
ratified by Congress, the applications of the money on hand may go on
immediately, according to the statement I sent to Mr. Jay. One article in
this, I must beg you to press on the treasury board; that is, an immediate
order for the payment of the three years' arrearages to the French
officers. They were about holding a meeting to take desperate measures
on this subject, when I was called to Holland. I desired them to be quiet
till my return, and since my return, I have pressed a further tranquillity
till July, by which time, I have given them reason to hope I may have an
answer from the treasury board, to my letters of March. Their ill humor
can be contained no longer, and as I know no reason why they may not be
paid at that time, I shall have nothing to urge in our defence after that.
* * * * *
You remember the report, drawn by Governor Randolph, on the navigation
of the Mississippi. When I came to Europe, Mr. Thompson was so kind as to
have me a copy of it made out. I lent it to Dr. Franklin, and he mislaid
it, so that it could never be found. Could you make interest with him to
have me another copy made, and send it to me? By Mr. Warville I send your
pedometer. To the loop at the bottom of it, you must sew a tape, and at
the other end of the tape, a small hook, (such as we use under the name of
hooks and eyes) cut a little hole in the bottom of your left watch pocket,
pass the hook and tape through it, and down between the breeches and
drawers, and fix the hook on the edge of your knee band, an inch from the
knee buckle; then hook the instrument itself by its swivel hook, on the
upper edge of the watch pocket. Your tape being well adjusted in length,
your double steps will be exactly counted by the instrument, the shortest
hand pointing out the thousands, the flat hand the hundreds, and the long
hand the tens and units. Never turn the hands backward; indeed, it is best
not to set them to any given place, but to note the number they stand at
when you begin to walk. The adjusting the tape to its exact length is a
critical business, and will cost you many trials. But once done, it is
done for ever. The best way is, to have a small buckle fixed on the middle
of the tape, by which you can take it up, and let it out at pleasure. When
you choose it should cease to count, unhook it from the top of the watch
pocket, and let it fall down to the bottom of the pocket.
* * * * *
I am, with sentiments of the most sincere esteem and attachment, dear Sir,
your affectionate friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, May 4, 1788.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you in two letters of the 13th and
16th of March, from Amsterdam, and have since received Mr. Ramson's of
February the 20th. I staid at Amsterdam about ten or twelve days after
the departure of Mr. Adams, in hopes of seeing the million of the last
year filled up. This, however, could not be accomplished on the spot. But
the prospect was so good as to have dissipated all fears; and since my
return here, I learn (not officially from our bankers but) through a good
channel, that they have received near four hundred thousand florins, since
the date of the statement I sent you, in my letter of March the 16th; and
I presume we need not fear the completion of that loan, which will provide
for all our purposes of the year 1788, as stated in that paper. I hope,
therefore, to receive from the treasury orders in conformity thereto, that
I may be able to proceed to the redemption of our captives. A provision
for the purposes of the years, 1789 and 1790, as stated in the same paper,
will depend on the ratification by Congress of Mr. Adams' bonds of this
year, for another million of florins. But there arises a new call from
this government, for its interest at least. Their silence, hitherto, has
made it be believed in general, that they consented to the non-payment of
our interest to them, in order to accommodate us. You will perceive in the
seventy-fifth and seventy-sixth pages of the _compte rendu_, which I have
the honor to send you, that they call for this interest, and will publish
whether it be paid or not; and by No. 25, page eighty-one, that they count
on its regular receipt, for the purposes of the year. These calls, for the
first days of January, 1789 and 1790, will amount to about a million and
a half of florins more; and if to be raised by loan, it must be for two
millions, as well to cover the expenses of the loan, as that loans are
not opened for fractions of millions. This publication seems to render a
provision for this interest as necessary, as for that of Amsterdam.
I had taken measures to have it believed at Algiers, that our government
withdrew its attention from our captives there. This was to prepare their
captors for the ransoming them at a reasonable price. I find, however,
that Captain O'Bryan is apprized that I have received some authority on
this subject. He writes me a cruel letter, supposing me the obstacle to
their redemption. Their own interest requires that I should leave them
to think thus hardly of me. Were the views of government communicated
to them, they could not keep their own secret, and such a price would
be demanded for them, as Congress, probably, would think ought not to
be given, lest it should be the cause of involving thousands of others
of their citizens in the same condition. The moment I have money, the
business shall be set in motion.
By a letter from Joseph Chiappe, our agent at Mogadore, I am notified
of a declaration of the Emperor of Morocco, that if the States General
of the United Netherlands do not, before the month of May, send him an
ambassador, to let him know whether it is war or peace between them, he
will send one to them with five frigates; and that if their dispositions
be unfavorable, their frigates shall proceed to America to make prizes
on the Dutch, and to sell them there. It seems to depend on the Dutch,
therefore, whether the Barbary powers shall learn the way to our coasts,
and whether we shall have to decide the question of the legality of
selling in our ports, vessels taken from them. I informed you in a former
letter, of the declaration made by the court of Spain to that of London,
relative to its naval armament, and also of the declaration of the Count
de Montmorin to the Russian minister here, on the same subject. I have
good information, that the court of Spain has itself made a similar and
formal declaration to the minister of Russia, at Madrid. So that Russia
is satisfied she is not the object. I doubt whether the English are
equally satisfied as to themselves. The season has hitherto prevented
any remarkable operation between the Turks and the two empires. The war,
however, will probably go on, and the season now admits of more important
events. The Empress has engaged Commodore Paul Jones in her service. He
is to have the rank of rear admiral, with a separate command, and it is
understood that he is in no case to be commanded. He will probably be
opposed to the Captain Pacha on the Black Sea. He received this invitation
at Copenhagen, and as the season for commencing the campaign was too
near to admit time for him to ask and await the permission of Congress,
he accepted the offer, only stipulating, that he should be always free
to return to the orders of Congress whenever called for, and that he
should not be expected to bear arms against France. He conceived that
the experience he should gain, would enable him to be more useful to
the United States, should they ever have occasion for him. It has been
understood, that Congress had had it in contemplation to give him the
grade of rear admiral, from the date of the action of the Serapis, and it
is supposed, that such a mark of their approbation, would have a favorable
influence on his fortune in the north. Copies of the letters which passed
between him and the Danish minister are herewith transmitted. I shall
immediately represent to Count Bernstorff, that the demand for our prizes
can have no connection with a treaty of commerce; that there is no reason
why the claims of our seamen should await so distant and uncertain an
event; and press the settlement of this claim.
This country still pursues its line of peace. The ministry seem now all
united in it; some from a belief of their inability to carry on a war;
others from a desire to arrange their internal affairs, and improve
their constitution. The differences between the King and parliaments,
threaten a serious issue. Many symptoms indicate that the government has
in contemplation some act of high-handed authority. An extra number of
printers have, for several days, been employed, the apartment wherein they
are at work being surrounded by a body of guards, who permit nobody either
to come out or go in. The commanders of the provinces, civil and military,
have been ordered to be at their stations on a certain day of the ensuing
week. They are accordingly gone; so that the will of the King is probably
to be announced through the whole kingdom, on the same day. The parliament
of Paris, apprehending that some innovation is to be attempted, which may
take from them the opportunity of deciding on it after it shall be made
known, came last night to the resolution, of which I have the honor to
enclose you a manuscript copy. This you will perceive to be, in effect,
a declaration of rights. I am obliged to close here the present letter,
lest I should miss the opportunity of conveying it by a passenger who is
to call for it. Should the delay of the packet admit any continuation
of these details, they shall be the subject of another letter, to be
forwarded by post. The gazettes of Leyden and France accompany this.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. TERRASSON.
PARIS, May 7, 1788.
SIR,--I have read with attention the papers on the subject of the canal
of the Santee and Cooper rivers, and shall be glad to do anything I can
to promote it. But I confess I have small expectations for the following
reason: General Washington sent me a copy of the Virginia act for opening
the Potomac. As that canal was to unite the commerce of the whole western
country almost, with the eastern, it presented a great view. The General
detailed the advantages of it, and it had the weight of his name, and
was known to be under his immediate direction. It was pushed here among
the monied men to obtain subscriptions, but not a single one could be
obtained. The stockjobbing in this city offered greater advantages than
to buy shares in the canal. I tried whether they would lend money on
the security of the canal, but they answered they could get as good an
interest by lending to their own government, with a douceur in the outset,
and would have their money under their own eye, more at their command, and
more sure as to the payment of interest. However, if you find any opening,
and can point out to me how I may be useful in promoting it, I shall do
it with infinite pleasure. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the
most perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DUMAS.
PARIS, May 15, 1788.
SIR,--My first moments after my return having been necessarily occupied
by letters which had come during my absence, and which required immediate
answers, I have not till now been able to resume my correspondence with
you, and to inform you of my safe arrival here after a very agreeable tour
through Germany. Our news from America comes down to the 14th of March. At
that time the state of the new constitution was thus: It had been accepted
in Massachusetts by
187 ayes, against 168 noes.
Connecticut 148 " " 40 "
Pennsylvania 46 " " 23 "
Delaware 22 " " 00 "
New Jersey 39 " " 00 "
Georgia 33 " " 00 "
--- ---
475 231
The Conventions of the other States were to meet as follows:
Maryland April 21.
South Carolina May 12.
Virginia May 26.
New York June 17.
North Carolina July --
New Hampshire June --
Rhode Island had not called a Convention.
I have received a letter from General Washington, wherein he gives it as
his opinion, that Virginia will accede to it. Mr. Madison inclines to the
same opinion. In fact, if Maryland and South Carolina should have adopted
it, as there is great reason to believe, the motives will become very
cogent on Virginia for accepting also. She will see that eight States have
already concurred, that New Hampshire and North Carolina will probably
concur, that the opposition to be made by Virginia and New York would have
little effect, and joined with Rhode Island would even be opprobrious.
So that probably she will follow the example set by Massachusetts of
accepting the constitution unconditionally, and instructing her delegates
to join with those of Massachusetts in urging future amendment. In this
case the matter will be fixed by nine States at the close of this month,
or beginning of the next, and we may have the news by the last of June.
It is very possible that the President and new Congress may be setting
at New York in the month of September. I have no other material news from
America. Here all seems peace without and war within. A great deal of good
is offered to the nation, but some think there is more evil in the form
of the offer. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect
esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE THE BOARD OF TREASURY.
PARIS, May 16, 1788.
GENTLEMEN,--In a letter of March 29th, which I had the honor of addressing
you from Amsterdam, I stated to you what had passed till that date
relative to our money affairs in England, and I enclosed you an estimate
of these, which looks forward to the end of the year 1790. I mentioned to
you also, that the prospect of filling up the loan of the last million
was at that moment good, so that I thought you might be at ease as to
the payment of the June interest. I have now the pleasure to enclose
you a letter from our bankers of the 8th instant, wherein they inform me
they have sold bonds enough to pay the June interest and have a surplus
sufficient to replace the moneys lent from the Virginia fund, and by Mr.
Grand. These advances were but momentary accommodations, made under the
mistaken idea that the money was in Amsterdam ready to replace them,
and it was not in idea to inscribe them on the roll of the debts of
the United States, to take their turn of payment. You will therefore, I
hope, think me justifiable in having them replaced immediately, as there
is money enough now for that purpose, over and above the June interest.
The balance due to Gateau is for one of the medals I had your orders to
have made, and has been due upwards of a twelvemonth. Mr. Short's salary
I suppose included under your general order that the diplomatic calls
shall be regularly paid by our bankers. So far then, I shall venture to
draw immediately, perhaps also for the little balance due to Ast, whose
distresses call loudly for assistance. He has been obliged to carry his
clothes to the pawnbrokers' to raise money for his subsistence. All the
other articles of the estimate will await your orders, which you will
therefore be pleased to give as you think proper. The foreign officers
had proposed a meeting, the object of which was, as I heard, to address
Congress in terms which would have been very disagreeable, and at the same
time to present a petition to the King, claiming his interposition. This
would have made a great deal of noise, and produced very disagreeable
effects. This was a few days before I went to Amsterdam. I saw Colonel
Gouvion the day before I set out, and desired him to quiet them till my
return, explaining to him that one of the objects of my journey would
be to enable you to pay them. I have since my return, informed them of
the prospect of payment, and that your orders for that purpose may be
hoped by the month of June. A letter from O'Brian, at Algiers, shows me
that he has had an intimation of my being authorized to redeem them, and
imputes the delay to me. I have endeavored, on the contrary, to have it
believed at Algiers, that the public will not interest itself in their
redemption, having been assured by the General of the religious order who
is to act for us, that if the Dey has the least expectations that the
public will interfere, he will hold them at such prices as this order
has never given, and cannot consent to give, because of the precedent,
and that in this case we shall lose the benefit of their agency. Under
these circumstances it would be cruelty to the captives to let them know
we are proceeding to their redemption. They could not keep their own
secret, and the indiscretion of any one of them might forever blast the
prospect of their redemption. For I suppose it to be uncontrovertible that
a regard to the safety and liberty of our seamen and citizens in general
forbids us to give such prices for those in captivity as will draw on our
vessels peculiarly the pursuit of those sea-dogs. It is for the good of
the captives themselves, therefore, that we submit to be thought hardly
of by them; but no time should be lost unnecessarily in proceeding to
their redemption; nor shall a moment be lost after I shall be authorized
by your order to receive the money. You perceive that by the extract from
the letter of the bankers which I have the honor to enclose you, they
expect to place speedily the rest of the bonds. I think I may venture to
assure you they can do it at any moment if they are pushed. You know the
misunderstandings which exist between these two houses. These are the
cause of their not always saying as much as they might venture to say
with truth. There is an error in the estimate I sent you, which must be
explained. I omitted, when I set out from Paris, to ask Mr. Short for a
state of the balance due him, and had always been ignorant of it, as the
account remained between him and Mr. Grand. When making the estimate at
Amsterdam, therefore, I was obliged to conjecture what that balance was,
which I did from a very slight and mistaken circumstance as I now find.
The balance due him, instead of being about 5000_l._, as I had guessed, is
13,146_l._ 6, as you will see by his account now enclosed.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE MOUSTIER.
PARIS, May 17, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have at length an opportunity of acknowledging the receipt
of your favors of February, and March the 14th, and congratulating you
on your resurrection from the dead, among whom you had been confidently
entombed by the newsdealers of Paris. I am sorry that your first
impressions have been disturbed by matters of etiquette, where surely
they should least have been expected to occur. These disputes are the most
insusceptible of determination, because they have no foundation in reason.
Arbitrary and senseless in their nature, they are arbitrarily decided by
every nation for itself. These decisions are meant to prevent disputes,
but they produce ten where they prevent one. It would have been better,
therefore, in a new country, to have excluded etiquette altogether; or if
it must be admitted in some form or other, to have made it depend on some
circumstance founded in nature, such as the age or station of the parties.
However, you have got over all this, and, I am in hopes, have been able
to make up a society suited to your own dispositions. Your situation will
doubtless be improved by the adoption of the new constitution, which
I hope will have taken place before you receive this. I see in this
instrument, a great deal of good. The consolidation of our government,
a just representation, an administration of some permanence, and other
features of great value, will be gained by it. There are, indeed, some
faults, which revolted me a good deal in the first moment; but we must
be contented to travel on towards perfection, step by step. We must
be contented with the ground which this constitution will gain for us,
and hope that a favorable moment will come for correcting what is amiss
in it. I view in the same light, the innovations making here. The new
organization of the judiciary department is undoubtedly for the better.
The reformation of the criminal code, is an immense step taken towards
good. The composition of the Plenary court is, indeed, vicious in the
extreme; but the basis of that court may be retained, and its composition
changed. Make of it a representative of the people, by composing it of
members sent from the Provincial Assemblies, and it becomes a valuable
member of the constitution. But it is said, the court will not consent to
do this; the court, however, has consented to call the States General, who
will consider the Plenary court but as a canvas for them to work on. The
public mind is manifestly advancing on the abusive prerogatives of their
governors, and bearing them down. No force in the government can withstand
this, in the long run. Courtiers had rather give up power than pleasures;
they will barter, therefore, the usurped prerogatives of the King, for
the money of the people. This is the agent by which modern nations will
recover their rights. I sincerely wish that in this country, they may
be contented with a peaceable and passive opposition. At this moment,
we are not sure of this, though as yet it is difficult to say what form
the opposition will take. It is a comfortable circumstance, that their
neighboring enemy is under the administration of a minister disposed to
keep the peace. Engage in war who will, may my country long continue your
peaceful residence, and merit your good offices with that nation, whose
affections it is their duty and interest to cultivate. Accept these and
all other the good wishes of him, who has the honor to be, with sincere
esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, May 23, 1788.
SIR,--When I wrote my letter of the 4th instant, I had no reason to doubt
that a packet would have sailed on the 10th, according to the established
order. The passengers had all, except one, gone down to Havre in this
expectation. However, none have sailed, and perhaps none will sail,
as I think the suppression of the packets is one of the economies in
contemplation. An American merchant, concerned in the commerce of the
whale oil, proposed to government to despatch his ships from Havre and
Boston at stated periods, and to take on board the French courier and
mail, and the proposition has been well enough received. I avail myself of
a merchant vessel going from Havre, to write the present.
In my letter of the 4th, I stated to you the symptoms which indicated
that government had some great stroke of authority in contemplation.
That night, they sent guards to seize Monsieur d'Epremenil and Monsieur
Goisland, two members of parliament, in their houses. They escaped,
and took sanctuary in the Palais (or parliament house). The parliament
assembled itself extraordinarily, summoned the Dukes and Peers specially,
and came to the resolution of the 5th, which they sent to Versailles by
deputies, determined not to leave the palace till they received an answer.
In the course of that night, a battalion of guards surrounded the house.
The two members were taken by the officers from among their fellows,
and sent off to prison, the one to Lyons, the other (d'Epremenil), the
most obnoxious, to an island in the Mediterranean. The parliament then
separated. On the 8th, a bed of justice was held at Versailles, wherein
were enregistered the six ordinances which had been passed in Council,
on the 1st of May, and which I now send you. They were in like manner
enregistered in beds of justice, on the same day, in nearly all the
parliaments of the kingdom. By these ordinances, 1. the criminal law is
reformed, by abolishing examination on the _sellette_, which, like our
holding up the hand at the bar, remained a stigma on the party, though
innocent; by substituting an oath, instead of torture, on the _question
prealable_, which is used after condemnation, to make the prisoner
discover his accomplices; (the torture abolished in 1789, was on the
_question preparatoire_, previous to judgment, in order to make the
prisoner accuse himself;) by allowing counsel to the prisoner for his
defence; obliging the judges to specify in their judgments the offence
for which he is condemned; and respiting execution a month, except in the
case of sedition. This reformation is unquestionably good, and within
the ordinary legislative powers of the crown. That it should remain to
be made at this day, proves that the monarch is the last person in his
kingdom, who yields to the progress of philanthropy and civilization.
2. The organization of the whole judiciary department is changed, by the
institution of subordinate jurisdictions, the taking from the parliaments
the cognizance of all causes of less value than twenty thousand livres,
reducing their numbers to about a fourth, and suppressing a number of
special courts. Even this would be a great improvement, if it did not
imply that the King is the only person in this nation who has any rights
or any power. 3. The right of registering the laws is taken from the
parliaments, and transferred to a Plenary court, created by the King.
This last is the measure most obnoxious to all persons. Though the members
are to be for life, yet a great proportion of them are from descriptions
of men always candidates for the royal favor in other lines. As yet, the
general consternation has not sufficiently passed over, to say whether
the matter will end here. I send you some papers, which indicate symptoms
of resistance. These are, the resolution of the Noblesse of Brittany, the
declaration of the Advocate General of Provence, which is said to express
the spirit of that province; and the _Arret_ of the Chatelet, which is the
hustings court of the city of Paris. Their refusal to act under the new
character assigned them, and the suspension of their principal functions,
are very embarrassing. The clamors this will excite, and the disorders
it may admit, will be loud, and near to the royal ear and person. The
parliamentary fragments permitted to remain, have already, some of
them, refused, and probably all will refuse, to act under that form.
The Assembly of the clergy, which happens to be sitting, have addressed
the King to call the States General immediately. Of the Dukes and Peers
(thirty-eight in number), nearly half are either minors or superannuated;
two-thirds of the acting part seem disposed to avoid taking a part; the
rest, about eight or nine, have refused, by letters to the King, to act
in the new courts. A proposition excited among the Dukes and Peers, to
assemble and address the King for a modification of the Plenary court,
seems to show that the government would be willing to compromise on that
head. It has been prevented by the Dukes and Peers in opposition, because
they suppose that no modification to be made by the government will give
to that body the form they desire, which is that of a representative of
the nation. They foresee that if the government is forced to this, they
will call them, as nearly as they can, in the ancient forms; in which
case, less good will be to be expected from them. But they hope they
may be got to concur in a declaration of rights, at least, so that the
nation may be acknowledged to have some fundamental rights, not alterable
by their ordinary legislature, and that this may form a ground work for
future improvements. These seem to be the views of the most enlightened
and disinterested characters of the opposition. But they may be frustrated
by the nation's making no cry at all, or by a hasty and premature appeal
to arms. There is neither head nor body in the nation to promise a
successful opposition to two hundred thousand regular troops. Some think
the army could not be depended on by the government; but the breaking
men to military discipline, is breaking their spirits to principles of
passive obedience. A firm, but quiet opposition will be the most likely
to succeed. Whatever turn this crisis takes, a revolution in their
constitution seems inevitable, unless foreign war supervene, to suspend
the present contest. And a foreign war they will avoid, if possible, from
an inability to get money. The loan of one hundred and twenty millions, of
the present year, is filled up by such subscriptions as may be relied on.
But that of eighty millions, proposed for the next year, cannot be filled
up in the actual situation of things.
The Austrians have been successful in an attack upon Schabatz, intended as
a preliminary to that of Belgrade. In that on Dubitza, another town in the
neighborhood of Belgrade, they have been repulsed, and, as is suspected,
with considerable loss. It is still supposed the Russian fleet will go
into the Mediterranean, though it will be much retarded by the refusal of
the English government, to permit its sailors to engage in the voyage.
Sweden and Denmark are arming from eight to twelve ships of the line
each. The English and Dutch treaties you will find in the Leyden gazettes
of May the 9th and 13th. That between England and Prussia is supposed to
be stationary. Monsieur de St. Priest, the ambassador from this court to
the Hague, has either gone, or is on the point of going. The Emperor of
Morocco has declared war against England. I enclose you his orders in our
favor on that occasion. England sends a squadron to the Mediterranean for
the protection of her commerce, and she is reinforcing her possessions
in the two Indies. France is expecting the arrival of an embassy from
Tippoo Saib, is sending some regiments to the West Indies, and a fleet of
evolution into the Atlantic. Seven ships of the line and several frigates
sailed from Cadiz on the 22d of April, destined to perform evolutions off
the western islands, as the Spaniards say, but really to their American
possessions, as is suspected. Thus the several powers are, by little and
little, taking the position of war, without an immediate intention of
waging it. But that the present ill humor will finally end in war, is
doubted by nobody.
In my letter of February the 5th, I had the honor of informing you of
the discontent produced by our _Arret_ of December the 29th, among the
merchants of this country, and of the deputations from the chambers of
commerce to the minister on that subject. The articles attacked were
the privileges on the sale of our ships, and the entrepôt for codfish.
The former I knew to be valuable; the latter I supposed not so; because
during the whole of the time we have had our free ports in this kingdom,
we have never used them for the smuggling of fish. I concluded, therefore,
the ports of entrepôt would not be used for that purpose. I saw that
the ministers would sacrifice something to quiet the merchants, and was
glad to save the valuable article relative to our ships, by abandoning
the useless one for our codfish. It was settled, therefore, in our
conferences, that an _Arret_ should be passed, abridging the former one
only as to the entrepôt of codfish. I was in Holland when the _Arret_ came
out; and did not get a copy of it till yesterday. Surprised to find that
fish oil was thereby also excluded from the entrepôt, I have been to-day
to make some inquiry into the cause; and from what I can learn, I conclude
it must have been a mere error in the clerk who formed the _Arret_, and
that it escaped attention on its passage. The entrepôt of whale oil was
not objected to by a single deputy at the conferences, and the excluding
it is contrary to the spirit of encouragement the ministers have shown a
disposition to give. I trust, therefore, I may get it altered on the first
occasion which occurs, and I believe one will soon occur. In the meantime
we do not store a single drop for re-exportation, as all which comes here
is needed for the consumption of this country: which will alone, according
to appearances, become so considerable as to require all we can produce.
By a letter of the 8th instant, from our bankers, I learn that they had
disposed of bonds enough to pay our June interest, and to replace the
temporary advances made by Mr. Grand, and from a fund placed here by the
State of Virginia. I have desired them, accordingly, to replace these
moneys, which had been lent for the moment only, and in confidence of
immediate repayment. They add that the payment of the June interest and
the news from America, will, as they trust, enable them to place the
remaining bonds of the last year's million. I suppose, indeed, that there
is no doubt of it, and that none would have been expressed, if those two
houses could draw better together than they do. In the meantime, I hope
the treasury board will send an order for so much as may be necessary for
executing the purposes of Congress, as to our captives at Algiers.
I send you herewith a Memoire of Monsieur Caseaux, whose name is familiar
on the journals of Congress. He prepared it to be delivered to the King,
but I believe he will think better, and not deliver it. The gazettes of
France and Leyden accompany this. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. _May 27, 1788._ I have kept my letter open to the moment of Mr.
Warville's departure, (he being the bearer of it,) that I might add any
new incidents that should occur. The refusal of the Chatelet and Grande
Chambre of Paris to act in the new character assigned them, continues.
Many of the _grandes bailliages_ accept, some conditionally, some fully.
This will facilitate greatly the measures of government, and may possibly
give them a favorable issue. The parliament of Thoulouse, considering the
edicts as nullities, went on with their business They have been exiled
in consequence. Monsieur de St. Priest left Paris for the Hague, on the
23d. I mention this fact, because it denotes the acquiescence of this
government in the late revolution there. A second division of a Spanish
fleet will put to sea soon. Its destination not declared. Sweden is arming
to a greater extent than was at first supposed. From twelve to sixteen
sail of the line are spoken of, on good grounds. Denmark, for her own
security, must arm in proportion to this.
TO JOHN BROWN.
PARIS, May 26, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--It was with great pleasure I saw your name on the roll of
Delegates, but I did not know you had actually come on to New York, till
Mr. Paradise informed me of it. Your removal from Carolina to Kentucky,
was not an indifferent event to me. I wish to see that country in the
hands of people well disposed, who know the value of the connection
between that and the maritime States, and who wish to cultivate it. I
consider their happiness as bound up together, and that every measure
should be taken, which may draw the bands of union tighter. It will be
an efficacious one to receive them into Congress, as I perceive they are
about to desire. If to this be added an honest and disinterested conduct
in Congress, as to everything relating to them, we may hope for a perfect
harmony. The navigation of the Mississippi was, perhaps, the strongest
trial to which the justice of the federal government could be put. If ever
they thought wrong about it, I trust they have got to rights. I should
think it proper for the western country to defer pushing their right to
that navigation to extremity, as long as they can do without it tolerably;
but that the moment it becomes absolutely necessary for them, it will
become the duty of the maritime States to push it to every extremity,
to which they would their own right of navigating the Chesapeake, the
Delaware, the Hudson, or any other water. A time of peace will not be the
surest for obtaining this object. Those, therefore, who have influence
in the new country, would act wisely to endeavor to keep things quiet
till the western parts of Europe shall be engaged in war. Notwithstanding
the aversion of the courts of London and Versailles to war, it is not
certain that some incident may not engage them in it. England, France,
Spain, Russia, Sweden and Denmark will all have fleets at sea, or ready
to put to sea immediately. Who can answer for the prudence of all their
officers? War is their interest. Even their courts are pacific from
impotence only, not from disposition. I wish to heaven that our new
government may see the importance of putting themselves immediately into
a respectable position. To make provision for the speedy payment of their
foreign debts, will be the first operation necessary. This will give
them credit. A concomitant one should be magazines and manufactures of
arms. This country is at present in a crisis of very uncertain issue.
I am in hopes it will be a favorable one to the rights and happiness of
the people; and that this will take place quietly. Small changes in the
late regulations will render them wholly good. The campaign opens between
the Turks and the two empires, with an aspect rather favorable to the
former. The Russians seem not yet thawed from the winter's torpitude.
They have no army yet in motion; and the Emperor has been worsted in
two-thirds of the small actions which they have had as yet. He is said
to be rather retiring. I do not think, however, that the success of the
Turks in the partisan affairs which have taken place, can authorize us to
presume that they will be superior also in great decisions. Their want
of discipline and skill in military manœuvres, is of little consequence
in small engagements, and of great in larger ones. Their grand army was
at Adrianople by the last accounts, and to get from thence to Belgrade,
will require a month. It will be that time at least, then, before we can
have any very interesting news from them. In the meantime the plague rages
at Constantinople to a terrible degree. I cannot think but that it would
be desirable to all commercial nations, to have that nation and all its
dependencies driven from the sea-coast into the interior parts of Asia and
Africa. What a field would thus be restored to commerce! The finest parts
of the old world are now dead, in a great degree, to commerce, to arts,
to science and to society. Greece, Syria, Egypt and the northern coast
of Africa, constituted the whole world almost, for the Romans, and to us
they are scarcely known, scarcely accessible at all. The present summer
will enable us to judge what turn this contest will take. I am greatly
anxious to hear that nine States accept our new constitution. We must be
contented to accept of its good, and to cure what is evil in it hereafter.
It seems necessary for our happiness at home; I am sure it is so for our
respectability abroad. I shall, at all times, be glad to hear from you,
from New York, from Kentucky, or whatever region of the earth you inhabit;
being with sentiments of very sincere esteem and attachment, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, May 27, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Your favors of April the 14th and 29th, and May the 8th, have
lately come to hand. That of January the 29th, by M. de Molinedo, had been
left here during my absence on a journey to Amsterdam. That gentleman
had gone, as I presume, before my return, from my being unable to learn
anything of him.
* * * * *
With respect to the Isthmus of Panama, I am assured by Burgoine, (who
would not choose to be named, however,) that a survey was made, that a
canal appeared very practicable, and that the idea was suppressed for
political reasons altogether. He has seen and minutely examined the
report. This report is to me a vast desideratum, for reasons political
and philosophical. I cannot help suspecting the Spanish squadron to be
gone to South America, and that some disturbances have been excited there
by the British. The court of Madrid may suppose we would not see this
with an unwilling eye. This may be true as to the uninformed part of our
people; but those who look into futurity farther than the present moment
or age, and who combine well what is, with what is to be, must see that
our interests, well understood, and our wishes are, that Spain shall
(not forever, but) very long retain her possessions in that quarter;
and that her views and ours must, in a good degree, and for a long time,
concur. It is said in our gazettes, that the Spaniards have sunk one of
our boats on the Mississippi, and that our people retaliated on one of
theirs. But my letters not mentioning this fact, has made me hope it
is not true, in which hope your letter confirms me. There are now one
hundred thousand inhabitants in Kentucky. They have accepted the offer
of independence, on the terms proposed by Virginia, and they have decided
that their independent government shall begin on the first day of the next
year. In the meantime, they claim admittance into Congress. Georgia has
ceded her western territory to the United States, to take place with the
commencement of the new federal government. I do not know the boundaries.
There has been some dispute of etiquette with the new French minister,
which has disgusted him.
The following is a state of the progress and prospects of the new plan of
government. * * * * * *
The conduct of Massachusetts has been noble. She accepted the
constitution, but voted that it should stand as a perpetual instruction
to her Delegates, to endeavor to obtain such and such reformations; and
the minority, though very strong both in numbers and abilities, declared
_viritim_ and _seriatim_, that acknowledging the principle that the
majority must give the law, they would now support the new constitution
with their tongues, and with their blood, if necessary. I was much pleased
with many and essential parts of this instrument, from the beginning. But
I thought I saw in it many faults, great and small. What I have read and
reflected has brought me over from several of my objections of the first
moment, and to acquiesce under some others. Two only remain, of essential
consideration, to wit, the want of a bill of rights, and the expunging
the principle of necessary rotation in the offices of President and
Senator. At first, I wished that when nine States should have accepted the
constitution, so as to insure us what is good in it, the other four might
hold off till the want of the bill of rights, at least, might be supplied.
But I am now convinced that the plan of Massachusetts is the best, that
is, to accept, and to amend afterwards. If the States which were to decide
after her, should all do the same, it is impossible but they must obtain
the essential amendments. It will be more difficult, if we lose this
instrument, to recover what is good in it, than to correct what is bad,
after we shall have adopted it. It has, therefore, my hearty prayers, and
I wait with anxiety for news of the votes of Maryland, South Carolina,
and Virginia. There is no doubt that General Washington will accept the
presidentship; though he is silent on the subject. He would not be chosen
to the Virginia convention. A riot has taken place in New York, which I
will state to you from an eye witness. It has long been a practice with
the surgeons of that city, to steal from the grave bodies recently buried.
A citizen had lost his wife: he went the first or second evening after her
burial, to pay a visit to her grave. He found that it had been disturbed,
and suspected from what quarter. He found means to be admitted to the
anatomical lecture of that day, and on his entering the room, saw the body
of his wife, naked and under dissection. He raised the people immediately.
The body, in the meantime, was secreted. They entered into, and searched
the houses of the physicians whom they most suspected, but found nothing.
One of them, however, more guilty or more timid than the rest, took asylum
in the prison. The mob considered this an acknowledgment of guilt. They
attacked the prison. The Governor ordered militia to protect the culprit,
and suppress the mob. The militia, thinking the mob had just provocation,
refused to turn out. Hereupon the people of more reflection, thinking it
more dangerous that even a guilty person should be punished without the
forms of law, than that he should escape, armed themselves, and went to
protect the physician. They were received by the mob with a volley of
stones, which wounded several of them. They hereupon fired on the mob, and
killed four. By this time, they received a reinforcement of other citizens
of the militia horse, the appearance of which, in the critical moment,
dispersed the mob. So ended this chapter of history, which I have detailed
to you, because it may be represented as a political riot, when politics
had nothing to do with it. Mr. Jay and Baron Steuben were both grievously
wounded in the head by stones. The former still kept his bed, and the
latter his room, when the packet sailed, which was the 24th of April.
I am, with sentiments of great esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
(Private.) PARIS, May 27, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--The change which is likely to take place in the form of our
government, seems to render it proper that during the existence of the
present government, an article should be mentioned which concerns me
personally. Uncertain, however, how far Congress may have decided to do
business when so near the close of their administration; less capable
than those on the spot of foreseeing the character of the new government;
and not fully confiding in my own judgment, where it is so liable to be
seduced by feeling, I take the liberty of asking your friendly counsel,
and that of my friend Mr. Madison, and of referring the matter to your
judgments and discretion.
Mr. Barclay, when in Europe, was authorized to settle all the European
accounts of the United States: he settled those of Dr. Franklin and
Mr. Adams, and it was intended between us, that he should settle mine.
But as what may be done at any time is often put off to the last, this
settlement had been made to give way to others, and that of Beaumarchais
being pressed on Mr. Barclay before his departure to Morocco, and having
long retarded his departure, it was agreed that my affair should await his
return from that mission; you know the circumstances which prevented his
return to Paris after that mission was finished. My account is therefore
unsettled, but I have no anxiety on any article of it, except one, that
is, the outfit. This consists of 1, clothes; 2, carriage and horses;
3, household furniture. When Congress made their first appointments of
ministers to be resident in Europe, I have understood (for I was not
then in Congress) that they allowed them all their expenses, and a fixed
sum over and above for their time. Among their expenses, was necessarily
understood their outfit. Afterwards, they thought proper to give them
fixed salaries of eleven thousand one hundred and eleven dollars and one
ninth, a year; and again, by a resolution of May the 6th and 8th, 1784,
the "_salaries_" of their ministers at foreign courts were reduced to
nine thousand dollars, to take place on the 1st of August ensuing. On the
7th of May, I was appointed, in addition to Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin,
for the negotiation of treaties of commerce; but this appointment being
temporary, for two years only, and not as of a resident minister, the
article of outfit did not come into question. I asked an advance of six
months' salary, that I might be in cash to meet the first expenses; which
was ordered. The year following, I was appointed to succeed Dr. Franklin
at this court. This was the first appointment of a minister resident,
since the original ones, under which all expenses were to be paid. So
much of the ancient regulation, as respected _annual expenses_ had been
altered to a sum certain; so much of it, as respected _first expenses_,
or _outfit_, remained unaltered; and I might therefore expect, that the
actual expenses for outfit were to be paid. When I prepared my account
for settlement with Mr. Barclay, I began a detail of the articles of
clothing, carriage, horses, and household furniture. I found that they
were numerous, minute, and incapable, from their nature, of being vouched;
and often entered in my memorandum book under a general head only, so
that I could not specify them. I found they would exceed a year's salary.
Supposing, therefore, that mine being the first case, Congress would make
a precedent of it, and prefer a sum fixed for the outfit as well as the
salary, I have charged it in my account at a year's salary; presuming
there can be no question that an outfit is a reasonable charge. It is the
usage here (and I suppose at all courts), that a minister resident, shall
establish his house in the first instant. If this is to be done out of
his salary, he will be a twelvemonth, at least, without a copper to live
on. It is the universal practice, therefore, of all nations, to allow the
outfit as a separate article from the salary. I have inquired here into
the usual amount of it. I find that, sometimes, the sovereign pays the
actual cost. This is particularly the case of the Sardinian ambassador now
coming here, who is to provide a service of plate, and every article of
furniture and other matters of first expense, to be paid for by his court.
In other instances, they give a service of plate, and a fixed sum for all
other articles, which fixed sum is in no case lower than a year's salary.
I desire no service of plate, having no ambition for splendor. My
furniture, carriage and apparel, are all plain, yet they have cost me
more than a year's salary. I suppose that in every country and in every
condition of life, a year's expense would be found a moderate measure for
the furniture of a man's house. It is not more certain to me, that the sun
will rise to-morrow, than that our government must allow the outfit, on
their future appointment of foreign ministers; and it would be hard on me,
so to stand between the discontinuance of a former rule, and institution
of a future one, as to have the benefit of neither. I know, I have so long
known the character of our federal head, in its present form, that I have
the most unlimited confidence in the justice of its decisions. I think I
am so far known to many of the present Congress, as that I may be cleared
of all views of making money out of any public employment, or desiring
anything beyond actual and decent expenses, proportioned to the station in
which they have been pleased to place me, and to the respect they would
wish to see attached to it. It would seem right, that they should decide
the claims of those who have acted under their administration, and their
pretermission of any article, might amount to a disallowance of it, in
the opinion of the new government. It would be painful to me, to meet that
government with a claim under this kind of cloud, and to pass it in review
before their several Houses of legislation, and boards of administration,
to whom I shall be unknown; and, being for money actually expended, it
would be too inconvenient to me to relinquish it in silence. I anxiously
ask it, therefore, to be decided on by Congress before they go out of
office, if it be not out of the line of proceeding they may have chalked
out for themselves. If it be against their inclination to determine it,
would it be agreeable to them to refer it to the new government, by some
resolution, which should show they have not meant to disallow it, by
passing it over? Not knowing the circumstances under which Congress may
exist and act at the moment you shall receive this, I am unable to judge
what should be done on this subject. It is therefore that I ask the aid of
your friendship and that of Mr. Madison, that you will do for me in this
regard, what you think it is right should be done, and what it would be
right for me to do, were I on the spot, or were I apprised of all existing
circumstances. Indeed, were you two to think my claim an improper one,
I would wish it to be suppressed, as I have so much confidence in your
judgment, that I should suspect my own in any case, where it varied from
yours, and more especially, in one where it is liable to be warped by
feeling. Give me leave, then, to ask your consultation with Mr. Madison
on this subject; and to assure you that whatever you are so good as to do
herein, will be perfectly approved, and considered as a great obligation
conferred on him, who has the honor to be, with sentiments of the most
perfect esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL CARRINGTON.
PARIS, May 27, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have received with great pleasure your friendly letter
of April 24th. It has come to hand after I had written my letters for
the present conveyance, and just in time to add this to them. I learn
with great pleasure the progress of the new Constitution. Indeed I have
presumed it would gain on the public mind, as I confess it has on my own.
At first, though I saw that the great mass and groundwork was good, I
disliked many appendages. Reflection and discussion have cleared off most
of these. You have satisfied me as to the query I had put to you about
the right of direct taxation. My first wish was that nine States would
adopt it in order to ensure what was good in it, and that the others
might, by holding off, produce the necessary amendments. But the plan of
Massachusetts is far preferable, and will, I hope, be followed by those
who are yet to decide. There are two amendments only which I am anxious
for: 1. A bill of rights, which it is so much the interest of all to
have, that I conceive it must be yielded. The 1st amendment proposed by
Massachusetts will in some degree answer this end, but not so well. It
will do too much in some instances, and too little in others. It will
cripple the Federal Government in some cases where it ought to be free,
and not restrain in some others where restraint would be right. The 2d
amendment which appears to me essential is the restoring the principle of
necessary rotation, particularly to the Senate and Presidency: but most
of all to the last. Re-eligibility makes him an officer for life, and the
disasters inseparable from an elective monarchy, render it preferable
if we cannot tread back that step, that we should go forward and take
refuge in an hereditary one. Of the correction of this article, however,
I entertain no present hope, because I find it has scarcely excited an
objection in America. And if it does not take place erelong, it assuredly
never will. The natural progress of things is for liberty to yield and
government to gain ground. As yet our spirits are free. Our jealousy is
only put to sleep by the unlimited confidence we all repose in the person
to whom we all look as our president. After him inferior characters may
perhaps succeed, and awaken us to the danger which his merit has led
us into. For the present, however, the general adoption is to be prayed
for, and I wait with great anxiety for the news from Maryland and South
Carolina, which have decided before this, and with that Virginia, now
in session, may give the ninth vote of approbation. There could then be
no doubt of North Carolina, New York, and New Hampshire. But what do you
propose to do with Rhode Island? as long as there is hope we should give
her time. I cannot conceive but that she will come to rights in the long
run. Force, in whatever form, would be a dangerous precedent.
There are rumors that the Austrian army is obliged to retire a little;
that the Spanish squadron is gone to South America; that the English
have excited a rebellion there; and some others equally unauthenticated.
I do not mention them in my letter to Mr. Jay, because they are
unauthenticated. The bankruptcies in London have re-commenced with new
force. There is no saying where this fire will end, perhaps in the general
conflagration of all their paper. If not now, it must erelong. With only
twenty millions of coin, and three or four hundred millions of circulating
paper, public and private, nothing is necessary but a general panic,
produced either by failures, invasion, or any other cause, and the whole
visionary fabric vanishes into air, and shows that paper is poverty,
that it is only the ghost of money, and not money itself. One hundred
years ago, they had twenty odd millions of coin. Since that they have
brought in from Holland by borrowing forty millions more, yet they have
but twenty millions left, and they talk of being rich, and of having the
balance of trade in their favor. Paul Jones is invited into the Empress'
service, with the rank of rear Admiral, and to have a separate command.
I wish it corresponded with the views of Congress to give him that rank
from the taking of the Serapis. I look to this officer as our great future
dependence on the sea, where alone we should think of ever having a force.
He is young enough to see the day when we shall be more populous than the
whole British dominions, and able to fight them ship to ship. We should
procure him, then, every possible opportunity of acquiring experience.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.[F]
PARIS, May 28, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--The enclosed letter for Mr. Jay, being of a private nature, I
have thought it better to put it under your cover, lest it might be opened
by some of his clerks, in the case of his absence. But I enclose a press
copy of it for yourself, as you will perceive the subject of it referred
to you, as well as to him. I ask your aid in it so far as you think right,
and to have done what you think right. If you will now be so good as to
cast your eye over the copy enclosed, what follows the present sentence,
will be some details, supplementary to that only, necessary for your
information, but not proper for me to state to Mr. Jay.
378,227,1247. though appointed a minister resident at the court of 514. he
never was 663. in that character. He was continually passing from 1042. to
514. and 514. to 1042. so that he had no occasion to establish a household
at either. Accordingly, he stayed principally in furnished lodgings. Of
all our ministers, he had the least occasion for an outfit, and I suppose,
spent almost nothing on that article. He was of a disposition, too, to
restrain himself within any limits of expense whatever, and it suited his
recluse turn, which is, to avoid society. Should he judge of what others
should do, by what he did, it would be an improper criterion. He was in
Europe as a _voyageur_ only, and it was while the salary was five hundred
guineas more than at present.
145.1267.1046.7. he came over when, instead of outfit and salary, all
expenses were paid. Of rigorous honesty, and careless of appearances, he
lived for a considerable time, as an economical private individual. After
he was fixed at 812.141. and the salary at a sum certain, he continued his
economical style, till out of the difference between his expenses and his
salary, he could purchase furniture for his house. This was the easier, as
the salary was at two thousand five hundred guineas then. He was obliged
too, to be passing between 1042. and 812.141. so as to avoid any regular
current of expenses. When he established himself, his pecuniary affairs
were under the direction of 964. 814.7.101.994. one of the most estimable
characters on earth, and the most attentive and honorable economists.
Neither had a wish to lay up a copper, but both wished to make both ends
meet. I suspected, however, from an expression dropped in conversation,
that they were not able to do this, and that a deficit in their accounts
appeared in their winding up. If this conjecture be true, it is a proof
that the salary, so far from admitting savings, is unequal to a very plain
style of life; for such was theirs. I presume Congress will be asked to
allow it, and it is evident to me, from what I saw while in 1093. that it
ought to be done, as they did not expend a shilling which should have been
avoided. Would it be more eligible to set the example of making good a
deficit, or to give him an outfit, which will cover it? The impossibility
of living on the sum allowed, respectably, was the true cause of his
insisting on his recall.
821.267.1292. He came over while all expenses were paid. He rented a house
with standing furniture, such as tables, chairs, presses, &c., and bought
all other necessaries. The latter were charged in his account, the former
was included in the article of house-rent, and paid during the whole time
of his stay here; and as the established rate of hire for furniture, is
from thirty to forty per cent. per annum, the standing furniture must have
been paid for three times over, during the eight years he stayed here. His
salary was two thousand five hundred guineas. When Congress reduced it to
less than two thousand, he refused to accede to it, asked his recall, and
insisted that whenever they chose to alter the conditions on which he came
out, if he did not approve of it, they ought to replace him in America on
the old conditions. He lived plainly, but as decently as his salary would
allow. He saved nothing, but avoided debt. He knew he could not do this on
the reduced salary, and therefore asked his recall with decision.
To 935.145. succeeded. He had established a certain style of living.
The same was expected from 1214. and there were five hundred guineas
a year less, to do it on. It has been aimed at, however, as far as was
practicable. This rendered it constantly necessary to step neither to
the right nor to the left, to incur any expense which could possibly be
avoided, and it called for an almost womanly attention to the details
of the household, equally perplexing, disgusting, and inconsistent with
business. You will be sensible, that in this situation, no savings could
be made for reimbursing the half year's salary, ordered to be advanced
under the former commission, and more than as much again, which was
unavoidably so applied without order, for the purchase of the outfit. The
reason of the thing, the usage of all nations, the usage of our own, by
paying all expenses of preceding ministers, which gave them the outfit, as
far as their circumstances appeared to them to render it necessary, have
made me take for granted all along, that it would not be refused to me;
nor should I have mentioned it now, but that the administration is passing
into other hands, and more complicated forms. It would be disagreeable to
me, to be presented to them in the first instance, as a suitor. Men come
into business at first, with visionary principles. It is practice alone,
which can correct and conform them to the actual current of affairs. In
the meantime, those to whom their errors were first applied, have been
their victims. The government may take up the project of appointing
foreign ministers without outfits, and they may ruin two or three
individuals, before they find that that article is just as indispensable
as the salary. They must then fall into the current of general usage,
which has become general, only because experience has established its
necessity. Upon the whole, be so good as to reflect on it, and to do,
not what your friendship to me, but your opinion of what is right shall
dictate. Accept, in all cases, assurances of the sincere esteem and
respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
[F] [It will be seen that a few words of this letter are in
cypher. It is published, however, as written, because enough of it
is literal to interest the reader, to whom also, a specimen of the
cypher used by the Author, may not be unacceptable.]
TO PETER CARR.
PARIS, May 28, 1788.
DEAR PETER,--The preceding letter[G] was written at its date, and I
supposed you in possession of it, when your letters of December the 10th,
1787, and March the 18th, 1788, told me otherwise. Still, I supposed it
on its way to you, when a few days ago, having occasion to look among
some papers in the drawer, where my letters are usually put away, till an
opportunity of sending them occurs, I found that this letter had slipped
among them, so that it had never been forwarded. I am sorry for it, on
account of the remarks relative to the Spanish language only. Apply to
that, with all the assiduity you can. That language and the English
covering nearly the whole face of America, they should be well known
to every inhabitant, who means to look beyond the limits of his farm.
I like well the distribution of your time, mentioned in your letter of
March the 18th; and the counsels of Mr. Wythe, so kindly extended to you,
leave it necessary for me to add nothing of that kind. Be assiduous in
learning, take much exercise for your health, and practice much virtue.
Health, learning and virtue, will insure your happiness; they will give
you a quiet conscience, private esteem and public honor. Beyond these, we
want nothing but physical necessaries, and they are easily obtained. My
daughters are well, and join me in love to yourself, your mother, brothers
and sisters. I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Peter, your affectionate
friend.
[G] [For the letter referred to, see ante, p. 237.]
TO THE COMTE DE BERNSTORFF.
PARIS, June 19, 1788.
I had the honor of addressing your Excellency, by Admiral Paul Jones, on
the 21st of January, on the subject of the prizes taken under his command
during the late war, and sent into Bergen. I communicated, at the same
time, a copy of the powers which the Congress of the United States of
America had been pleased to confide to me therein, having previously shown
the original to the Baron Blome, envoy extraordinary of his Majesty, the
King of Denmark, at this court; and I furnished, at the same time, to
Admiral Paul Jones, such authority as I was empowered to delegate, for
the arrangement of this affair. That officer has transmitted me a copy
of your Excellency's letter to him, of the 4th of April, wherein you
are pleased to observe, that the want of full powers on his part was an
invincible obstacle to the definitive discussion of this claim with him,
and to express your dispositions to institute a settlement at this place.
Always assured of the justice and honor of the court of Denmark, and
encouraged by the particular readiness of your Excellency to settle and
remove this difficulty from between the two nations, I take the liberty of
recalling your attention to it. The place of negotiation proposed by your
Excellency, meets no objection from us, and it removes, at the same time,
that which the want of full powers in Admiral Paul Jones, had produced
in your mind. These full powers, Congress have been pleased to honor me
with. The arrangement taken between the person to be charged with your
full powers, and myself, will be final and conclusive. You are pleased to
express a willingness to treat at the same time, on the subjects of amity
and commerce. The powers formerly communicated on our part, were given to
Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself, for a limited term only. That term
has expired, and the other two gentlemen returned to America: so that
no person is commissioned at this moment, to renew those conferences.
I may safely, however, assure your Excellency, that the same friendly
dispositions still continue, and the same desire of facilitating and
encouraging a commerce between the two nations, which produced the former
appointment. But our nation is, at this time, proposing a change in the
organization of its government. For this change to be agreed to by all
the members of the Union, the new administration chosen and brought into
activity, their domestic matters arranged, which will require their first
attention, their foreign system afterwards decided on and carried into
full execution, will require very considerable length of time. To place
under the same delay, the private claims which I have the honor to present
to your Excellency, would be hard on the persons interested; because
these claims have no connection with the system of commercial connection,
which may be established between the two nations, nor with the particular
form of our administration. The justice due to them is complete, and the
present administration as competent to final settlement as any future one
will be, should a future change take place. These individuals have already
lingered nine years, in expectation of their hard and perilous earnings.
Time lessens their numbers continually, disperses their representatives,
weakens the evidence of their right, and renders more and more
impracticable, his majesty's dispositions to repair the private injury, to
which public circumstances constrained him. These considerations, the just
and honorable intentions of your Excellency, and the assurances you give
us in your letter, that no delay is wished on your part, give me strong
hopes that we may speedily obtain that final arrangement, which express
instructions render it my duty to urge. I have the honor, therefore,
of agreeing with your Excellency, that the settlement of this matter,
formerly begun at Paris, shall be continued there: and to ask that you
will be pleased to give powers and instructions for this purpose, to such
persons as you shall think proper, and in such full form as may prevent
those delays, to which the distance between Copenhagen and Paris might
otherwise expose us.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound respect, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. THOMAS DIGGES.
PARIS, June 19, 1788.
SIR,--I have duly received your favor of May 12, as well as that of the
person who desires information on the state of cotton manufactures in
America, and for his interest and safety I beg leave to address to you the
answer to his queries.
In general, it is impossible that manufactures should succeed in America,
from the high price of labor. This is occasioned by the great demand
of labor for agriculture. A manufacturer going from Europe will turn to
labor of other kinds if he finds more to be got by it, and he finds some
employment so profitable, that he can soon lay up money enough to buy
fifty acres of land, to the culture of which he is irresistibly tempted
by the independence in which that places him, and the desire of having
a wife and family around him. If any manufactures can succeed there, it
will be that of cotton. I must observe for his information that this plant
grows nowhere in the United States northward of the Potomac, and not in
quantity till you get southward as far as York and James Rivers. I know
nothing of the manufacture which is said to be set up at Richmond. It must
have taken place since 1783, when I left Virginia. In that State (for
it is the only one I am enabled to speak of with certainty) there is no
manufacture of wire or of cotton cards; or if any, it is not worth notice.
No manufacture of stocking-weaving, consequently none for making the
machine; none of cotton clothing of any kind whatever for sale; though in
almost every family some is manufactured for the use of the family, which
is always good in quality, and often tolerably fine. In the same way they
make excellent stockings of cotton, weaving it in like manner, carried on
principally in the family way: among the poor, the wife weaves generally;
and the rich either have a weaver among their servants or employ their
poor neighbors. Cotton cost in Virginia from 12_d._ to 18_d._ sterling the
pound before the war, probably it is a little raised since. Richmond is as
good a place for a manufactory as any in that State, and perhaps the best
as to its resources for this business. Cotton clothing is very much the
taste of the country. A manufacturer, on his landing, should apply to the
well-informed farmers and gentlemen of the country. Their information will
be more disinterested than that of merchants, and they can better put
him into the way of disposing of his workmen in the cheapest manner till
he has time to look about him and decide how and where he will establish
himself. Such is the hospitality in that country, and their disposition
to assist strangers, that he may boldly go to any good house he sees,
and make the inquiry he needs. He will be sure to be kindly received,
honestly informed, and accommodated in an hospitable way, without any
other introduction than an information who he is and what are his views.
It is not the policy of the government in that country to give any aid
to works of any kind. They let things take their natural course without
help or impediment, which is generally the best policy. More particularly
as to myself, I must say that I have not the authority nor the means of
assisting any persons in their passage to that country. I have the honor
to be, with sentiments of perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO MR. RUTLEDGE.
PARIS, January 19, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Having omitted to ask you how I should address letters to you,
I am obliged to put the present under cover to Mr. Shippen, to the care
of his banker at Amsterdam. Enclosed you will receive a letter lately
come to my hands, as also such notes as I have been able to scribble very
hastily and undigested. I am ashamed of them; but I will pay willingly
that price, if they may, on a single occasion, be useful to you. I will at
some future moment find time to write the letters for Frankfort, Florence,
Milan, Nice and Marseilles, which those notes will point out, and lodge
them on your route, if you will be so good as to keep me always informed
how and where I must send letters to you. I would suggest an alteration
in the route I had proposed to you; that is, to descend the Danube from
Vienna, so as to go to Constantinople, and from thence to Naples and
up Italy. This must depend on your time, and the information you may be
able to get as to the safety with which you may pass through the Ottoman
territories. It is believed the Emperor is making overtures for peace.
Should this take place it would lessen the difficulties of such a tour.
In the meantime, this gleam of peace is counterbalanced by the warlike
preparations of Sweden and Denmark, known to be made under the suggestions
of the Court of London. In this country there is great internal ferment.
I am of opinion the new regulations will be maintained. Perhaps the
Cour pleniere may be amended in its composition, and the States General
called at an earlier period than was intended. We have no accounts yet of
the decision of Maryland, South Carolina, or Virginia on the subject of
the new Constitution. Yet it seems probable they will accept it in the
same manner Massachusetts has done; and I see nothing improbable in the
supposition that our new government may be in motion by the beginning of
November. I must press on you, my dear Sir, a very particular attention
to the climate and culture of the olive tree. This is the most interesting
plant in existence for South Carolina and Georgia. You will see in various
places that it gives being to whole villages in places where there is
not soil enough to subsist a family by the means of any other culture.
But consider it as the means of bettering the condition of your slaves in
South Carolina. See in the poorer parts of France and Italy what a number
of vegetables are rendered eatable by the aid of a little oil, which would
otherwise be useless. Remark very particularly the northern limits of this
tree, and whether it exists by the help of shelter from the mountains,
&c. I know this is the case in France. I wish to know where the northern
limit of this plant crosses the Apennines; where it crosses the Adriatic
and the Archipelago, and if possible what course it takes through Asia.
The fig, the dried raisin, the pistache, the date, the caper, are all very
interesting objects for your study. Should you not in your passage through
countries where they are cultivated inform yourself of their hardiness,
their culture, the manner of transporting, &c., you might hereafter much
repent it. Both then and now I hope you will excuse me for suggesting them
to your attention; not omitting the article of rice also, of which you
will see species different from your own. I beg you to make use of me on
all possible occasions and in all the ways in which I can serve you, not
omitting that of money, should any disappointment take place in your own
arrangements. Mr. Berard's money was paid to Bayoker & Co. as you desired.
I have the honor to be, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO T. LEE SHIPPEN, ESQ.
PARIS, June 19, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have been honored with your favor of May 20, and take the
first possible moment of acknowledging it, and of enclosing such notes
as my recollection has suggested to me might be of service to you on
your route. They have been scribbled so hastily and so informally that I
would not send them, did not a desire of accommodating yourself and Mr.
Rutledge get the better of my self-love. You will have seen in the Leyden
gazette the principal articles of intelligence received from America
since you left us, and which I have furnished to Mr. Dumas for that
paper. The account of the riot in New York was given me by Mr. Paradise,
who was there at the time, and who with his lady is now here. You may,
perhaps, meet them at Venice. Mr. Jay and Baron Steuben were wounded with
stones in that riot. General Washington writes me word he thinks Virginia
will accept of the new Constitution. It appears to me, in fact, from
all information, that its rejection would drive the States to despair
and bring on events which cannot be foreseen; and that its adoption
is become absolutely necessary. It will be easier to get the assent
of nine States to correct what is wrong in the way pointed out by the
Constitution itself, than to get thirteen to concur in a new convention
and another plan of confederation. I therefore sincerely pray that the
remaining States may accept it, as Massachusetts has done, with standing
instructions to their delegates to press for amendments till they are
obtained. They cannot fail of being obtained when the delegates of eight
States shall be under such perpetual instructions. The American newspapers
say that the Spaniards have sunk one of our boats on the Mississippi, and
we one of theirs, by way of reprisal. The silence of my letters on the
subject makes me hope it is not true. Be so good as to keep me constantly
furnished with your address. I will take the first moment I can to write
letters for you to Baron Leimer for Frankfort, Febroni at Florence,
the Count del Verme and Clerici at Milan, Sasserns at Nice, Cathalan at
Marseilles, which at this time it is impossible for me to do. I beg you
to make on all occasions all the use of me of which I am susceptible, and
in any way in which your occasions may require, and to be assured of the
sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment with which I have the honor to
be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, June 20, 1788.
SIR,--Having had the honor of mentioning to your Excellency the wish
of Congress that certain changes should be made in the articles for
a consular convention, which had been sent to them, I have now that,
conformably to the desire you expressed, of giving a general idea of the
alterations to be proposed.
The fourth article gives to the consuls the immunities of the law of
nations. It has been understood, however, that the laws of France do not
admit of this; and that it might be desirable to expunge this article.
In this we are ready to concur, as in every other case where an article
might call for changes in the established laws, either inconvenient or
disagreeable.
After establishing in favor of consuls, the general immunities of the law
of nations, one consequence of which would have been, that they could not
have been called upon to give testimony in courts of justice, the fifth
article requires that after the observance of certain formalities, which
imply very high respect, they shall make a declaration; but _in their
own houses_ [chez eux] as may be pretended, if not justly inferred, from
the expressions in the article. But our laws require, indispensably, a
personal examination of witnesses in the presence of the parties, of their
counsel, the jury and judges, each of whom has a right to ask of them all
questions pertinent to the fact. The first and highest officers of our
government are obliged to appear personally to the order of a court to
give evidence. The court takes care that they are treated with respect. It
is proposed, therefore, to omit this article for these particular reasons,
as well as for the general one, that the fourth being expunged, this,
which was but an exception to that, falls of course.
The seventh, eighth, tenth and fourteenth articles extend their
pre-eminences far beyond those which the laws of nations would have
given. These articles require that the declarations made in the presence
of consuls, and certified by them, shall be received in evidence in
all courts whatever; and in some instances give to their certificates
a credibility which excludes all other testimony. The cases are rare
in which our laws admit written evidence of facts; and such evidence,
when admitted, must have been given in the presence of both parties,
and must contain the answers to all the pertinent questions which they
may have desired to ask of the witness; and to no evidence, of whatever
nature, written or oral, do our laws give so high credit, as to exclude
all counter-proof. These principles are of such ancient foundation in
our system of jurisprudence, and are so much valued and venerated by our
citizens, that perhaps it would be impossible to execute articles which
should contravene them, nor is it imagined that these stipulations can
be so interesting to this country, as to balance the inconvenience and
hazard of such an innovation with us. Perhaps it might be found, that the
laws of both countries require a modification of this article; as it is
inconceivable that the certificate of an American consul in France could
be permitted by one of its courts to establish a fact, the falsehood of
which should be notorious to the court itself.
The eighth article gives to the consuls of either nation a jurisdiction,
in certain cases, over foreigners of any other. On a dispute arising in
France, between an American and a Spaniard or an Englishman, it would not
be fair to abandon the Spaniard or Englishman to an American consul. On
the contrary, the territorial judge, as neutral, would seem to be the most
impartial. Probably, therefore, it will be thought convenient for both
parties to correct this stipulation.
A dispute arising between two subjects of France, the one being in France,
and the other in the United States, the regular tribunals of France would
seem entitled to a preference of jurisdiction. Yet the twelfth article
gives it to their consul in America; and to the consul of the United
States in France, in a like case between their citizens.
The power given by the tenth article, of arresting and sending back a
vessel, its captain, and crew, is a very great one indeed, and, in our
opinion, more safely lodged with the territorial judge. We would ourselves
trust the tribunals of France to decide when there is just cause for
so high-handed an act of authority over the persons and property of so
many of our citizens, to all of whom these tribunals will stand in a
neutral and impartial relation, rather than any single person whom we
may appoint as consul, who will seldom be learned in the laws, and often
susceptible of influence from private interest and personal pique. With
us, applications for the arrest of vessels, and of their masters, are
made to the admiralty courts. These are composed of the most learned and
virtuous characters of the several States, and the maritime law common
to all nations, is the rule of their proceedings. The exercise of foreign
jurisdiction, within the pale of their own laws, in a very high case, and
wherein those laws have made honorable provisions, would be a phenomenon
never yet seen in our country, and which would be seen with great jealousy
and uneasiness. On the contrary, to leave this power with the territorial
judge, will inspire confidence and friendship, and be really, at the same
time, more secure against abuse. The power of arresting deserted seamen
seems necessary for the purposes of navigation and commerce, and will
be more attentively and effectually exercised by the consul, than by the
territorial judge. To this part of the tenth article, therefore, as well
as to that which requires the territorial judge to assist the consul in
the exercise of this function, we can accede. But the extension of the
like power to passengers, seems not necessary for the purposes either of
navigation or commerce. It does not come, therefore, within the functions
of the consul, whose institution is for those two objects only, nor
within the powers of a commissioner, authorized to treat and conclude a
convention, solely for regulating the powers, privileges, and duties of
consuls. The arrest and detention of passengers, moreover, would often be
in contradiction to our bills of rights, which being fundamental, cannot
be obstructed in their operation by any law or convention whatever.
Consular institutions being entirely new with us, Congress think it wise
to make their first convention probationary, and not perpetual. They
propose, therefore, a clause for limiting its duration to a certain term
of years. If after the experience of a few years, it should be found to
answer the purposes intended by it, both parties will have sufficient
inducements to renew it, either in its present form, or with such
alterations and amendments as time, experience, and other circumstances
may indicate.
The convention, as expressed in the French language, will fully answer
our purposes in France, because it will there be understood. But it
will not equally answer the purposes of France in America, because it
will not there be understood. In very few of the courts wherein it may
be presented, will there be found a single judge or advocate capable
of translating it at all, much less of giving to all its terms, legal
and technical, their exact equivalent in the laws and language of that
country. Should any translation which Congress would undertake to publish,
for the use of our courts, be conceived on any occasion not to render
fully the idea of the French original, it might be imputed as an indirect
attempt to abridge or extend the terms of a contract, at the will of one
party only. At no place are there better helps than here, for establishing
an English text equivalent to the French, in all its phrases; no person
can be supposed to know what is meant by these phrases better than those
who form them; and no time more proper to ascertain their meaning in both
languages, than that at which they are formed. I have, therefore, the
honor to propose, that the convention shall be faithfully expressed in
English as well as in French, in two columns, side by side, that these
columns be declared each of them to be text, and to be equally original
and authentic in all courts of justice.
This, Sir, is a general sketch of the alterations which our laws and
our manner of thinking render necessary in this convention, before the
faith of our country is engaged for its execution. Some of its articles,
in their present form, could not be executed at all, and others would
produce embarrassments and ill humor, to which it would not be prudent
for our government to commit itself. Inexact execution on the one part,
would naturally beget dissatisfaction and complaints on the other, and
an instrument intended to strengthen our connection, might thus become
the means of loosening it. Fewer articles, better observed, will better
promote our common interests. As to ourselves, we do not find the
institution of consuls very necessary. Its history commences in times of
barbarism, and might well have ended with them. During these, they were
perhaps useful, and may still be so, in countries, not yet emerged from
that condition. But all civilized nations at this day, understand so well
the advantages of commerce, that they provide protection and encouragement
for merchant strangers and vessels coming among them. So extensive, too,
have commercial connections now become, that every mercantile house has
correspondents in almost every port. They address their vessels to these
correspondents, who are found to take better care of their interests, and
to obtain more effectually the protection of the laws of the country for
them, than the consul of their nation can. He is generally a foreigner,
unpossessed of the little details of knowledge of greatest use to them.
He makes national questions of all the difficulties which arise; the
correspondent prevents them. We carry on commerce with good success in
all parts of the world; yet we have not a consul in a single port, nor
a complaint for the want of one, except from the persons who wish to be
consuls themselves. Though these considerations may not be strong enough
to establish the absolute inutility of consuls, they may make us less
anxious to extend their privileges and jurisdictions, so as to render them
objects of jealousy and irritation in the places of their residence. That
this government thinks them useful, is sufficient reason for us to give
them all the functions and facilities which our circumstances will admit.
Instead, therefore, of declining every article which will be useless to
us, we accede to every one which will not be inconvenient. Had this nation
been alone concerned, our desire to gratify them, might have tempted us
to press still harder on the laws and opinions of our country. But your
Excellency knows, that we stand engaged in treaties with some nations,
which will give them occasion to claim whatever privileges we yield to
any other. This renders circumspection more necessary. Permit me to add
one other observation. The English allow to foreign consuls scarcely any
functions within their ports. This proceeds, in a great measure, from the
character of their laws, which eye with peculiar jealousy every exemption
from their control. Ours are the same in their general character, and
rendered still more unpliant, by our having thirteen parliaments to relax,
instead of one. Upon the whole, I hope your Excellency will see the causes
of the delay which this convention has met with, in the difficulties it
presents, and our desire to surmount them; and will be sensible that
the alterations proposed, are dictated to us by the necessity of our
circumstances, and by a caution, which cannot be disapproved, to commit
ourselves to no engagements which we foresee we might not be able to
fulfil.
These alterations, with some other smaller ones, which may be offered on
the sole principle of joint convenience, shall be the subject of more
particular explanation, whenever your Excellency shall honor me with a
conference thereon. I shall then also point out the verbal changes which
appear to me necessary, to accommodate the instrument to the views before
expressed. In the meantime, I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the
most perfect respect and esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO ---- ----.
PARIS, June 28, 1788.
SIR,-- * * * * * * * * A treaty of alliance between England and Prussia
was signed on the 13th instant. Sweden is believed to have given out a
declaration of the reasons of her arming, which has very much the air
of a declaration of war against Russia. We have not yet seen it here. It
would not be unexpected to hear that she has commenced hostilities. She
is subsidized by England, and if she does begin a war, we must believe
it to be on the instigation of England, with a view to bring on a general
war. This power, with Denmark and Holland, ranging themselves on the side
of England, destroys the equilibrium of power at sea, which we had hoped
was established. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO MONSIEUR DIRIEKS.
PARIS, July 2, 1788.
SIR,--As a private individual and citizen of America, I can with propriety
and truth deliver it to you as my firm belief, that the loan office
certificate you showed me, and all others of the same kind, will be paid,
principal and interest, as soon as the circumstances of the United States
will permit: that I do not consider this as a distant epoch, nor suppose
there is a public debt on earth less doubtful. This I speak as my private
opinion. But it does not belong to me to say that it will be paid in
two years, or that it will be paid at all, so as by the authority of my
affirmation to give it any new sanction or credit. The board of treasury
or Congress can alone do this. You will be sensible, therefore, Sir, of
the impropriety, and even the hazard, of my going out of the line of my
office so far as to undertake, or to aver, that these certificates will
be paid within one or two years. On every occasion where I can do it of
right, I shall be happy to render you every possible service, being with
sentiments of the most perfect esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO T. L. SHIPPEN, ESQ.
PARIS, July 13, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--In a former letter to Mr. Rutledge, I suggested to him the idea
of extending his tour to Constantinople, and in one of to-day, I mention
it again. I do not know how far that extension may accord with your plan,
nor indeed how far it may be safe for either of you; for, though it has
been thought there has been a relaxation in the warlike dispositions
of the belligerent powers, yet we have no symptoms of a suspension of
hostilities. The Ottoman dominions are generally represented as unsafe
for travellers, even when in peace. They must be much more so during
war. This article, therefore, merits exact inquiry before that journey is
undertaken.
We have letters from America to June 11. Maryland has acceded to the
Constitution by a vote of 63 to 11, and South Carolina by 149 to 72. Mr.
Henry had disseminated propositions there for a Southern confederacy.
It is now thought that Virginia will not hesitate to accede. Governor
Randolph has come over to the Federalists. No doubt is entertained of New
Hampshire and North Carolina, and it is thought that even New York will
agree when she sees she will be left with Rhode Island alone. Two-thirds
of their Convention are decidedly anti-federal. The die is now thrown, and
it cannot be many days before we know what has finally turned up. Congress
has granted the prayer of Kentucky to be made independent, and a committee
was occupied in preparing an act for that purpose. Mr. Barlow, the
American poet, is arrived in Paris.
We expect daily to hear that the Swedes have commenced hostilities.
Whether this will draw in the other nations of Europe immediately,
cannot be foreseen; probably it will in the long run. I sincerely wish
this country may be able previously to arrange its internal affairs. To
spare the trouble of repetition, I am obliged to ask of yourself and Mr.
Rutledge, to consider the letter of each as a supplement to the other.
Under the possibility, however, of your going different routes, I enclose
duplicates of my letters of introduction. After acknowledging the receipt
of your favor of the 6th inst., from Spa, I shall only beg a continuance
of them, and that you will both keep me constantly informed how to convey
letters to you; and to assure you of those sentiments of sincere esteem
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO DOCTOR GORDON.
PARIS, July 16, 1788.
SIR,--In your favor of the 8th instant, you mentioned that you had written
to me in February last. This letter never came to hand. That of April the
24th came here during my absence on a journey through Holland and Germany;
and my having been obliged to devote the first moments after my return,
to some very pressing matters, must be my apology for not having been able
to write to you till now. As soon as I knew that it would be agreeable to
you, to have such a disposal of your work for translation, as I had made
for Dr. Ramsay, I applied to the same bookseller with propositions on your
behalf. He told me, that he had lost so much by that work, that he could
hardly think of undertaking another, and at any rate, not without first
seeing and examining it. As he was the only bookseller I could induce to
give anything on the former occasion, I went to no other with my proposal,
meaning to ask you to send me immediately as much of the work as is
printed. This you can do by the Diligence, which comes three times a week
from London to Paris. Furnished with this, I will renew my proposition,
and do the best for you I can; though I fear that the ill success of the
translation of Dr. Ramsay's work, and of another work on the subject of
America, will permit less to be done for you than I had hoped. I think Dr.
Ramsay failed from the inelegance of the translation, and the translator's
having departed entirely from the Doctor's instructions. I will be obliged
to you, to set me down as a subscriber for half a dozen copies, and to ask
Mr. Trumbull (No. 2, North street, Rathbone Place) to pay you the whole
subscription price for me, which he will do on showing him this letter.
These copies can be sent by the Diligence. I have not yet received the
pictures Mr. Trumbull was to send me, nor consequently that of M. de La
Fayette. I will take care of it when it arrives. His title is simply, _le
Marquis de La Fayette_.
You ask, in your letter of April the 24th, details of my sufferings by
Colonel Tarleton. I did not suffer by him. On the contrary, he behaved
very genteelly with me. On his approach to Charlottesville, which is
within three miles of my house at Monticello, he despatched a troop of his
horse, under Captain McLeod, with the double object of taking me prisoner,
with the two Speakers of the Senate and Delegates, who then lodged with
me, and of remaining there in _vidette_, my house commanding a view of ten
or twelve miles round about. He gave strict orders to Captain McLeod to
suffer nothing to be injured. The troop failed in one of their objects,
as we had notice of their coming, so that the two Speakers had gone off
about two hours before their arrival at Monticello, and myself, with
my family, about five minutes. But Captain McLeod preserved everything
with sacred care, during about eighteen hours that he remained there.
Colonel Tarleton was just so long at Charlottesville, being hurried from
thence by the news of the rising of the militia, and by a sudden fall
of rain, which threatened to swell the river, and intercept his return.
In general, he did little injury to the inhabitants, on that short and
hasty excursion, which was of about sixty miles from their main army,
then in Spotsylvania, and ours in Orange. It was early in June, 1781. Lord
Cornwallis then proceeded to the Point of Fork, and encamped his army from
thence all along the main James River, to a seat of mine called Elk-hill,
opposite to Elk Island, and a little below the mouth of the Byrd Creek.
(You will see all these places exactly laid down in the map annexed to my
notes on Virginia, printed by Stockdale.) He remained in this position
ten days, his own head quarters being in my house, at that place. I had
time to remove most of the effects out of the house. He destroyed all my
growing crops of corn and tobacco; he burned all my barns, containing the
same articles of the last year, having first taken what corn he wanted;
he used, as was to be expected, all my stock of cattle, sheep and hogs,
for the sustenance of his army, and carried off all the horses capable of
service; of those too young for service he cut the throats; and he burned
all the fences on the plantation, so as to leave it an absolute waste. He
carried off also about thirty slaves. Had this been to give them freedom,
he would have done right; but it was to consign them to inevitable death
from the small pox and putrid fever, then raging in his camp. This I knew
afterwards to be the fate of twenty-seven of them. I never had news of
the remaining three, but presume they shared the same fate. When I say
that Lord Cornwallis did all this, I do not mean that he carried about
the torch in his own hands, but that it was all done under his eye; the
situation of the house in which he was, commanding a view of every part
of the plantation, so that he must have seen every fire. I relate these
things on my own knowledge, in a great degree, as I was on the ground soon
after he left it. He treated the rest of the neighborhood somewhat in the
same style, but not with that spirit of total extermination with which
he seemed to rage over my possessions. Wherever he went, the dwelling
houses were plundered of everything which could be carried off. Lord
Cornwallis' character in England, would forbid the belief that he shared
in the plunder; but that his table was served with the plate thus pillaged
from private houses, can be proved by many hundred eye-witnesses. From an
estimate I made at that time, on the best information I could collect, I
supposed the State of Virginia lost, under Lord Cornwallis' hands, that
year, about thirty thousand slaves; and that of these, about twenty-seven
thousand died of the small pox and camp fever, and the rest were partly
sent to the West Indies, and exchanged for rum, sugar, coffee and fruit,
and partly sent to New York, from whence they went, at the peace, either
to Nova Scotia or England. From this last place, I believe they have been
lately sent to Africa. History will never relate the horrors committed
by the British army in the _southern_ States of America. They raged
in Virginia six months only, from the middle of April to the middle
of October, 1781, when they were all taken prisoners; and I give you a
faithful specimen of their transactions for ten days of that time, and
on one spot only. _Ex pede Herculem._ I suppose their whole devastations
during those six months, amounted to about three millions sterling. The
copiousness of this subject has only left me space to assure you of the
sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I am, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant.
TO MR. IZARD.
PARIS, July 17, 1788.
DEAR SIR, * * * * * * * * *
I cannot but approve your idea of sending your eldest son, destined
for the law, to Williamsburg. The professor of Mathematics and Natural
Philosophy there, (Mr. Madison, cousin of him whom you know,) is a man
of great abilities, and their apparatus is a very fine one. Mr. Ballini,
professor of Modern Language, is also an excellent one. But the pride of
the Institution is Mr. Wythe, one of the Chancellors of the State, and
professor of law in the College. He is one of the greatest men of the age,
having held without competition the first place at the bar of our general
court for twenty-five years, and always distinguished by the most spotless
virtue. He gives lectures regularly, and holds moot courts and parliaments
wherein he presides, and the young men debate regularly in law and
legislation, learn the rules of parliamentary proceeding, and acquire the
habit of public speaking. Williamsburg is a remarkably healthy situation,
reasonably cheap, and affords very genteel society. I know no place _in
the world_, while the _present professors remain_, where I would so soon
place a son.
I have made the necessary inquiries relative to a school for your second
son. There are only two here for the line of engineering. I send the
prospectus of the best, which is so particular in its details as to enable
you to judge for yourself on every point. I will add some observations. I
have never thought a boy should undertake abstruse or difficult sciences,
such as Mathematics in general, till fifteen years of age at soonest.
Before that time they are best employed in learning the languages which
is merely a matter of memory. The languages are badly taught here.
If you propose he should learn the Latin, perhaps you will prefer the
having him taught it in America, and of course, to retain him there two
or three years more. At that age, he will be less liable to lose his
native language, and be more able to resist the attempts to change his
religion. Probably three or four years here would suffice for the theory
of engineering, which would leave him still time enough to see something
of the practice either by land or sea, as he should choose, and to return
home at a ripe age. Decide on all these points as you think best, and make
what use of me in it you please. Whenever you choose to send him, if I am
here, and you think proper to accept my services towards him, they shall
be bestowed with the same zeal as if he were my own son.
The war in Europe threatens to spread. Sweden, we suppose, has commenced
hostilities against Russia, though we do not yet certainly know it. I
have hoped this country would settle her internal disputes advantageously
and without bloodshed. As yet none has been spilt, though the British
newspapers give the idea of a general civil war. Hitherto, I had supposed
both the King and parliament would lose authority, and the nation gain
it, through the medium of its States General and provincial Assemblies,
but the arrest of the deputies of Bretagne two days ago, may kindle a
civil war. Its issue will depend on two questions. 1. Will other provinces
rise? 2. How will the army conduct itself? A stranger cannot predetermine
these questions. Happy for us that abuses have not yet become patrimonies,
and that every description of interest is in favor of national and
moderate government. That we are yet able to send our wise and good men
together to talk over our form of government, discuss its weaknesses and
establish its remedies with the same _sang-froid_ as they would a subject
of agriculture. The example we have given to the world is single, that
of changing our form of government under the authority of reason only,
without bloodshed.
I enclose herein a letter from Count Sarsfield to Mrs. Izard, to whom I
beg to present my respects. I am, with great sincerity, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON, OF WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE.
PARIS, July 19, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--My last letter to you was of the 13th of August last. As
you seem willing to accept of the crumbs of science on which we are
subsisting here, it is with pleasure I continue to hand them on to you,
in proportion as they are dealt out. Herschel's volcano in the moon
you have doubtless heard of, and placed among the other vagaries of a
head, which seems not organized for sound induction. The wildness of
the theories hitherto proposed by him, on his own discoveries, seems
to authorize us to consider his merit as that of a good optician only.
You know also, that Dr. Ingenhouse had discovered, as he supposed, from
experiment, that vegetation might be promoted by occasioning streams of
the electrical fluid to pass through a plant, and that other physicians
had received and confirmed this theory. He now, however, retracts it,
and finds by more decisive experiments, that the electrical fluid can
neither forward nor retard vegetation. Uncorrected still of the rage of
drawing general conclusions from partial and equivocal observations, he
hazards the opinion that _light_ promotes vegetation. I have heretofore
supposed from observation, that light effects the color of living bodies,
whether vegetable or animal; but that either the one or the other receives
_nutriment_ from that fluid, must be permitted to be doubted of, till
better confirmed by observation. It is always better to have no ideas,
than false ones; to believe nothing, than to believe what is wrong. In my
mind, theories are more easily demolished than rebuilt.
An Abbé here has shaken, if not destroyed, the theory of de Dominis,
Descartes and Newton, for explaining the phenomenon of the rainbow.
According to that theory, you know, a cone of rays issuing from the sun,
and falling on a cloud in the opposite part of the heavens, is reflected
back in the form of a smaller cone, the apex of which is the eye of the
observer; so that the eye of the observer must be in the axis of both
cones, and equally distant from every part of the bow. But he observes,
that he has repeatedly seen bows, the one end of which has been very near
to him, and the other at a very great distance. I have often seen the
same thing myself. I recollect well to have seen the end of a rainbow
between myself and a house, or between myself and a bank, not twenty yards
distant; and this repeatedly. But I never saw, what he says he has seen,
different rainbows at the same time intersecting each other. I never saw
coexistent bows, which were not concentric also. Again, according to the
theory, if the sun is in the horizon, the horizon intercepts the lower
half of the bow, if above the horizon, that intercepts more than the half,
in proportion. So that generally, the bow is less than a semi-circle, and
never more. He says he has seen it more than a semi-circle. I have often
seen the leg of the bow below my level. My situation at Monticello admits
this, because there is a mountain there in the opposite direction of the
afternoon's sun, the valley between which and Monticello, is five hundred
feet deep. I have seen a leg of a rainbow plunge down on the river running
through the valley. But I do not recollect to have remarked at any time,
that the bow was more than half a circle. It appears to me, that these
facts demolish the Newtonian hypothesis, but they do not support that
erected in its stead by the Abbé. He supposes a cloud between the sun
and the observer, and that through some opening in that cloud, the rays
pass, and form an iris on the opposite part of the heavens, just as a ray
passing through a hole in the shutter of a darkened room, and falling on a
prism there, forms the prismatic colors on the opposite wall. According to
this, we might see bows of more than the half circle, as often as of less.
A thousand other objections occur to this hypothesis, which need not be
suggested to you. The result is, that we are wiser than we were, by having
an error the less in our catalogue; but the blank occasioned by it, must
remain for some happier hypothesist to fill up.
The dispute about the conversion and re-conversion of water and air, is
still stoutly kept up. The contradictory experiments of chemists, leave
us at liberty to conclude what we please. My conclusion is, that art has
not yet invented sufficient aids, to enable such subtle bodies to make a
well-defined impression on organs as blunt as ours; that it is laudable
to encourage investigation, but to hold back conclusion. Speaking one
day with Monsieur de Buffon, on the present ardor of chemical inquiry,
he affected to consider chemistry but as cookery, and to place the toils
of the laboratory on a footing with those of the kitchen. I think it,
on the contrary, among the most useful of sciences, and big with future
discoveries for the utility and safety of the human race. It is yet,
indeed, a mere embryon. Its principles are contested; experiments seem
contradictory; their subjects are so minute as to escape our senses; and
their result too fallacious to satisfy the mind. It is probably an age too
soon, to propose the establishment of a system. The attempt, therefore,
of Lavoisier to reform the chemical nomenclature, is premature. One single
experiment may destroy the whole filiation of his terms, and his string of
sulphates, sulphites, and sulphures, may have served no other end, than to
have retarded the progress of the science, by a jargon, from the confusion
of which, time will be requisite to extricate us. Accordingly, it is not
likely to be admitted generally.
You are acquainted with the properties of the composition of nitre, salt
of tartar and sulphur, called pulvis fulminans. Of this, the explosion
is produced by heat alone. Monsieur Bertholet, by dissolving silver
in the nitrous acid, precipitating it with lime water, and drying the
precipitate on ammoniac, has discovered a powder which fulminates most
powerfully, on coming into contact with any substance however. Once made,
it cannot be touched. It cannot be put into a bottle, but must remain in
the capsule, where dried. The property of the spathic acid, to corrode
flinty substances, has been lately applied by a Mr. Puymaurin, to engrave
on glass, as artists engrave on copper, with aquafortis. M. de La Place
has discovered, that the secular acceleration and retardation of the
moon's motion, is occasioned by the action of the sun, in proportion as
his eccentricity changes, or, in other words, as the orbit of the earth
increases or diminishes. So that this irregularity is now perfectly
calculable.
Having seen announced in a gazette, that some person had found in a
library of Sicily, an Arabic translation of Livy, which was thought to
be complete, I got the chargé des affaires of Naples here, to write to
Naples to inquire into the fact. He obtained in answer, that an Arabic
translation was found, and that it would restore to us seventeen of the
books lost, to wit, from the sixtieth to the seventy-seventh, inclusive:
that it was in possession of an Abbé Vella, who, as soon as he shall have
finished a work he has on hand, will give us an Italian, and perhaps a
Latin translation of this Livy. There are persons, however, who doubt
the truth of this discovery, founding their doubts on some personal
circumstances relating to the person who says he has this translation.
I find, nevertheless, that the chargé des affaires believes in the
discovery, which makes me hope it may be true.
A countryman of ours, a Mr. Ledyard of Connecticut, set out from hence
some time ago for St. Petersburg, to go thence to Kamtschatka, thence
to cross over to the western coast of America, and penetrate through the
continent, to the other side of it. He had got within a few days' journey
of Kamtschatka, when he was arrested by order of the Empress of Russia,
sent back, and turned adrift in Poland. He went to London; engaged under
the auspices of a private society, formed there for pushing discoveries
into Africa; passed by this place, which he left a few days ago for
Marseilles, where he will embark for Alexandria and Grand Cairo; thence
explore the Nile to its source; cross the head of the Niger, and descend
that to its mouth. He promises me, if he escapes through his journey, he
will go to Kentucky, and endeavor to penetrate westwardly to the South
Sea.
The death of M. de Buffon you have heard long ago. I do not know whether
we shall have anything posthumous of his. As to political news, this
country is making its way to a good constitution. The only danger is, they
may press so fast as to produce an appeal to arms, which might have an
unfavorable issue for them. As yet, the appeal is not made. Perhaps the
war which seems to be spreading from nation to nation, may reach them;
this would ensure the calling of the States General, and this, as is
supposed, the establishment of a constitution.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO E. RUTLEDGE.
PARIS, July 18, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Messrs. Berard were to have given me particular accounts of the
proceeds of the shipments of rice made to them. But they have failed. I
fear, from what they mention, that the price has been less advantageous
than usual; which is unlucky, as it falls on the first essay. If on the
whole, however, you get as much as you would have done by a sale on the
spot, it should encourage other adventures, because the price at Havre or
Rouen is commonly higher, and because I think you may, by trials, find out
the way to avail yourselves of the Paris retail price. The Carolina rice
sold at Paris, is separated into three kinds: 1, the whole grains; 2, the
broken grains; 3, the small stuff; and sell at ten, eight, and six livres
the French pound, retail. The whole grains, which constitute the first
quality, are picked out by hand. I would not recommend this operation to
be done with you, because labor is dearer there than here. But I mention
these prices, to show, that after making a reasonable deduction for
sorting, and leaving a reasonable profit to the retailer, there should
still remain a great wholesale price. I shall wish to know from you, how
much your cargo of rice shipped to Berard netts you, and how much it would
have netted in _hard money_, if you had sold it at home.
You promise, in your letter of October the 23d, 1787, to give me in your
next, at large, the conjectures of your philosopher on the descent of the
Creek Indians from the Carthaginians, supposed to have been separated from
Hanno's fleet, during his periplus. I shall be very glad to receive them,
and see nothing impossible in his conjecture. I am glad he means to appeal
to similarity of language, which I consider as the strongest kind of proof
it is possible to adduce. I have somewhere read, that the language of the
ancient Carthaginians is still spoken by their descendants, inhabiting
the mountainous interior parts of Barbary, to which they were obliged to
retire by the conquering Arabs. If so, a vocabulary of their tongue can
still be got, and if your friend will get one of the Creek languages,
the comparison will decide. He probably may have made progress in this
business; but if he wishes any enquiries to be made on this side the
Atlantic, I offer him my services cheerfully; my wish being like his, to
ascertain the history of the American aborigines.
I congratulate you on the accession of your State to the new federal
constitution. This is the last I have yet heard of, but I expect daily
to hear that my own has followed the good example, and suppose it to be
already established. Our government wanted bracing. Still, we must take
care not to run from one extreme to another; not to brace too high. I
own, I join those in opinion, who think a bill of rights necessary. I
apprehend too, that the total abandonment of the principle of rotation in
the offices of President and Senator, will end in abuse. But my confidence
is, that there will, for a long time, be virtue and good sense enough
in our countrymen, to correct abuses. We can surely boast of having set
the world a beautiful example of a government reformed by reason alone,
without bloodshed. But the world is too far oppressed, to profit by
the example. On this side of the Atlantic, the blood of the people is
become an inheritance, and those who fatten on it, will not relinquish it
easily. The struggle in this country is, as yet, of doubtful issue. It
is, in fact, between the monarchy and the parliaments. The nation is no
otherwise concerned, but as both parties may be induced to let go some of
its abuses, to court the public favor. The danger is, that the people,
deceived by a false cry of liberty, may be led to take side with one
party, and thus give the other a pretext for crushing them still more. If
they can avoid the appeal to arms, the nation will be sure to gain much
by this controversy. But if that appeal is made, it will depend entirely
on the disposition of the army, whether it issue in liberty or despotism.
Those dispositions are not as yet known. In the meantime, there is great
probability that the war kindled in the east, will spread from nation to
nation, and in the long run, become general.
I am, with the most sincere esteem and attachment, my dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO MR. CUTTING.
PARIS, July 24, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I am indebted to your favor of the 11th instant for many
details which I have not received otherwise. Not-withstanding a most
extensive and laborious correspondence which I keep up with my friends
on the other side the water, my information is slow, precarious and
imperfect. The New York papers, which I receive regularly, and one or two
correspondents in Congress, are my best sources. As you are desirous of
having, before your departure for South Carolina, a sketch of European
affairs, as they are seen from this position, I will give you the best I
can, taking no notice of the "_bruit de Paris_," which, like the English
newspapers, are but guesses, and made generally by persons who do not give
themselves the trouble of trying to guess right. I will confine myself
to facts, or well-founded probabilities, and among these must necessarily
repeat a great deal of what you know already. Perhaps all may be of that
description.
The war undertaken by the Turks, unadvisedly, as was conjectured, has
been attended with successes which are now hastening the public opinion to
the other extreme; but it should be considered that they have been small
successes only, in the partizan way. The probable event of the war can
only be calculated after a great general action, because it is in that
we shall see whether the European discipline has been overrated, and the
want of it in the Turks exaggerated. Russia certainly undertook the war
unwillingly, and the Emperor, it is thought, would now be glad to get out
of it, but the Turks, who demanded a restitution of the Crimea, before
they began the war, are not likely to recede from that demand, after the
successes they have obtained, nor can Russia yield to it without some
more decisive event than has yet taken place. A small affair on the Black
Sea, which is believed, though not on grounds absolutely authentic, is
calculated to revive her spirits. Twenty-seven gun boats, Russian, have
obliged fifty-seven, commanded by the Captain Pacha himself, to retire
after an obstinate action. The Russians were commanded by the Prince of
Nassau, with whom our Paul Jones acted as volunteer, and probably directed
the whole business. I suppose he must have been just arrived, and that his
command has not yet been made up. He is to be rear-admiral, and always to
have a separate command. What the English newspapers said of remonstrances
against his being received into the service, as far as I can learn from
those who would have known it, and would have told it to me, was false,
as is everything those papers say, ever did say, and ever will say. The
probability, and almost certainty, that Sweden will take a part in the
war, adds immensely to the embarrassments of Russia, and will almost
certainly prevent her fleet going to the Mediterranean. It is tolerably
certain that she has been excited to this by the Court of London, and
that she has received, through their negotiations, a large subsidy from
the Turks (about three millions of thalers), yet the meeting of the two
fleets, and their saluting, instead of fighting each other, induces a
suspicion that if he can hinder the Russian expedition by hectoring only,
he may not mean to do more. Should this power really engage in the war,
and should it at length spread to France and England, I shall view the
Swedish separation from France as the event which alone decides that
the late subversion of the European system will be ultimately serious to
France. This power, with the two empires, and Spain, was more than a match
for England, Prussia and Holland by land, and balanced them by sea. For on
this element France and Spain are equal to England, and Russia to Holland.
Sweden was always supposed on the side of France, and to balance Denmark,
on the side of England, by land and sea; but if she goes over decidedly
into the English scale, the balance at sea will be destroyed by the amount
of the whole force of these two powers, who can equip upwards of sixty
sail of the line. There is a report, credited by judicious persons, that
the Dutch patriots, before their suppression, foreseeing that event, sent
orders to the East Indies to deliver Trincomale to the French, and that it
has been done. My opinion is, either that this is not true, or that they
will re-deliver it, and disavow their officer who accepted it. If they
did not think Holland, and all its possessions, worth a war, they cannot
think a single one of those possessions worth it. M. de St. Priest has
leave to go to the waters. Probably he will then ask and have leave to
come to Paris, and await events. The English papers have said the works of
Cherbourg were destroyed irreparably. This is a mathematical demonstration
that they are not. The truth is, that the head of one cone has been very
much beaten off by the waters. But the happiness of that undertaking is,
that all its injuries improve it. What is beaten from the head widens the
base, and fixes the cone much more solidly. That work will be steadily
pursued, and, in all human probability, be finally successful. They
calculate on half a million of livres, say £20,000 sterling, for every
cone, and that there will be from seventy to eighty cones. Probably they
must make more cones, suppose one hundred, this will be two millions of
pounds sterling. Versailles has cost fifty millions of pounds sterling.
Ought we to doubt then that they will persevere to the end in a work small
and useful, in proportion as the other was great and foolish?
The internal affairs here do not yet clear up. Most of the late
innovations have been much for the better. Two only must be fundamentally
condemned; the abolishing, in so great a degree, of the parliaments,
and the substitution of so ill-composed a body as the _cour pleniere_.
If the King has power to do this, the government of this country is a
pure despotism. I think it a pure despotism in theory, but moderated in
practice by the respect which the public opinion commands. But the nation
repeats, after Montesquieu, that the different bodies of magistracy, of
priests and nobles, are barriers between the King and the people. It would
be easy to prove that these barriers can only appeal to public opinion,
and that neither these bodies, nor the people, can oppose any legal check
to the will of the monarch. But they are manifestly advancing fast to a
constitution. Great progress is already made. The provincial assemblies,
which will be a very perfect representative of the people, will secure
them a great deal against the power of the crown. The confession lately
made by the government, that it cannot impose a new tax, is a great
thing: the convocation of the States General, which cannot be avoided,
will produce a national assembly, meeting at certain epochs, possessing
at first probably only a negative on the laws, but which will grow into
the right of original legislation, and prescribing limits to the expenses
of the King. These are improvements which will assuredly take place, and
which will give an energy to this country they have never yet had. Much
may be hoped from the States General, because the King's dispositions are
solidly good; he is capable of great sacrifices; all he wants to induce
him to do a thing, is to be assured it will be for the good of the nation.
He will probably believe what the States General shall tell him, and will
do it. It is supposed they will reduce the parliament to a mere judiciary.
I am in hopes all this will be effected without convulsions. The English
papers have told the world, with their usual truth, that all here is civil
war and confusion. There have been some riots, but as yet not a single
life has been lost, according to the best evidence I have been able to
collect. One officer was wounded at Grenoble. The arrest of the twelve
deputies of Bretagne a fortnight ago, I apprehended would have produced
an insurrection; but it seems as if it would not. They have sent eighteen
deputies more, who will probably be heard. General Armand was one of the
twelve, and is now in the Bastille. The Marquis de La Fayette, for signing
the prayer which these deputies were to present, and which was signed
by all the other nobles of Bretagne resident in Paris (about sixty in
number), has been disgraced, in the old-fashioned language of the country;
that is to say, the command in the south of France this summer, which
they had given him, is taken away. They took all they could from such
others of the subscribers as held anything from the Court. This dishonors
them at Court, and in the eyes and conversation of their competitors for
preferment. But it will probably honor them in the eyes of the nation.
This is as full a detail as I am able to give you of the affairs of
Europe. I have nothing to add to them but my wishes for your health and
happiness, and assurances of the esteem with which I have the honor to be,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. BELLINI.
PARIS, July 25, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Though I have written to you seldom, you are often the object
of my thoughts, and always of my affection. The truth is, that the
circumstances with which I am surrounded, offer little worth detailing to
you. You are too wise to feel an interest in the squabbles, in which the
pride, the dissipations, and the tyranny of kings, keep this hemisphere
constantly embroiled. Science indeed, finds some aliment here, and you
are one of her sons. But this I have pretty regularly communicated to Mr.
Madison, with whom, I am sure, you participate of it. It is with sincere
pleasure I congratulate you on the good fortune of our friend Mazzei, who
is appointed here, to correspond with the King of Poland. The particular
character given him is not well defined, but the salary is, which is more
important. It is eight thousand livres a year, which will enable him to
live comfortably, while his duties will find him that occupation, without
which he cannot exist. Whilst this appointment places him at his ease,
it affords him a hope of permanence also. It suspends, if not entirely
prevents, the visit he had intended to his native country, and the return
to his adoptive one, which the death of his wife had rendered possible.
This last event has given him three quarters of the globe elbow-room,
which he had ceded to her, on condition she would leave him quiet in
the fourth. Their partition of the next world will be more difficult,
if it be divided only into two parts, according to the protestant faith.
Having seen by a letter you wrote him, that you were in want of a pair of
spectacles, I undertook to procure you some, which I packed in a box of
books addressed to Mr. Wythe, and of which I beg your acceptance. This box
lay forgotten at Havre the whole of the last winter, but was at length
shipped, and I trust has come to hand. I packed with the spectacles,
three or four pair of glasses, adapted to the different periods of life,
distinguished from each other by numbers, and easily changed. You see
I am looking forward in hope of a long life for you; and that it may
be long enough to carry you through the whole succession of glasses, is
my sincere prayer. Present me respectfully to Mrs. Bellini, assure her
of my affectionate remembrance of her, and my wishes for her health and
happiness; and accept yourself, very sincere professions of the esteem
and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and
servant.
TO MR. CUTTING.
PARIS, July 28, 1788.
SIR,--When I had the honor of writing you on the 24th instant, the
transactions on the Black Sea were but vaguely known; I am now able to
give them to you on better foundation. The Captain Pacha was proceeding
with succors to Ocrakoff, as is said by some (for this fact does not come
on the same authority with the others), the authentic account placing the
two fleets in the neighborhood of each other at the mouth of the Liman,
without saying how they came there. The Captain Pacha, with fifty-seven
gun-boats, attacked the Russian vessels of the same kind, twenty-seven in
number, the right wing of which was commanded by Admiral Paul Jones, the
left by the Prince of Nassau. After an obstinate engagement of five hours,
during which the Captain Pacha flew incessantly wherever there was danger
or distress, he was obliged to retire, having lost three of his vessels,
and killed only eight men of the Russians. I take this account from the
report of the action by the Prince of Nassau, which the Russian minister
here showed me. It is said in other accounts, that all the balls of the
Turks passed overhead, which was the reason they did so little execution.
This was on the 10th of June, and was the forerunner of the great and
decisive action between the two main fleets, which took place on the 26th,
the Russian fleet, commanded by Admiral Paul Jones, the Turkish by Captain
Pacha, of which the result only, and not the details, are given us. This
was, that the vessels of the Turkish Admiral and Vice-Admiral, and four
others, were burnt, that is to say, six in all, two others were taken, and
between three and four thousand prisoners. The Captain Pacha's flag was
taken, and himself obliged to fly in a small vessel, his whole fleet being
dispersed. The Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Ocrakoff,
to take advantage of the consternation into which that place was thrown.
These facts are written by Prince Potemkin, from his head-quarters, to
Prince Gallitzin, the Russian Ambassador at Vienna, who writes them to
their minister here, who showed me the letter. The number of prisoners
taken, renders it probable that the Captain Pacha was on his way to the
relief of Ocrakoff with transports, as a less authentic report said he
was. We are not told authentically what was the force on each side in the
main action of the 26th, but it is supposed to have been about fifteen
ships of the line on each side, besides their smaller vessels; but the
evidence of this is vague, and the less to be relied on, as we have known
that the Russians were much inferior in numbers to the Turks on that sea.
A war of a less bloody kind is begun between the Pope and the King of
Naples, who has refused this year to pay the annual tribute of the hackney
as an acknowledgment that he holds his kingdom as feudatory of the Pope.
The latter has declared him to stand deprived of his kingdom, but gives
him three months to consider of it. We shall see what will be made of
this farce. I have written this supplement to my other letter, in hopes it
may still find you at London. I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO M. LIMOZIN.
PARIS, July 30, 1788.
SIR,--I know nothing myself of the person who was the subject of your
letter of the 27th, except a mere slight personal acquaintance. But I
have been told that he has been very unsuccessful in commerce, and that
his affairs are very much deranged. I own I wish to see the beef-trade
with America taken up by solid hands, because it will give new life to
our Northern States. In general, they do not know how to cure it. But some
persons of Massachusetts have not very long ago brought over packers and
picklers from Ireland, and the beef cured and packed by them has been sent
to the East Indies and brought back again, and perfectly sound. We may
expect the art will spread. Is the Irish beef as good as that of Hamburg?
If I had supposed Irish beef could have been got at Havre, I would not
have sent to Hamburg for beef. I suppose that which came for me cannot be
introduced.
You have heard of the great naval victory obtained by the Russians under
command of Admiral Paul Jones, over the Turks commanded by the Captain
Pacha. We cannot see as yet, whether this will hasten peace. The Swedish
fleet having saluted instead of attacking the Russian, makes us suspect
these movements of the King of Sweden may be a mere piece of hectoring to
frighten Russia from the purpose of sending her fleet round, if he can
do it without actually entering into the war. He is paid by the Turks.
Nothing else new. I am, Sir, with great esteem, your most obedient, humble
servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, July 31, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 3d and the 25th of May.
Yours from Orange, of April the 22d, came to hand on the 10th instant.
My letter to Mr. Jay, containing all the public news that is well
authenticated, I will not repeat it here, but add some details in the
smaller way, which you may be glad to know. The disgrace of the Marquis
de la Fayette, which at any other period of their history would have had
the worst consequences for him, will, on the contrary, mark him favorably
to the nation, at present. During the present administration, he can
expect nothing; but perhaps it may serve him with their successors,
whenever a change shall take place. No change of the Principal will
probably take place before the meeting of the States General; though a
change is to be wished, for his operations do not answer the expectations
formed of him. These had been calculated on his brilliancy in society.
He is very feebly aided, too. Montmorin is weak, though a most worthy
character. He is indolent and inattentive, too, in the extreme. Luzerne is
considerably inferior in abilities to his brother, whom you know. He is
a good man, too, but so much out of his element, that he has the air of
one _huskanoyed_. The Garde des sceaux is considered as the Principal's
bull dog, braving danger like the animal. His talents do not pass
mediocrity. The Archbishop's brother, and the new minister Villedeuil, and
Lambert, have no will of their own. They cannot raise money for the peace
establishment the next year, without the States General; much less if
there be war; and their administration will probably end with the States
General.
Littlepage, who was here as a secret agent for the King of Poland,
rather overreached himself. He wanted more money. The King furnished it,
more than once. Still he wanted more, and thought to obtain a high bid
by saying he was called for in America, and asking leave to go there.
Contrary to his expectation, he received leave; but he went to Warsaw
instead of America, and from thence to join the[H] * * * * I do not know
these facts certainly, but recollect them, by putting several things
together. The King then sent an ancient secretary here, in whom he had
much confidence, to look out for a correspondent, a mere letter writer for
him. A happy hazard threw Mazzei in his way. He recommended him, and he
is appointed. He has no diplomatic character whatever, but is to receive
eight thousand livres a year, as an intelligencer. I hope this employment
may have some permanence. The danger is, that he will overact his part.
The Marquis de la Luzerne had been for many years married to his brother's
wife's sister, secretly. She was ugly and deformed, but sensible, amiable,
and rather rich. When he was ambassador to London, with ten thousand
guineas a year, the marriage was avowed, and he relinquished his cross
of Malta, from which he derived a handsome revenue for life, and which
was very open to advancement. Not long ago, she died. His real affection
for her, which was great and unfeigned, and perhaps the loss of his order
for so short-lived a satisfaction, has thrown him almost into a state of
despondency. He is now here.
I send you a book of Dupont's, on the subject of the commercial treaty
with England. Though its general matter may not be interesting, yet
you will pick up in various parts of it, such excellent principles and
observations, as will richly repay the trouble of reading it. I send you
also, two little pamphlets of the Marquis de Condorcet, wherein is the
most judicious statement I have seen, of the great questions which agitate
this nation at present. The new regulations present a preponderance
of good over their evil; but they suppose that the King can model the
constitution at will, or, in other words, that his government is a pure
despotism. The question then arising is, whether a pure despotism in a
single head, or one which is divided among a king, nobles, priesthood, and
numerous magistracy, is the least bad. I should be puzzled to decide; but
I hope they will have neither, and that they are advancing to a limited,
moderate government, in which the people will have a good share.
I sincerely rejoice at the acceptance of our new constitution by nine
States. It is a good canvass, on which some strokes only want retouching.
What these are, I think are sufficiently manifested by the general voice
from north to south, which calls for a bill of rights. It seems pretty
generally understood, that this should go to juries, habeas corpus,
standing armies, printing, religion and monopolies. I conceive there may
be difficulty in finding general modifications of these, suited to the
habits of all the States. But if such cannot be found, then it is better
to establish trials by jury, the right of habeas corpus, freedom of the
press and freedom of religion, in all cases, and to abolish standing
armies in time of peace, and monopolies in all cases, than not to do it
in any. The few cases wherein these things may do evil, cannot be weighed
against the multitude wherein the want of them will do evil. In disputes
between a foreigner and a native, a trial by jury may be improper. But if
this exception cannot be agreed to, the remedy will be to model the jury,
by giving the _mediatas linguæ_, in civil as well as criminal cases. Why
suspend the habeas corpus in insurrections and rebellions? The parties
who may be arrested, may be charged instantly with a well defined crime;
of course, the judge will remand them. If the public safety requires that
the government should have a man imprisoned on less probable testimony, in
those than in other emergencies, let him be taken and tried, retaken and
retried, while the necessity continues, only giving him redress against
the government, for damages. Examine the history of England. See how
few of the cases of the suspension of the habeas corpus law, have been
worthy of that suspension. They have been either real treason, wherein
the parties might as well have been charged at once, or sham plots, where
it was shameful they should ever have been suspected. Yet for the few
cases wherein the suspension of the habeas corpus has done real good,
that operation is now become habitual, and the minds of the nation almost
prepared to live under its constant suspension. A declaration, that the
federal government will never restrain the presses from printing anything
they please, will not take away the liability of the printers for false
facts printed. The declaration, that religious faith shall be unpunished,
does not give impunity to criminal acts, dictated by religious error. The
saying there shall be no monopolies, lessens the incitements to ingenuity,
which is spurred on by the hope of a monopoly for a limited time, as
of fourteen years; but the benefit of even limited monopolies is too
doubtful, to be opposed to that of their general suppression. If no check
can be found to keep the number of standing troops within safe bounds,
while they are tolerated as far as necessary abandon them altogether,
discipline well the militia, and guard the magazines with them. More
than magazine guards will be useless, if few, and dangerous, if many. No
European nation can ever send against us such a regular army as we need
fear, and it is hard, if our militia are not equal to those of Canada or
Florida. My idea then, is, that though proper exceptions to these general
rules are desirable, and probably practicable, yet if the exceptions
cannot be agreed on, the establishment of the rules, in all cases, will
do ill in very few. I hope, therefore, a bill of rights will be formed,
to guard the people against the federal government, as they are already
guarded against their State governments, in most instances. The abandoning
the principle of necessary rotation in the Senate, has, I see, been
disapproved by many; in the case of the President, by none. I readily,
therefore, suppose my opinion wrong, when opposed by the majority, as in
the former instance, and the totality, as in the latter. In this, however,
I should have done it with more complete satisfaction, had we all judged
from the same position.
Solicitations, which cannot be directly refused, oblige me to trouble you
often, with letters recommending and introducing to you, persons who go
from hence to America. I will beg the favor of you, to distinguish the
letters wherein I appeal to recommendations from other persons, from those
which I write on my own knowledge. In the former, it is never my intention
to compromit myself or you. In both instances, I must beg you to ascribe
the trouble I give you, to circumstances which do not leave me at liberty
to decline it. I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate
friend and servant.
[H] [Several paragraphs of this letter are in cipher. A few words
here could not be deciphered.]
TO COLONEL W. S. SMITH.
PARIS, August 2, 1788.
DEAR SIR, * * * * *
You arrived just in time to see the commencement of a new order of things.
Our political machine is now pretty well wound up; but are the spirits
of our people sufficiently wound down to let it work glibly? I trust it
is too soon for that, and that we have many centuries to come yet before
my countrymen cease to bear their government hard in hand. This nation
is rising from the dust. They have obtained as you know, provincial
assemblies, in which there will be a more perfect representation of the
people than in our State assemblies; they have obtained from the King a
declaration that he cannot impose a new tax without the consent of the
States General, and a promise to call the States General. When these meet,
they will endeavor to establish a declaration of rights, a periodical
national assembly, and a civil list. I am in hopes that even a war will
not interrupt this work. Whether, or rather when, this will come upon
them, is still uncertain. I do not think the present ill humor between
them and England can be cleared up but by a war, and that it is not very
distant. England, Holland and Prussia, have now settled their alliance.
Sweden has shown dispositions to take side with the Turks, and both, in
the event of a general war, would be in the English scale. The contrary
one would be formed by France, Spain, and the two empires. It even seems
possible that Denmark will attach itself to France instead of England,
rather than not be opposed to Russia. The symptoms of this as yet,
however, are slight. The victory lately obtained by our Admiral Paul Jones
over the Captain Pacha, will produce a great effect on the Turkish war. He
burnt six of his vessels, among which was that of the Captain Pacha, and
that also of his vice-Admiral, took two, and made between three and four
thousand prisoners, and this with a much inferior force. It was the effect
of a gross error in the Captain Pacha, instantaneously and dexterously
taken advantage of by Paul Jones, who hemmed them up in the swash at
the mouth of the Boristhenes, so that their vessels buried themselves
in the mud, where they were burnt. The Captain Pacha escaped in a small
vessel. His flag fell into the hands of the Russians. Let me hear from you
sometimes, assured I shall always be interested in your success. Present
me in the most friendly terms to Mrs. Smith, and accept the best affection
of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. August 6th. Later accounts of the actions between the Russians and
Turks, informs us that Paul Jones commanded the right wing of the little
fleet of gallies, &c., in the first action, which was not at all decisive,
but that when the second and decisive action took place, which was still
by the gallies, &c., the Prince of Nassau alone commanded, Paul Jones
being absent with the ships of war which he commands.
TO J. ADAMS, ESQ.
PARIS, August 2, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have received with a great deal of pleasure the account
of your safe arrival and joyful reception at Boston. Mr. Cutting was
so kind as to send me a copy of the address of the Assembly to you and
your answer, which, with the other circumstances, I have sent to have
published in the gazettes of Leyden, and in a gazette here. It will serve
to show the people of Europe that those of America are content with their
servants, and particularly content with you.
The war with the Turks, Russians, and Austrians, goes on. A great victory
obtained on the Black Sea over the Turks, as commanded by the Captain
Pacha, by the Russians, commanded by Admiral Paul Jones, will serve to
raise the spirits of the two empires. He burnt six ships, among which was
the admiral's and vice-admiral's, took two, and made between three and
four thousand prisoners. The Swedes having hastily armed a fleet of about
sixteen sail of the line, and marched an army into Finland, the King at
the head of it, made us believe they were going to attack the Russians.
But when their fleet met with three Russian ships of one hundred guns
each, they saluted and passed them. It is pretty well understood that the
expenses of this armament are paid by the Turks, through the negotiations
of England. And it would seem as if the King had hired himself to
strut only; but not to fight, expecting probably that the former would
suffice to divert the Russians from sending their fleet round to the
Mediterranean. There are some late symptoms which would indicate that
Denmark would still be opposed to Sweden, though she should shift herself
into the opposite scale. The alliance between England, Holland and Russia,
is now settled. In the meantime, this country is losing all its allies one
by one, without assuring to herself new ones. Prussia, Holland, Turkey,
Sweden, are pretty certainly got, or getting into the English interest,
and the alliance of France with the two empires is not yet secured. I am
in hopes her internal affairs will be arranged without blood. None has
been shed as yet. The nation presses on sufficiently upon the government
to force reformations, without forcing them to draw the sword. If they
can keep the opposition always exactly at this point all will end well.
Peace or war, they cannot fail now to have the States General, and I
think in the course of the following year. They have already obtained
the provincial Assemblies as you know. The King has solemnly confessed
he cannot lay a new tax without consent of the States General, and when
these assemble they will try to have themselves moulded into a periodical
assembly, to form a declaration of rights, and a civil list for the
government. The Baron de Breteuil has lately retired from the ministry,
and has been succeeded by M. de Villedeuil. Monsieur de Malesherbes will
probably retire. The Marquis de La Fayette, with several others, have
lately received a fillip for having assembled to sign a memorial to the
King, which had been sent up from Brittany. They took from the Marquis
a particular command which he was to have exercised during the months of
August and September this year in the south of France. Your friends the
Abbés are well, and always inquire after you. I shall be happy to hear
from you from time to time, to learn State news and State politics, for
which I will give you in return those of this quarter of the earth. I hope
Mrs. Adams is well; I am sure she is happier in her own country than any
other. Assure her of my constant friendship, and accept assurances of the
same from, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. Make freely any use of me here which may be convenient either for
yourself or Mrs. Adams.
P. S. August 6. Later accounts inform us that there have been two actions
between the Russians and Turks. The first was of the gallies on both
sides. In this, Paul Jones being accidentally present, commanded the
right wing. The Russians repulsed the Turks. The second action was of the
Russian gallies against the Turkish ships of war. The effect was what is
stated in the preceding letter. But the command was solely in the Prince
of Nassau. Paul Jones with his fleet of ships of war being absent, Prince
Potemkin immediately got under march for Oczakow, to take advantage of the
consternation it was thrown into. The Swedes have commenced hostilities
against the Russians, and war against them is consequently declared by the
Empress.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 3, 1788.
SIR,--My last letters to you were of the 4th and 23d of May, with a
postscript of the 27th. Since that, I have been honored with yours of
April the 24th, May the 16th and June the 9th.
The most remarkable internal occurrences since my last, are these. The
Noblesse of Bretagne, who had received with so much warmth the late
innovations in the government, assembled, and drew up a memorial to the
King, and chose twelve members of their body to come and present it.
Among these was the Marquis de La Rouerie, (Colonel Armand.) The King,
considering the Noblesse as having no legal right to assemble, declined
receiving the memorial. The deputies, to give greater weight to it, called
a meeting of the landed proprietors of Bretagne, resident at Paris, and
proposed to them to add their signatures. They did so, to the number
of about sixty, of whom the Marquis de La Fayette was one. The twelve
deputies, for having called this meeting, were immediately sent to the
Bastile, where they now are, and the Parisian signers were deprived of
such favors as they held of the court. There were only four of them,
however, who held anything of that kind. The Marquis de La Fayette was
one of these. They had given him a military command, to be exercised in
the south of France, during the months of August and September, of the
present year. This they took from him; so that he is disgraced, in the
ancient language of the court, but in truth honorably marked in the eyes
of the nation. The ministers are so sensible of this, that they have had,
separately, private conferences with him, to endeavor, through him, to
keep things quiet. From the character of the province of Bretagne, it was
much apprehended, for some days, that the imprisonment of their deputies
would have produced an insurrection. But it took another turn. The _Cours
intermediare_ of the province, acknowledged to be a legal body, deputed
eighteen members of their body to the King. To these he gave an audience,
and the answer, of which I send you a copy. This is hard enough. Yet I am
in hopes the appeal to the sword will be avoided, and great modifications
in the government be obtained, without bloodshed. As yet, none has
been spilt, according to the best evidence I have been able to obtain,
notwithstanding what the foreign newspapers have said to the contrary.
The convocation of the States General has now become inevitable. Whenever
the time shall be announced certainly, it will keep the nation quiet till
they meet. According to present probabilities, this must be in the course
of the next summer; but to what movements their meeting and measures may
give occasion, cannot be foreseen. Should a foreign war take place, still
they must assemble the States General, because they cannot, but by their
aid, obtain money to carry it on. Monsieur de Malesherbes will, I believe,
retire from the King's Council. He has been much opposed to the late
acts of authority. The Baron de Breteuil has resigned his secretaryship
of the domestic department; certainly not for the same reasons, as he is
known to have been of opinion, that the King had compromitted too much of
his authority. The real reason has probably been an impatience of acting
under a principal minister. His successor is M. de Villedeuil, lately
Comptroller General.
The Ambassadors of Tippoo Saib have arrived here. If their mission has
any other object than that of pomp and ceremony, it is not yet made
known. Though this court has not avowed that they are in possession of
Trincomale, yet the report is believed, and that possession was taken by
General Conway, in consequence of orders given in the moment that they
thought a war certain. The dispute with the States General of the United
Netherlands, on account of the insult to M. de St. Priest, does not tend,
as yet, towards a settlement. He has obtained leave to go to the waters,
and perhaps, from thence he may come to Paris, to await events. Sweden
has commenced hostilities against Russia, by the taking a little fortress
by land. This having been their intention, it is wonderful that when
their fleet lately met three Russian ships of one hundred guns each, they
saluted instead of taking them. The Empress has declared war against them
in her turn. It is well understood that Sweden is set on by England, and
paid by the Turks. The prospect of Russia has much brightened by some late
successes. Their fleet of galleys and gunboats, twenty-seven in number,
having been attacked by fifty-seven Turkish vessels of the same kind,
commanded by the Captain Pacha, these were repulsed, with the loss of
three vessels. In the action, which was on the 18th of June, Admiral Paul
Jones commanded the right wing of the Russians, and the Prince of Nassau,
the left. On the 26th of the same month, the Turkish principal fleet, that
is to say, their ships of the line, frigates, &c., having got themselves
near the swash, at the mouth of the Boristhenes, the Prince of Nassau took
advantage of their position, attacked them while so engaged in the mud
that they could not manœuvre, burnt six, among which were the admiral's,
and vice-admiral's, took two, and made between three and four thousand
prisoners. The first reports gave this success to Admiral Paul Jones; but
it is now rendered rather probable that he was not there, as he commands
the vessels of war which are said not to have been there. It is supposed
that his presence in the affair of the 18th, was accidental. But if this
success has been so complete as it is represented, the Black Sea must be
tolerably open to the Russians: in which case, we may expect, from what we
know of that officer, that he will improve to the greatest advantage the
situation of things on that sea. The Captain Pacha's standard was taken in
the last action, and himself obliged to make his escape in a small vessel.
Prince Potemkin immediately got under march for Oczakow, to take advantage
of the consternation into which that place was thrown.
The Spanish squadron, after cruising off the western isles and Cape St.
Vincent, has returned into port.
A dispute has arisen between the Papal See and the King of Naples, which
may, in its progress, enable us to estimate what degree of influence that
See retains at the present day. The kingdom of Naples, at an early period
of its history, became feudatory to the See of Rome, and in acknowledgment
thereof, has annually paid a hackney to the Pope in Rome, to which place
it has always been sent by a splendid embassy. The hackney has been
refused by the King this year, and the Pope giving him three months to
return to obedience, threatens, if he does not, to proceed seriously
against him.
About three weeks ago, a person called on me and informed me that Silas
Deane had taken him in for a sum of one hundred and twenty guineas, and
that being unable to obtain any other satisfaction, he had laid hands on
his account book and letter book, and had brought them off to Paris, to
offer them first to the United States, if they would repay him his money,
and if not, that he should return to London, and offer them to the British
minister. I desired him to leave them with me four-and-twenty hours, that
I might judge whether they were worth our notice. He did so. They were
two volumes. One contained all his accounts with the United States, from
his first coming to Europe, to January the 10th, 1781. Presuming that
the treasury board was in possession of this account till his arrival in
Philadelphia, August, 1778, and that he had never given in the subsequent
part, I had that subsequent part copied from the book, and now enclose it,
as it may, on some occasion or other, perhaps be useful in the treasury
office. The other volume contained all his correspondences from March
the 30th to August the 23d, 1777. I had a list of the letters taken, by
their dates and addresses, which will enable you to form a general idea
of the collection. On perusal of many of them, I thought it desirable
that they should not come to the hands of the British minister, and from
an expression dropped by the possessor of them, I believe he would have
fallen to fifty or sixty guineas. I did not think them important enough,
however, to justify my purchasing them without authority; though, with
authority, I should have done it. Indeed, I would have given that sum
to cut out a single sentence, which contained evidence of a fact, not
proper to be committed to the hands of enemies. I told him I would state
his proposition to you, and await orders. I gave him back the books, and
he returned to London without making any promise that he would await the
event of the orders you might think proper to give.
News of the accession of nine States to the new form of federal
government, has been received here about a week. I have the honor to
congratulate you sincerely on this event. Of its effect at home, you are
in the best situation to judge. On this side the Atlantic it is considered
as a very wise reformation. In consequence of this, speculations are
already begun here, to purchase up our domestic liquidated debt. Indeed,
I suspect that orders may have been previously lodged in America to do
this, as soon as the new Constitution was accepted effectually. If it is
thought that this debt should be retained at home, there is not a moment
to lose; and I know of no means of retaining it, but those I suggested to
the treasury board, in my letter to them of March the 29th. The transfer
of these debts to Europe, will exclusively embarrass, and perhaps totally
prevent the borrowing any money in Europe, till these shall be paid off.
This is a momentous object, and in my opinion should receive instantaneous
attention.
The gazettes of France, to the departure of my letter, will accompany it,
and those of Leyden to the 22d of July, at which time their distribution
in this country was prohibited. How long the prohibition may continue, I
cannot tell. As far as I can judge, it is the only paper in Europe worth
reading. Since the suppression of the packet boats, I have never been
able to find a safe conveyance for a letter to you, till the present by
Mrs. Barclay. Whenever a confidential person shall be going from hence
to London, I shall send my letters for you to the care of Mr. Trumbull,
who will look out for safe conveyances. This will render the epochs of my
writing very irregular. There is a proposition under consideration, for
establishing packet boats on a more economical plan, from Havre to Boston;
but its success is uncertain, and still more, its duration. I have the
honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PARIS, August 9, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Since my last to you, I have to thank you for your favors
of July the 27th, 1787, and April the 10th, 1788, and the details they
contained; and in return, will give you now the leading circumstances of
this continent. * * *
This nation is, at present, under great internal agitation. The authority
of the crown on one part, and that of the parliaments on the other,
are fairly at issue. Good men take part with neither, but have raised
an opposition, the object of which is, to obtain a fixed and temperate
constitution. There was a moment, when this opposition ran so high, as to
endanger an appeal to arms, in which case, perhaps, it would have been
crushed. The moderation of government has avoided this, and they are
yielding daily, one right after another, to the nation. They have given
them Provincial Assemblies, which will be very perfect representations
of the nation, and stand somewhat in the place of our State Assemblies;
they have reformed the criminal law; acknowledged the King cannot lay a
new tax, without the consent of the States General; and they will call
the States General the next year. The object of this body, when met, will
be a bill of rights, a civil list, a national assembly meeting at certain
epochs, and some other matters of that kind. So that I think it probable,
this country will, within two or three years, be in the enjoyment of a
tolerably free constitution, and that without its having cost them a drop
of blood; for none has yet been spilt, though the English papers have set
the whole nation to cutting throats.
* * * * *
Be assured of those sentiments of esteem and attachment with which I am,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MONSIEUR DE CREVE-COEUR.
PARIS, August 9, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--While our second revolution is just brought to a happy end
with you, yours here is but cleverly under way. For some days, I was
really melancholy with the apprehension, that arms would be appealed to,
and the opposition crushed in its first efforts. But things seem now to
wear a better aspect. While the opposition keeps at its highest wholesome
point, government, unwilling to draw the sword, is not forced to do it.
The contest here is exactly what it was in Holland: a contest between the
monarchical and aristocratical parts of the government, for a monopoly of
despotism over the people. The aristocracy in Holland, seeing that their
common prey was likely to escape out of their clutches, chose rather to
retain its former portion, and therefore coalesced with the single head.
The people remained victims. Here, I think, it will take a happier turn.
The parliamentary part of the aristocracy is alone firmly united. The
Noblesse and Clergy, but especially the former, are divided partly between
the parliamentary and the despotic party, and partly united with the real
patriots, who are endeavoring to gain for the nation what they can, both
from the parliamentary and the single despotism. I think I am not mistaken
in believing that the King and some of his ministers are well affected to
this band; and surely, that they will make great cessions to the people,
rather than small ones to the parliament. They are, accordingly, yielding
daily to the national reclamations, and will probably end, in according a
well-tempered constitution. They promise the States General for the next
year, and I have good information that an _Arret_ will appear the day
after to-morrow, announcing them for May, 1789. How they will be composed,
and what they will do, cannot be foreseen. Their convocation, however,
will tranquillize the public mind, in a great degree, till their meeting.
There are, however, two intervening difficulties: 1. Justice cannot till
then continue completely suspended, as it now is. The parliament will not
resume their functions, but in their entire body. The baillages are afraid
to accept of them. What will be done? 2. There are well-founded fears of a
bankruptcy before the month of May. In the meantime, the war is spreading
from nation to nation. Sweden has commenced hostilities against Russia;
Denmark is showing its teeth against Sweden; Prussia against Denmark;
and England too deeply engaged in playing the back game, to avoid coming
forward, and dragging this country and Spain in with her. But even war
will not prevent the assembly of the States General, because it cannot be
carried on without them. War, however, is not the most favorable moment
for divesting the monarchy of power. On the contrary, it is the moment
when the energy of a single hand shows itself in the most seducing form.
A very considerable portion of this country has been desolated by a hail.
I considered the newspaper accounts, of hailstones of ten pounds weight,
as exaggerations. But in a conversation with the Duke de La Rochefoucault,
the other day, he assured me, that though he could not say he had seen
such himself, yet he considered the fact as perfectly established. Great
contributions, public and private, are making for the sufferers. But
they will be like the drop of water from the finger of Lazarus. There is
no remedy for the present evil, nor way to prevent future ones, but to
bring the people to such a state of ease, as not to be ruined by the loss
of a single crop. This hail may be considered as the _coup de grace_ to
an expiring victim. In the arts, there is nothing new discovered since
you left us, which is worth communicating. Mr. Payne's iron bridge was
exhibited here, with great approbation. An idea has been encouraged, of
executing it in three arches, at the King's garden. But it will probably
not be done.
I am, with sentiments of perfect esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO J. BANNISTER, JR., ESQ.
PARIS, August 9, 1788.
DEAR SIR,-- * * * * * * * *
This country at present is extremely agitated by the disputes between the
King and his parliaments. Between these two parties there is a middle
patriotic one, proceeding with a steady step to recover from both what
they can for the nation, and I think they will obtain a pretty good
constitution. It is now pretty certain they will call the States General
the next year, and probably in the month of May. It is expected that
Assembly will endeavor to fix some certain limits to the royal authority.
The Swedes have commenced hostilities against the Russians, and obtained
a small advantage in an engagement on the Baltic. The Russians have had
two considerable actions on the Black Sea with the Turks. The first was
in their favor, the second a complete victory. In the first, Admiral
Paul Jones commanded the right wing. He was not at the second action. He
commands the ships of war on that sea. Both actions were by the Russian
gallies, commanded by the Prince of Nassau, and Paul Jones seems to have
been accidentally present in the first. These victories will probably have
a great effect. This country wishes to keep out of the war, but I doubt
the possibility of it. Your affectionate friend and humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE COUNT DE MOUSTIER.
PARIS, August 9, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Though your numerous and well-informed correspondents here must
keep you constantly _au courant_ of what passes in Europe, yet I cannot
relinquish the privilege of writing to you altogether, merely because
I can tell you nothing but what you learn better from other hands. You
will have heard of the astonishing revolution in the politics of Sweden,
which has lately carried her into the scale favored by England and opposed
to France. Hostilities were commenced by the Swedes, by the attack of a
small Russian post. They pretend the Russians had previously entered on
their territory and burnt a village or two, but it is believed that this
pretended aggression was by Swedes themselves in Cossack dress, to give a
color for hostilities where none existed before. It is said, and believed,
there has been a naval action on the Baltic, wherein the Russians were
obliged to retire, with the loss of two ships. But the latter have been
more fortunate in two actions against the Turks, on the Black Sea. In the
first, they but barely repulsed the Turks, with the loss of three vessels
of the latter. In the second, they obtained a complete and decisive
victory. I think there is a hope that Denmark will still oppose itself
to Sweden. If so, the balance of naval power will still be preserved in
some degree; for though Sweden may return to France on a future occasion
if the latter should not be obliged to enter into the present war,
if she does enter into it, I apprehend Sweden will ultimately arrange
herself with the adverse party. And that she must enter into, in the
long run, I think extremely probable. I sincerely wish this may not be,
till she shall have arranged her internal affairs. These, in my opinion,
are going on in the fairest way possible to produce good to the body of
the nation. The progress already made is great, and the cry for further
improvement, without being strong enough to induce government to draw the
sword and crush the opposition, is strong enough to goad them on towards
the establishment of a constitution. I think that among the ministers
themselves there are some good patriots who are not entirely displeased at
this degree of violence. It is already announced that the States General
will be called in 1789, and I have tolerably good information that an
_Arret_ will appear the day after to-morrow announcing them for May, 1789;
but my letters must go off to-morrow, so that this intelligence cannot
be confirmed in them. You will have heard that the Baron de Breteuil
is retired, and Monsieur de Villedeuil in his place. M. de Malesherbes
has endeavored to retire, but as yet he is over-powered by strong
intercession. The Marechal de Richelieu died yesterday. The Marechal de
Vaux is at the point of death in Dauphine. The Ambassadors of Tippoo Saib
are to be received to-morrow at Versailles in great pomp. I go to see this
_jeu d'enfants_. I wish Madame de Brehan could be there to paint it. By
this time, I am afraid she is ready to do justice to my information on
the subject of my own country, that the Cultivateur Americaine had been
too much disposed to see the fair side; that it had too sides as well
as all other countries, &c. I beg her indulgence for our foibles, and a
continuance particularly of her partiality to me. Be so good as to present
me very affectionately to her, and to be assured of the sincerity of the
esteem and attachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 10, 1788.
SIR,--I have waited till the last moment of Mrs. Barclay's departure,
to write you the occurrences since my letter of the 3d instant. We have
received the Swedish account of an engagement between their fleet and the
Russian, on the Baltic, wherein they say they took one, and burned another
Russian vessel, with the loss of one on their side, and that the victory
remained with them. They say, at the same time, that their fleet returned
into port, and the Russians kept the sea; we must, therefore, suspend
our opinion, till we get the Russian version of this engagement. The
Swedish manifesto was handed about to-day at Versailles, by the Swedish
ambassador, in manuscript. The King complains that Russia has been ever
endeavoring to sow divisions in his kingdom, in order to re-establish the
ancient constitution; that he has long borne it, through a love of peace,
but finds it no longer bearable; that still, however, he will make peace
on these conditions: 1, that the Empress punishes her minister for the
note he gave in to the court of Stockholm; 2, that she restore Crimea to
the Turks; and 3, that she repay to him all the expenses of his armament.
The Russian force in vessels of war, on the Black Sea, are five frigates
and three ships of the line; but those of the line are shut up in port,
and cannot come out, till Oczakow shall be taken. This fleet is commanded
by Paul Jones, with the rank of rear-admiral. The Prince of Nassau
commands the gallies and gun-boats. It is now ascertained that the States
General will assemble the next year, and probably in the month of May.
Tippoo Saib's ambassadors had their reception to-day at Versailles, with
unusual pomp. The presence was so numerous, that little could be caught of
what they said to the King, and he answered to them; from what little I
could hear, nothing more passed than mutual assurances of good will. The
name of the Marechal de Richelieu is sufficiently remarkable in history,
to justify my mentioning his death, which happened two days ago: he was
aged ninety-two years.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 11, 1788.
SIR,--In my letter of the last night, written in the moment of Mrs.
Barclay's departure, I had the honor of mentioning to you, that it was
now pretty certain that the States General would be assembled in the
next year, and probably in the month of May. This morning an _Arret_ is
published, announcing that their meeting is fixed on the first day of
May next, of which I enclose you a copy by post, in hopes it will get
to Bordeaux in time for Mrs. Barclay. This _Arret_ ought to have a great
effect towards tranquillizing the nation. There are still, however, two
circumstances which must continue to perplex the administration. The
first is, the want of money, occasioned not only by the difficulty of
filling up the loan of the next year, but by the withholding the ordinary
supplies of taxes, which is said to have taken place in some instances:
this gives apprehension of a bankruptcy under some form or other, and
has occasioned the stocks to fall in the most alarming manner. The
second circumstance is, that justice, both civil and criminal, continues
suspended. The parliament will not resume their functions, but with their
whole body and the greater part of the baillages declined acting; the
present _Arret_ announces a perseverance in this plan. I have information
from Algiers, of the 5th of June, that the plague is raging there with
great violence; that one of our captives was dead of it, and another
ill, so that we have there, in all, now, only fifteen or sixteen; that
the captives are more exposed to its ravages than others; that the great
redemptions by the Spaniards, Portuguese and Neapolitans, and the havoc
made by the plague, had now left not more than four hundred slaves in
Algiers; so that their redemption was become not only exorbitant, but
almost inadmissible; that common sailors were held at four hundred pounds
sterling, and that our fifteen or sixteen could probably not be redeemed
for less than from twenty-five to thirty thousand dollars. An Algerine
cruiser, having twenty-eight captives of Genoa aboard, was lately chased
ashore by two Neapolitan vessels; the crew and captives got safe ashore,
and the latter, of course, recovered their freedom. The Algerine crew was
well treated, and would be sent back by the French. But the government
of Algiers demands of France sixty thousand sequins, or twenty-seven
thousand pounds sterling, for the captives escaped; that is, nearly
one thousand pounds each. The greater part of the regency were for an
immediate declaration of war against France; but the Dey urged the heavy
war the Turks were at present engaged in; that it would be better not to
draw another power on them, at present; that they would decline renewing
the treaty of one hundred years, which expired two years ago, so as to be
free to act hereafter; but for the present, they ought to accept payment
for the captives as a satisfaction. They accordingly declared to the
French consul that they would put him and all his countrymen there into
irons, unless the sixty thousand sequins were paid; the consul told them,
his instructions were, positively, that they should not be paid. In this
situation stood matters between that pettifogging nest of robbers, and
this great kingdom, which will finish, probably, by crouching under them,
and paying the sixty thousand sequins. From the personal characters of the
present administration, I should have hoped, under any other situation
than the present, they might have ventured to quit the beaten track of
politics hitherto pursued, in which the honor of their nation has been
calculated at nought, and to join in a league for keeping up a perpetual
cruise against these pirates, which, though a slow operation, would be
a sure one for destroying all their vessels and seamen, and turning the
rest of them to agriculture. But a desire of not bringing upon themselves
another difficulty, will _probably_ induce the ministers to do as their
predecessors have done.
August 12. The enclosed paper of this morning, gives some particulars of
the action between the Russians and Swedes, the manifesto of the Empress,
and the declaration of the court of Versailles, as to the affair of
Trincomcale.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of perfect esteem and respect,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, August 12, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Since my last to you, I have been honored with yours of the
18th and 29th of May, and 8th of June. My latest American intelligence is
of the 24th of June, when nine certainly, and probably ten States, had
accepted the new Constitution, and there was no doubt of the eleventh
(North Carolina), because there was no opposition there. In New York,
two-thirds of the State were against it, and certainly, if they had been
called to the decision in any other stage of the business, they would have
rejected it; but before they put it to the vote, they would certainly
have heard that eleven States had joined in it, and they would find it
safer to go with those eleven, than put themselves into opposition, with
Rhode Island only. Though I am much pleased with this successful issue of
the new Constitution, yet I am more so, to find that one of its principal
defects (the want of a declaration of rights) will pretty certainly be
remedied. I suppose this, because I see that both people and conventions,
in almost every State, have concurred in demanding it. Another defect,
the perpetual re-eligibility of the same President, will probably not be
cured during the life of General Washington. His merit has blinded our
countrymen to the danger of making so important an officer re-eligible.
I presume there will not be a vote against him in the United States. It
is more doubtful who will be Vice President. The age of Dr. Franklin,
and the doubt whether he would accept it, are the only circumstances that
admit a question, but that he would be the man. After these two characters
of first magnitude, there are so many which present themselves equally,
on the second line, that we cannot see which of them will be singled
out. John Adams, Hancock, Jay, Madison, Rutledge, will all be voted for.
Congress has acceded to the prayer of Kentucky, to become an independent
member of the Union. A committee was occupied in settling the plan of
receiving them, and their government is to commence on the 1st day of
January next.
You are, I dare say, pleased, as I am, with the promotion of our
countryman, Paul Jones. He commanded the right wing, in the first
engagement between the Russian and Turkish gallies; his absence from the
second proves his superiority over the Captain Pacha, as he did not choose
to bring his ships into the shoals in which the Pacha ventured, and lost
those entrusted to him. I consider this officer as the principal hope of
our future efforts on the ocean. You will have heard of the action between
the Swedes and Russians, on the Baltic; as yet, we have only the Swedish
version of it. I apprehend this war must catch from nation to nation, till
it becomes general.
With respect to the internal affairs of this country, I hope they will be
finally well arranged, and without having cost a drop of blood. Looking
on as a by-stander, no otherwise interested, than as entertaining a
sincere love for the nation in general, and a wish to see their happiness
promoted, keeping myself clear of the particular views and passions of
individuals, I applaud extremely the patriotic proceedings of the present
ministry. Provincial Assemblies established, the States General called,
the right of taxing the nation without their consent abandoned, corvées
abolished, torture abolished, the criminal code reformed, are facts which
will do eternal honor to their administration, in history. But were I
their historian, I should not equally applaud their total abandonment
of their foreign affairs. A bolder front in the beginning would have
prevented the first loss, and, consequently, all the others. Holland,
Prussia, Turkey and Sweden, lost without the acquisition of a single new
ally, are painful reflections for the friends of France. They may, indeed,
have in their places, the two empires, and perhaps Denmark; in which case,
physically speaking, they will stand on as good ground as before, but
not on as good moral ground. Perhaps, seeing more of the internal working
of the machine, they saw, more than we do, the physical impossibility of
having money to carry on a war. Their justification must depend on this,
and their atonement, on the internal good they are doing to their country;
this makes me completely their friend.
I am, with great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. J. RUTLEDGE, JUNIOR.
PARIS, August 12, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Obliged to make one letter serve for yourself and Mr. Shippen,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of August the
1st, and his of July the 12th and 31st. By news from Virginia of the 12th
of June, when their convention had been eleven days in session, there was
no doubt but that she, soon after that date, would give the ninth vote
in favor of the new Constitution. New Hampshire acceded to it on the 24th
of June. Of North Carolina no doubt is entertained. Congress have agreed
to the independence of Kentucky. An _Arret_ was published here yesterday
announcing that the convocation of the States General should be for the
1st of May next, and in the meantime suspending the _cours pleniere_,
but persevering in the parliamentary reform. This, I think, secures the
reformation of their constitution without bloodshed. You will already have
heard of the commencement of hostilities between Sweden and Russia. This
war, I think, will catch from nation to nation till it becomes general. I
imagine you will find it unsafe to proceed from Vienna to Constantinople.
I do not think the object will justify any personal risk. Mr. Short is not
yet decided as to his route, or the time of his beginning it. I am, with
very great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, August 20, 1788.
SIR,--I had the honor to write to you on the 3d, 10th, and 11th instant,
with a postscript of the 12th; all of which went by Mrs. Barclay. Since
that date, we have received an account of a third victory obtained by the
Russians over the Turks, on the Black Sea, in which the Prince of Nassau,
with his gallies, destroyed two frigates, three smaller vessels, and six
gallies. The Turkish power on that sea, is represented by their enemies
as now annihilated. There is reason to believe, however, that this is not
literally true, and, that aided by the supplies furnished by the English,
they are making extraordinary efforts to re-establish their marine. The
Russian minister here has shown the official report of Admiral Greigh, on
the combat of July the 17th, in which he claims the victory, and urges in
proof of it, that he kept the field of battle. This report is said to have
been written on it. As this paper, together with the report of the Swedish
admiral, is printed in the Leyden gazette of the 15th instant, I enclose
it to you. The court of Denmark has declared, it will furnish Russia the
aid stipulated in their treaty; and it is not doubted they will go beyond
this, and become principals in the war. The next probable moves are,
that the King of Prussia will succor Sweden; and Poland, Russia, by land;
and a possible consequence is, that England may send a squadron into the
Baltic, to restore equilibrium in that sea. In my letter of the 11th, I
observed to you, that this country would have two difficulties to struggle
with, till the meeting of their States General, and that one of these
was the want of money: this has, in fact, overborne all their resources,
and the day before yesterday they published an _Arret_, suspending all
reimbursements of capital, and reducing the payments of the principal mass
of demands for interest, to twelve sous in the livre; the remaining eight
sous to be paid with certificates. I enclose you a newspaper with the
_Arret_. In this paper, you will see the exchange of yesterday, and I have
inserted that of the day before, to show you the fall. The consternation
is, as yet, too great to let us judge of the issue. It will probably
ripen the public mind to the necessity of a change in their constitution,
and to the substituting the collected wisdom of the whole, in place of a
single will, by which they have been hitherto governed. It is a remarkable
proof of the total incompetency of a single head to govern a nation well,
when, with a revenue of six hundred millions, they are led to a declared
bankruptcy, and to stop the wheels of government, even in its most
essential movements, for want of money.
I send the present letter by a private conveyance to a sea port, in hopes
a conveyance may be found by some merchant vessel.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. CUTTING.
PARIS, August 23, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favors of the 3d, 8th, 14th and 15th
instant, and have now the honor of enclosing you a letter of introduction
to Doctor Ramsay.
I think a certainty that England and France must enter into the war,
was a great inducement to the ministry here, to suspend the portion of
public payments which they have lately suspended. By this operation,
they secure two hundred and three millions of livres, or eight millions
and a half of guineas, in the course of this and the ensuing year, which
will be sufficient for the campaign of the first year: for what is to
follow, the States General must provide. The interesting question now
is, how the States General shall be composed? There are three opinions.
1. To place the three estates, Clergy, Noblesse, and Commons, in three
different Houses. The Clergy would, probably, like this, and some of the
Nobility; but it has no partisans out of those orders. 2. To put the
Clergy and Noblesse into one House, and the Commons into another. The
Noblesse will be generally for this. 3. To put the three orders into one
House, and make the Commons the majority of that House. This re-unites
the greatest number of partisans, and I suspect it is well patronised in
the ministry, who, I am persuaded, are proceeding _bonâ fide_, to improve
the constitution of their country. As to the opposition which the English
expect from the personal character of the King, it proves they do not know
what his personal character is. He is the honestest man in his kingdom,
and the most regular and economical. He has no foible which will enlist
him against the good of his people; and whatever constitution will promote
this, he will befriend. But he will not befriend it obstinately: he has
given repeated proofs of a readiness to sacrifice his opinion to the
wish of the nation. I believe he will consider the opinion of the States
General, as the best evidence of what will please and profit the nation,
and will conform to it. All the characters at court may not be of this
disposition, and from thence may, possibly, arise representations, capable
of leading the King astray; but upon a full view of all circumstances, I
have sanguine hopes, that such a constitution will be established here, as
will regenerate the energy of the nation, cover its friends, and make its
enemies tremble. I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, September 3, 1788.
SIR,--By Mrs. Barclay I had the honor of sending you letters of the 3d,
10th and 11th of August: since which, I wrote you of the 20th of the same
month, by a casual conveyance, as is the present.
In my letter of the 20th, I informed you of the act of public bankruptcy
which had taken place here. The effect of this would have been a forced
loan of about one hundred and eighty millions of livres, in the course
of the present and ensuing year. But it did not yield a sufficient
immediate relief. The treasury became literally moneyless, and all
purposes depending on this mover, came to a stand. The Archbishop was
hereupon removed, with Monsieur Lambert, the Comptroller General; and Mr.
Neckar was called in, as Director General of the finance. To soften the
Archbishop's dismission, a cardinal's hat is asked for him from Rome,
and his nephew promised the succession to the Archbishopric of Sens.
The public joy, on this change of administration, was very great indeed.
The people of Paris were amusing themselves with trying and burning the
Archbishop in effigy, and rejoicing on the appointment of Mr. Neckar.
The commanding officer of the city guards undertook to forbid this, and
not being obeyed, he charged the mob with fixed bayonets, killed two or
three, and wounded many: this stopped their rejoicings for that day; but
enraged at being thus obstructed in amusements wherein they had committed
no disorder whatever, they collected in great numbers the next day,
attacked the guards in various places, burnt ten or twelve guard houses,
killed two or three of the guards, and had about six or eight of their own
number killed. The city was hereupon put under martial law, and after a
while, the tumult subsided, and peace was restored. The public stocks rose
ten per cent. on the day of Mr. Neckar's appointment: he was immediately
offered considerable sums of money, and has been able so far to wave the
benefit of the act of bankruptcy, as to pay in cash all demands, except
the _remboursements des capitaux_. For these, and for a sure supply of
other wants, he will depend on the States General, and will hasten their
meetings, as is thought. No other change has yet taken place in the
administration. The minister of war, however, must certainly follow his
brother, and some think, and all wish, that Monsieur de Lamoignon, the
Garde des Sceaux, may go out also. The administration of justice is still
suspended. The whole kingdom seems tranquil at this moment.
Abroad, no event worth noting has taken place, since my last. The court
of Denmark has not declared it will do anything more than furnish the
stipulated aid to Russia. The King of Prussia has, as yet, made no move
which may decide whether he will engage in the war, nor has England sent
any squadron into the Baltic. As the season for action is considerably
passed over, it is become more doubtful, whether any other power will
enter the lists till the next campaign: this will give time for stopping
the further progress of the war, if they really wish to stop it. Two
camps, of twenty-five thousand men each, are forming in this country, on
its northern limits. The Prince of Condé has the command of one, and the
Duke de Broglio of the other.
I trouble you with the enclosed letter from a Henry Watson, claiming
prize moneys, as having served under Admiral Paul Jones, which, I
suppose, should go to the treasury, or war office. I have the honor to
be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.
PARIS, September 6, 1788.
GENTLEMEN,--Your favor of July the 3d, came to hand some days ago, and
that of July the 22d, in the afternoon of yesterday. Knowing that a Mr.
Vannet was to leave Paris this morning, to go to Virginia in a vessel
bound from Havre to Potomac, I have engaged him to receive the papers
which are the subject of those letters; to take care of them from thence
to Havre, and on the voyage; and when he shall have arrived in the
Potomac, instead of going directly to Richmond, as he intended, he will
proceed with them himself, to New York. I shall pay here, all expenses to
their delivery at the ship's side in America, freight included: unless,
perhaps, he may find it necessary to put another covering over them, if he
should not be able to get them into the cabin; in this case, you will have
to reimburse him for that. I engage to him, that you shall pay him their
transportation from the ship's side to New York, and his own reasonable
expenses from the place of his landing to New York, and back to the place
of landing. As he takes that journey for this object only, it would be
reasonable that you give him some gratuity for his time and trouble, and
I suppose it would be accepted by him; but I have made no agreement for
this. The papers are contained in a large box, and a trunk. They were
sent here by Mr. Ast during my absence in Holland. When they arrived
at the gates of Paris, the officers of the customs opened the trunk, to
see whether it contained dutiable articles; but finding only books and
papers, they concluded the contents of the box to be of the same nature,
and did not open that. You receive it, therefore, as it came from the
hands of Mr. Ast. A small trunk, which came as a third package from Mr.
Ast, and which has never been opened, I have put into the great trunk,
without displacing, or ever having touched a single paper, except as far
as was necessary, to make room for that. I shall have the whole corded and
plumbed by the Custom house here, not only to prevent their being opened
at the Custom houses on the road, and at the port of exportation, but to
prove to you, whether they shall have been opened by anybody else, after
going out of my hands. If the stamped leads are entire, and the cords
uncut, when you receive them, you will be sure they have not been opened;
they will be wrapt in oil cloth here, to guard them against the damps of
the sea, and as I mentioned before, Mr. Vannet will put them under another
covering, if he finds it necessary, at Havre.
At the same time with your last letter, I received from the office of
Foreign Affairs, the ratification by Congress of the loan of 1788, for
another million of guilders. As the necessity of this loan resulted from
the estimate made by Mr. Adams and myself, which estimate was laid before
Congress, I suppose their ratification of the loan, implies that of the
estimate. One article of this was for the redemption of our captives at
Algiers. Though your letter says nothing on this subject, I am in hopes
you have sent orders to the commissioners of the loans at Amsterdam, to
furnish, as soon as they shall have it, what may be necessary for this
pressing call. So also for the foreign officers. If the ratification of
the loan has been made by Congress, with a view to fulfil the objects
of the estimate, a general order from you to the commissioners of the
loans at Amsterdam, to pay the moneys from time to time, according to
that estimate, or to such other as you shall furnish them with, might
save the trouble of particular orders on every single occasion, and the
disappointments arising from the delay or miscarriage of such orders; but
it is for you to decide on this.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. RUTLEDGE.
PARIS, September 9, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favors of August 30th and September
4th. The animal, whose skin you saw here, is called the Moose. Monsieur
de Buffon had well known it by name; but he has supposed it to be the
same as the Rennedeer of Lapland, in his history. Being satisfied myself
that it was a different animal, I asked the favor of General Sullivan
to have one killed for me, and to send me the skin and skeleton. This is
what you saw, it is found only eastward of the Hudson river. M. de Buffon
describes the Renne to be about three feet high, and truly, the Moose you
saw here was seven feet high, and there are some of them ten feet high.
The experiment was expensive to me, having cost me hunting, curing, and
transporting, sixty guineas. The animal whose enormous bones are found
on the Ohio, is supposed by M. de Buffon and M. Daubenton to have been an
Elephant. Dr. Hunter demonstrated it not to have been an Elephant. Similar
bones are found in Siberia, where it is called the Mammoth. The Indians
of America say it still exists very far north in our continent. I suppose
there is no such thing at Geneva as a copy of my notes on Virginia, or
you might see the subject treated there somewhat at length, as also some
short notice of the Moose. I am glad to hear you have been so happy as
to become acquainted with M. de Saussure. He is certainly one of the
best philosophers of the present age. Cautious in not letting his assent
run before his evidence, he possesses the wisdom which so few possess of
preferring ignorance to error. The contrary disposition in those who call
themselves philosophers in this country classes them in fact with the
writers of romance. You have heard that Virginia has acceded to the new
Constitution. New York has done the same by a majority of five. No news
from North Carolina. Congress were proceeding early in July to put the new
government into motion, probably it will be December or January before the
new Legislature is assembled. Were I to trouble Mr. Shippen with a letter,
I could only repeat the same things over again. Be so good as to say this
to him, to deliver him the enclosed letter with my friendly compliments,
and to accept yourself assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir,
your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. CUTTING.
PARIS, September 9, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 6th instant is just come to hand. To answer
your quotations from the English papers by reversing every proposition,
would be to give you the literal truth, but it would be tedious. To lump
it by saying every tittle is false, would be just but unsatisfactory.
I will take the middle course, and give you a summary of political
information as far as possessed here on tolerably sure grounds. On the
Baltic nothing of note since the first great action. That was pretty equal
in loss, but rather favorable to the Russians in appearance, because
they kept the field while the Swedes retired into port. Since that the
Swedes have had a sixty-four gun ship, the Gustavus Adolphus, run ashore
and burnt, and the crew captured by the Russians. Their fleet is rather
confined within port, I believe we may say blocked up, by Admiral Greigh.
On land there has been nothing but a petite guerre. The Swedes have failed
in every enterprise. There is considerable discontent in the Swedish
Senate and nation, because the King, contrary to their constitution, has
commenced an _offensive war_ without consulting the Senate. On the Black
Sea nothing has happened since the first victory obtained by the Prince of
Nassau and Paul Jones, and the second and third by the Prince of Nassau.
The Captain Pacha has thrown himself into Oczakow, made a sortie, and
considerably discomfitted the Russians. The particulars not known; but
the siege continues. The Emperor's army has suffered much by sickness
and desertion, but more by imbecility. He has certainly let a campaign
pass over without doing anything. Denmark has notified Sweden and the
other courts that she will furnish the stipulated aid to Russia. England
and Prussia have offered their mediation, and Denmark is endeavoring to
counterpoise their interference by getting this court to offer to join in
the mediation. The ministerial revolution here is the Archbishop of Sens,
and Mr. Lambert, gone out, and Mr. Neckar come in, in lieu of the last;
nobody will succeed the former, that is to say there will be no premier.
Probably M. de Brienne, minister of war, will go out, as his brother is
out; and it may be doubted whether M. de Lamorignon will not also go.
He is Garde de Sceaux, as you know; there is no present appearance of
any other change. A bed of justice will be held within a few days to
revoke all that was done in that of the 8th of May, and to recall the
parliaments. The States General will be called in January, probably.
The two camps of twenty-five thousand men each, in the north of France,
are now assembling. They are commanded by the Prince of Condé and Duke
de Broglio. This is the sum of affairs as far as can be affirmed with
certainty. If anything remarkable still turns up before your departure,
I will do myself the pleasure of writing to you. I am, with great esteem,
dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, September 11, 1788.
SIR,--In the course of the last war, the house of Schweighauser and
Dobrée, of Nantes, and Puchilberg of L'Orient, presented to Dr. Franklin
a demand against the United States of America. He, being acquainted with
the circumstances of the demand, and knowing it to be unfounded, refused
to pay it. They thereupon procured seizure, by judiciary authority,
of certain arms and other military stores which we had purchased in
this country, and had deposited for embarkation at Nantes; and these
stores have remained in that position ever since. Congress have lately
instructed me to put an end to this matter. Unwilling to trouble your
Excellency, whenever it can be avoided, I proposed to the parties to
have the question decided by abitrators, to be chosen by us jointly. They
have refused it, as you will see by their answers to my letters, copies
of both which I have the honor to enclose you. I presume it to be well
settled in practice, that the property of one sovereign is not permitted
to be seized within the dominions of another; and that this practice is
founded not only in mutual respect, but in mutual utility. To what the
contrary practice would lead, is evident in the present case, wherein
military stores have been stopped, in the course of a war, in which our
greatest difficulties proceeded from the want of military stores. In their
letter too, they make a merit of not having seized one of our ships of
war, and certainly, the principle which admits the seizure of arms, would
admit that of a whole fleet, and would often furnish an enemy the easiest
means of defeating an expedition. The parties obliging me, then, to have
recourse to your Excellency on this occasion, I am under the necessity
of asking an order from you, for the immediate delivery of the stores and
other property of the United States, at Nantes, detained by the house of
Schweighauser and Dobrée, and that of Puchilberg, or by either of them,
under a pretence of a judicial seizure.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and
esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE REYNEVAL.
PARIS, September 16, 1788.
SIR,--I have the honor now to enclose you my observations on the
alteration proposed in the consular convention. There remain only three
articles of those heretofore in question between us, to which I am
unable to agree; that is to say, the second, proposing still to retain
personal immunities for the consuls, and others attached to their office;
the eighth, proposing that the navigation code of each nation, shall be
established in the territories of the other; and the ninth, insisting that
the ship's roll shall be conclusive evidence, that a person belongs to the
ship.
There are several new matters introduced into the draught; some of
these are agreed to; others cannot be admitted, as being contrary to the
same principles which had obliged me to disagree to some of the former
articles. The greatest part of the eleventh, and the whole of the twelfth
new articles, are in this predicament. They propose, that no person shall
be arrested on board a merchant vessel, for any cause, but in presence of
the consul; that no such vessel shall be visited, but in his presence; and
that when the officers of justice have reason to believe that a criminal
has taken refuge on board a vessel of war, the captain's word shall be
conclusive evidence that he is not there.
To the objections which I had the honor of stating in my letter to his
Excellency, the Count de Montmorin, I have now that of adding some other
observations, of which I request your perusal. I enclose with them a
draught, on the basis of the one you were pleased to give me, altered so
as to reconcile it to the spirit of our laws.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA ROUERIE.
PARIS, September 16, 1788.
SIR,--On receiving the first letters which you did me the honor to write
to me, on the arrears due to you from the United States, I informed you
that I had nothing to do in the money department; that the subject of
your letters belonged altogether to the treasury board, and to Mr. Grand,
their banker here, to the former of whom I forwarded your letters. As
I felt an anxiety, however, that the foreign officers should be paid, I
took the liberty of pressing the treasury board, from time to time, to
exert themselves for that effect; and I availed myself of an opportunity
which occurred last spring, of setting on foot measures, which, with their
approbation, might furnish the means of effecting this payment. So far
my information to you went, and I added a supposition, that the treasury
board would probably give orders on the subject, in the course of the
month of July. But I made you no promise; it would have been strange if I
had; nor does my office, nor anything I have ever said or done, subject me
to the demand of immediate payment, which you are pleased to make on me,
nor call on me for any declaration or answer, positive or negative.
Finding that my interference, which was friendly only, and avowed to
be inofficial, has given occasion to your letter of yesterday, in a
style which I did not expect, and to which I can have no motive for
further exposing myself, I must take the liberty of desiring that the
correspondence between us on this subject, may cease. I presume that the
certificate given you, points out the person, here or elsewhere, to whom
your applications are to be made, and that he will inform you when he
receives orders on your subject. I am, Sir, your humble servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
PARIS, September 20, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--The evening of your departure, a letter came by the way of
London and New York, addressed to you, and probably from Virginia. I think
you wished your American letters to remain here; I shall therefore keep
it. The passport now enclosed, came the day after your departure; so also
did a mass of American letters for me, as low down as August the 10th.
I shall give you their substance. The convention of Virginia annexed to
their ratification of the new Constitution a copy of the State declaration
of rights, not by way of condition, but to announce their attachment
to them. They added, also, propositions for specific alterations of the
Constitution. Among these was one for rendering the President incapable
of serving more than eight years, in any term of sixteen. New York has
followed the example of Virginia, expressing the substance of her bill of
rights, (that is Virginia's,) and proposing amendments: these last differ
much from those of Virginia; but they concur as to the President, only
proposing that he shall be incapable of being elected more than twice. But
I own I should like better than either of these what Luther Martin tells
us was repeatedly voted and adhered to by the federal convention, and only
altered about twelve days before their rising, when some members had gone
off; to wit, that he should be elected for seven years, and incapable for
ever after. But New York has taken another step, which gives uneasiness;
she has written a circular letter to all the legislatures, asking their
concurrence in an immediate convention for making amendments. No news
yet from North Carolina. Electors are to be chosen the first Wednesday
in January; the President to be elected the first Wednesday in February;
the new legislature to meet the first week in March: the place is not yet
decided on. Philadelphia was first proposed, and had six and a half votes;
the half vote was Delaware, one of whose members wanted to take a vote
on Wilmington; then Baltimore was proposed and carried, and afterwards
rescinded, so that the matter stood open as ever on the 10th of August;
but it was allowed the dispute lay only between New York and Philadelphia,
and rather thought in favor of the last. The Rhode Island delegates had
retired from Congress. Dr. Franklin was dangerously ill of the gout and
stone on the 21st of July. My letters of August the 10th not mentioning
him, I hope he was recovered. Warville, &c. were arrived. Congress had
referred the decision, as to the independence of Kentucky, to the new
government. Brown ascribes this to the jealousy of the northern States,
who want Vermont to be received at the same time, in order to preserve a
balance of interests in Congress. He was just setting out for Kentucky,
disgusted, yet disposed to persuade to an acquiescence, though doubting
they would immediately separate from the Union. The principal obstacle to
this, he thought, would be the Indian war.
The following is a quotation from a letter from Virginia, dated July the
12th. "P----n, though much impaired in health, and in every respect in
the decline of life, showed as much zeal to carry the new Constitution
as if he had been a young man; perhaps more than he discovered, in the
commencement of the late revolution, in his opposition to Great Britain.
W----e acted as chairman to the committee of the whole, and, of course,
took but little part in the debate; but was for the adoption, relying on
subsequent amendments. B----r said nothing, but was for it. The G----r
exhibited a curious spectacle to view. Having refused to sign the paper,
everybody supposed him against it; but he afterwards had written a letter,
and having taken a part, which might be called rather vehement than
active, he was constantly laboring to show that his present conduct was
consistent with that letter, and that letter with his refusal to sign.
M--d--n took the principal share in the debate for it; in which, together
with the aid I have already mentioned, he was somewhat assisted by
I--nn--s, Lee, M----l, C----n and G. N----s. M--s--n. H----y and Gr----n,
were the principal supporters of the opposition. The discussion, as might
be expected, where the parties were so nearly on a balance, was conducted
generally with great order, propriety and respect of either party to the
other."
The assembly of Virginia, hurried to their harvests, would not enter into
a discussion of the district bill, but suspended it to the next session.
E. Winston is appointed a judge, vice Gabriel Jones resigned. R. Goode
and Andrew Moore, Counsellors, vice B. Starke dead, and Joseph Egglestone
resigned. It is said Wilson, of Philadelphia, is talked of, to succeed Mr.
A. in London. _Quære?_
The dispute about Virgil's tomb and the laurel, seems to be at length
settled by the testimony of two travellers, given separately, and without
a communication with each other. These both say, that attempting to
pluck off a branch of the laurel, it followed their hand, being, in
fact, nothing more than a plant or bough, recently cut and stuck in the
ground for the occasion. The Cicerone acknowledged the roguery, and said
they practised it with almost every traveller to get money. You will, of
course, tug well at the laurel which shall be shown you, to see if this be
the true solution.
The President Dupaty is dead. Monsieur de Barentin, _premier president de
la cour des aides_, is appointed Garde des Sceaux. The stocks are rather
lower than when you left this. Present me in the most friendly terms to
Messrs. Shippen and Rutledge. I rely on your communicating to them the
news, and therefore on their pardoning me for not repeating it in separate
letters to them. You can satisfy them how necessary this economy of my
time and labor is. This goes to Geneva, _poste restante_. I shall not
write again till you tell me where to write to.
Accept very sincere assurances of the affection with which I am, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, September 24, 1788.
SIR,--Understanding that the vessel is not yet sailed from Havre, which
is to carry my letters of the 3d and 5th instant, I am in hopes you will
receive the present with them. The Russian accounts of their victories on
the Black Sea, must have been greatly exaggerated. According to these,
the Captain Pacha's fleet was annihilated; yet themselves have lately
brought him on the stage again, with fifteen ships of the line, in order
to obtain another victory over him. I believe the truth to be that he
has suffered some checks, of what magnitude it is impossible to say where
one side alone is heard, and that he is still master of that sea. He has
relieved Oczakow, which still holds out; Choczim also is still untaken,
and the Emperor's situation is apprehended to be bad. He spun his army
into a long cord, to cover several hundred miles of frontier, which put
it in the power of the Turks to attack with their whole force wherever
they pleased. Laudon, now called to head the imperial army, is endeavoring
to collect it; but in the meantime the campaign is drawing to a close,
and has been worse than fruitless. The resistance of Russia to Sweden,
has been successful in every point, by sea and land. This, with the
interference of Denmark, and the discontent of the Swedish nation, at the
breach of their constitution, by the King's undertaking an offensive war,
without the consent of the Senate, has obliged him to withdraw his attacks
by land, and to express a willingness for peace; one-third of his officers
have refused to serve. England and Prussia have offered their mediation
between Sweden and Russia, in such equivocal terms, as to leave themselves
at liberty to say it was an offer, or was not, just as it shall suit
them. Denmark is asking the counter-offer of mediation from this court. If
England and Prussia make a peace effectually in the north, (which it is
absolutely in their power to do,) it will be a proof they do not intend
to enter into the war; if they do not impose a peace, I should suspect
they mean to engage themselves; as one can hardly suppose they would let
the war go on in its present form, wherein Sweden must be crushed between
Russia and Denmark.
The Garde des Sceaux, M. de Lamoignon, was dismissed the 14th instant,
and M. de Barentin is appointed in his room. The deputies of Bretagne are
released from the Bastile, and M. d'Epermesnil and M. Sabatier recalled
from their confinement. The parliament is not yet reinstated; but it is
confidently said it will be this week. The stocks continue low, and the
treasury under a hard struggle to keep the government in motion. It is
believed the meeting of the States General will be as early as January,
perhaps December. I have received a duplicate of the ratification of the
loan of 1788, by Congress, and a duplicate of a letter of July the 22d,
from the treasury board, on another subject, but none on that of the
captives or foreign officers. I suppose some cause of delay must have
intervened between the ratification of Congress, and the consequent orders
of the Treasury Board. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the
most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO MR. SHIPPEN.
PARIS, September 29, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 22d is just received. My occupations obliging
me to economize my time and labor, where it can be done, I have, since
your departure, addressed either yourself or Mr. Rutledge singly, hoping
your goodness would excuse my writing to either for both. In like manner,
I have lately written to Mr. Short for all three. I now take the liberty
of addressing you for the triumvirate. No news yet from North Carolina;
but in such a case no news is good news, as an unfavorable decision of the
12th State would have flown like an electrical shock through America and
Europe. A letter from Governor Rutledge of August 10th, says nothing of
North Carolina; this silence is a proof that all was well. That convention
was to meet July 23d, and not July 4th, as we had been told. A dispute
is excited in Philadelphia which is likely to make a noise. Oswald, the
printer, being sued, published something in his own paper relative to the
cause. It was construed by the judges a contempt of the court. They made a
rule against him to show cause why he should not be attached. He appeared,
the attachment was awarded, and he called on to answer interrogatories.
He refused to answer interrogatories. The court gave him till next
morning to consider. He appeared then, and still refused. By that time,
however, it would seem as if the court themselves had considered better
of it, for their counsel (I suspect it was W----n), declared it was never
the intention of the court to compel him to answer interrogatories,
and accordingly, without proposing any, or hearing his counsel, they
committed him to prison for one month, and fined him ten pounds. Hereupon
petitions were signed, one to the Executive to pardon Oswald, the other
to the Legislature to punish the judges. The news of this country since
my letter to Mr. Short, is that the Bretagne deputies are recalled from
the Bastile, and d'Epermesnil and Sabatier from their prisons; the etats
genereaux are to meet in the course of January, the court keeping the
day of the month still in reserve; the parliament has returned to its
functions by permission. Their first arreté has been to demand the etats
genereaux in the form of 1614. Here the cloven hoof begins to appear.
While the existence of parliament itself was endangered by the royal
authority, they were calling for the etats genereaux; now they obtained
a kind of victory, they see danger to themselves from those very etats
genereaux, and determine to have them in a form which will neither merit
nor command the confidence of the nation, or to prepare a ground for
combatting their authority if they should be well-composed, and should
propose a reformation of the parliaments. I will, immediately, according
to the desire you are pleased to express, send a French copy of the notes
on Virginia to the Syndic Cayla. M. Tronchin goes there himself this week.
I am very sorry you are obliged to abridge your tour. With respect to your
route from Milan to London, on which you were pleased to consult me, I
would certainly prefer Genoa, thence along the coast to Nice, (absolutely
by land, in defiance of all the persuasions you will be exposed to go
by water,) thence to Toulon and Marseilles. There it will depend on your
time, whether you will go by Nismes, the canal of Languedoc (in the post
boat), Bordeaux, Paris and Calais, or whether you must come on directly
from Marseilles to Paris and Calais. But even in the latter case, make the
small deviation to Nismes, to see the most perfect remains of antiquity
which exist on earth. My absence from Paris becomes more doubtful than it
was. I had hoped to go to Champagne to see the vintage. I am not certain
now that my business will permit it in every case; letters sent to me here
will be properly forwarded. Present my affectionate regards to your two
travelling companions, and be assured of the esteem and attachment with
which I am sincerely, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO M. DE REYNEVAL.
PARIS, October 1, 1788.
SIR,--I have now the honor of enclosing to you a copy of the letter of
September the 16th, which I had that of writing to his Excellency the
Count de Montmorin, with the papers therein referred to, and of soliciting
the order I have asked for. The originals were sent at the date before
mentioned. Notwithstanding the refusal of the houses of Schweighauser
and Dobrée, and of Puchilberg, to settle their claim against the United
States by arbitration, as I proposed to them, the United States will still
be ready to do them justice. But those houses must first retire from the
only two propositions they have ever yet made, to wit, either a payment of
their demand without discussion, or a discussion before the tribunals of
the country. In the meantime, I shall hope an acknowledgment with respect
to us, of the principle which holds as to other nations; that our public
property here, cannot be seized by the territorial judge. It is the more
interesting to us, as we shall be more and longer exposed than other
nations, to draw arms and military stores from Europe. Our preference
of this country, has occasioned us to draw them from hence alone, since
the peace; and the friendship we have constantly experienced from the
government, will, we doubt not, on this and every other occasion, insure
to us the protection of what we purchase. I have the honor to be, Sir,
your friend and servant.
TO MR. CUTTING.
PARIS, Oct. 2, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 16th
and 23d ultimo, and to thank you for the intelligence they conveyed. That
respecting the case of the interrogatories in Pennsylvania, ought to make
a noise. So evident a heresy in the common law, ought not to be tolerated
on the authority of two or three civilians, who happened, unfortunately,
to make authority in the courts of England. I hold it essential, in
America, to forbid that any English decision which has happened since the
accession of Lord Mansfield to the bench, should ever be cited in a court;
because, though there have come many good ones from him, yet there is so
much sly poison instilled into a great part of them, that it is better to
proscribe the whole. Can you inform me what has been done by England, on
the subject of our wheat and flour? The papers say it is prohibited, even
in Hanover. How do their whale fisheries turn out this year? I hope a deep
wound will be given them in that article, soon, and such as will leave us
in no danger from their competition.
I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.
PARIS, October 23, 1788.
SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency on the subject of
the _Arret_ which has lately appeared for prohibiting the importation
of whale oil and spermaceti, the produce of foreign fisheries. This
prohibition being expressed in general terms, seems to exclude the whale
oils of the United States of America, as well as of the nations of Europe.
The uniform disposition, however, which his majesty and his ministers
have shown to promote the commerce between France and the United States,
by encouraging our productions to come hither, and particularly those of
our fisheries, induces me to hope that these were not within their view
at the passing of this _Arret_. I am led the more into this opinion, when
I recollect the assiduity employed for several months, in the year 1785,
by the committee appointed by government to investigate the objects of
commerce of the two countries, and to report the encouragement of which
it was susceptible. The result of that investigation, which his Majesty's
Comptroller General did me the honor to communicate in a letter of the
22d of October, 1786, stating therein the principles which should be
established for the future regulation of that commerce, and particularly
distinguishing the article of whale oils by an abatement of the duties on
them for the present, and a promise of farther abatement after the year
1790. The thorough re-investigation with which Monsieur de Lambert honored
this subject, when the letter of 1786 was to be put into the form of an
_Arret_, that _Arret_ itself bearing date the 29th of December last, which
ultimately confirmed the abatement of duty, present and future, and Hord
declared that his Majesty reserved himself to grant other favors to that
production, if, on further information, he shall find it for the interest
of the two nations;--and finally, the letter in which M. Lambert did me
the honor to enclose the _Arret_, and to assure me that the duties which
had been levied on our whale oils contrary to the intention of our letter
of 1786, should be restored. On a review of all these circumstances, I
cannot but presume that it has not been intended to reverse in a moment
views so maturely digested and uniformly pursued; and that the general
expressions of the _Arret_ of September the 28th, had within their
contemplation the nations of Europe only. This presumption is further
strengthened by having observed that in the treaties of commerce, made
since the epoch of our independence, the _jura gentis amici_ form conceded
to other nations, are expressly restrained to those of the most favored
European nations: his Majesty wisely foreseeing that it would be expedient
to regulate the commerce of a nation, which brings nothing but raw
materials to employ the industry of his subjects, very differently from
that of the European nations, who bring mostly what has already passed
through all the stages of manufacture. On these considerations, I take the
liberty of asking information from your Excellency as to the intent of the
late _Arret_; and if I have not been mistaken in supposing it did not mean
to abridge that of December 29th, I would solicit an explanatory _Arret_,
to prevent the misconstructions of it which will otherwise take place.
It is much to be desired, too, that this explanation could be given as
soon as possible, in order that it may be handed out with the _Arret_ of
September 28th. Great alarm will otherwise be spread among the merchants
and adventurers in the fisheries; who, confiding in the stability of
regulations, which his Majesty's wisdom had so long and well matured,
have embarked their fortunes in speculations in this branch of business.
The importance of the subject to one of the principal members of our
Union, induces me to attend with great anxiety a re-assurance from your
Excellency that no change has taken place in his Majesty's views on this
subject; and that his dispositions to multiply, rather than diminish the
combinations of interest between the two people, continue unaltered.
Commerce is slow in changing its channel. That between this country
and the United States is as yet but beginning, and this beginning has
received some checks. The _Arret_ in question would be a considerable one,
without the explanations I have the honor to ask. I am persuaded that
a continuation of the dispositions which have been hitherto manifested
towards us, will ensure effects, political and commercial, of value to
both nations.
I have had too many proofs of the friendly interest your Excellency is
pleased to take in whatever may strengthen the bands and connect the views
of the two countries, to doubt your patronage of the present application,
or to pretermit any occasion of repeating assurances of those sentiments
of high respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. SHORT.
PARIS, November 2, 1788.
DEAR SIR,-- * * * * *
Our news from America is to the beginning of October. Pennsylvania
had elected its two Senators for the new government, Robert Morris
and a Mr. McCay. Morris had an arrival from China worth £150,000. An
ill-understanding between Mr. Adams and Mr. Hancock, both proposed as
Vice-Presidents, and every State likely to bring forward a candidate of
their own, in which case, you know, the Senate will choose from among
those possessing the greatest number of votes, if there be an equality
of votes. A general hail storm about the 26th of August has done great
mischief from New Hampshire to Virginia. It occasioned the price of
tobacco there immediately to rise to 30s. The King of England has for
some time been at death's door. His disease is dropsical, tending to
the head. A perpetual delirium, with rare and doubtful lucid intervals,
makes it strongly believed to be a regular hydrocephalus, in which case
the skilful pronounce either his death or insanity. The parliament was
to meet yesterday on its prorogation, and it was under contemplation
that they should establish a regency. Here, the Notables are in session,
but they have deservedly lost their popularity. It is evident that the
court wishes to give to the _tiers etat_ a double number of votes. The
bureau of Monsieur voted this by a majority of one voice only. The other
bureau rejected it almost unanimously. There is a great outcry against
this, and the friends of the people and of justice will try the question
over again in an assembly of all the bureaux--but there seem no hopes
of success. This is the first event which has shown that there will be
a combination of the nobles and clergy, and consequently it will throw
the people decidedly into the scale of the King. This may end in liberty
or despotism, at his will. I think that both he and his ministry are in
favor of liberty, and that having twenty-three millions and a half of the
people on their side, they will call the other half million to order, and
show them that instead of being two thirds of the nation, they are but the
forty-eighth.
TO MR. CUTTING.
PARIS, November 3, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have now the honor to acknowledge your favors of the 30th of
September, 5th, 6th, 7th and 17th of October, which I should have done
sooner, but that there was no new occurrence well ascertained and worth
communicating. I think it now pretty certain that an alliance is entered
into between England, Prussia, and Sweden, to which Holland is to accede,
so as to make it quadruple. The Prussian army is on its march towards
Holstein, under the command of Prince Frederick of Brunswick; a poor head.
There is also said to be an army of 60,000 Prussians in Silesia, ready
to overawe Poland, should it take side with Russia. Of this last fact,
however, I am not sure. It would seem, then, as if Prussia meant to enter
into the war, or is it only to induce Denmark to withdraw and leave Russia
and Sweden to fight their own battles? If it does not produce this effect,
will England lie by, and only engage in case France should move? These
are points uncertain as yet. One thing is certain: that this country will
make no move which may engage her in war, till after her _Etats Genereux_.
The Notables meet on Thursday next, to decide on the form of composing
and calling the _Etats Genereux_. What will be their form, cannot yet
be foreseen; much less what they will do. They will undoubtedly give
money to the government, but probably for a short time, and make it the
price of some concessions from the King for limiting his own rights, and
enlarging those of the nation. They will surely provide for the regular
convocation of the States General in future. Other things talked of, are
a bill of rights, habeas corpus civil list, and a negative at least on
legislative acts. The kingdom has been in the most perfect tranquillity
since the announcing the States General for January. I doubt, however, the
possibility of convoking them so soon.
Prince Henry of Russia arrived here the day before yesterday. Remarkable
deaths are the Marshal de Biron and Marquis de Chastellux.
Nobody wishes more sincerely than I do to see the States, individually
as well as collectively, extricate themselves from their debts. But
having, in the letters I formerly gave you for South Carolina, said as
much on that subject as prudence would permit me, I am afraid to add
anything more. I thank you for your information on the subject of the
whale fishery. After the hint I gave you, you would not expect to see the
_Arret_ of September 26th. I cannot now explain it to you, nor tell you
with certainty in what form it will finally rest as to us. I am, with very
great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. DUMAS.
PARIS, November 3, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favors of the 10th and 23d of
October, and sincerely sympathize with you in your sufferings, without
being able to relieve them. Nor can I even conjecture what Congress will
decide as to the Brussels proposition. I should be puzzled myself to
suggest anything better at this moment.
You have doubtless heard that North Carolina has thought it best to
propose amendments to the new Constitution before acceding to it. She has
no disposition to separate from the Union, even if no amendments be made,
as she has not come to a negative decision, but left the matter open. So
many States have desired alterations, that I suppose those will be made
in which almost all have agreed. A bill of rights will comprehend most of
them. In the meantime, the new government will go on.
The Notables meet at Versailles the day after to-morrow, to decide on
the composition and convocation of the States General. Till the States
shall meet, this country will probably not take any measure which may
engage it in a war. In the meantime, the King of Prussia seems itching
to be engaged. He calculates only on the torpitude of the present moment
in which France is: he does not seem to take into account the difference
between his head and the late King's. This may be equal, perhaps, to half
his army. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and attachment, dear
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 14, 1788.
SIR,--In my letter of December the 21st, 1787, I had the honor of
acknowledging the receipt of your two favors of July the 27th, 1787,
which had come to my hands December the 19th, and brought with them
my full powers for treating on the subject of the consular convention.
Being then much engaged in getting forward the _Arret_ which came out
on the 29th of December, and willing to leave some interval between
that act and the solicitation of a reconsideration of our consular
convention, I had declined mentioning it, for some time, and was just
about to bring it on the carpet, when it became necessary for me to
go to Amsterdam. Immediately after my return, which was about the last
of April, I introduced the subject to the Count de Montmorin, and have
followed it unremittingly, from that time. The office of Marine, as well
as that of Foreign Affairs, being to be consulted in all the stages of
the negotiation, has protracted its conclusion till this time; it is at
length signed this day, and I have now the honor to enclose the original,
for the ratification of Congress. The principal changes effected are the
following:
The clauses of the Convention of 1784, clothing consuls with privileges of
the law of nations, are struck out, and they are expressly subjected, in
their persons and property, to the laws of the land.
That giving the right of sanctuary to their houses, is reduced to a
protection of their chancery room and its papers.
Their coercive powers over passengers are taken away; and over those,
whom they might have termed deserters of their nation, are restrained to
deserted seamen only.
The clause, allowing them to arrest and send back vessels, is struck out,
and instead of it, they are allowed to exercise a police over the ships of
their nation generally.
So is that, which declared the indelibility of the character of the
subject, and the explanation and extension of the eleventh article of the
treaty of amity.
The innovations in the laws of evidence are done away; and the convention
is limited to twelve years' duration. Convinced that the fewer examples,
the better, of either persons or causes unamenable to the laws of the
land, I could have wished still more had been done; but more could not be
done, with good humor. The extensions of authority given by the convention
of 1784, were so homogeneous with the spirit of this government, that they
were prized here. Monsieur de Reyneval has had the principal charge of
arranging this instrument with me; and, in justice to him, I must say, I
could not have desired more reasonable and friendly dispositions, than he
demonstrated through the whole of it.
I enclose herewith, the several schemes successively proposed between us,
together with the copies of the written observations given in with them,
and which served as texts of discussion, in our personal conferences. They
may serve as a commentary on any passage which may need it, either now
or hereafter, and as a history how any particular passage comes to stand
as it does. No. 1, is the convention of 1784. No. 2, is my first scheme.
No. 3, theirs in answer to it. No. 4, my next, which brought us so near
together, that, in a conference on that, we arranged it in the form in
which it has been signed. I add No. 5, the copy of a translation which I
have put into their hands, with a request, that if they find any passages
in which the sense of the original is not faithfully rendered, they
will point them out to me; otherwise, we may consider it as having their
approbation. This, and the convention of 1784 (marked No. 1), are placed
side by side, so as to present to the eye, with less trouble, the changes
made; and I enclose a number of printed copies of them, for the use of the
members, who will have to decide on the ratification. It is desirable that
the ratification should be sent here for exchange, as soon as possible.
With respect to the consular appointments, it is a duty on me to add
some observations, which my situation here has enabled me to make. I
think it was in the spring of 1784, that Congress (harassed by multiplied
applications from foreigners, of whom nothing was known but on their
own information, or on that of others as unknown as themselves) came to
a resolution, that the interest of America would not permit the naming
any person not a citizen, to the office of consul, vice-consul, agent or
commissary. This was intended as a general answer to that swarm of foreign
pretenders. It appears to me, that it will be best, still to preserve a
part of this regulation. _Native_ citizens, on several valuable accounts,
are preferable to aliens, and to citizens alien-born. They possess
our language, know our laws, customs, and commerce; have, generally,
acquaintance in the United States; give better satisfaction, and are
more to be relied on, in point of fidelity. Their disadvantages are, an
imperfect acquaintance with the language of this country, and an ignorance
of the organization of its judicial and executive powers, and consequent
awkwardness, whenever application to either of these is necessary, as
it frequently is. But it happens, that in some of the principal ports
of France, there is not a single American (as in Marseilles, L'Orient,
and Havre), in others but one (as in Nantes and Rouen), and in Bordeaux
only, are there two or three. Fortunately for the present moment, most
of these are worthy of appointments. But we should look forward to future
times, when there may happen to be no native citizens in a port, but such
as, being bankrupt, have taken asylum in France from their creditors, or
young ephemeral adventurers in commerce, without substance or conduct,
or other descriptions, which might disgrace the consular office, without
protecting our commerce. To avail ourselves of our good _native citizens_,
when we have one in a port, and when there are none, to have yet some
person to attend to our affairs, it appears to me advisable, to declare,
by a standing law, that no person but a native citizen shall be capable
of the office of _consul_, and that the consul's presence in his port
should suspend, for the time, the functions of the vice-consul. This is
the rule of 1784, restrained to the office of _consul_, and to _native_
citizens. The establishing this, by a standing law, will guard against
the effect of particular applications, and will shut the door against such
applications, which will otherwise be numerous. This done, the office of
vice-consul may be given to the best subject in the port, whether citizen
or alien, and that of consul be kept open for any native citizen of
superior qualifications, who might come afterwards to establish himself
in the port. The functions of the vice-consul would become dormant during
the presence of his principal, come into activity again on his departure,
and thus spare us and them, the painful operation of revoking and reviving
their commissions perpetually. Add to this, that during the presence of
the consul, the vice-consul would not be merely useless, but would be a
valuable counsellor to his principal, new in the office, the language,
laws and customs of the country. Every consul and vice-consul should be
restrained in his jurisdiction, to the port for which he is named, and the
territory nearer to that than to any other consular or vice consular port,
and no idea be permitted to arise, that the grade of consul gives a right
to any authority whatever over a vice-consul, or draws on any dependence.
* * * * *
It is now proper I should give some account of the state of our dispute
with Schweighauser and Dobrée. In the conversation I had with Dobrée
at Nantes, he appeared to think so rationally on the subject, that I
thought there would be no difficulty in accommodating it with him, and
I wished rather to settle it by accommodation, than to apply to the
minister. I afterwards had it intimated to him, through the medium of Mr.
Carnes, that I had it in idea, to propose a reference to arbitrators. He
expressed a cheerful concurrence in it. I thereupon made the proposition
to him formally, by letter, mentioning particularly, that we would
choose our arbitrators of some neutral nation, and, of preference, from
among the Dutch refugees here. I was surprised to receive an answer
from him, wherein, after expressing his own readiness to accede to this
proposition, he added, that on consulting Mr. Puchilberg, he had declined
it; nevertheless, he wished a fuller explanation from me, as to the
subjects to be submitted to arbitration. I gave him that explanation,
and he answered finally, that Mr. Puchilberg refused all accommodation,
and insisted that the matter should be decided by the tribunals of the
country. Accommodation being at an end, I wrote to Monsieur de Montmorin,
and insisted on the usage of nations, which does not permit the effects of
one sovereign to be seized in the territories of another, and subjected
to judiciary decision there. I am promised that the stores shall be
delivered; but the necessary formalities will occasion some delay. The
King being authorized to call all causes before himself, ours will be
evoked from the tribunal where it is, and will be ended by an order to
deliver up the stores arrested, leaving it to the justice of Congress, to
do afterwards what is right, as to the demand of Schweighauser and Dobrée.
I wish I could receive instructions what to do with the stores, when
delivered. The arms had certainly better be sent to America, as they are
good, and yet will sell here for little or nothing. The gun stocks and old
iron had better be sold here; but what should be done with the anchors?
Being thoroughly persuaded that Congress wish that substantial justice
should be done to Schweighauser and Dobrée, I shall, after the stores are
secured, repeat my proposition of arbitration to them. If they then refuse
it, I shall return all the papers to America, and consider my powers for
settling this matter as at an end.
I have received no answer yet from Denmark, on the subject of the prizes;
nor do I know whether to ascribe this silence to an intention to evade
the demand, or to the multitude of affairs they have had on their hands
lately. Patience seems to be prudence in this case; to indispose them,
would do no good, and might do harm. I shall write again soon, if no
answer be received in the meantime.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
[The following is the translation of the convention referred to as No. 5,
in the preceding letter.]
_Convention between his most Christian Majesty and the United
States of America, for the purpose of defining and establishing
the functions and privileges of their respective Consuls and
vice-Consuls._
His Majesty the most Christian King, and the United States of America,
having, by the twenty-ninth article of the treaty of amity and commerce
concluded between them, mutually granted the liberty of having, in
their respective States and ports, Consuls, vice-Consuls, Agents and
Commissaries, and being willing, in consequence thereof, to define
and establish in a reciprocal and permanent manner, the functions
and privileges of Consuls and vice-Consuls, which they have judged it
convenient to establish of preference, his M. C. Majesty has nominated
the Sieur Count of Montmorin of St. Herent, Marechal of his Camps and
Armies, Knight of his Orders and of the Golden Fleece, his Counsellor in
all his Councils, Minister and Secretary of State, and of his Commandments
and Finances, having the department of foreign affairs, and the United
States have nominated Thomas Jefferson, of the United States of America,
and their Minister Plenipotentiary near the King, who after having
communicated to each other their respective full powers, have agreed on
what follows:
Article I. The Consuls and vice-Consuls named by the M. C. K. and the
United States, shall be bound to present their commissions according to
the forms which shall be established respectively by the M. C. K. within
his dominions, and by the Congress within the United States, there shall
be delivered to them, without any charges, the Exequatur necessary for
the exercise of their functions; and on exhibiting the said Exequatur,
the governors, commanders, heads of justice, bodies corporate, tribunals
and other officers having authority in the ports and places of their
consulates, shall cause them to enjoy immediately, and without difficulty,
the pre-eminences, authority and privileges, reciprocally granted, without
exacting from the said Consuls and vice-Consuls any fee under any pretext
whatever.
Article II. The Consuls and vice-Consuls, and persons attached to their
functions, that is to say, their chancellors and secretaries, shall
enjoy a full and entire immunity for their chancery and the papers which
shall be therein contained; they shall be exempt from all personal
service, from soldiers' billets, militia, watch, guard, guardianship,
trusteeship, as well as from all duties, taxes, impositions, and charges
whatsoever, except on the estate real and personal of which they may be
the proprietors or possessors, which shall be subject to the taxes imposed
on the estates of all other individuals; and in all other instances, they
shall be subject to the laws of the land, as the natives are.
Those of the said Consuls and vice-Consuls who shall exercise commerce,
shall be respectively subject to all taxes, charges and impositions
established on other merchants.
They shall place over the outward door of their house the arms of their
sovereign; but this mark of indication shall not give to the said house,
any privilege of asylum for any person or property whatsoever.
Article III. The respective Consuls and vice-Consuls may establish agents
in the different ports and places of their departments, where necessity
shall require. These agents may be chosen among the merchants, either
national or foreign, and furnished with a commission from one of the said
Consuls; they shall confine themselves respectively to the rendering to
their respective merchants, navigators, and vessels all possible service,
and to inform the nearest Consul of the wants of the said merchants,
navigators and vessels, without the said agents otherwise participating
in the immunities, rights and privileges attributed to Consuls and
vice-Consuls, and without power under any pretext whatever, to exact from
the said merchants any duty or emolument whatsoever.
Article IV. The Consuls and vice-Consuls respectively, may establish
a chancery, where shall be deposited the consular determinations, acts
and proceedings, as also testaments, obligations, contracts, and other
acts done by or between persons of their nation, and effects left by
descendents, or saved from shipwreck.
They may, consequently, appoint fit persons to act in the said chancery,
qualify and swear them in, commit to them the custody of the seal, and
authority to seal commissions, sentences and other consular acts, and also
to discharge the functions of notaries and registers of the consulate.
Article V. The Consuls and vice-Consuls respectively, shall have the
exclusive right of receiving in their chancery, or on board their vessels,
the declarations and all other the acts which the captains, masters,
crews, passengers and merchants of their nation may choose to make there,
even their testaments and other disposals by last will; and the copies
of the said acts, duly authenticated by the said Consuls or vice-Consuls,
under the seal of their consulate, shall receive faith in law, equally as
their originals would, in all the tribunals of the dominions of the M. C.
King and the United States.
They shall also have, and exclusively, in case of the absence of the
testamentary executor, guardian or lawful representative, the right to
inventory, liquidate, and proceed to the sale of the personal estate
left by subjects or citizens of their nation, who shall die within
the extent of their consulate; they shall proceed therein with the
assistance of two merchants of their said nation, or, for want of them,
of any other at their choice, and shall cause to be deposited in their
chancery, the effects and papers of the said estates; and no officer,
military, judiciary, or of the police of the country, shall disturb them
or interfere therein in any manner whatsoever; but the said Consuls and
vice-Consuls shall not deliver up the said effects, nor the proceeds
thereof, to the lawful representatives, or to their order, till they
shall have caused to be paid all debts which the deceased shall have
contracted in the country; for which purpose, the creditor shall have a
right to attach the said effects in their hands, as they might in those
of any other individual whatever, and proceed to obtain sale of them,
till payment of what shall be lawfully due to them. When the debts shall
not have been contracted by judgment, deed or note, the signature whereof
shall be known, payment shall not be ordered, but on the creditor's
giving sufficient surety resident in that country, to refund the sums he
shall have unduly received, principal, interest and costs; which surety,
nevertheless, shall stand duly discharged after the term of one year,
in time of peace, and of two, in time of war, if the discharge cannot be
formed before the end of this term, against the representatives who shall
present themselves.
And in order that the representatives may not be unjustly kept out of the
effects of the deceased, the Consuls and vice-Consuls shall notify his
death in some one of the gazettes published within their consulate, and
that they shall retain the said effects in their hands four months, to
answer all just demands which shall be presented; and they shall be bound,
after this delay, to deliver to the persons succeeding thereto, what shall
be more than sufficient for the demands which shall have been formed.
Article VI. The Consuls and vice-Consuls respectively, shall receive the
declarations, protests and reports, of all captains and masters of their
respective nations, on account of average losses sustained at sea; and
these captains and masters shall lodge in the chancery of the said Consuls
and vice-Consuls, the acts which they may have made in other ports, on
account of the accidents which may have happened to them on their voyage.
If a subject of the M. C. K. and a citizen of the United States, or a
foreigner, are interested in the said cargo, the average shall be settled
by the tribunals of the country, and not by the Consuls or vice-Consuls;
but when only the subjects or citizens of their own nation shall be
interested, the respective Consuls or vice-Consuls shall appoint skilful
persons to settle the damages and average.
Article VII. In cases where by tempest, or other accident, French ships
or vessels shall be stranded on the coasts of the United States, and
ships or vessels of the United States shall be stranded on the coasts of
the dominions of the M. C. K., the Consul or vice-Consul nearest to the
place of shipwreck shall do whatever he may judge proper, as well for the
purpose of saving the said ship or vessel, its cargo and appurtenances, as
for the storing and the security of the effects and merchandise saved. He
may take an inventory of them, without the intermeddling of any officers
of the military, of the customs, of justice, or of the police of the
country, otherwise than to give the Consuls, vice-Consuls, captain and
crew of the vessels shipwrecked or stranded, all the succor and favor
which they shall ask of them, either for the expedition and security of
the saving and of the effects saved, as to prevent all disturbance.
And in order to prevent all kind of dispute and discussion in the said
cases of shipwreck, it is agreed that when there shall be no Consul or
vice-Consul to attend to the saving of the wreck, or that the residence of
the said Consul or vice-Consul (he not being at the place of the wreck)
shall be more distant from the said place than that of the competent
judge of the country, the latter shall immediately proceed therein, with
all the despatch, certainty and precautions, prescribed by the respective
laws; but the said territorial judge shall retire, on the arrival of the
Consul or vice-Consul, and shall deliver over to him the report of his
proceedings, the expenses of which, the Consul or vice-Consul shall cause
to be reimbursed to him, as well as those of saving the wreck.
The merchandise and effects saved, shall be deposited in the nearest
Custom-house, or other place of safety, with the inventory thereof,
which shall have been made by the Consul or vice-Consul, or by the judge
who shall have proceeded in their absence, that the said effects and
merchandise may be afterwards delivered (after levying therefrom the
costs), and without form of process, to the owners, who, being furnished
with an order for their delivery, from the nearest Consul or vice-Consul,
shall reclaim them by themselves, or by their order, either for the
purpose of re-exporting such merchandise, in which case they shall
pay no kind of duty of exportation, or for that of selling them in the
country, if they be not prohibited there; and in this last case, the said
merchandise, if they be damaged, shall be allowed an abatement of entrance
duties, proportioned to the damage they have sustained, which shall be
ascertained by the affidavits taken at the time the vessel was wrecked or
struck.
Article VIII. The Consuls and vice-Consuls shall exercise police over all
the vessels of their respective nations, and shall have on board the said
vessels, all power and jurisdiction in civil matters, in all the disputes
which may there arise; they shall have an entire inspection over the said
vessels, their crew and the changes and substitutions there to be made.
For which purpose, they may go on board the said vessels wherever they
may judge it necessary; well understood, that the functions hereby allowed
shall be confined to the interior of the vessels, and that they shall not
take place in any case, which shall have any interference with the police
of the ports where the said vessels shall be.
Article IX. The Consuls and vice-Consuls may cause to be arrested,
the captains officers, mariners, sailors, and all other persons, being
part of the crews of the vessels of their respective nations, who shall
have deserted from the said vessels, in order to send them back, and
transport them out of the country. For which purpose, the said Consuls and
vice-Consuls shall address themselves to the courts, judges and officers
competent, and shall demand the said deserters in writing, proving by
an exhibition of the registers of the vessel or ship's roll, that those
men were part of the said crews; and on this demand, so proved (saving,
however, where the contrary is proved), the delivery shall not be refused;
and there shall be given all aid and assistance to the said Consuls and
vice-Consuls, for the search, seizure and arrest of the said deserters,
who shall even be detained and kept in the prisons of the country, at
their request and expense, until they shall have found an opportunity of
sending them back. But if they be not sent back within three months, to
be counted from the day of their arrest, they shall be set at liberty, and
shall be no more arrested for the same cause.
Article X. In cases where the respective subjects or citizens shall have
committed any crime, or breach of the peace, they shall be amenable to the
judges of the country.
Article XI. When the said offenders shall be a part of the crew of a
vessel of their nation, and shall have withdrawn themselves on board
the said vessel, they may be there seized and arrested by order of the
judges of the country; these shall give notice thereof to the Consul
or vice-Consul, who may repair on board, if he thinks proper; but this
notification shall not, in any case, delay execution of the order in
question. The persons arrested, shall not afterwards be set at liberty,
until the Consul or vice-Consul shall have been notified thereof; and they
shall be delivered to him, if he requires it, to be put again on board of
the vessels on which they were arrested, or of others of their nation, and
to be sent out of the country.
Article XII. All differences and suits between the subjects of the M. C.
K. in the U. S. or between the citizens of the United States within the
dominions of the M. C. K. and particularly all disputes relative to the
wages and terms of engagement of the crews of the respective vessels, and
all differences of whatever nature they be, which may arise between the
privates of the said crews, or between any of them and their captains,
or between the captains of different vessels of their nation, shall
be determined by the respective Consuls and vice-Consuls, either by a
reference to arbitrators, or by a summary judgment, and without costs.
No officer of the country, civil or military, shall interfere therein,
or take any part whatever in the matter; and the appeals from the said
consular sentences, shall be carried before the tribunals of France or of
the United States, to whom it may appertain to take cognizance thereof.
Article XIII. The general utility of commerce, having caused to be
established within the dominions of the M. C. K. particular tribunals and
forms, for expediting the decision of commercial affairs, the merchants
of the U. S. shall enjoy the benefit of these establishments; and the
Congress of the U. S. will provide in the manner the most conformable to
its laws, equivalent advantages in favor of the French merchants, for the
prompt despatch and decision of affairs of the same nature.
Article XIV. The subjects of the M. C. K. and citizens of the U. S.
who shall prove by legal evidence, that they are of the said nations
respectively, shall, in consequence, enjoy an exemption from all personal
service in the place of their settlement.
Article XV. If any other nation acquires, by virtue of any convention
whatever, a treatment more favorable with respect to the consular
pre-eminences, powers, authority and privileges, the Consuls and
vice-Consuls of the M. C. K., or of the U. S. reciprocally, shall
participate therein, agreeably to the terms stipulated by the second,
third, and fourth articles of the treaty of amity and commerce, concluded
between the M. C. K. and the U. S.
Article XVI. The present convention shall be in full force during the
term of twelve years, to be counted from the day of the exchange of
ratifications, which shall be given in proper form, and exchanged on both
sides, within the space of one year, or sooner, if possible.
In faith whereof, we, Ministers Plenipotentiary, have signed the present
convention, and have thereto set the seal of our arms.
Done at Versailles the 14th of November, one thousand seven hundred and
eighty-eight.
L. C. DE MONTMORIN.} {TH: JEFFERSON.
L. S. } Signed. { L. S.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, November 18, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 31st July; since which, I have
received yours of July the 24th, August the 10th and 23d. The first part
of this long silence in me, was occasioned by a knowledge that you were
absent from New York; the latter part, by a want of opportunity, which has
been longer than usual. Mr. Shippen being just arrived here, and to set
out to-morrow for London, I avail myself of that channel of conveyance.
Mr. Carrington was so kind as to send me the second volume of the American
Philosophical Transactions, the Federalist, and some other interesting
pamphlets; and I am to thank you for another copy of the Federalist, and
the report of the instructions to the ministers, for negotiating peace.
The latter, unluckily, omitted exactly the passage I wanted, which was
what related to the navigation of the Mississippi. With respect to the
Federalist, the three authors had been named to me. I read it with care,
pleasure and improvement, and was satisfied there was nothing in it by
one of those hands, and not a great deal by a second. It does the highest
honor to the third, as being, in my opinion, the best commentary on the
principles of government, which ever was written. In some parts, it is
discoverable that the author means only to say what may be best said
in defence of opinions, in which he did not concur. But in general, it
establishes firmly the plan of government. I confess, it has rectified
me on several points. As to the bill of rights, however, I still think
it should be added; and I am glad to see, that three States have at
length considered the perpetual re-eligibility of the President, as an
article which should be amended. I should deprecate with you, indeed, the
meeting of a new convention. I hope they will adopt the mode of amendment
by Congress and the Assemblies, in which case, I should not fear any
dangerous innovation in the plan. But the minorities are too respectable,
not to be entitled to some sacrifice of opinion, in the majority;
especially, when a great proportion of them would be contented with a bill
of rights.
Here, things internally are going on well. The Notables now in session,
have, indeed, passed one vote, which augurs ill to the rights of the
people; but if they do not obtain now so much as they have a right to,
they will in the long run. The misfortune is, that they are not yet ripe
for receiving the blessings to which they are entitled. I doubt, for
instance, whether the body of the nation, if they could be consulted,
would accept of a habeas corpus law, if offered them by the King. If
the _Etats Genereux_, when they assemble, do not aim at too much, they
may begin a good constitution. There are three articles which they may
easily obtain; 1, their own meeting, periodically; 2, the exclusive right
of taxation; 3, the right of registering laws and proposing amendments
to them, as exercised now by the parliaments. This last, would be
readily approved by the court, on account of their hostility against
the parliaments, and would lead immediately to the origination of laws;
the second has been already solemnly avowed by the King; and it is well
understood, there would be no opposition to the first. If they push at
much more, all may fail. I shall not enter further into public details,
because my letter to Mr. Jay will give them. That contains a request of
permission to return to America, the next spring, for the summer only. The
reasons therein urged, drawn from my private affairs, are very cogent.
But there is another, more cogent on my mind, though of a nature not
to be explained in a public letter. It is the necessity of attending my
daughters, myself, to their own country, and depositing them safely in the
hands of those with whom I can safely leave them. I have deferred this
request as long as circumstances would permit, and am in hopes it will
meet with no difficulty. I have had too many proofs of your friendship,
not to rely on your patronage of it, as, in all probability, nothing can
suffer by a short absence. But the _immediate_ permission is what I am
anxious about; as by going in April and returning in October, I shall
be sure of pleasant and short passages, out and in. I must entreat your
attention, my friend, to this matter, and that the answers may be sent me
through several channels.
Mr. Limozin, at Havre, sent you, by mistake, a package belonging to
somebody else. I do not know what it contained, but he has written to you
on the subject, and prayed me to do the same; he is likely to suffer if it
be not returned.
Supposing that the funding their foreign debt will be among the first
operations of the new government, I send you two estimates; the one by
myself, the other by a gentleman infinitely better acquainted with the
subject, showing what fund will suffice to discharge the principal and
interest, as it shall become due, aided by occasional loans, which the
same fund will repay. I enclose them to you, because collating them
together, and with your own ideas, you will be able to devise something
better than either; but something must be done. This government will
expect, I fancy, a very satisfactory provision for the payment of their
debt, from the first session of the new Congress. Perhaps, in this matter,
as well as the arrangement of your foreign affairs, I may be able, when
on the spot with you, to give some information and suggest some hints,
which may render my visit to my native country not altogether useless.
I consider as no small advantage the resuming the tone of mind of my
constituents, which is lost by long absence, and can only be recovered
by mixing with them; and shall particularly hope for much profit and
pleasure, by contriving to pass as much time as possible with you. Should
you have a trip to Virginia in contemplation, for that year, I hope you
will time it so as that we may be there together. I will camp you at
Monticello, where, if illy entertained otherwise, you shall not want
books. In firm hope of a happy meeting with you in the spring, or early
in summer, I conclude with assurances of the sincere esteem and attachment
with which I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO A. DONALD.
PARIS, November 18, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--Often solicited by persons on this side the water, to inquire
for their friends in America, about whose fate they are uncertain, I can
only hand on their requests to my friends in America. The enclosed letter
from the Chevalier de Sigougne, desires some inquiry after his brother,
whom he supposes to have settled at Todd's Bridge. As this is within your
reach, I must refer the request to your humanity, and beg of you, if you
can hear of him, you will be so good as to give me an account of him,
returning me the enclosed letter at the same time.
The campaign between the Turks and Russians has been tolerably equal. The
Austrians have suffered through the whole of it. By the interposition
of Prussia and England, peace is likely to be made between Russia,
Denmark, and Sweden. This is a proof that England does not meant to
engage in the war herself. This country will certainly engage herself in
no manner, externally, before the meeting of her States General. This
assembly has been so long disused, that the forms of its convocation
occasion difficulty. The Notables have been convened to prescribe them,
and they are now in session. I am in hopes this will end in giving a
good degree of liberty to this country. They enjoy, at present, the most
perfect tranquillity within; their stocks, however, continue low, and
money difficult to be got for current expenses. It is hoped that Mr.
Neckar's talents and popularity, with the aid of a National Assembly,
will extricate them from their difficulties. We have been daily expecting
to hear of the death of the King of England: our last news is of the
11th, when he was thought in the utmost danger. This event might produce
a great change in the situation of things: it is supposed Mr. Fox would
come into place, and he has been generally understood to be disposed
for war. Should the King survive, I think the continuance of peace more
probable at present, than it has been for some time past. Be so good as to
contrive the enclosed letter by a very safe conveyance. Remember me in the
most friendly terms to Dr. Currie, and be assured yourself of the esteem
and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 19, 1788.
SIR,--Since my letter of September the 5th, wherein I acknowledged Mr.
Remsen's favor of July the 25th, I have written those of September the
24th, and of the 14th instant. This last will accompany the present, both
going by the way of London, for want of a direct opportunity; but they go
by a private hand.
No late event worth notice has taken place between the Turks and
Austrians. The former continue in the territories of the latter, with all
the appearances of superiority. On the side of Russia, the war wears an
equal force, except that the Turks are still masters of the Black Sea.
Oczakow is not yet taken. Denmark furnished to Russia its stipulated
quota of troops, with so much alacrity, and was making such other warlike
preparations, that it was believed they meant to become principals in the
war against Sweden. Russia and England hereupon interposed efficaciously.
Their ministers appointed to mediate, gave notice to the court of
Copenhagen, that they would declare war against them in the name of their
two sovereigns, if they did not immediately withdraw their troops from
the Swedish territories. The court of London has since said, that their
minister (Elliot) went further in this than he was authorized. However,
the Danish troops are retiring. Poland is augmenting its army from twenty
to an hundred thousand men. Nevertheless, it seems as if England and
Prussia meant, in earnest, to stop the war in that quarter, contented
to leave the two empires in the hands of the Turks. France, desired by
Sweden to join the courts of London and Berlin in their mediation between
Sweden and Russia, has declined it. We may be assured she will meddle in
nothing external, before the meeting of the States General. Her temporary
annihilation in the political scale of Europe, leaves to England and
Prussia the splendid roll of giving the law without meeting the shadow
of opposition. The internal tranquillity of this country is perfect;
their stocks, however, continue low, and the difficulty of getting money
to face current expenses, very great. In the contest between the King
and parliament, the latter, fearing the power of the former, passed the
convoking the States General. The government found itself obliged by
other difficulties, also to recur to the same expedient. The parliament,
after its recall, showed that it was now become apprehensive of the States
General, and discovered a determination to cavil at their form, so as to
have a right to deny their legality, if that body should undertake to
abridge their powers. The court, hereupon, very adroitly determined to
call the same Notables who had been approved by the nation the last year,
to decide on the form of convoking the Etats Genereux: thus withdrawing
itself from the disputes which the parliament might excite, and committing
them with the nation. The Notables are now in session. The government
had manifestly discovered a disposition that the Tiers etat, or Commons,
should have as many representatives in the States General as the Nobility
and Clergy together; but five _bureaux_ of the Notables have voted by very
great majorities, that they should have only an equal number with each of
the other orders, singly. One _bureau_, by a majority of a single voice,
had agreed to give the Commons the double number of representatives.
This is the first symptom of a decided combination between the Nobility
and Clergy, and will necessarily throw the people into the scale of the
King. It is doubted whether the States can be called so early as January,
though the government, urged by the want of money, is for pressing the
convocation. It is still more uncertain, what the States will do when they
meet: there are three objects which they may attain, probably without
opposition, from the court: 1, a periodical meeting of the States; 2,
their exclusive rights of taxation; 3, the right of enregistering laws
and proposing amendments to them, as now exercised by the parliaments.
This would lead, as it did in England, to the right of originating laws.
The parliament would, by the last measure, be reduced to a mere judiciary
body, and would probably oppose it. But against the King and nation, their
opposition could not succeed. If the States stop here, for the present
moment, all will probably end well, and they may, in future sessions,
obtain a suppression of _lettres de cachet_, a free press, a civil list,
and other valuable modifications of their government. But it is to be
feared, that an impatience to rectify everything at once, which prevails
in some minds, may terrify the court, and lead them to appeal to force,
and to depend on that alone.
Before this can reach you, you will probably have heard of an _Arret_,
passed the 28th of September, for prohibiting the introduction of foreign
whale oils, without exception. The English had glutted the markets of
this country with their oils: it was proposed to exclude them, and an
_Arret_ was drawn, with an exception for us: in the last stage of the
_Arret_, the exception was struck out, without my having any warning, or
even suspicion of this. I suspect this stroke came from the Count de La
Luzerne, minister of marine; but I cannot affirm it positively. As soon as
I was apprized of this, which was several days after it passed (because it
was kept secret till published in their seaports), I wrote to the Count de
Montmorin a letter, of which the enclosed is a copy, and had conference
on the subject, from time to time, with him and the other ministers.
I found them prepossessed by the partial information of their Dunkirk
fishermen; and therefore thought it necessary to give them a view of the
whole subject in writing, which I did: in the place of which, I enclose
you a printed copy. I therein entered into more details, than the question
between us seemed rigorously to require. I was led to them by other
objects. The most important was, to disgust Mr. Neckar, as an economist,
against their new fishery, by letting him foresee its expense. The
particular manufactures suggested to them, were in consequence of repeated
applications from the shippers of rice and tobacco; other details which
do not appear immediately pertinent, were occasioned by circumstances
which had arisen in conversation, or an apparent necessity of giving
information on the whole matter. At a conference, in the presence of M.
Lambert, on the 16th (where I was ably aided by the Marquis de La Fayette,
as I have been through the whole business), it was agreed to except us
from the prohibition. But they will require rigorous assurance, that
the oils coming under our name, are really of our fishery. They fear
we shall cover the introduction of the English oils from Halifax. The
_Arret_ for excepting us was communicated to me, but the formalities of
proving the oils to be American, were not yet inserted. I suppose they
will require every vessel to bring a certificate from their consul or
vice-consul, residing in the State from which it comes. More difficult
proofs were sometimes talked of. I supposed I might surely affirm to them,
that our government would do whatever it could to prevent this fraud,
because it is as much our interest as theirs, to keep the market for the
French and American oils only. I am told Massachusetts has prohibited
the introduction of foreign fish oils into her ports. This law, if well
executed, will be an effectual guard against fraud; and a similar one in
the other States interested in this fishery, would much encourage this
government to continue her indulgence to us. Though the _Arret_, then, for
the re-admission of our oils, is not yet passed, I think I may assure you
it will be so in a few days, and of course, that this branch of commerce,
after so threatening an appearance, will be on a better footing than ever,
as enjoying, jointly with the French oil, a monopoly of their markets.
The continuance of this will depend on the growth of their fishery.
Whenever they become able to supply their own wants, it is very possible
they may refuse to take our oils; but I do not believe it possible for
them to raise their fishery to that, unless they can continue to draw off
our fishermen from us. Their seventeen ships, this year, had one hundred
and fifty of our sailors on board. I do not know what number the English
have got into their service. You will readily perceive, that there are
particulars in these printed observations, which it would not be proper
to suffer to become public. They were printed merely that a copy might be
given to each minister, and care has been taken to let them go in no other
hands.
I must now trouble Congress with a petition on my own behalf. When I left
my own house in October, 1783, it was to attend Congress as a member,
and in expectation of returning in five or six months. In the month of
May following, however, I was desired to come to Europe, as member of a
commission, which was to continue two years only. I came off immediately,
without going home to make any other arrangements in my affairs, thinking
they would not suffer greatly before I should return to them. Before
the close of the two years, Doctor Franklin retiring from his charge
here, Congress were pleased to name me to it; so that I have been led on
by events, to an absence of five years, instead of five months. In the
meantime matters of great moment to others as well as myself, and which
can be arranged by nobody but myself, will await no longer. Another motive
of still more powerful cogency on my mind, is the necessity of carrying
my family back to their friends and country. I must, therefore, ask of
Congress a leave of short absence. Allowing three months on the sea,
going and coming, and two months at my own house, which will suffice for
my affairs, I need not be from Paris but between five and six months. I
do not foresee anything which can suffer during my absence. The consular
convention is finished, except as to the exchange of ratification, which
will be the affair of a day only. The difference with Schweighauser and
Dobrée, relative to our arms, will be finished. That of Denmark, if ever
finished, will probably be long spun out. The ransom of the Algerine
captives, is the only matter likely to be on hand. That cannot be set
on foot till the money is raised in Holland, and an order received for
its application; probably these will take place, so that I may set it
in motion before my departure; if not, I can still leave it on such a
footing as to be put into motion the moment the money can be paid. And
even when the leave of Congress shall be received, I will not make use
of it, if there is anything of consequence which may suffer; but would
postpone my departure till circumstances will admit it. But should these
be as I expect they will, it will be vastly desirable to me, to receive
the permission immediately, so that I may go out as soon as the vernal
equinox is over, and be sure of my return in good time and season in
the fall. Mr. Short, who had had thoughts of returning to America, will
postpone that return till I come back. His talents and character allow
me to say, with confidence, that nothing will suffer in his hands. The
friendly dispositions of Monsieur de Montmorin would induce him readily
to communicate with Mr. Short in his present character; but should any of
his applications be necessary to be laid before the Council, they might
suffer difficulty; nor could he attend the diplomatic societies, which
are the most certain sources of good intelligence. Would Congress think it
expedient to remove the difficulties, by naming him secretary of legation,
so that he would act, of course, as chargé des affaires during my absence?
It would be just that the difference between the salary of a secretary
and a secretary of legation should cease, as soon as he should cease to
be charged with the affairs of the United States; that is to say, on my
return; and he would expect that. So that this difference for five or six
months, would be an affair of about one hundred and seventy guineas only,
which would be not more than equal to the additional expense that would
be brought on him necessarily by the change of character. I mention these
particulars, that Congress may see the end as well as the beginning of
the proposition, and have only to add, "their will be done." Leave for me
being obtained, I will ask it, Sir, of your friendship, to avail yourself
of various occasions to the ports of France and England, to convey me
immediate notice of it, and relieve me as soon as possible from the
anxiety of expectation, and the uncertainty in which I shall be. We have
been in daily expectation of hearing of the death of the King of England.
Our latest news are of the 11th. He had then been despaired of, for three
or four days; but as my letter is to pass through England, you will have
later accounts of him than that can give you. I send you the newspapers to
this date, and have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
P. S. The last crop of corn in France has been so short, that they
apprehend want. Mr. Neckar desires me to make known this scarcity to our
merchants, in hopes they would send supplies. I promised him I would. If
it could be done without naming him, it would be agreeable to him, and
probably advantageous to the adventurers.
[_The annexed are the observations on the subject of admitting our
whale oil in the markets of France, referred to in the preceding
letter._]
Whale oil enters, as a raw material, into several branches of manufacture,
as of wool, leather, soap: it is used also, in painting, architecture and
navigation. But its great consumption is in lighting houses and cities.
For this last purpose, however, it has a powerful competitor in the
vegetable oils. These do well in warm, still weather, but they fix with
cold, they extinguish easily with the wind, their crop is precarious,
depending on the seasons, and to yield the same light, a larger wick
must be used, and greater quantity of oil consumed. Estimating all these
articles of difference together, those employed in lighting cities find
their account in giving about twenty-five per cent. more for whale, than
for vegetable oils. But higher than this, the whale oil, in its present
form, cannot rise; because it then becomes more advantageous to the city
lighters to use others. This competition, then, limits its price, higher
than which no encouragement can raise it; and it becomes, as it were,
a law of its nature. But, at this low price, the whale fishery is the
poorest business into which a merchant or sailor can enter. If the sailor,
instead of wages, has a part of what is taken, he finds that this, one
year with another, yields him less than he could have got as wages in any
other business. It is attended, too, with great risk, singular hardships,
and long absence from his family. If the voyage is made solely at the
expense of the merchant, he finds that, one year with another, it does
not reimburse him his expense. As for example, an English ship of three
hundred tons and forty-two hands, brings home, _communibus annis_, after
four months' voyage, twenty-five tons of oil, worth four hundred and
thirty-seven pounds ten shillings sterling. But the wages of the officers
and seamen, will be four hundred pounds; the outfit, then, and the
merchant's profit, must be paid by the government; and it is accordingly
on this idea that the British bounty is calculated. From the poverty of
this business, then, it has happened that the nations who have taken it
up, have successively abandoned it. The Basques began it; but though the
most economical and enterprising of the inhabitants of France, they could
not continue it; and it is said they never employed more than thirty ships
a year. The Dutch and Hanse towns succeeded them. The latter gave it up
long ago. The English carried it on in competition with the Dutch, during
the last and beginning of the present century; but it was too little
profitable for them, in comparison with other branches of commerce open to
them.
In the meantime, the inhabitants of the barren island of Nantucket had
taken up this fishery, invited to it, by the whales presenting themselves
on their own shore. To them, therefore, the English relinquished it,
continuing to them, as British subjects, the importation of their oils
into England, duty free, while foreigners were subject to a duty of
eighteen pounds five shillings sterling, a ton. The Dutch were enabled
to continue it long, because, 1st. They are so near the northern fishing
grounds, that a vessel begins her fishing very soon after she is out
of port. 2d. They navigate with more economy than the other nations of
Europe. 3d. Their seamen are content with lower wages: and 4th, their
merchants, with a lower profit on their capital. Under all these favorable
circumstances, however, this branch of business, after long languishing,
is, at length, nearly extinct with them. It is said, they did not send
above half a dozen ships in pursuit of the whale, this present year.
The Nantuckois, then, were the only people who exercised this fishery to
any extent, at the commencement of the late war. Their country, from its
barrenness yielding no subsistence, they were obliged to seek it in the
sea which surrounded them. Their economy was more rigorous than that of
the Dutch. Their seamen, instead of wages, had a share in what was taken:
this induced them to fish with fewer hands, so that each had a greater
dividend in the profit; it made them more vigilant in seeking game, bolder
in pursuing it, and parsimonious in all their expenses. London was their
only market. When, therefore, by the late Revolution, they became aliens
in Great Britain, they became subject to the alien duty of eighteen
pounds five shillings, the ton of oil, which being more than equal to the
price of the common whale oil, they are obliged to abandon that fishery.
So that this people, who, before the war, had employed upwards of three
hundred vessels a year, in the whale fishery, (while Great Britain had
herself, never employed one hundred,) have now almost ceased to exercise
it. But they still had the seamen, the most important material for this
fishery; and they still retained the spirit for fishing: so that, at
the re-establishment of peace, they were capable, in a very short time,
of reviving their fishery, in all its splendor. The British government
saw that the moment was critical. They knew that their own share in that
fishery, was as nothing; that the great mass of fishermen was left with
a nation now separated from them; that these fishermen, however, had lost
their ancient market; had no other resource within their country, to which
they could turn; and they hoped, therefore, they might, in the present
moment of distress, be decoyed over to their establishments, and be added
to the mass of their seamen. To effect this, they offered extravagant
advantages to all persons who should exercise the whale fishery from
British establishments. But not counting with much confidence, on a long
connection with their remaining possessions on the continent of America,
foreseeing that the Nantuckois would settle in them, preferably, if put
on an equal footing with those of Great Britain, and that thus they might
have to purchase them the second time, they confined their high offers to
settlers in Great Britain. The Nantuckois, left without resource by the
loss of their market, began to think of removing to the British dominions;
some to Nova Scotia, preferring smaller advantages, in the neighborhood
of their ancient country and friends; others to Great Britain, postponing
country and friends to high premiums. A vessel was already arrived from
Halifax to Nantucket, to take off some of those who proposed to remove;
two families had gone on board, and others were going, when a letter
was received there, which had been written by Monsieur le Marquis de La
Fayette, to a gentleman in Boston, and transmitted by him to Nantucket.
The purport of the letter was, to dissuade their accepting the British
proposals, and to assure them, that their friends in France would endeavor
to do something for them. This instantly suspended their design: not
another went on board, and the vessel returned to Halifax, with only the
two families.
In fact, the French government had not been inattentive to the views
of the British, nor insensible to the crisis. They saw the danger of
permitting five or six thousand of the best seamen existing, to be
transferred by a single stroke to the marine strength of their enemy, and
to carry over with them an art, which they possessed almost exclusively.
The counterplan which they set on foot, was, to tempt the Nantuckois, by
high offers, to come and settle in France. This was in the year 1785. The
British, however, had in their favor a sameness of language, religion,
laws, habits, and kindred. Nine families only, of thirty-three persons in
the whole, came to Dunkirk; so that this project was not likely to prevent
their emigration to the English establishments, if nothing else had
happened.
France had effectually aided in detaching the United States of America
from the _force_ of Great Britain; but, as yet, they seemed to have
indulged only a silent wish, to detach them from her _commerce_. They had
done nothing to induce that event. In the same year, 1785, while M. de
Calonnes was in treaty with the Nantuckois, an estimate of the commerce
of the United States was submitted to the Count de Vergennes, and it was
shown, that of three millions of pounds sterling, to which their exports
amounted, one third might be brought to France, and exchanged against her
productions and manufactures, advantageously for both nations; provided
the obstacles of prohibition, monopoly and duty, were either done away
or moderated, as far as circumstances would admit. A committee, which
had been appointed to investigate a particular one of these objects,
was thereupon instructed to extend its researches to the whole, and
see what advantages and facilities the government could offer, for the
encouragement of a general commerce with the United States. The committee
was composed of persons well skilled in commerce; and after laboring
assiduously for several months, they made their report: the result of
which was given in the letter of his Majesty's Comptroller General, of
the 22d of October, 1786, wherein he stated the principles which should
be established, for the future regulation of the commerce between France
and the United States. It was become tolerably evident at the date of
this letter, that the terms offered to the Nantuckois, would not produce
their emigration to Dunkirk; and that it would be safest, in every event,
to offer some other alternative, which might prevent their acceptance of
the British offers. The obvious one was, to open the ports of France to
their oils, so that they might still exercise their fishery, remaining
in their native country, and find a new market for its produce, instead
of that which they had lost. The article of whale oil was, accordingly,
distinguished in the letter of M. de Calonnes, by an immediate abatement
of duty, and promise of further abatement, after the year 1790. This
letter was instantly sent to America, and bid fair to produce there
the effect intended, by determining the fishermen to carry on their
trade from their own homes, with the advantage only of a free market
in France, rather than remove to Great Britain, where a free market and
great bounty were offered them. An _Arret_ was still to be prepared, to
give legal sanction to the letter of M. de Calonnes. Monsieur Lambert,
with a patience and assiduity almost unexampled, went through all the
investigations necessary to assure himself, that the conclusion of the
committee had been just. Frequent conferences on this subject were held
in his presence; the deputies of the chambers of commerce were heard, and
the result was, the _Arret_ of December the 29th, 1787, confirming the
abatements of duty, present and future, which the letter of October, 1786,
had promised, and reserving to his Majesty, to grant still further favors
to that production, if, on further information, he should find it for the
interest of the two nations.
The English had now begun to deluge the markets of France, with their
whale oils; and they were enabled by the great premiums given by their
government, to undersell the French fisherman, aided by feebler premiums,
and the American, aided by his poverty alone. Nor is it certain, that
these speculations were not made at the risk of the British government,
to suppress the French and American fishermen in their only market. Some
remedy seemed necessary. Perhaps it would not have been a bad one, to
subject, by a general law, the merchandise of every nation, and of every
nature, to pay additional duties in the ports of France, exactly equal
to the premiums and drawbacks given on the same merchandise, by their
own government. This might not only counteract the effect of premiums
in the instance of whale oils, but attack the whole British system of
bounties and drawbacks, by the aid of which, they make London the centre
of commerce for the whole earth. A less general remedy, but an effectual
one, was, to prohibit the oils of all _European_ nations; the treaty with
England requiring only, that she should be treated as well as the most
favored _European_ nation. But the remedy adopted was, to prohibit all
oils, without exception.
To know how this remedy will operate, we must consider the quantity of
whale oil which France consumes annually, the quantity which she obtains
from her own fishery; and, if she obtains less than she consumes, we are
to consider what will follow the prohibition.
The annual consumption of France, as stated by a person who has good
opportunities of knowing it, is as follows:
lbs. pesant. quinteaux. tons.
Paris, according to the registers of
1786 2,800,000 28,000 1,750
Twenty-seven other cities, lighted
by M. Sangrain 800,000 8,000 500
Rouen 500,000 5,000 312½
Bordeaux 600,000 6,000 375
Lyons 300,000 3,000 187½
Other cities, leather and light 3,000,000 30,000 1,875
--------- ------ -----
8,000,000 80,000 5,000
Other calculations, or say rather, conjectures, reduce the consumption
to about half this. It is treating these conjectures with great respect,
to place them on an equal footing with the estimate of the person before
alluded to, and to suppose the truth half way between them. But we will
do it, and call the present consumption of France only sixty thousand
quintals, or three thousand seven hundred and fifty tons a year. This
consumption is increasing fast, as the practice of lighting cities is
becoming more general, and the superior advantages of lighting them with
whale oil, are but now beginning to be known.
What do the fisheries of France furnish? She has employed, this year,
fifteen vessels in the southern, and two in the northern fishery, carrying
forty-five hundred tons in the whole, or two hundred and sixty-five each,
on an average. The English ships, led by Nantuckois as well as the French,
have never averaged in the southern fishery, more than one-fifth of their
burthen, in the best year. The fifteen ships of France, according to
this ground of calculation, and supposing the present to have been one
of the best years, should have brought, one with another, one-fifth of
two hundred and sixty-five tons, or fifty-three tons each. But we are
told, they have brought near the double of that, to wit, one hundred tons
each, and fifteen hundred tons in the whole. Supposing the two northern
vessels to have brought home the cargo which is common from the northern
fishery, to wit, twenty-five tons each, the whole produce this year, will
then be fifteen hundred and fifty tons. This is five and a half months'
provision, or two-fifths of the annual consumption. To furnish for the
whole year, would require forty ships of the same size, in years as
fortunate as the present, and eighty-five, _communibus annis_; forty-four
tons, or one-sixth of the burthen, being as high an average as should
be counted on, one year with another; and the number must be increased,
with the increasing consumption. France, then, is evidently not yet in
a condition to supply her own wants. It is said, indeed, she has a large
stock on hand unsold, occasioned by the English competition. Thirty-three
thousand quintals, including this year's produce, are spoken of: this is
between six and seven months' provision; and supposing by the time this is
exhausted that the next year's supply comes in, that will enable her to go
on five or six months longer; say a twelvemonth in the whole. But at the
end of the twelve month, what is to be done? The manufactures depending
on this article, cannot maintain their competition against those of other
countries, if deprived of their equal means. When the alternative, then,
shall be presented, of letting them drop, or opening the ports to foreign
whale oil, it is presumable the latter will be adopted as the lesser evil.
But it will be too late for America. Her fishery, annihilated during the
late war, only began to raise its head on the prospect of a market held
out by this country. Crushed by the _Arret_ of September the 28th, in its
first feeble effort to revive, it will rise no more. Expeditions, which
require the expense of the outfit of vessels, and from nine to twelve
months' navigation, as the southern fishery does, most frequented by the
Americans, cannot be undertaken in sole reliance on a market, which is
opened and shut from one day to another, with little or no warning. The
English alone, then, will remain to furnish these supplies, and they must
be received even from them. We must accept bread from our enemies, if our
friends cannot furnish it. This comes exactly to the point, to which that
government has been looking. She fears no rivals in the whale fishery but
America: or rather, it is the whale fishery of America, of which she is
endeavoring to possess herself. It is for this object, she is making the
present extraordinary efforts, by bounties and other encouragements; and
her success, so far, is very flattering. Before the war, she had not one
hundred vessels in the whale trade, while America employed three hundred
and nine. In 1786, Great Britain employed one hundred and fifty-one
vessels; in 1787, two hundred and eighty-six; in 1788, three hundred and
fourteen, nearly the ancient American number; while the latter has fallen
to about eighty. They have just changed places then; England having gained
exactly what America has lost. France, by her ports and markets, holds
the balance between the two contending parties, and gives the victory, by
opening and shutting them, to which she pleases. We have still precious
remains of seamen educated in this fishery, and capable, by their poverty,
their boldness and address, of recovering it from the English in spite
of their bounties. But this _Arret_ endangers the transferring to Great
Britain every man of them, who is not invincibly attached to his native
soil. There is no other nation, in present condition, to maintain a
competition with Great Britain in the whale fishery. The expense at which
it is supported on her part, seems enormous. Two hundred and fifty-five
vessels, of seventy-five thousand four hundred and thirty-six tons,
employed by her this year, in the northern fishery, at forty-two men
each; and fifty-nine in the southern, at eighteen men each, make eleven
thousand seven hundred and seventy-two men. These are known to have
cost the government fifteen pounds each, or one hundred and seventy-six
thousand five hundred and eighty pounds, in the whole, and that, to employ
the principal part of them, from three to four months only. The northern
ships have brought home twenty, and the southern sixty tons of oil, on an
average; making eighty-six hundred and forty tons. Every ton of oil, then,
has cost the government twenty pounds in bounty. Still, if they can beat
us out of the field and have it to themselves, they will think their money
well employed. If France undertakes, solely, the competition against them,
she must do it at equal expense. The trade is too poor to support itself.
The eighty-five ships, necessary to supply even her present consumption,
bountied, as the English are, will require a sacrifice of twelve hundred
and eighty-five thousand two hundred livres a year, to maintain three
thousand five hundred and seventy seamen, and that a part of the year
only; and if she will put it to twelve thousand men, in competition with
England, she must sacrifice, as they do, four or five millions a year.
The same number of men might, with the same bounty, be kept in as constant
employ, carrying stone from Bayonne to Cherbourg, or coal from Newcastle
to Havre, in which navigations they would be always at hand, and become
good seamen. The English consider among their best sailors, those employed
in carrying coal from Newcastle to London. France cannot expect to raise
her fishery, even to the supply of her own consumption in one year, or in
several years. Is it not better, then, by keeping her ports open to the
United States, to enable them to aid in maintaining the field against the
common adversary, till she shall be in condition to take it herself, and
to supply her own wants? Otherwise, her supplies must aliment that very
force which is keeping her under. On our part, we can never be dangerous
competitors to France. The extent to which we can exercise this fishery,
is limited to that of the barren island of Nantucket, and a few similar
barren spots; its duration, to the pleasure of this government, as we
have no other market. A material observation must be added here: sudden
vicissitudes of opening and shutting ports, do little injury to merchants
settled on the opposite coast, watching for the opening, like the return
of a tide, and ready to enter with it. But they ruin the adventurer,
whose distance requires six months' notice. Those who are now arriving
from America, in consequence of the _Arret_ of December the 29th, will
consider it as the false light which has led them to their ruin. They
will be apt to say, that they come to the ports of France by invitation of
that _Arret_, that the subsequent one of September the 28th, which drives
them from those ports, founds itself on a single principle, viz. "that the
prohibition of foreign oils, is the most useful encouragement which can be
given to that branch of industry." They will say, that, if this be a true
principle, it was as true on the 29th of December, 1787, as on the 20th of
September, 1788; it was then weighed against other motives, judged weaker
and overruled, and it is hard it should be now revived, to ruin them.
The refinery for whale oil, lately established at Rouen, seems to
be an object worthy of national attention. In order to judge of its
importance, the different qualities of whale oil must be noted. Three
qualities are known in the American and English markets. 1st. That of the
spermaceti whale. 2d. Of the Greenland whale. 3d. Of the Brazil whale.
1. The spermaceti whale found by the Nantuckois in the neighborhood of
the western islands, to which they had gone in pursuit of other whales,
retired thence to the coast of Guinea, afterwards to that of Brazil, and
begins now to be best found in the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope,
and even of Cape Horn. He is an active, fierce animal, and requires vast
address and boldness in the fisherman. The inhabitants of Brazil make
little expeditions from their coast, and take some of these fish. But
the Americans are the only distant people who have been in the habit of
seeking and attacking him, in numbers. The British, however, led by the
Nantuckois, whom they have decoyed into their service, have begun this
fishery. In 1785, they had eighteen ships in it, in 1787, thirty-eight;
in 1788, fifty-four, or, as some say, sixty-four. I have calculated on the
middle number, fifty-nine. Still they take but a very small proportion of
their own demand; we furnish the rest. Theirs is the only market to which
we carry that oil, because it is the only one where its properties are
known. It is luminous, resists coagulation by cold, to the forty-first
degree of Fahrenheit's thermometer, and fourth of Reaumur's, and yields no
smell at all; it is used, therefore, within doors, to lighten shops, and
even in the richest houses, for antichambers, stairs, galleries, &c. It
sells at the London market for treble the price of common whale oil. This
enables the adventurer to pay the duty of eighteen pounds five shillings
sterling the ton, and still to have a living profit. Besides the mass of
oil produced from the whole body of the whale, his head yields three or
four barrels of what is called head matter, from which is made the solid
spermaceti, used for medicine and candles. This sells by the pound, at
double the price of the oil. The disadvantage of this fishery is, that the
sailors are from nine to twelve months absent on the voyage; of course,
they are not at hand on any sudden emergency, and are even liable to be
taken before they know that war is begun. It must be added, on the subject
of this whale, that he is rare and shy, soon abandoning the grounds
where he is hunted. This fishery, less losing than the other, and often
profitable, will occasion it to be so thronged, soon, as to bring it on a
level with the other. It will then require the same extensive support, or
to be abandoned.
2. The Greenland whale oil is next in quality. It resists coagulation by
cold, to thirty-six degrees of Fahrenheit, and two of Reaumur; but it
has a smell insupportable within doors, and is not luminous. It sells,
therefore, in London, at about sixteen pounds the ton. This whale is
clumsy and timid; he dives when struck, and comes up to breathe by the
first cake of ice, where the fisherman needs little address or courage
to find and take him. This is the fishery mostly frequented by European
nations; it is this fish which yields the fin in quantity, and the voyages
last about three or four months.
The third quality is that of the small Brazil whale. He was originally
found on the coast of Nantucket, and first led that people to this
pursuit; he retired, first to the Banks of Newfoundland, then to the
western islands, and is now found within soundings on the coast of Brazil,
during the months of December, January, February and March. His oil
chills at fifty degrees of Fahrenheit, and eight of Reaumur, is black and
offensive; worth, therefore, but thirteen pounds the ton, in London. In
warm summer nights, however, it burns better than the Greenland oil.
To the qualities of the oils thus described, it is to be added, that an
individual has discovered methods, 1, of converting a great part of the
oils of the spermaceti whale into the solid substance called spermaceti,
heretofore produced from his head alone; 2, of refining the Greenland
whale oil, so as to take from it all smell, and render it limpid and
luminous as that of the spermaceti whale; 3, of curdling the oil of the
Brazil whale into tallow, resembling that of beef, and answering all its
purposes. This person is engaged by the company, which has established the
refinery at Rouen; their works will cost them half a million of livres;
will be able to refine all the oil which can be used in the kingdom,
and even to supply foreign markets. The effect of this refinery, then,
would be, 1, to supplant the solid spermaceti of all other nations, by
theirs, of equal quality, and lower price; 2, to substitute instead of
spermaceti oil, their black whale oil refined, of equal quality, and lower
price; 3, to render the worthless oil of the Brazil, equal in value to
tallow; and 4, by accommodating these oils to uses, to which they could
never otherwise have been applied, they will extend the demand beyond its
present narrow limits, to any supply which can be furnished, and thus give
the most effectual encouragement and extension to the whale fishery. But
these works were calculated on the _Arret_ of December the 29th, which
admitted here, freely and fully, the produce of the American fishery. If
confined to that of the French fishery alone, the enterprise may fail, for
want of matter to work on.
After this review of the whale fishery as a political institution, a few
considerations shall be added on its produce, as a basis of commercial
exchange between France and the United States. The discussion it has
undergone, on former occasions, in this point of view, leaves little new
to be now urged.
The United States, not possessing mines of the precious metals, can
purchase necessaries from other nations, so far only as their produce is
received in exchange. Without enumerating our smaller articles, we have
three of principal importance, proper for the French market; to wit,
tobacco, whale oil and rice. The first and most important, is tobacco.
This might furnish an exchange for eight millions of the productions of
this country; but it is under a monopoly, and that not of a mercantile,
but of a financiering company, whose interest is, to pay in money, and not
in merchandise, and who are so much governed by the spirit of simplifying
their purchases and proceedings, that they find means to elude every
endeavor on the part of government, to make them diffuse their purchases
among the merchants in general. Little profit is derived from this, then,
as an article of exchange for the produce and manufactures of France.
Whale oil might be next in importance; but that is now prohibited.
American rice is not yet of great, but it is of growing consumption in
France, and being the only article of the three which is free, it may
become a principal basis of exchange. Time and trial may add a fourth,
that is, timber. But some essays, rendered unsuccessful by unfortunate
circumstances, place that, at present, under a discredit, which it will
be found hereafter not to have merited. The English know its value, and
were supplied with it before the war. A spirit of hostility, since that
event, led them to seek Russian rather than American supplies; a new
spirit of hostility has driven them back from Russia, and they are now
making contracts for American timber. But of the three articles before
mentioned, proved by experience to be suitable for the French market,
one is prohibited, one under monopoly, and one alone free, and that the
smallest and of very limited consumption. The way to encourage purchasers,
is, to multiply their means of payment. Whale oil might be an important
one. In one scale, are the interests of the millions who are lighted,
shod, or clothed with the help of it, and the thousands of laborers and
manufacturers, who would be employed in producing the articles which might
be given in exchange for it, if received from America; in the other scale,
are the interests of the adventurers in the whale fishery; each of whom,
indeed, politically considered, may be of more importance to the State,
than a simple laborer or manufacturer; but to make the estimate with the
accuracy it merits, we should multiply the numbers in each scale into
their individual importance, and see which preponderates.
Both governments have seen with concern that their commercial intercourse
does not grow as rapidly as they would wish. The system of the United
States is, to use neither prohibitions nor premiums. Commerce there,
regulates itself freely, and asks nothing better. Where a government
finds itself under the necessity of undertaking that regulation, it would
seem, that it should conduct it as an intelligent merchant would; that
is to say, invite customers to purchase, by facilitating their means of
payment, and by adapting goods to their taste. If this idea be just,
government here has two operations to attend to, with respect to the
commerce of the United States; 1, to do away, or to moderate, as much as
possible, the prohibitions and monopolies of their materials for payment;
2, to encourage the institution of the principal manufactures, which the
necessities or the habits of their new customers call for. Under this
latter head, a hint shall be suggested, which must find its apology in
the motive for which it flows; that is, a desire of promoting mutual
interests and close friendship. Six hundred thousand of the laboring poor
of America, comprehending slaves under that denomination, are clothed in
three of the simplest manufactures possible; to wit, oznaburgs, plains and
duffel blankets. The first is a linen; the two last, woollens. It happens,
too, that they are used exactly by those who cultivate the tobacco and
rice, and in a good degree by those employed in the whale fishery. To
these manufactures they are so habituated, that no substitute will be
received. If the vessels which bring tobacco, rice and whale oil, do not
find them in the ports of delivery, they must be sought where they can be
found; that is, in England, at present. If they were made in France, they
would be gladly taken in exchange there. The quantities annually used by
this description of people, and their value, are as follows:
livres.
Oznaburgs 2,700,000 aunes,
at sixteen sous the aune, worth 2,160,000
Plains 1,350,000 aunes,
at two livres the aune, 2,700,000
Duffel blankets 300,000 aunes,
at seven and four-fifths livres each,
2,160,000
---------
7,020,000
It would be difficult to say how much should be added, for the consumption
of inhabitants of other descriptions; a great deal surely. But the present
view shall be confined to the one description named. Seven millions
of livres, are nine millions of day's work, of those who raise, spin
and weave the wool and flax; and, at three hundred working days to the
year, would maintain thirty thousand people. To introduce these simple
manufactures, suppose government to give five per cent. on the value of
what should be exported of them, for ten years to come; if none should
be exported, nothing would be to be paid; but on the other hand, if the
manufactures, with this encouragement, should raise to the full demand,
it will be a sacrifice of three hundred and fifty-one thousand livres a
year, for ten years only, to produce a perpetual subsistence for more than
thirty thousand people, (for the demand will grow with our population,)
while she must expend perpetually one million two hundred and eighty-five
thousand livres a year, to maintain the three thousand five hundred and
seventy seamen, who would supply her with whale oil. That is to say, for
each seaman, as much as for thirty laborers and manufacturers.
But to return to our subject, and to conclude.
Whether, then, we consider the _Arret_ of September the 28th, in a
political or a commercial light, it would seem, that the United States
should be excepted from its operation. Still more so, when they invoke
against it the amity subsisting between the two nations, the desire of
binding them together by every possible interest and connection, the
several acts in favor of this exception, the dignity of legislation, which
admits not of changes backwards and forwards, the interests of commerce,
which requires steady regulations, the assurances of the friendly motives
which have led the King to pass these acts, and the hope, that no cause
will arise to change either his motives or his measures towards us.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, November 29, 1788.
SIR,--In the hurry of making up my letter of the 19th inst., I omitted
the enclosed printed paper, on the subject of whale oil. That omission is
now supplied by another conveyance, by the way of London. The explanatory
_Arret_ is not yet come out. I still take for granted, it will pass,
though there be an opposition to it in the Council. In the meantime,
orders are given to receive our oils which may arrive. The apprehension of
a want of corn, has induced them to turn their eyes to foreign supplies;
and to show their preference of receiving them from us, they have passed
the enclosed _Arret_, giving a premium on wheat and flour from the United
States, for a limited time. This, you will doubtless think proper to have
translated and published. The Notables are still in session; the votes
of the separate _bureaux_, have not yet been reduced to a joint act, in
an assembly of the whole. I see no reason to suppose they will change
the separate votes relative to the representation of the Tiers Etat, in
the States General. In the meantime, the stream of public indignation,
heretofore directed against the court, sets strongly against the Notables.
It is not yet decided when the States will meet; but certainly they cannot
till February or March. The Turks have retired across the Danube. This
movement indicates their going into winter quarters, and the severity of
the weather must hasten it. The thermometer was yesterday at eight degrees
of Fahrenheit, that is, twenty-four degrees below freezing; a degree of
cold equal to that of the year 1740, which they count here among their
coldest winters. This having continued many days, and being still likely
to continue, and the wind from northeast, render it probable, that all
enterprize must be suspended between the three great belligerent powers.
Poland is likely to be thrown into great convulsions. The Empress of
Russia has peremptorily demanded such aids from Poland as might engage
in the war. The King of Prussia, on the other hand, threatens to march an
army on their borders. The vote of the Polish confederacy for one hundred
thousand men, was a coalition of the two parties, in that single act only.
The party opposed to the King, have obtained a majority, and have voted
that this army shall be independent of him. They are supported by Prussia,
while the King depends on Russia. Authentic information from England,
leaves not a doubt, that the King is lunatic; and that, instead of the
effect, is the cause of the illness, under which he has been so near
dying. I mention this, because the English newspapers, speaking by guess
on that as they do on all other subjects, might mislead you as to his true
situation; or rather, might mislead others, who know less than they do,
that a thing is not rendered the more probable by being mentioned in those
papers.
I enclose those of Leyden to the present date with the gazettes of France,
and have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
PARIS, December 4, 1788.
SIR,--Your favor of August the 31st came to hand yesterday; and a
confidential conveyance offering, by the way of London, I avail myself of
it, to acknowledge the receipt.
I have seen, with infinite pleasure, our new Constitution accepted by
eleven States, not rejected by the twelfth; and that the thirteenth
happens to be a State of the least importance. It is true, that the
minorities in most of the accepting States have been very respectable; so
much so as to render it prudent, were it not otherwise reasonable, to make
some sacrifice to them. I am in hopes, that the annexation of a bill of
rights to the Constitution will alone draw over so great a proportion of
the minorities as to leave little danger in the opposition of the residue;
and that this annexation may be made by Congress and the Assemblies,
without calling a convention, which might endanger the most valuable
parts of the system. Calculation has convinced me that circumstances may
arise, and probably will arise, wherein all the resources of taxation will
be necessary for the safety of the State. For though I am decidedly of
opinion we should take no part in European quarrels, but cultivate peace
and commerce with all, yet who can avoid seeing the source of war, in the
tyranny of those nations, who deprive us of the natural right of trading
with our neighbors? The produce of the United States will soon exceed the
European demand; what is to be done with the surplus, when there shall be
one? It will be employed, without question, to open, by force, a market
for itself, with those placed on the same continent with us, and who wish
nothing better. Other causes, too, are obvious, which may involve us in
war; and war requires every resource of taxation and credit. The power
of making war often prevents it, and in our case would give efficacy to
our desire of peace. If the new government wears the front which I hope
it will, I see no impossibility in the availing ourselves of the wars of
others, to open the other parts of America to our commerce, as the price
of our neutrality.
The campaign between the Turks and the two empires, has been clearly
in favor of the former. The Emperor is secretly trying to bring about
a peace. The alliance between England, Prussia, and Holland (and some
suspect Sweden also), renders their mediation decisive wherever it is
proposed. They seemed to interpose it so magisterially between Denmark
and Sweden, that the former submitted to its dictates, and there was all
reason to believe that the war in the north-western parts of Europe would
be quieted. All of a sudden, a new flame bursts out in Poland. The King
and his party are devoted to Russia. The opposition rely on the protection
of Prussia. They have lately become the majority in the confederated
diet, and have passed a vote for subjecting their army to a commission
independent of the King, and propose a perpetual diet, in which case he
will be a perpetual cipher. Russia declares against such a change in their
constitution, and Prussia has put an army into readiness for marching,
at a moment's warning, on the frontiers of Poland. These events are too
recent to see, as yet, what turn they will take, or what effect they will
have on the peace of Europe. So is that also of the lunacy of the King
of England, which is a decided fact, notwithstanding all the stuff the
English papers publish about his fevers, his deliriums, &c. The truth
is, that the lunacy declared itself almost at once, and with as few
concomitant complaints as usually attend the first development of that
disorder. I suppose a regency will be established, and if it consists of
a plurality of members, it will probably be peaceable. In this event, it
will much favor the present wishes of this country, which are so decidedly
for peace, that they refused to enter into the mediation between Sweden
and Russia, lest it should commit them. As soon as the convocation of the
States General was announced, a tranquillity took place through the whole
kingdom; happily, no open rupture has taken place in any part of it. The
parliaments were reinstated in their functions at the same time. This was
all they desired; and they had called for the States General only through
fear that the crown could not otherwise be forced to reinstate them. Their
end obtained, they began to foresee danger to themselves in the States
General. They began to lay the foundation for cavilling at the legality
of that body, if its measures should be hostile to them. The court, to
clear itself of the dispute, convened the Notables, who had acted with
general approbation on the former occasion, and referred to them the
forms of calling and organizing the States General. These Notables consist
principally of Nobility and Clergy; the few of the Tiers Etat among them
being either parliament men, or other privileged persons. The court wished
that, in the future States General, the members of the Tiers Etat should
equal those of both the other orders, and that they should form but one
House, all together, and vote by persons, not by orders. But the Notables,
in the true spirit of Priests and Nobles, combining together against the
people, have voted, by five _bureaux_ out of six, that the people, or
Tiers Etat, shall have no greater number of deputies than each of the
other orders separately, and that they shall vote by orders: so that two
orders concurring in a vote, the third will be overruled; for it is not
here as in England, where each of the three branches has a negative on the
other two. If this project of theirs succeeds, a combination between the
two Houses of Clergy and Nobles, will render the representation of the
Tiers Etat merely nugatory. The _bureaux_ are to assemble together, to
consolidate their separate votes; but I see no reasonable hope of their
changing this. Perhaps the King, knowing that he may count on the support
of the nation, and attach it more closely to him, may take on himself to
disregard the opinion of the Notables in this instance, and may call an
equal representation of the people, in which, precedents will support him.
In every event, I think the present disquiet will end well. The nation
has been awaked by our Revolution, they feel their strength, they are
enlightened, their lights are spreading, and they will not retrograde.
The first States General may establish three important points, without
opposition from the court: 1, their own periodical convocation; 2, their
exclusive right of taxation (which has been confessed by the King); 3,
the right of registering laws, and of previously proposing amendments to
them, as the parliaments have, by usurpation, been in the habit of doing.
The court will consent to this, from its hatred to the parliaments, and
from the desire of having to do with one, rather than many legislatures.
If the States are prudent, they will not aim at more than this at first,
lest they should shock the dispositions of the court, and even alarm the
public mind, which must be left to open itself by degrees to successive
improvements. These will follow, from the nature of things; how far
they can proceed, in the end, towards a thorough reformation of abuse,
cannot be foreseen. In my opinion, a kind of influence which none of
their plans of reform take into account, will elude them all; I mean the
influence of women, in the government. The manners of the nation allow
them to visit, alone, all persons in office, to solicit the affairs of
the husband, family, or friends, and their solicitations bid defiance to
laws and regulations. This obstacle may seem less to those who, like our
countrymen, are in the precious habit of considering right, as a barrier
against all solicitation. Nor can such an one, without the evidence of his
own eyes, believe in the desperate state to which things are reduced in
this country from the omnipotence of an influence which, fortunately for
the happiness of the sex itself, does not endeavor to extend itself in our
country beyond the domestic line.
Your communications to the Count de Moustier, whatever they may have
been, cannot have done injury to my endeavors here, to open the West
Indies to us. On this head, the ministers are invincibly mute, though I
have often tried to draw them into the subject. I have, therefore, found
it necessary to let it lie, till war, or other circumstances, may force
it on. Whenever they are in war with England, they must open the islands
to us, and perhaps, during that war, they may see some price which might
make them agree to keep them always open. In the meantime, I have laid my
shoulder to the opening the markets of this country to our produce, and
rendering its transportation a nursery for our seamen. A maritime force
is the only one, by which we can act on Europe. Our navigation law (if
it be wise to have any) should be the reverse of that of England. Instead
of confining _importations_ to home-bottoms, or those of the _producing_
nation, I think we should confine _exportations_ to home-bottoms, or to
those of nations _having treaties with us_. Our exportations are heavy,
and would nourish a great force of our own, or be a tempting price to the
nation to whom we should offer a participation of it, in exchange for free
access to all their possessions. This is an object to which our government
alone is adequate, in the gross; but I have ventured to pursue it here, so
far as the consumption of our productions by this country extends. Thus,
in our arrangements relative to tobacco, none can be received here, but
in French or American bottoms. This is employment for near two thousand
seamen, and puts nearly that number of British out of employ. By the
_Arret_ of December, 1787, it was provided, that our whale oils should
not be received here, but in French or American bottoms; and by later
regulations, all oils, but those of France and America, are excluded. This
will put one hundred English whale vessels immediately out of employ, and
one hundred and fifty ere long; and call so many of French and American
into service. We have had six thousand seamen formerly in this business,
the whole of whom we have been likely to lose. The consumption of rice
is growing fast in this country, and that of Carolina gaining ground on
every other kind. I am of opinion, the whole of the Carolina rice can
be consumed here. Its transportation employs two thousand five hundred
sailors, almost all of them English at present; the rice being deposited
at Cowes, and brought from thence here. It would be dangerous to confine
this transportation to French and American bottoms, the ensuing year,
because they will be much engrossed by the transportation of wheat and
flour hither, and the crop of rice might lie on hand for want of vessels;
but I see no objections to the extensions of our principle to this article
also, beginning with the year 1790. However, before there is a necessity
of deciding on this, I hope to be able to consult our new government in
person, as I have asked of Congress a leave of absence for six months,
that is to say, from April to November next. It is necessary for me to
pay a short visit to my native country, first, to reconduct my family
thither, and place them in the hands of their friends, and secondly, to
place my private affairs under certain arrangements. When I left my own
house, I expected to be absent but five months, and I have been led by
events to an absence of five years. I shall hope, therefore, for the
pleasure of personal conferences with your Excellency, on the subject
of this letter, and others interesting to our country; of getting my own
ideas set to rights by a communication of yours, and of taking again the
tone of sentiment of my own country, which we lose, in some degree, after
a certain absence. You know, doubtless, of the death of the Marquis de
Chastellux. The Marquis de La Fayette is out of favor with the court, but
high in favor with the nation. I once feared for his personal liberty, but
I hope he is on safe ground at present.
On the subject of the whale fishery, I enclose you some observations
I drew up for the ministry here, in order to obtain a correction of
their _Arret_ of September last, whereby they had involved our oils
with the English, in a general exclusion from their ports. They will
accordingly correct this, so that our oils will participate with theirs,
in the monopoly of their markets. There are several things incidentally
introduced, which do not seem pertinent to the general question; they
were rendered necessary by particular circumstances, the explanation of
which, would add to a letter already too long. I will trespass no further,
than to assure you of the sentiments of sincere attachment and respect
with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient humble
servant.
P. S. The observations enclosed, though printed, have been put into
confidential hands only.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
PARIS, December 5, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--I had the pleasure of writing to you on the 2d of August, and
of adding a postscript of August the 6th.
* * * * *
You recollect well the _Arret_ of December the 29th, 1787, in favor of our
commerce, and which, among other things, gave free admission to our whale
oil, under a duty of about two louis a ton. In consequence of the English
treaty, their oils flowed in, and overstocked the market. The light duty
they were liable to under the treaty, still lessened by false estimates
and aided by the high premiums of the British government, enabled them
to undersell the French and American oils. This produced an outcry
of the Dunkirk fishery. It was proposed to exclude all European oils,
which would not infringe the British treaty. I could not but encourage
this idea, because it would give to the French and American fisheries a
monopoly of the French market. The _Arret_ was so drawn up; but, in the
very moment of passing it, they struck out the word _European_, so that
our oils became involved. This, I believe, was the effect of a single
person in the ministry. As soon as it was known to me, I wrote to Monsieur
de Montmorin, and had conferences with him and the other ministers. I
found it necessary to give them information on the subject of the whale
fishery, of which they knew little but from the partial information of
their Dunkirk adventurers. I therefore wrote the observations (of which
I enclose you a printed copy), had them printed to entice them to read
them, and particularly developed the expense at which they are carrying
on that fishery, and at which they must continue it, if they do continue
it. This part was more particularly intended for Mr. Neckar, who was quite
a stranger to the subject, who has principles of economy, and will enter
into calculations. Other subjects are incidentally introduced; though
little connected with the main question, they had been called for by other
circumstances. An immediate order was given for the present admission
of our oils, till they could form an _Arret_; and, at a conference, the
draught of an _Arret_ was communicated to me, which re-established that
of December 29th. They expressed fears, that, under cover of our name, the
Nova Scotia oils would be introduced; and a blank was left in the draught,
for the means of preventing that. They have since proposed, that the
certificate of their consul shall accompany the oils, to authorize their
admission, and this is what they will probably adopt. It was observed,
that if our States would prohibit all foreign oils from being imported
into them, it would be a great safeguard, and an encouragement to them to
continue the admission. Still there remains an expression in the _Arret_,
that it is provisory only. However, we must be contented with it as it is,
my hope being, that the legislature will be transferred to the National
Assembly, in whose hands it will be more stable, and with whom it will be
more difficult to obtain a repeal, should the ministry hereafter desire
it. If they could succeed in drawing over as many of our Nantucket men as
would supply their demands of oil, we might then fear an exclusion; but
the present _Arret_, as soon as it shall be passed, will, I hope, place us
in safety till that event, and that event may never happen. I have entered
into all these details, that you may be enabled to quiet the alarm which
must have been raised by the _Arret_ of September the 28th, and assure the
adventurers that they may pursue their enterprises as safely as if that
had never been passed, and more profitably, because we participate now
of a monopolized, instead of an open market. The enclosed observations,
though printed, have only been given to the ministers, and one or two
other confidential persons. You will see that they contain matter which
should be kept from the English, and will, therefore, trust them to
the perusal only of such persons as you can confide in. We are greatly
indebted to the Marquis de La Fayette for his aid on this, as on every
other occasion. He has paid the closest attention to it, and combated for
us, with the zeal of a native.
The necessity of reconducting my family to America, and of placing
my affairs there under permanent arrangements, has obliged me to ask
of Congress a six months' absence, to wit, from April to November
next. I hope, therefore, to have the pleasure of seeing you there, and
particularly, that it will be at New York that I shall find you. Be so
good as to present my sincere esteem to Mrs. Adams, and believe me to be,
with very affectionate attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. SHORT.
PARIS, December 8, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 21st of November, addressed to
Milan, _poste restante_, according to the desire expressed through Mrs.
Paradise. I have lately received yours of the 19th of November, and
sincerely felicitate you on your recovery. I wish you may have suffered
this to be sufficiently established before you set out on your journey.
The present letter will probably reach you amidst the classical enjoyments
of Rome. I feel myself kindle at the reflection, to make that journey;
but circumstances will oblige me to postpone it, at least. We are here
under a most extraordinary degree of cold. The thermometer has been ten
degrees of Reaumur below freezing; this is eight degrees of Fahrenheit
above zero, and was the degree of cold here in the year 1740. The long
continuance of this severity, and the snow now on the ground, give
physical prognostications of a hard winter. You will be in a privileged
climate, and will have had an enviable escape from this. The Notables are
not yet separated, nor is their treasonable vote against the people yet
consolidated; but it will be. The parliament have taken up the subject,
and passed a very laudable vote in opposition. They have made it the
occasion of giving sketches of what should be a bill of rights. Perhaps
this opposition of authority may give the court an option between the two.
Stocks are rising slowly, but steadily. The loan of 1784, is at thirteen
loss; the _caisse d'escompte_, four thousand and seventy-five. The Count
de Bryenne has retired, and M. de Puy-segur succeeded to his place. Madame
de Chambonois (sister of M. de Langear) is dead of the small-pox. Pio is
likely to receive a good appointment in his own country, which will take
him from us. Corn is likely to become extremely scarce in France, Spain
and England. This country has offered a premium of forty sous the quintal
on flour of the United States, and thirty sous the quintal on our wheat,
to be brought here between February and June.
General Washington writes me that industry and economy begin to take
place of that idleness and extravagance which had succeeded to the close
of the war. The Potomac canal is in great forwardness. J. M. writes me
word that Mr. Jay and General Knox are talked of in the middle States
for Vice Presidents, but he queries whether both will not prefer their
present berths. It seems agreed that some amendments will be made to the
new Constitution. All are willing to add a bill of rights; but they fear
the power of internal taxation will be abridged. The friends of the new
government will oppose the method of amendment by a federal convention,
which would subject the whole instrument to change, and they will support
the other method, which admits Congress, by a vote of two-thirds, to
submit specific changes to the Assemblies, three-fourths of whom must
concur to establish them.
The enclosed letter is from Pallegrino, one of the Italian laborers
established in our neighborhood. I fancy it contains one for his father.
I have supposed it would not be unpleasant to you to have the delivery
of it, as it may give you a good opportunity of conferring with one of
that class as much as you please. I obey at the same time my own wishes
to oblige the writer. Mazzei is at this time ill, but not in danger. I am
impatient to receive further letters from you, which may assure me of the
solidity of your recovery, being with great anxiety for your health and
happiness, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
[_The annexed is here inserted in the Author's MS. To whom addressed,
does not appear._]
The Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States of America, finds
himself under the necessity of declining to authenticate writings
destined to be sent to the United States, for this main reason, that such
authentication is not legal evidence there. After a reason so sufficient,
it seems superfluous to add, that, were his authentication admissible in
the courts of the United States, he could never give it to any seal or
signature, which had not been put in his presence; that he could never
certify a copy, unless both that and the original were in a hand-writing
legible to him, and had been compared together by him, word by word: that
so numerous are the writings presented, that their authentication alone,
would occupy the greater part of his time, and withdrawing him from his
proper duties, would change the nature of his office to that of a Notary.
He observes to those who do him the honor of addressing themselves to
him on this subject, that the laws for the authentication of foreign
writings, are not the same through all the United States, some requiring
an authentication under the seal of the Prevoté of a city, and others
admitting that of a Notary; but that writings authenticated in both these
manners, will, under the one or the other, be admitted in most, if not
all, of the United States. It would seem advisable, then, to furnish them
with this double authentication.
TO DOCTOR CURRIE.
PARIS, December 20, 1788.
DEAR DOCTOR,--"Procrastination is the thief of time," so says Young, and
so I find it. It is the only apology, and it is the true one for my having
been so long without writing to you. In the meantime I shall overtake
the present epistle if it be as long getting to you as my letters are
sometimes coming to me from America. I have asked of Congress a leave of
five or six months' absence this year to carry my family back to America,
and hope to obtain it in time to sail in April from Havre for James river
directly. In this case I shall have the pleasure of seeing you at Richmond
and Eppington a few days. This country is seriously meditating the
establishment of a constitution, and the distress of the court for money
with the real good intentions of the King, will produce their concurrence
in it. All the world is occupied at present in framing, every one his own
plan, of a bill of rights. The States General will meet probably in March,
(the day not being yet known.) They will probably establish their own
periodical meetings, their right to participate of the legislation, their
sole right to tax. So far the court will not oppose. Some will endeavor
to procure, at the same time, a habeas corpus law and free press. I doubt
if the latter can be obtained yet, and as for the former, I hardly think
the nation itself ripe to accept it. Though they see the evil of _lettres
de cachet_, they believe they do more good on the whole. They will think
better in time. The right of taxation includes the idea of fixing a civil
list for the King, and of equalizing the taxes on the clergy and nobility
as well as the commons. The two former orders do not pay one-third of
the proportion _ad valorum_, which the last pay. This will be a great
addition to their revenue. While engaged so much internally, you may be
assured they wish for external peace. The insanity of the King of England
will much befriend their desires in this respect. Regencies are generally
peaceable. The war in the north appeared at one time likely to be quieted,
but new dissensions in Poland threaten to embroil Russia and Prussia.
In this case Prussia will previously make her peace with the Turks by
ceding the Crimea to them. So much for political news. In the literary
way we are like, after a very long dearth of good publications, to have
something worth reading. The works of the late King of Prussia in sixteen
volumes 8vo, appear now. They contain new and curious historical matter.
A work on Grecian Antiquities, by the Abbé Barthelemi, of great classical
learning, the produce of twenty years' labor, is now in the press, about
eight volumes 8vo. A single small volume on government, by the Marquis
de Condorcet, is struggling to get abroad in spite of the prohibition it
is under. You have heard of the new chemical nomenclature endeavored to
be introduced by Lavoisier, Fourcroy, &c. Other chemists of this country,
of equal note, reject it, and prove, in my opinion, that it is premature,
insufficient and false. These latter are joined by the British chemists;
and upon the whole, I think the new nomenclature will be rejected,
after doing more harm than good. There are some good publications in it,
which must be translated into the ordinary chemical language before they
will be useful. A person lately discovered here a very simple method of
bleaching yellow paper, or stained paper, (provided there be no grease
on the stain,) by the fumes of the muriatic acid poured on magnesia. He
showed it to me two or three days after the discovery. On mentioning it
to M. Bertholet, we found that a process on the same principles had, for
a year or two past, been adopted successfully for the bleaching linen.
This is now effected in from eight hours to two or three days, without
requiring the great bleaching fields which the ancient method does; and
they say that the linen is less injured. There are two large bleacheries
established in this country on this principle, and I believe they are
beginning to try it in England. There is a vast improvement in the
composition of gunpowder, not yet communicated to the public. We are now
at the twenty-ninth livraison of the Encyclopedia. I shall bring to Mr.
Hay what he has not yet received, and have then the pleasure of assuring
you in person of the sentiments of sincere esteem with which I am, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THOMAS PAINE.
PARIS, December 23, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--It is true that I received, very long ago, your favors of
September the 9th and 15th, and that I have been in daily intention
of answering them, fully and confidentially; but you know, such a
correspondence between you and me cannot pass through the post, nor
even by the couriers of ambassadors. The French packet boats being
discontinued, I am now obliged to watch opportunities by Americans going
to London, to write my letters to America. Hence it has happened, that
these, the sole opportunities by which I can write to you without fear,
have been lost, by the multitude of American letters I had to write. I
now determine, without foreseeing any such conveyance, to begin my letter
to you, so that when a conveyance occurs, I shall only have to add recent
occurrences. Notwithstanding the interval of my answer which has taken
place, I must beg a continuance of your correspondence; because I have
great confidence in your communications, and since Mr. Adams' departure, I
am in need of authentic information from that country.
I will begin with the subject of your bridge, in which I feel myself
interested; and it is with great pleasure that I learn, by your favor
of the 16th, that the execution of the arch of experiment exceeds
your expectations. In your former letter, you mention, that instead of
arranging your tubes and bolts as ordinates to the cord of the arch, you
had reverted to your first idea, of arranging them in the direction of
the radii. I am sure it will gain, both in beauty and strength. It is true
that the divergence of those radii recurs as a difficulty, in getting the
rails on upon the bolts; but I thought this fully removed by the answer
you first gave me, when I suggested that difficulty, to wit, that you
should place the rails first, and drive the bolts through them, and not,
as I had imagined, place the bolts first, and put the rails on them. I
must doubt whether what you now suggest, will be as good as your first
idea; to wit, to have every rail split into two pieces longitudinally,
so that there shall be but the halves of the holes in each, and then
to clamp the two halves together. The solidity of this method cannot be
equal to that of the solid rail, and it increases the suspicious part of
the whole machine, which, in a first experiment, ought to be rendered
as few as possible. But of all this, the practical iron men are much
better judges than we theorists. You hesitate between the catenary and
portion of a circle. I have lately received from Italy, a treatise on the
equilibrium of arches, by the Abbé Mascheroni. It appears to be a very
scientific work. I have not yet had time to engage in it; but I find that
the conclusions of his demonstrations are, that every part of the catenary
is in perfect equilibrium. It is a great point, then, in a new experiment,
to adopt the sole arch, where the pressure will be equally borne by every
point of it. If any one point is pushed with accumulated pressure, it
will introduce a danger foreign to the essential part of the plan. The
difficulty you suggest, is, that the rails being all in catenaries, the
tubes must be of different lengths, as these approach nearer or recede
farther from each other, and therefore, you recur to the portions of
concentric circles, which are equi-distant in all their parts. But I would
rather propose, that you make your middle rail an exact catenary, and the
interior and exterior rails parallels to that. It is true they will not
be exact catenaries, but they will depart very little from it; much less
than portions of circles will. Nothing has been done here on the subject
since you went away. There is an Abbé D'Arnal at Nismes, who has obtained
an exclusive privilege for navigating the rivers of this country, by the
aid of the steam engine. This interests Mr. Rumsey, who had hoped the
same thing. D'Arnal's privilege was published in a paper of the 10th of
November. Probably, therefore, his application for it was previous to
the delivery of Mr. Rumsey's papers to the Secretary of the Academy of
Sciences, which was in the latter part of the month of August. However,
D'Arnal is not a formidable competitor. He is not in circumstances to make
any use, himself, of his privilege, and he has so illy succeeded with a
steam mill he erected at Nismes, that he is not likely to engage others
to venture in his projects. To say another word of the catenarian arch,
without caring about mathematical demonstrations, its nature proves it to
be in equilibrio in every point. It is the arch formed by a string fixed
at both ends, and swaying loose in all the intermediate points. Thus at
liberty, they must finally take that position, wherein every one will be
equally pressed; for if any one was more pressed than the neighboring
point, it would give way, from the flexibility of the matter of the
string.
* * * * *
I am, with sentiments of sincere esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO MR. THOMAS PAINE.
PARIS, December 23, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--As to the affairs of this country, they have hitherto gone on
well. The Court being decided to call the States General, know that the
form of calling and constituting them would admit of cavil. They asked
the advice of the Notables. These advised that the form of the last States
General of 1614 be observed. In that, the commons had but about one-third
of the whole number of members, and they voted by orders. The Court wished
now that they should have one-half of the whole number of members, and
that they should form but one house, not three. The parliament have taken
up the subject, and given the opinion which the Court would have wished.
We are, therefore, in hopes that, availing themselves of these contrary
opinions, they will follow that which they wished. The priests and nobles
threaten schism; and we do not know yet what form will ultimately be
adopted. If no schism of this kind prevents it, the States will meet
about March or April, and will obtain, without opposition from the Court,
1. Their own periodical convocation; 2. A share in the legislation; 3.
The exclusive right to tax and appropriate the public money. They will
attempt also to obtain a habeas corpus law and free press; but it does
not appear to me that the nation is ripe to accept of these, if offered.
They may try to modify them to their present ideas in their first session,
and at some future day adopt them in all their latitude. Upon the whole,
if the dispute between the privileged and unprivileged orders does not
prevent it, there is no doubt in my mind that they will obtain a fixed,
free and wholesome Constitution. I should add, also, if external war does
not call them from this pursuit. But against this they are secured by the
insanity of the King of England, and they will not suffer themselves to
be drawn into war by any other nation. There is reason to believe that the
disturbances lately arisen in Poland, will induce the Empress to make her
peace with the Turks, by parting with the Crimea, that she may be able to
turn herself this way and preserve Poland, of more consequence to her. In
this event, there is no doubt the Emperor makes peace with the Turks also,
and it would not surprise if he and the Empress should attack the King of
Prussia. I think it is not apprehended here that the death of the King of
Spain will make any change in the politics of that Court. You ask about
Mr. Littlepage. We heard that he joined the Prince of Nassau on the Black
Sea, but know nothing of him since, nor have we any information about
Paul Jones since the first action on that sea, wherein he was present. You
also ask when I shall go to America, and whether by the way of England. I
hope to receive my permission in time to sail immediately after the vernal
equinox, because this will give me time to arrange my affairs in America,
and to return here between the autumnal equinox and setting in of the
winter. I shall certainly not go by the way of England. The encumbrance
of a family and baggage will prevent this. I hope you will find some
conveyance sufficiently confidential to communicate to me by letter what
you say you wish to communicate in person. While in America, I shall
attend on our President and Senate in order to possess them of such views
of European affairs as I shall have been able to obtain. I shall suppose
this the more my duty, as they will be forming their plan of foreign
affairs. You have heard of the _Arret_ of September 28th, excluding
foreign whale oils from the ports of this country. I have obtained the
promise of an explanatory _Arret_ to declare that that of September 28th
was not meant to extend to us. Orders are accordingly given in the ports
to receive ours, and the _Arret_ will soon be published. This places us
on a better footing than ever, as it gives us a monopoly of this market in
conjunction with the French fishermen.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
PARIS, December 25, 1788.
DEAR SIR,--A sick family has prevented me, for upwards of a month, from
putting pen to paper but in indispensable cases, and for some time before
that, I had been waiting to receive American news worth communicating to
you. These causes have occasioned my silence since my last, which was of
the 12th of August, and my leaving unacknowledged, till now, your several
favors of July 24th, Aug. 14th, Sept. 9th and Nov. 3d. That of the 14th
instant also came to hand the day before yesterday.
You have long ago known that eleven States have ratified our new
Constitution, and that North Carolina, contrary to all expectation, had
declined either accepting or refusing, but has proposed amendments copied
verbatim from those of Virginia. Virginia and Massachusetts had preferred
this method of management, that is to say, desiring Congress to propose
specific amendments to the several legislatures, which is one of the modes
of amendment provided in the new Constitution; in this way nothing can
be touched but the parts specifically pointed out. New York has written
circular letters to the legislatures to adopt the other mode of amendment,
provided also by the Constitution, that is to say, to assemble another
federal convention. In this way the whole fabric would be submitted to
alteration. Its friends, therefore, unite in endeavoring to have the first
method adopted, and they seem agreed to concur in adding a bill of rights
to the Constitution. This measure will bring over so great a part of the
opposition, that what will remain after that will have no other than the
good effect of watching, as sentinels, the conduct of government, and
laying it before the public. Many of the opposition wish to take from
Congress the power of internal taxation. Calculation has convinced me
this would be very mischievous. The Electors are to be chosen the first
Wednesday of January; President the first Wednesday in February, and the
new government is to meet at New York the first Wednesday in March. The
election of Senators has already begun. Pennsylvania has chosen Mr. R.
Morrison and McClay; Connecticut, Dr. Johnson and Elsworth. I have heard
of no others. I hope there is no doubt of General Washington's acceptance
of the Presidentship. Mr. J. Adams, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Jay and General Knox,
are talked of in the Northern and Middle States for Vice-President. Yet it
is suggested to me that the two latter will probably prefer their present
offices, and the two former divide each other's interest so that neither
may be chosen. Remarkable deaths are Colonel Bannister of Virginia, and
John Penn of North Carolina. General Washington writes me word that the
great rains had prevented the continuance of their labors on the Potomac,
so that they should not be able to bring the navigation this winter to
the great falls as he had hoped. It will want little of it, and no doubt
remains of their completing the whole. That of James River has some time
since been so far completed as to let vessels pass down to Richmond.
The crop of wheat in America the last year has been a fine one both for
quantity and quality. This country is likely to want. They have offered
a premium of forty sous the quintal on flour of the United States, and
thirty sous on their wheat imported here. They have also opened their
islands for our supplies. Much will come here. Views which bid defiance to
my calculations had induced this court in an _Arret_ of September 28th,
to comprehend us with the English, in the exclusion of whale oil from
their ports, in flat contradiction to their _Arret_ of December last.
This you know would be a sentence of banishment to the inhabitants of
Nantucket, and there is no doubt they would have removed to Nova Scotia
or England, in preference to any other part of the world. A temporary
order, however, is now given for our admittance, and a more prominent one
under preparation. The internal affairs of this country will, I hope, go
on well. Neither the time, place, nor form of the States General are yet
announced. But they will certainly meet in March or April. The clergy
and nobility, as clergy and nobility eternally will, are opposed to the
giving to the Tiers Etat so effectual a representation as may dismount
them from their backs. The court wishes to give to the unprivileged order
an equal number of votes with the privileged, and that they should sit in
one house, but the court is timid. Some are of opinion that a majority of
the nobles are also on the side of the people. I doubt it when so great
a proportion of the Notables, indeed almost an unanimity, were against
them, and five princes of the blood out of seven. If no schism prevents
the proceedings of the States General, I suppose they will obtain in
their first session, 1. The periodical convocation of the States. 2. Their
participation in the legislature; and 3. Their exclusive right to levy and
appropriate money; and that at some future day, not very far distant, they
will obtain a habeas corpus law and free press. They have great need of
external peace to let them go on quietly with these internal improvements.
This seems to be secured to them by the insanity of the King of England.
Regents are generally peaceable, and I think this country will not let
itself be diverted from its object by any other power. There are symptoms
which render it suspicious that the two empires may make their peace
with the Turks. It seems more eligible to Russia to do this by ceding the
Crimea to them, that she may turn to the other side and save Poland, which
the King of Prussia is endeavoring to wrest from her. Probably the loss
of his principal ally will induce him to adopt a language and a conduct
less Thrasonic. The death of the King of Spain contributes to throw
into uncertainty the future face and fate of Europe. The English count
on his successor. We have not yet received from London the decision on
the question of regency. It is believed the Prince of Wales will be sole
regent, and that there will be a total change in the ministry. In this
case, probably 1405. 452. will be 846. 1453. 915. he will have found that
the old proverb is not always true, "that a bird in the hand is worth two
in the bush." There is something 816. 1209. 1225. 319. 8. 1548. 173. 1140.
457. 980. 913. 537. 814. 478. 887. 1363. 12. 1271. 1266. 904. 1266. 1017.
1548. 1128. 1581. 1438. 254.
The necessity of carrying back my family to America, and of carrying my
affairs, which I left under expectation of returning to them very soon,
have induced me to ask of Congress a leave of five or six months' absence
during the next year. I hope to obtain it in time to sail soon after
the vernal equinox, and shall return immediately after the autumnal. I
shall be happy while there if I can render you any service, and shall
hope to receive your commands before my departure, and in the meantime a
continuance of your interesting communications, now become much more so,
till we see which way the new administration of your residence will turn
itself. I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. PRICE.
PARIS, January 8, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I was favored with your letter of October 26th, and far from
finding any of its subjects uninteresting as you apprehend, they were to
me, as everything which comes from you, pleasing and instructive. I concur
with you strictly in your opinion of the comparative merits of atheism and
demonism, and really see nothing but the latter in the being worshipped by
many who think themselves Christians. Your opinions and writings will have
effect in bringing others to reason on this subject. Our new Constitution,
of which you speak also, has succeeded beyond what I apprehended it would
have done. I did not at first believe that eleven States out of thirteen
would have consented to a plan consolidating them as much into one. A
change in their dispositions, which had taken place since I left them,
had rendered this consolidation necessary, that is to say, had called
for a federal government which could walk upon its own legs, without
leaning for support on the State legislatures. A sense of necessity, and a
submission to it, is to me a new and consolatory proof that, whenever the
people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government;
that, whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, they
may be relied on to set them to rights. You say you are not sufficiently
informed about the nature and circumstances of the present struggle
here. Having been on the spot from its first origin, and watched its
movements as an uninterested spectator, with no other bias than a love
of mankind, I will give you my ideas of it. Though celebrated writers
of this and other countries had already sketched good principles on the
subject of government, yet the American war seems first to have awakened
the thinking part of this nation in general from the sleep of despotism
in which they were sunk. The officers too who had been to America, were
mostly young men, less shackled by habit and prejudice, and more ready to
assent to the dictates of common sense and common right. They came back
impressed with these. The press, notwithstanding its shackles, began to
disseminate them; conversation, too, assumed new freedom; politics became
the theme of all societies, male and female, and a very extensive and
zealous party was formed, which may be called the Patriotic party, who,
sensible of the abusive government under which they lived, longed for
occasions of reforming it. This party comprehended all the honesty of the
kingdom, sufficiently at its leisure to think; the men of letters, the
easy bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from re-reflection, partly from
mode; for those sentiments became a matter of mode, and as such united
most of the young women to the party. Happily for the nation, it happened
that, at the same moment, the dissipations of the court had exhausted the
money and credit of the State, and M. de Calonnes found himself obliged
to appeal to the nation, and to develop to it the ruin of their finances.
He had no idea of supplying the deficit by economies, he saw no means but
new taxes. To tempt the nation to consent to these some douceurs were
necessary. The Notables were called in 1787. The leading vices of the
constitution and administration were ably sketched out, good remedies
proposed, and under the splendor of the propositions, a demand for
more money was couched. The Notables concurred with the minister in the
necessity of reformation, adroitly avoided the demand of money, got him
displaced, and one of their leading men placed in his room. The archbishop
of Thoulouse, by the aid of the hopes formed of him, was able to borrow
some money, and he reformed considerably the expenses of the court.
Notwithstanding the prejudices since formed against him, he appeared to
me to pursue the reformation of the laws and constitution as steadily as
a man could do who had to drag the court after him, and even to conceal
from them the consequences of the measures he was leading them into. In
his time the criminal laws were reformed, provincial assemblies and States
established in most of the provinces, the States General promised, and a
solemn acknowledgment made by the King that he could not impose a new tax
without the consent of the nation. It is true he was continually goaded
forward by the public clamors, excited by the writings and workings of
the Patriots, who were able to keep up the public fermentation at the
exact point which borders on resistance, without entering on it. They had
taken into their alliance the Parliaments also, who were led, by very
singular circumstances, to espouse, for the first time, the rights of
the nation. They had from old causes had personal hostility against M.
de Calonnes. They refused to register his laws or his taxes, and went so
far as to acknowledge they had no power to do it. They persisted in this
with his successor, who therefore exiled them. Seeing that the nation
did not interest themselves much for their recall, they began to fear
that the new judicatures proposed in their place would be established
and that their own suppression would be perpetual. In short, they found
their own strength insufficient to oppose that of the King. They therefore
insisted that the States General should be called. Here they became
united with and supported by the Patriots, and their joint influence was
sufficient to produce the promise of that assembly. I always suspected
that the archbishops had no objections to this force under which they
laid him. But the Patriots and Parliament insisted it was their efforts
which extorted the promise against his will. The re-establishment of the
Parliament was the effect of the same coalition between the Patriots and
Parliament; but, once re-established, the latter began to see danger in
that very power, the States General, which they had called for in a moment
of despair, but which they now foresaw might very possibly abridge their
powers. They began to prepare grounds for questioning their legality, as
a rod over the head of the States, and as a refuge if they should really
extend their reformations to them. Mr. Neckar came in at this period
and very dexterously disembarrassed the administration of these disputes
by calling the notables to advise the form of calling and constituting
the States. The court was well disposed towards the people, not from
principles of justice or love to them; but they want money. No more can
be had from the people. They are squeezed to the last drop. The clergy
and nobles, by their privileges and influence, have kept their property
in a great measure untaxed hitherto. They then remain to be squeezed, and
no agent is powerful enough for this but the people. The court therefore
must ally itself with the people. But the Notables, consisting mostly
of privileged characters, had proposed a method of composing the States,
which would have rendered the voice of the people, or Tiers Etats, in the
States General, inefficient for the purpose of the court. It concurred
then with the Patriots in intriguing with the Parliament to get them to
pass a vote in favor of the rights of the people. This vote, balancing
that of the Notables, has placed the court at liberty to follow its own
views, and they have determined that the Tiers Etat shall have in the
States General as many votes as the clergy and nobles put together. Still
a great question remains to be decided, that is, shall the States General
vote by orders, or by persons? precedents are both ways. The clergy will
move heaven and earth to obtain the suffrage by orders, because that
parries the effect of all hitherto done for the people. The people will
probably send their deputies expressly instructed to consent to no tax,
to no adoption of the public debts, unless the unprivileged part of the
nation has a voice equal to that of the privileged; that is to say, unless
the voice of the Tiers Etat be equalled to that of the clergy and nobles.
They will have the young noblesse in general on their side, and the King
and court. Against them will be the ancient nobles and the clergy. So
that I hope, upon the whole, that by the time they meet, there will be
a majority of the nobles themselves in favor of the Tiers Etat. So far
history. We are now to come to prophecy; for you will ask, to what will
all this lead? I answer, if the States General do not stumble at the
threshold on the question before stated, and which must be decided before
they can proceed to business, then they will in their first session easily
obtain, 1. Their future periodical convocation of the States. 2. Their
exclusive right to raise and appropriate money which includes that of
establishing a civil list. 3. A participation in legislation; probably
at first, it will only be a transfer to them of the portion of it now
exercised by parliament, that is to say, a right to propose amendments
and a negative. But it must infallibly end in a right of origination. 4.
Perhaps they may make a declaration of rights. It will be attempted at
least. Two other objects will be attempted, viz., a habeas corpus law
and a free press. But probably they may not obtain these in the first
session, or with modifications only, and the nation must be left to ripen
itself more for their unlimited adoption. Upon the whole, it has appeared
to me that the basis of the present struggle is an illumination of the
public mind as to the rights of the nation, aided by fortunate incidents;
that they can never retrograde, but from the natural progress of things,
must press forward to the establishment of a constitution which shall
assure to them a good degree of liberty. They flatter themselves they
shall form a better constitution than the English. I think it will be
better in some points--worse in others. It will be better in the article
of representation, which will be more equal. It will be worse, as their
situation obliges them to keep up the dangerous machine of a standing
army. I doubt, too, whether they will obtain the trial by jury, because
they are not sensible of its value.
I am sure I have by this time heartily tired you with this long epistle,
and that you will be glad to see it brought to an end, with assurances of
the sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, January 11, 1789.
SIR,--My last letters were of the 14th, 19th and 29th of November, by
the way of London. The present will go the same way, through a private
channel.
All military operations in Europe seem to have been stopped, by the
excessive severity of the weather. In this country, it is unparalleled in
so early a part of the winter, and in duration, having continued since
the middle of November, during which time, it has been as low as nine
degrees below nought, that is to say, forty degrees below freezing, by
Fahrenheit's thermometer; and it has increased the difficulties of the
administration here. They had, before, to struggle with the want of money,
and want of bread for the people, and now, the want of fuel for them, and
want of employment. The siege of Oczakow is still continued, the soldiers
sheltering themselves in the Russian manner, in subterraneous barracks;
and the Captain Pacha has retired with his fleet. The death of the King
of Spain has contributed, with the insanity of the English King, to render
problematical, the form which the affairs of Europe will ultimately take.
Some think a peace possible between the Turks and the two Empires, with
the cession of Crimea to the former, as less important to Russia than
Poland, which she is in danger of losing. In this case, the two Empires
might attack the King of Prussia, and the scene of war be only changed. He
is certainly uneasy at the accident happened to his principal ally. There
seems no doubt, but that the Prince of Wales will be sole regent; but it
is also supposed, they will not give him the whole executive power, and
particularly, that of declaring war without the consent of the parliament.
Should his personal dispositions, therefore, and that of a new ministry,
be the same which the King had, of co-operating with Prussia, yet the
latter cannot count on their effect. Probably, the parliament will not
consent to war, so that I think we may consider the two great powers of
France and England as absolutely at rest for some time.
As the character of the Prince of Wales is becoming interesting, I have
endeavored to learn what it truly is. This is less difficult in his case,
than in that of other persons of his rank, because he has taken no pains
to hide himself from the world. The information I most rely on, is from
a person here with whom I am intimate, who divides his time between Paris
and London, an Englishman by birth, of truth, sagacity and science. He is
of a circle, when in London, which has had good opportunities of knowing
the Prince; but he has also, himself, had special occasions of verifying
their information, by his own personal observation. He happened, when
last in London, to be invited to a dinner of three persons. The Prince
came by chance, and made the fourth. He ate half a leg of mutton; did
not taste of small dishes, because small; drank Champagne and Burgundy,
as small beer during dinner, and Bourdeaux after dinner, as the rest
of the company. Upon the whole, he ate as much as the other three, and
drank about two bottles of wine without seeming to feel it. My informant
sat next him, and being till then unknown to the Prince, personally,
(though not by character,) and lately from France, the Prince confined
his conversation almost entirely to him. Observing to the Prince that he
spoke French without the least foreign accent, the Prince told him, that
when very young, his father had put only French servants about him, and
that it was to that circumstance he owed his pronunciation. He led him
from this to give an account of his education, the total of which was the
learning a little Latin. He has not a single element of Mathematics, of
Natural or Moral Philosophy, or of any other science on earth, nor has the
society he has kept been such as to supply the void of education. It has
been that of the lowest, the most illiterate and profligate persons of
the kingdom, without choice of rank or mind, and with whom the subjects
of conversation are only horses, drinking-matches, bawdy houses, and
in terms the most vulgar. The young nobility, who begin by associating
with him, soon leave him, disgusted with the insupportable profligacy
of his society; and Mr. Fox, who has been supposed his favorite, and
not over-nice in the choice of company, would never keep his company
habitually. In fact, he never associated with a man of sense. He has not
a single idea of justice, morality, religion, or of the rights of men, or
any anxiety for the opinion of the world. He carries that indifference
for fame so far, that he would probably not be hurt were he to lose
his throne, provided he could be assured of having always meat, drink,
horses, and women. In the article of women, nevertheless, he is become
more correct, since his connection with Mrs. Fitzherbert, who is an honest
and worthy woman: he is even less crapulous than he was. He had a fine
person, but it is becoming coarse. He possesses good native common sense;
is affable, polite, and very good humored. Saying to my informant, on
another occasion, "your friend, such a one, dined with me yesterday, and
I made him damned drunk;" he replied, "I am sorry for it; I had heard that
your royal highness had left off drinking:" the Prince laughed, tapped him
on the shoulder very good naturedly, without saying a word, or ever after
showing any displeasure. The Duke of York, who was for some time cried up
as the prodigy of the family, is as profligate, and of less understanding.
To these particular traits, from a man of sense and truth, it would be
superfluous to add the general terms of praise or blame, in which he is
spoken of by other persons, in whose impartiality and penetration I have
less confidence. A sample is better than a description. For the peace of
Europe, it is best that the King should give such gleamings of recovery,
as would prevent the regent or his ministry from thinking themselves firm,
and yet, that he should not recover.
This country advances with a steady pace towards the establishment of
a constitution, whereby the people will resume the great mass of those
powers, so fatally lodged in the hands of the King. During the session of
the Notables, and after their votes against the rights of the people, the
parliament of Paris took up the subject, and passed a vote in opposition
to theirs (which I send you). This was not their genuine sentiment; it
was a manœuvre of the young members, who are truly well disposed, taking
advantage of the accidental absence of many old members, and bringing
others over by the clause, which, while it admits the negative of the
States General in legislation, reserves still to the parliament the
right of enregistering, that is to say, another negative. The Notables
persevered in their opinion. The Princes of the blood, (Monsieur and the
Duke d'Orleans excepted,) presented and published a memoir, threatening a
scission. The parliament were proposing to approve of that memoir, (by way
of rescinding their former vote,) and were prevented from it by the threat
of a young member to impeach (_denoncer_) the memoir and the Princes who
signed it. The vote of the Notables, therefore, remaining balanced by
that of the Parliament, the voice of the nation becoming loud and general
for the rights of the Tiers Etat, a strong probability that if they were
not allowed one half the representation, they would send up their members
with express instructions to agree to no tax and to no adoption of the
public debts, and the court really wishing to give them a moiety of the
representation, this was decided on ultimately. You are not to suppose
that these dispositions of the court proceed from any love of the people,
or justice towards their rights. Courts love the people always, as wolves
do the sheep. The fact is this. The court wants money. From the Tiers
Etat they cannot get it, because they are already squeezed to the last
drop. The clergy and the nobles, by their privileges and their influence,
have hitherto screened their property in a great degree, from public
contribution. That half of the orange then, remains yet to be squeezed,
and for this operation there is no agent powerful enough, but the people.
They are, therefore, brought forward as the favorites of the court, and
will be supported by them. The moment of crisis will be the meeting of
the States; because their first act will be, to decide whether they shall
vote by persons or by orders. The clergy will leave nothing unattempted to
obtain the latter; for they see that the spirit of reformation will not
confine itself to the political, but will extend to the ecclesiastical
establishment also. With respect to the nobles, the younger members are
generally for the people, and the middle aged are daily coming over to the
same side; so that by the time the States meet, we may hope there will be
a majority of that body also in favor of the people, and consequently for
voting by persons, and not by orders.
You will perceive, by the report of Mr. Neckar, (in the gazette of
France,) 1, a renewal of the renunciation of the power of imposing a
new tax by the King, and a like renunciation of the power of continuing
any old one; 2, an acknowledgment that the States are to appropriate the
public moneys, which will go to the binding the court to a civil list;
3, a consent to the periodical meeting of the States; 4, to consider of
the restrictions of which _lettres de cachet_ are susceptible; 5, the
degree of liberty to be given to the press; 6, a bill of rights; and 7,
there is a passage which looks towards the responsibility of ministers.
Nothing is said of communicating to them a share in the legislation. The
ministry, perhaps, may be unwilling to part with this, but it will be
insisted on in the States. The letters of convocation will not appear
till towards the latter end of the month: neither time nor place are yet
declared, but Versailles is talked of, and we may well presume that some
time in April will be fixed on. In the meantime, Mr. Neckar gets money to
keep the machine in motion. Their funds rose slowly, but steadily, till
within these few days, when there was a small check. However, they stand
very well, and will rise. The _caisse d'escompte_ lent the government
twenty-five millions, two days ago. The navy of this country sustained
a heavy loss lately, by the death of the Bailli de Suffrein. He was
appointed Generalissimo of the Atlantic, when war was hourly expected
with England, and is certainly the officer on whom the nation would have
reposed its principal hopes, in such a case. We just now hear of the death
of the Speaker of the House of Commons, before the nomination of a regent,
which adds a new embarrassment to the re-establishment of government in
England.
Since writing mine of November the 29th, yours of the 23d of September
has come to hand. As the General of the Mathurins was to be employed
in the final redemption of our captives, I thought that their previous
support had better be put into his hands, and conducted by himself in
such a way as not to counterwork his plan of redemption, whenever we can
enable him to begin on it. I gave him full powers as to the amount and
manner of subsisting them. He has undertaken it, informing me, at the
same time, that it will be on a very low scale, to avoid suspicion of
its coming from the public. He spoke of but three sous a day per man,
as being sufficient for their physical necessaries, more than which, he
thinks it not advisable to give. I have no definitive answer yet from
our bankers, whether we may count on the whole million last agreed to
be borrowed, but I have no doubt of it, from other information, though I
have not their formal affirmative. The gazettes of Leyden and France to
this date, accompany this. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the
most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PARIS, January 12, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 18th of November; since which, I
have received yours of the 21st of September and October the 8th, with the
pamphlet on the Mohicon language, for which, receive my thanks. I endeavor
to collect all the vocabularies I can, of the American Indians, as of
those of Asia, persuaded, that if they ever had a common parentage, it
will appear in their languages.
I was pleased to see the vote of Congress, of September the 16th, on the
subject of the Mississippi, as I had before seen, with great uneasiness,
the pursuits of other principles, which I could never reconcile to my
own ideas of probity or wisdom, and from which, and my knowledge of the
character of our western settlers, I saw that the loss of that country
was a necessary consequence. I wish this return to true policy, may
be in time to prevent evil. There has been a little foundation for the
reports and fears relative to the Marquis de La Fayette. He has, from the
beginning, taken openly part with those who demand a constitution; and
there was a moment that we apprehended the Bastile; but they ventured on
nothing more, than to take from him a temporary service, on which he had
been ordered; and this, more to save appearances for their own authority,
than anything else; for at the very time they pretended that they had put
him into disgrace, they were constantly conferring and communicating with
him. Since this, he has stood on safe ground, and is viewed as among the
foremost of the patriots. Everybody here is trying their hand at forming
declarations of rights. As something of that kind is going on with you
also, I send you two specimens from hence. The one is by our friend of
whom I have just spoken. You will see that it contains the essential
principles of ours, accommodated as much as could be, to the actual state
of things here. The other is from a very sensible man, a pure theorist,
of the sect called the economists, of which Turgot was considered as the
head. The former is adapted to the existing abuses, the latter goes to
those possible, as well as to those existing.
With respect to Dr. Spence, supposed to have been taken by the Algerines,
I think the report extremely improbable. O'Bryan, one of our captives
there, has constantly written to me, and given me information on every
subject he thought interesting. He could not have failed to know if such
a capture had been made, though before his time, nor to inform me of it.
I am under perpetual anxiety for our captives there. The money, indeed, is
not yet ready at Amsterdam; but when it shall be, there are no orders from
the board of treasury to the bankers, to furnish what may be necessary for
the redemption of the captives; and it is so long since Congress approved
the loan, that the orders of the treasury for the application of the money
would have come, if they had intended to send any. I wrote to them early
on the subject, and pointedly. I mentioned it to Mr. Jay also, merely that
he might suggest it to them. The payments to the foreign officers, will
await the same formality.
I thank you for your attention to the case of Mrs. Burke. We have no
news of Dr. Franklin since July last, when he was very ill. Though the
silence of our letters on that subject is a proof that he is well, yet
there is an anxiety here among his friends. We have lately had three books
published, which are of great merit, in different lines. The one is in
seven volumes, octavo, by an Abbé Barthelemy, wherein he has collected
every subject of Grecian literature, after a labor of thirty years. It is
called "_Les voyages d'Anacharsis_." I have taken a copy for you, because
the whole impression was likely to be run off at once. The second is a
work on government, by the Marquis de Condorcet, two volumes, octavo. I
shall secure you a copy. The third are the works of the King of Prussia,
in sixteen volumes, octavo. These were a little garbled at Berlin, before
printed. The government lays its hands on all which come here, and change
some leaves. There is a genuine edition published at Balse, where even the
garblings of Berlin are re-established. I doubt the possibility of getting
a copy, so vigilant is the government as to this work. I shall obtain
you one, if it be possible. As I write all the public news to Mr. Jay, I
will not repeat it to you. I have just received the Flora Caroliniana of
Walter, a very learned and good work. I am, with very sincere esteem and
respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, January 14, 1789.
SIR,--In my letter of the 11th, I have said nothing of the _Arret_
explanatory of that of September the 28th, on the subject of whale oils,
which my letter of November the 19th gave you reason to expect. Though
this explanatory _Arret_ has been passed so long ago as the 7th of
December, it has not been possible for me to obtain an authentic copy of
it, till last night. I now enclose that to you, with a copy of a letter
to me from Mr. Neckar, on the subject. The reception of our oils, in the
meantime, is provided for by an intermediate order. You will observe,
that in the _Arret_ it is said to be passed "provisoirement," and that
Mr. Neckar expressly holds up to us in his letter, a repeal, whenever
the national fishery supplies their wants. The _Arret_, however, is not
limited in its duration, and we have several chances against its repeal.
It may be questioned, whether Mr. Neckar thinks the fishery worth the
expense. It may be well questioned, whether, either with or without
encouragement, the nation whose navigation is the least economical of
all in Europe, can ever succeed in the whale fishery, which calls for the
most rigorous economy. It is hoped that a share in the legislation will
pass immediately into the hands of the States General, so as to be no
longer in the power of the _commis_ of a bureau, or even of his minister
to smuggle a law through, unquestioned; and we may even hope that the
national demand for this oil will increase faster than both their and our
fisheries together will supply. But in spite of all these hopes, if the
English should find means to cover their oils under our name, there will
be great danger of a repeal. It is essential, then, that our government
take effectual measures to prevent the English from obtaining genuine sea
papers, that they enable their consuls in the ports of France (as soon as
they shall be named) to detect counterfeit papers, and that we convince
this government that we use our best endeavors with good faith, as it is
clearly our interest to do; for the rivalship of the English, is the only
one we have to fear. It had already begun to render our oils invendible in
the ports of France. You will observe that Mr. Neckar renews the promise
of taking off the ten sous _pour_ livre, at the end of the next year.
Oczakow is at length taken by assault. The assailants were fourteen
thousand, and the garrison twelve thousand, of whom seven thousand were
cut to pieces before they surrendered. The Russians lost three thousand
men. This is the Russian version, of which it is safe to believe no part,
but that Oczakow is taken. The speaker of the English House of Commons,
having died suddenly, they have chosen Mr. Grenville, a young man of
twenty-seven years of age. This proves that Mr. Pitt is firm with the
present parliament.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. ADAMS.
PARIS, January 14, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I now do myself the pleasure to enclose to you a copy of
the _Arret_ explanatory of that of September 28th, on the subject of
our whale oils. Mr. Neckar in a letter to me has reserved the promise
of taking off the ten sous per livre at the end of the next year. But,
at the same time, he observes that whenever the national fishery shall
be able to supply their demand for whale oil, we must expect a repeal
of this _Arret_, which therefore expresses itself to be _provisory_.
However, their navigation being the most expensive in Europe, they are
the least likely to succeed in a whale fishery, without encouragements
more extravagant than even those they now give; and it remains to be seen
whether Mr. Neckar will continue to give even the present. I am informed
there will be fewer French adventurers the next year than there has
been this; so that if there be an apparent increase of their fishery, it
will be by drawing over more of our fishermen. It is probable the States
General will obtain a participation in the legislation, which will render
their laws more stable, and more to be relied on. Mr. Neckar has also
promised that if the present _Arret_ should at any time be repealed,
there shall be a sufficient space of time allowed for the reception of
the oils which shall have been previously embarked. But our principal,
if not our only danger, of a repeal being brought on, will come from the
endeavors of the English to introduce their oils under color of ours,
perhaps even with the assistance of our own merchants. Some effectual
means must be adopted to prevent them from getting our real ship papers,
and our Consuls in the ports of France must be enabled to detect forged
papers; and we must moreover convince this government that we use our
utmost endeavors, and with good faith, to prevent the entry of English
oils under the license given to us. I would advise our shippers of oil
always to get the certificate of the French consul in their State, if
it be practicable, because those will admit of the least doubt here.
When this cannot be had, they may have recourse to the magistrates of
the country, and in this case there should be a certificate under the
seal of the State, that the magistrate who has certified their oil to be
the produce of the American fishery, is a magistrate duly appointed and
qualified by law, all the States for the Governors' signature to accompany
the great seal. Oczakow is at length taken. The Russians say they gave
the assault with fourteen thousand men, against twelve thousand within
the walls, that seven thousand of these suffered themselves to be cut to
pieces before they surrendered, and that themselves lost three thousand.
The only circumstance to be believed in all this, is that Oczakow is
taken. Everything else in Europe is quiet, except the internal affairs
of Poland. The Prussian party there gains greater superiority daily. The
King of Prussia, however, will feel less bold on the probability that
England will remain inactive in all things external. This secures to this
country leisure for their internal improvements. These go on well. The
report of Mr. Neckar to the King, which has been published, renews the
renunciation of the power of laying a new tax or continuing an old one
without consent of the States General; admits they are to appropriate the
public moneys (and of course how much of it the King may spend), that
ministers must be responsible, that the King will concur in fixing the
periodical meeting of the States, that he will be ready to consider with
them what modifications, _lettres de cachet_ should be put under, and of
the decree of liberty which may be given to the press; and further, that
all this shall be fixed by a convention so solemn as that his successor
shall not be free to infringe it; that is to say, that he will concur in
a declaration of rights. Nothing is said, however, of the States sharing
in the legislation, but they will surely be passed. They have given to the
Tiers Etat a representation in the States equal to both the other orders,
and it is probably they will form but one house and vote by persons; but
that is not decided. Be so good as to present me affectionately to Mrs.
Adams, and to be assured yourself, of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.
TO MADAME NECKAR.
PARIS, January 24, 1789.
I have received, Madam, with a great deal of sensibility, the letter of
the 22d instant, with which you were pleased to honor me, on the claims
of Monsieur Klein against the United States; and immediately endeavored
to inform myself of their foundation, by an examination of the journals
of Congress. Congress, consisting of many persons, can only speak by the
organ of their records. If they have any engagements, they are to be found
there. If not found there, they can never have existed. I proceeded to
this examination, with all the partialities which were naturally inspired
by the interest you are so good as to take in his behalf, the desire of
doing what will be agreeable to you, and a disposition to obtain for him
the justice which might be his due. I have extracted, literally, from
those journals, everything I find in them on his subject, and I take the
liberty of enclosing you those extracts. From them, as well as from what I
recollect of the ordinary train of business about the years 1778 and 1779,
I presume the following to be very nearly the history of Monsieur Klein's
case.
Congress were generally desirous of adding to their army during the war.
Among other methods attempted, it was usual for foreigners (multitudes
of whom went to ask command), when they found there was no vacancy,
to propose to raise troops themselves, on condition they should have
commissions to command them. I suppose that Messrs. Klein, Fearer and
Kleinsmit (named in the resolution of Congress of 1788, and whom, from
their names, I conjecture to be Germans), offered to enlist a body of men
from among the German prisoners taken with General Burgoyne at Saratoga,
on condition that Fearer and Kleinsmit should be captains over them, and
Klein, lieutenant colonel. Three months seem to have been allowed them
for raising their corps. However, at the end of ten months it seems they
had engaged but twenty-four men, and that all of these, except five, had
deserted. Congress, therefore, put an end to the project, June the 21st,
1779 (and not in July, 1780, as Monsieur Klein says), by informing him
they had no farther use for his services, and giving him a year's pay
and subsistence to bring him to Europe. He chose to stay there three
and a half longer, as he says, to solicit what was due to him. Nothing
could ever have been due to him, but pay and subsistence for the ten
months he was trying to enlist men, and the donation of a year's pay and
subsistence; and it is not probable he would wait three years and a half
to receive these. I suppose he has staid in hopes of finding some other
opening for employment. If these articles of pay and subsistence have not
been paid to him, he has the certificates of the paymaster and commissary
to prove it; because it was an invariable rule, when demands could not be
paid, to give the party a certificate, to establish the sum due to him. If
he has not such a certificate, it is a proof he has been paid. If he has
it, he can produce it, and, in that case, I will undertake to represent
his claim to our government, and will answer for their justice.
It would be easy to correct several inaccuracies in the letter of Monsieur
Klein, such as that Congress _engaged_ to give him a regiment; that he
paid the recruiting money _out of his own pocket_; that his soldiers had
_nothing but bread and water_; that Congress had promised him they would
pay his soldiers in _specie_, &c.; some of which are impossible, and
others very improbable; but these would be details too lengthy, Madam,
for you to be troubled with. Klein's object is to be received at the
hospital of invalids. I presume he is not of the description of persons
entitled to be received there, and that his American commission and
American grievances, are the only ground he has whereon to raise a claim
to reception. He has, therefore, tried to make the most of them. Few think
there is any immorality in scandalizing governments or ministers; and M.
Klein's distresses render this resource more innocent in him than it is in
most others.
Your commands, Madam, to give what information I could, have drawn thus
much from me. I would not wish to weaken the hopes he so justly rests
on your known goodness and benevolence. On the contrary, the weaker his
claim elsewhere, the stronger they will plead in your bosom to procure him
relief; and whatever may be done for him here, I repeat it, that if he has
any just demand against the United States, and will furnish me with proofs
of it, I will solicit it with zeal, and, I trust, with effect. To procure
him justice will be one gratification, and a great additional one will
be, that he has procured me the occasion of offering you my portion of the
general tribute so justly due for all the good you have done, and all you
are perpetually endeavoring to do. Accept then, Madam, I pray you, this
homage from one whose motives are pure truth and justice, when he assures
you of the sincerity of those sentiments of esteem and respect with
which he has the honor to be, Madam, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, February 4, 1789.
SIR,--Your favor of November the 25th, by Gouverneur Morris, is duly
received. I must beg you to take the trouble of deciphering yourself what
follows, and to communicate it to nobody but the President, at least for
the present.
We had before understood, through different channels, that the conduct
of the Count de Moustier was politically and morally offensive. It
was delicate for me to speak on the subject to the Count de Montmorin.
The invaluable mediation of our friend, the Marquis de La Fayette, was
therefore resorted to, and the subject explained, though not pressed.
Later intelligence showing the necessity of pressing it, it was yesterday
resumed, and represented through the same medium to the Count de
Montmorin, that recent information proved to us, that his minister's
conduct had rendered him personally odious in America, and might even
influence the dispositions of the two nations; that his recall was become
a matter of mutual concern; that we had understood he was instructed
to remind the new government of their debt to this country, and that
he was in the purpose of doing it in very harsh terms; that this could
not increase their desire of hastening payment, and might wound their
affections; that, therefore, it was much to be desired that his discretion
should not be trusted to, as to the form in which the demand should be
made, but that the letter should be written here, and he instructed to
add nothing but his signature; nor was his private conduct omitted. The
Count de Montmorin was sensibly impressed. He very readily determined
that the letter should be formed here, but said that the recall was a
more difficult business; that as they had no particular fact to allege
against the Count de Moustier, they could not recall him from that
ministry without giving him another, and there was no vacancy at present.
However, he would hazard his first thoughts on the subject, saving the
right of correcting them by further consideration. They were these: that
there was a loose expression in one of de Moustier's letters, which might
be construed into a petition for leave of absence; that he would give
him permission to return to France; that it had been before decided, on
the request of the Marquis de La Luzerne, that Otto should go to him to
London; that they would send a person to America as chargé des affaires
in place of Otto, and that if the President (General Washington) approved
of him, he should be afterwards made minister. He had cast his eye on
Colonel Ternant, and desired the Marquis to consult me whether he would
be agreeable. At first I hesitated, recollecting to have heard Ternant
represented in America as an hypochondriac, discontented man, and paused
for a moment between him and Barthelemy, at London, of whom I have heard
a great deal of good. However, I concluded it safer to take one whom
we knew, and who knew us. The Marquis was decidedly of this opinion.
Ternant will see that his predecessor is recalled for unconciliatory
deportment, and that he will owe his own promotion to the approbation of
the President. He established a solid reputation in Europe, by his conduct
when Generalissimo of one of the United Provinces, during their late
disturbances; and it is generally thought, that if he had been put at the
head of the principal province, instead of the Rhingrave de Salm, he would
have saved that cause. Upon the whole, I believe you may expect that the
Count de Moustier will have an immediate leave of absence, which will soon
after become a recall in effect. I will try, also, to have the consuls
admonished as to the line of conduct they should observe. I shall have the
honor of writing you a general letter within a few days. I have now that
of assuring you of the sentiment of sincere esteem and respect, with which
I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
PARIS, February 9, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 22d of January, on which day I
received yours of December the 31st, and since that, the other of January
the 14th. We have now received news from America down to the middle
of December. They had then had no cold weather. All things relative
to our new Constitution were going on well. Federal senators are; New
Hampshire, President Langdon and Bartlett. Massachusetts, Strong and
Dalton. Connecticut, Dr. Johnson and Ellsworth. New Jersey, Patterson
and Ellmer. Pennsylvania, Robert Morris and McClay. Delaware, Reed and
Bassett. Virginia, Richard Henry Lee and Grayson. Maryland, Charles
Carroll of Carrolton, and John Henry. All of these are federalists except
those of Virginia; so that a majority of federalists are secured in the
Senate, and expected in the House of Representatives. General Washington
will be President, and probably Mr. Adams Vice President. So that the
Constitution will be put under way by those who will give it a fair trial.
It does not seem probable that the attempt of New York to have another
convention to make amendments, will succeed, though Virginia concurs in
it. It is tolerably certain that Congress will propose amendments to the
Assemblies, as even the friends of the Constitution are willing to make
amendments; some from a conviction they are necessary, others, from a
spirit of conciliation. The addition of a bill of rights, will, probably,
be the most essential change. A vast majority of anti-federalists have got
into the Assembly of Virginia, so that Mr. Henry is omnipotent there. Mr.
Madison was left out as a senator by eight or nine votes; and Henry has so
modelled the districts for representatives, as to tack Orange to counties
where himself has great influence, that Madison may not be elected into
the lower federal House, which was the place he had wished to serve in,
and not the Senate. Henry pronounced a philippic against Madison in open
Assembly, Madison being then at Philadelphia. Mifflin is President of
Pennsylvania, and Peters, Speaker. Colonel Howard is Governor of Maryland.
Beverly Randolph, Governor of Virginia; (this last is said by a passenger
only, and he seems not very sure,) Colonel Humphreys is attacked in the
papers for his French airs, for bad poetry, bad prose, vanity, &c. It is
said his dress, in so gay a style, gives general disgust against him. I
have received a letter from him. He seems fixed with General Washington.
Mayo's bridge, at Richmond, was completed, and carried away in a few
weeks. While up, it was so profitable that he had great offers for it.
A turnpike is established at Alexandria, and succeeds. Rhode Island
has again refused to call a convention. Spain has granted to Colonel
Morgan, of New Jersey, a vast tract of land on the western side of the
Mississippi, with the monopoly of the navigation of that river. He is
inviting settlers, and they swarm to him. Even the settlement of Kentucky
is likely to be much weakened by emigrations to Morgan's grant. Warville
has returned, charmed with our country. He is going to carry his wife
and children to settle there. Gouverneur Morris has just arrived here;
deputed, as is supposed, to settle Robert Morris' affairs, which continue
still deranged. Doctor Franklin was well when he left America, which was
about the middle of December.
* * * * *
I send Mr. Rutledge two letters by the post. Be so good as to present him
my esteem, and to be assured yourself of the sincere esteem and attachment
with which I am, and shall ever be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and
servant.
TO M. DE VILLEDEUIL.
PARIS, February 10, 1789.
SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency with the following
case, which I understand to be within your department. Mr. Jay, Secretary
for Foreign Affairs to the United States of America, having occasion to
send me despatches of great importance, and by a courier express, confided
them to a Mr. Nesbitt, who offered himself in that character. He has
delivered them safely; but, in the moment of delivering them, explained
to me his situation, which is as follows. He was established in commerce
at L'Orient during the war. Losses by shipwreck, by capture, and by the
conclusion of the peace at a moment when he did not expect it, reduced
him to bankruptcy, and he returned to America, without the consent of his
creditors, to make the most of his affairs there. He has been employed
in this ever since, and now wishing to see his creditors, and to consult
them on their mutual interests, he availed himself of Mr. Jay's demand
for a courier, to come under the safe conduct of that character to Paris,
where he flattered himself he might obtain that of your Excellency, for
the purpose of seeing his creditors, settling and arranging with them.
He thinks a twelve-month will be necessary for this. Understanding that
it is not unusual to grant safe conducts in such cases, and persuaded it
will be for the benefit of his creditors, I take the liberty of enclosing
his memoir to your Excellency, and of soliciting your favorable attention
to it, assured that it will not be denied him, if it be consistent with
the established usage; and if inadmissible, praying that your Excellency
will have the goodness to give me as early an answer as the other
arduous occupations in which you are engaged will admit, in order that
he may know whether he may see his creditors, or must return without. I
am encouraged to trouble your Excellency with this application, by the
goodness with which you have been pleased to attend to our interests on
former occasions, and by the desire of availing myself of every occasion
of proffering to you the homage of those sentiments of attachment and
respect, with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. SHORT.
PARIS, February 28, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 9th instant. Yours of the 11th,
came to hand yesterday evening. Some of its enquiries will have already
been answered to you. We have no information from America down to the
middle of January. Things were going on so well that our letters afford
nothing interesting scarcely. The opposition to the new Constitution
grows feebler. Everywhere the elections are federal. In New York they
had not yet been able to agree in the choice of senators, nor even in
the manner of choosing. The new government begins on Wednesday next.
Its friends consent to some changes, and particularly to the annexation
of a declaration of rights. This will probably be proposed by Congress
to the several assemblies, and thus a new convention be avoided. The
Virginia Assembly met October 23. They choose for their speaker, Thomas
Mathews, (who is this?) They are furiously anti-federal. They have passed
a bill rendering every person holding any federal office incapable of
holding at the same time any State office. This is a declaration of war
against the new Constitution. Mr. Adams is generally expected to be the
Vice-President. Hancock is his only competitor. Others are sometimes
talked of, but not with their own consent. I see in a Virginia paper of
last summer, that George Nicholas advertised his departure to settle
in Kentucky this present month of February. Great numbers of American
vessels are now arriving in the ports of France with flour and wheat, in
consequence of the demand of this country and of the bounty it gives. I
have received a letter from Ladian, dated Grand Cairo, September 10. He
was just then about to plunge into the terræ incognitæ of Africa. This
morning, I received one from Admiral Paul Jones, dated St. Petersburg,
January 30, he was just arrived there at the desire of the Empress. He has
commanded hitherto on the Black Sea, but does not know whether the Empress
destines him to return there or to take any other command.
There has been an affray in Britanny between the Noblesse and people, in
which some few were killed. Things there are now quiet, and all the rest
of the kingdom is going on well towards its object. In some places, as
in Burgundy and Franche-compte, there is an opposition by the Noblesse
indeed against the manifest sense of the nation, but I do not apprehend
any serious evil from it. The States General are likely to meet under
happy auspices. It would seem that the government thinks they will end
well, because I observe in their communications with certain unfriendly
courts they assume a tone which had been laid aside for some time. Their
effects stand well. * * * * The King of England seems to be in a state
of convalescence. The symptoms of a return of reason are such that on
the 19th instant the House of Lords put off the reading of the Regency
bill, and it is even thought there will be no regency, nor any change of
ministry. There are not yet sufficient data to ground a judgment whether
there will be peace or not between the Turks and the two empires, nor what
part Russia will take in the affairs of Poland. The preparations of Sweden
and Denmark so far announce a continuation of the war. You have heard,
doubtless, of the revolution which took place in Geneva about the last
of January. It was the work of three or four days only, and with little
bloodshed their ancient constitution is almost completely re-established.
Their exiles are to be recalled, the foreign garrison sent off, the
Bourgeois guard the city, and the nomination of the Syndics is restored
to the council of two hundred. I see no reason to doubt the permanence
of this reformation. Here all your acquaintances are well. I continue to
keep my house and on such terms as will induce me to keep it as long as
I remain in Europe. I fear my departure in the spring may be retarded,
as Governeur Morris tells me there would be no probability that the old
Congress would re-assemble. In this case I cannot receive my leave of
absence from the new government. I have proposed to them the naming you
_Chargé des Affaires_ to take care of their business during my absence.
You know that we must not be too sanguine on these occasions.
* * * * *
TO DR. BANCROFT.
PARIS, March 2, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I have just received a letter of January 31st from Admiral Paul
Jones, at Petersburg, in which, charging me with the execution of some
commissions, and these requiring money, he tells me you will answer my
drafts to the amount of four or five thousand livres, on his account. Be
so good as to inform me whether you will pay such drafts.
A Monsieur Foulloy, who has been connected with Deane, lately offered me
for sale two volumes of Deane's letter books and account books, that he
had taken instead of money, which Deane owed him. I have purchased them
on public account. He tells me Deane has still six or eight volumes more,
and being to return soon to London, he will try to get them also, in
order to make us pay high for them. You are sensible of the impropriety
of letting such books get into hands which might make an unfriendly use
of them. You are sensible of the immorality of an ex-minister's selling
his secrets for money; and consequently that there can be no immorality
in tempting him with money to part with them; so that they may be restored
to that government to whom they properly belong. Your former acquaintance
with Deane may, perhaps, put it in your power to render our country
the service of recovering those books. It would not do to propose it
to him as for Congress. What other way would best bring it about, you
know best. I suppose his distresses and his crapulous habits, will not
render him difficult on this head. On the supposition that there are six
or eight volumes, I think you might venture as far as fifty guineas,
and proportionably for fewer. I will answer your draft to this amount
and purpose, or you may retain it out of any moneys you may propose to
pay me for Admiral Jones. There is no time to lose in this negotiation,
as, should Foulloy arrive there before it is closed, he will spoil the
bargain. If you should be able to recover these books, I would ask the
favor of you to send them to me by the Diligence, that I may carry them
back with me to America. I make no apology for giving you this trouble. It
is for our common country, and common interest.
I am, with sincere and great esteem and attachment, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO MR. SHIPPEN.
PARIS, March 11, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I had wished to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of
January the 19th, and February the 3d, by a private conveyance, but none
such having occurred, nor being likely to occur, I must write you such a
letter as may go through the inspection of both post offices.
The affairs of this country are still going on well. There are loud
contestations indeed in one or two of the provinces, and in Brittany
these have come to blows, and some three or four or five people have
been killed. Still the opposition to the revolution which is working has
been miraculously small, and he who would predict of its failure from the
little obstacles which have happened, would be about as good a prophet as
he who, from the loss of two or three skirmishes on our part, would have
foretold our final failure in the American revolution. All the world here
is occupied in electioneering, in choosing or being chosen; and, as far as
Paris may be considered as affording a specimen of the public mind, we may
say it is almost thoroughly ripe for a just decision of the great question
of voting by orders or by persons. The difficulties which now appear
threatening to my mind, are those which will result from the size of the
Assembly. Twelve hundred persons of any rank and of any nation assembled
together, would with difficulty be prevented from tumult and confusion.
But when they are to compose an assembly for which no rules of debate
or proceeding have been yet formed, in whom no habits of order have been
yet established, and to consist moreover of Frenchmen, among whom there
are always more speakers than listeners, I confess to you I apprehend
some danger. However, I still hope that the goodness of the body, and the
coolness and collectedness of some of their leaders, will keep them in the
right way, and that this great Assembly will end happily.
The war in the north will, I think, continue, and perhaps spread as far as
Prussia. The present and probable situation of the Executive in England,
will, I presume, prevent their engaging otherwise than by giving money.
If so, this country will certainly not engage herself the present year,
and after the present year, if her States General pass over well, she will
be in a condition to do what she pleases. I have lately received a letter
from Admiral Paul Jones, dated at Petersburg, about the last of January.
He was just arrived there on the call of the Empress, and uninformed where
he was to act the ensuing campaign. We have no news from America later
than the 10th of January, when things were going on well. I find that
the friends of the new Constitution are generally disposed to make such
changes as may be requisite to guard liberty. This will probably reconcile
the bulk of the opposition. Nothing would be more agreeable to me than
your company on our voyage to Virginia, and I am sorry I am unable to give
such an idea of the epoch of it, as might enable you to decide whether it
suited you. Governeur Morris, who is here, informs me that not only there
was no Congress when he came away, but that none was expected till the
new government. My letters asking leave of absence were not then arrived,
and consequently I cannot have that leave but from the new government,
nor expect that even they will take it up among their first subjects.
This renders the time of my receiving permission uncertain, and should it
be so late as that I cannot go, do my business there, and return in the
fall, I shall prefer postponing my departure hence to the fall, so that
I may return in the spring, being quite decided against a winter passage.
You see, therefore, my dear Sir, the impossibility of my fixing the epoch
of my departure. Pray continue to me during your stay your interesting
political information, and accept assurances of the esteem and respect
with which I am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN JAY.
PARIS, March 12, 1789.
SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 1st instant, through the
post. I write the present, uncertain whether Mr. Nesbitt, the bearer of
your last, will be the bearer of this, or whether it may not have to wait
some other private occasion. They have re-established their packet-boats
here indeed; but they are to go from Bourdeaux, which, being between four
and five hundred miles from hence, is too far to send a courier with any
letters but on the most extraordinary occasions; and without a courier,
they must pass through the post office. I shall, therefore, not make use
of this mode of conveyance, but prefer sending my letters by a private
hand, by the way of London. The uncertainty of finding private conveyances
to London, is the principal objection to this.
On the receipt of your letter, advising me to purchase the two volumes
of Deane's letters and accounts, I wrote to the person who had them, and
after some offers and refusals, he let me have them for twenty-five louis,
instead of twenty louis asked at first. He told me that Deane had still
six or eight volumes more, and that when he should return to London, he
would try to get them, in order to make himself whole for the money he had
lent Deane. As I knew he would endeavor to make us pay dear for them, and
it appeared to be your opinion and that of the members you had consulted,
that it was an object worthy attention, I wrote immediately to a friend in
London, to endeavor to purchase them from Deane himself, whose distresses
and crapulous habits will probably render him more easy to deal with. I
authorized him to go as far as fifty guineas. I have as yet no answer from
him. I enclose you a letter which I wrote last month to our bankers in
Holland. As it will itself explain the cause of its being written, I shall
not repeat its substance here. In answer to my proposition, to pay bills
for the medals and the redemption of our captives, they quote a resolution
of Congress (which, however, I did not find in the printed journals)
appropriating the loans of 1787 and 1788 to the payment of interest on
the Dutch loans till 1790, inclusive, and the _residue_ to salaries and
contingencies in Europe, and they argue that, according to this, they
are not to pay anything in Europe, till they shall first have enough to
pay all the interest which will become due to the end of the year 1790;
and that it is out of personal regard, that they relax from this so far
as to pay diplomatic salaries. So that here is a clear declaration they
will answer no other demands, till they have in hand money enough for all
the interest to the end of the year 1790. It is but a twelvemonth since I
have had occasion to pay attention to the proceedings of those gentlemen;
but during that time, I have observed, that as soon as a sum of interest
is becoming due, they are able to borrow just that, and no more; or, at
least, only so much more as may pay our salaries and keep us quiet. Were
they not to borrow for the interest, the failure to pay that would sink
the value of the capital, of which they are considerable sharers. So far,
their interests and ours concur. But there, perhaps, they may separate.
I think it possible, they may choose to support our credit to a certain
point, and let it go no further, but at their will; to keep it so poised,
as that it may be at their mercy. By this, they may be sure to keep us
in their own hands. They write word to the treasury, that in order to
raise money for the February interest, they were obliged to agree with
the subscribers, that Congress should open no other loan at Amsterdam
this year, till this one be filled up, and that this shall not be filled
but by the present subscribers, and they not obliged to fill it. This
is delivering us, bound hand and foot, to the subscribers, that is, to
themselves. Finding that they would not raise money for any other purpose,
without being pushed, I wrote the letter I enclose you. They answer, as I
have stated, by refusing to pay, alleging the appropriation of Congress.
I have written again, to press them further, and to propose to them the
payment of thirty thousand florins only, for the case of our captives,
as I am in hopes this may do. In the close of my letter to them, you will
observe I refer them, as to the article of foreign officers, to the board
of treasury. I had, in truth, received the printed journals a few days
before, but had not yet had time to read them carefully, and particularly
had not then noted the vote of Congress of August the 20th, directing me
to attend to that article. I shall not fail to do what I can in it; but I
am afraid they will consider this also as standing on the same ground with
the other contingent articles.
This country, being generally engaged in its elections, affords nothing
new and worthy of communication. The hopes of accommodation between Turkey
and the two empires, do not gain strength. The war between Russia and
Denmark on the one hand, and Sweden on the other, is likely also to go on,
the mediation of England being rendered of little force by the accident
to its Executive. The progress of this war, and also of the broils in
Poland, may possibly draw the King of Prussia into it, during the ensuing
campaign; and it must, before it be finished, take in this country,
and perhaps England. The ill humor on account of the Dutch revolution
continues to rankle here. They have recalled their ambassador from the
Hague, and manifestly to show their dissatisfaction with that court, and
some very dry memorials have lately been exchanged, on the subject of the
money this country assumed to pay the Emperor, for the Dutch. I send you
very full extracts of these, which will show you the dispositions of the
two courts towards each other. Whether, and when this country will be able
to take an active part, will depend on the issue of the States General. If
they fund their public debts judiciously, and will provide further funds
for a war, on the English plan, I believe they will be able to borrow any
sums they please. In the meantime, the situation of England will leave
them at leisure to settle their internal affairs well. That ministry,
indeed, pretend their King is perfectly re-established. No doubt they will
make the most of his amendment, which is real, to a certain degree. But
as, under pretence of this, they have got rid of the daily certificates of
the physicians, and they are possessed of the King's person, the public
must judge hereafter from such facts only as they can catch. There are
several at present which, put together, induce a presumption that the King
is only better, not well. And should he be well, time will be necessary to
give a confidence, that it is not merely a lucid interval. On the whole,
I think we may conclude, that that country will not take a part in the war
this year, which was by no means certain before.
M. del Pinto, formerly minister of Portugal at London, and the same who
negotiated the treaty with us, being now put at the head of the ministry
of that country, I presume that negotiation may be renewed successfully,
if it be the desire of our government. Perhaps an admission of our flour
into their ports may be obtained now, as M. del Pinto seemed impressed
with our reasoning on that subject, and promised to press it on his court,
though he could not then venture to put it into the treaty. There is not
the same reason to hope any relaxation as to our reception in Brazil,
because he would scarcely let us mention that at all. I think, myself,
that it is their interest to take away all temptations to our co-operation
in the emancipation of their colonies: and I know no means of doing this,
but the making it our interest that they should continue dependent, nor
any other way of making this our interest, but by allowing us a commerce
with them. However, this is a mode of reasoning which their ministry,
probably, could not bear to listen to.
I send herewith the gazettes of France and Leyden, and have the honor to
be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO F. HOPKINSON.
PARIS, March 13, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--Since my last, which was of December the 21st, yours of
December the 9th and 21st are received. Accept my thanks for the papers
and pamphlets which accompanied them, and mine and my daughter's, for
the book of songs. I will not tell you how much they have pleased us,
nor how well the last of them merits praise for its pathos, but relate a
fact only, which is, that while my elder daughter was playing it on the
harpsichord, I happened to look towards the fire, and saw the younger one
all in tears. I asked her if she was sick? She said "no; but the tune was
so mournful."
The Editor of the Encyclopedie has published something as to an advanced
price on his future volumes, which, I understand, alarms the subscribers.
It was in a paper which I do not take, and therefore I have not yet seen
it, nor can I say what it is. I hope that by this time you have ceased to
make wry faces about your vinegar, and that you have received it safe and
good. You say that I have been dished up to you as an anti-federalist,
and ask me if it be just. My opinion was never worthy enough of notice
to merit citing; but since you ask it, I will tell it to you. I am not a
federalist, because I never submitted the whole system of my opinions to
the creed of any party of men whatever, in religion, in philosophy, in
politics or in anything else, where I was capable of thinking for myself.
Such an addiction, is the last degradation of a free and moral agent. If
I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all.
Therefore, I am not of the party of federalists. But I am much farther
from that of the anti-federalists. I approved, from the first moment,
of the great mass of what is in the new Constitution; the consolidation
of the government; the organization into executive, legislative, and
judiciary; the subdivision of the legislative; the happy compromise of
interests between the great and little States, by the different manner of
voting in the different Houses; the voting by persons instead of States;
the qualified negative on laws given to the executive, which, however,
I should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also, as in
New York; and the power of taxation. I thought at first that the latter
might have been limited. A little reflection soon convinced me it ought
not to be. What I disapproved from the first moment also, was the want
of a bill of rights, to guard liberty against the legislative as well
as the executive branches of the government; that is to say, to secure
freedom in religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies,
freedom from unlawful imprisonment, freedom from a permanent military,
and a trial by jury, in all cases determinable by the laws of the land.
I disapproved, also, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. To
these points of disapprobation I adhere. My first wish was, that the nine
first conventions might accept the constitution, as the means of securing
to us the great mass of good it contained, and that the four last might
reject it, as the means of obtaining amendments. But I was corrected in
this wish, the moment I saw the much better plan of Massachusetts, and
which had never occurred to me. With respect to the declaration of rights,
I suppose the majority of the United States are of my opinion; for I
apprehend, all the anti-federalists and a very respectable proportion of
the federalists, think that such a declaration should now be annexed. The
enlightened part of Europe have given us the greatest credit for inventing
the instrument of security for the rights of the people, and have been
not a little surprised to see us so soon give it up. With respect to the
re-eligibility of the President, I find myself differing from the majority
of my countrymen; for I think there are but three States out of the eleven
which have desired an alteration of this. And indeed, since the thing
is established, I would wish it not to be altered during the life of our
great leader, whose executive talents are superior to those, I believe,
of any man in the world, and who, alone, by the authority of his name and
the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put
the new government so under way, as to secure it against the efforts of
opposition. But, having derived from our error all the good there was in
it, I hope we shall correct it, the moment we can no longer have the same
name at the helm.
These, my dear friend, are my sentiments, by which you will see I was
right in saying I am neither federalist nor anti-federalist; that I am
of neither party, nor yet a trimmer between parties. These, my opinions,
I wrote within a few hours after I had read the Constitution, to one or
two friends in America. I had not then read one single word printed on
the subject. I never had an opinion in politics or religion, which I was
afraid to own. A costive reserve on these subjects might have procured me
more esteem from some people, but less from myself. My great wish is, to
go on in a strict but silent performance of my duty; to avoid attracting
notice, and to keep my name out of newspapers, because I find the pain
of a little censure, even when it is unfounded, is more acute than the
pleasure of much praise. The attaching circumstance of my present office,
is, that I can do its duties unseen by those for whom they are done.
You did not think, by so short a phrase in your letter, to have drawn on
yourself such an egotistical dissertation. I beg your pardon for it, and
will endeavor to merit that pardon by the constant sentiments of esteem
and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY COUNT DE MOUSTIER.
PARIS, March 13, 1789.
DEAR SIR,--I have now to acknowledge the honor of your several letters
of Aug. 12th, Oct. 17th, and Nov. 27th, and your postscript to Madame
de Brehan's of Dec. 29th. I have been discouraged from writing to
you by the idea that your friends here must give you infinitely more
exact information of what is passing, than I could do, who see things
imperfectly only, as a stranger. But your complaints of the inexactitude
of your friends in this point, will induce me hereafter to hazard more
freely my communications, however imperfect. The affairs of this country
go on more auspiciously than the most sanguine could have expected.
The difficulties of procuring money, and of preventing a bankruptcy,
continue always at such a point as to leave the administration no
resource but that of an appeal to the nation, and the nation, availing
itself of their advantageous position, presses on sufficiently to obtain
reasonable concessions, and yet not so much as to endanger an appeal to
arms. In fact, the King is altogether out of the dispute. He has said he
is ready to agree to such and such articles, and the dispute is between
the privileged and unprivileged orders, how they shall divide these
concessions between them. An equal taxation is agreed to by everybody;
the only question is on the mode of voting; and even in this I think
there is already a majority of the nobles in favor of voting by persons.
Should this be the case, and should it be found practicable to organize so
numerous a body as twelve hundred, so as to avoid tumult, we may hope a
happy issue from the approaching convocation. One of their great objects
will be to fund the public debts, and if this operation be judiciously
executed, and their expenses reduced within the limits of their revenue,
I see nothing to prevent their possessing the first credit in Europe,
and being, of course, in a condition to enter on the stage again more
respectably than they ever yet did. But they must be left in quiet this
year at least. Longer still would be still better. The present situation
of the antagonist nation is favorable to the necessary repose of this
country. It is impossible that England can venture to engage itself in
a war this year. Were the King as well as his ministry untruly pretend
him to be, time is necessary to give a confidence in his recovery, and
to show that it is not merely a lucid interval. In the meanwhile, the
glimmerings of accommodation between the Turks and two empires do not grow
stronger. On the other hand, the war in the western parts of Europe will
very possibly spread farther. The accident in England has benumbed her
mediation between the Swedes and Danes, so that their war will probably go
on, and, with the disturbances in Poland, may draw in the King of Prussia.
This will so embroil matters, that it is impossible they should clear
up but by a general war, in which France, if not England, must sooner or
later take a part. Your ambassador at the Hague is recalled, and certainly
on account of the ill-humor between this Court and that. Some very dry and
unfriendly memorials have passed between them on the subject of the money
which was to have been paid by this country for the late peace with the
Emperor. These things suffice to show that France nourishes a resentment
still of the treatment she has received, and to keep alive well-grounded
apprehensions at the Hague that all is not done yet. Should there be a
possibility of detaching the Turks from the war, so as to leave the two
empires free to turn this way, or should England remain inactive, the
contest in which this country may be engaged will not be difficult; but
if the Turks, English, Dutch, Prussians, Poles and Swedes are all in
activity, they will give warm employment to the two empires, France, Spain
and Denmark, in the event of the war becoming general.
All the world here is electioneering. Paris is a desert, at least as to
that description of persons who think they may be chosen themselves, or
aid the choice of their friends. I hope to see this great meeting before
my departure. Several elections are already over, but I am not able to
give you a list of them. Mirabeau has been declared in his province not
to be a noble, whereupon he offered himself for the people, and it is said
he is elected. The D. de Orleans has lately rendered himself very popular
by decided declarations in favor of the Tiers Etat in all their points. He
has particularly declared he will pay taxes in proportion to his property,
and he has relinquished all his Capitaineries. His daughter is to be
married to the D. de Angouleme. The Dauphin is at the last extremity.
He is lately removed from Versailles to Meudon. This is considered as
preparatory to a removal to St. Dennis. We have had such a winter here
as is not on record. The mercury was 18½ below freezing on Reaumur's
scale, and I think it was nearly two months varying between that point and
zero. It gave occasion for a display of the benevolent character of this
nation, which, great as I had thought it, went beyond my expectations.
There seems to be a very general apprehension of the want of bread this
spring. Supplies are hoped from our country, and indeed they have already
reduced the price of flour at Bordeaux from 36_l._ to 33_l._ the barrel.
The funds, at a low ebb when Mr. Necker came in, recovered their ground
by degrees, and have ever since remained stationary. The Court has had
thoughts of coming to St. Cloud during the session of the States, but it
is not yet decided. As I shall write to Madame de Brehan, I shall tender
my respects to her myself. The next details I give you will be in New
York, where I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you in the summer, and
of taking your orders for France. In the meantime, I am, with very sincere
esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MADAME DE BREHAN.
PARIS, March 14, 1789.
DEAR MADAM,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 15th of February;
soon after which, I had the honor of receiving your favor of December the
29th. I have a thousand questions to ask you about your journey to the
Indian treaty, how you like their persons, their manners, their costumes,
_cuisine_, &c. But this I must defer till I can do it personally in New
York, where I hope to see you for a moment in the summer, and to take
your commands for France. I have little to communicate to you from this
place. It is deserted; everybody being gone into the country to choose
or be chosen deputies to the States General. I hope to see that great
meeting before my departure. It is to be on the 27th of next month. A
great political revolution will take place in your country, and that
without bloodshed. A King with two hundred thousand men at his orders,
is disarmed by the force of the public opinion and the want of money.
Among the economies becoming necessary, perhaps one may be the opera.
They say it has cost the public treasury an hundred thousand crowns the
last year. A new theatre is established since your departure; that of the
Opera Buffons, where Italian operas are given, and good music. It is in
the Chateau des Tuilleries. Paris is every day enlarging and beautifying.
I do not count among its beauties, however, the wall with which they
have enclosed us. They have made some amends for this, by making fine
boulevards within and without the walls. These are in considerable
forwardness, and will afford beautiful rides round the city, of between
fifteen and twenty miles in circuit. We have had such a winter, Madam, as
makes me shiver yet, whenever I think of it. All communications, almost,
were cut off. Dinners and suppers were suppressed, and the money laid
out in feeding and warming the poor, whose labors were suspended by the
rigor of the season. Loaded carriages passed the Seine on the ice, and
it was covered with thousands of people from morning to night, skating
and sliding. Such sights were never seen before, and they continued
two months. We have nothing new and excellent in your charming art of
painting. In fact, I do not feel an interest in any pencil but that
of David. But I must not hazard details on a subject wherein I am so
ignorant, and you such a connoisseur. Adieu, my dear Madam; permit me
always the honor of esteeming and being esteemed by you, and of tendering
you the homage of that respectful attachment with which I am, and shall
ever be, dear Madam, your most obedient humble servant.
INDEX TO VOL. II.
ADAMS, JOHN--View of his character, 107.
His recall from England, 110.
Mr. Jefferson's view of his new work, 128, 282.
AGRICULTURE--Condition of in South of France, 135.
AMERICA--Habits of people in 1786, 13.
Current events, 19, 21, 148, 574. (See U. States.)
ANTIQUITIES--Monuments in South of France, 132, 133, 134.
In Western country, 176.
ANTOINETTE, MARIA--Her character, 154, 310.
AUSTRIA--Our commercial relations with, 28.
Relations between Austria and Netherlands, 289.
Relations between Austria, Russia, and France, 313, 344, 371.
Relations between Austria and Turkey, 392, 396, 510, 531, 552.
BANKS--Mr. Jefferson's views on banking system of England, 405.
BANK OF PHILADELPHIA--Its charter, 24.
BARBARY STATES--Hostile relations of with U. S., 10, 26, 27, 85.
Treaty with Morocco, 72, 94, 125.
Its ratification, 264.
Treaty with Algiers fails, 85.
Intervention of Mathurin Monks in favor of our Algerine prisoners,
93, 113, 270, 307, 386.
Redemption of our prisoners, 307, 380, 464, 564.
BARCLAY, MR.--His arrest at Bordeaux, 155, 158, 159, 226.
His return to U. S., 183.
His pecuniary embarrassments, 183, 210.
His character, 210, 211.
BED OF JUSTICE--Held to force Parliament to register decrees, 258.
BILLS OF RIGHTS--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 329, 358.
BRABANT--Revolutionary movement in, 212.
BRAZIL--Revolutionary movements in, 140.
Communicated to Mr. Jefferson, and his views thereon, 143.
Character of population, 140.
BRIENNE, CARDINAL--His influence over the Queen, 310.
His character, 311, 316.
His want of popularity, 316.
His dismissal, 471.
BRITTANY--Difficulties between Noblesse and people in, 577.
CALONNES, M. DE--His administration of finances of France, 298.
CANALS--The Erie and Ohio Canal, 250.
Practicability of canal through Isthmus of Panama, 325, 397.
Advantages of canal between the Cayahoga and Big Beaver, 370.
The Potomac canal, 283.
Santee and Cooper canal, 283.
CAPER, THE--Culture of in U. S., 198.
CARMICHAEL, MR.--His character, 107.
CAROLINA, SOUTH--Introduction of culture of grape, almond, caper,
olive, fig, &c., 197, 198, 199.
CARR, PETER--Advice as to his education, 237, 409.
CARRYING TRADE--Foreign vessels excluded from, between France and
her colonies, 338, 346.
CINCINNATI, SOCIETY OF--Dangers of the society, 61.
COMMERCE--Treaties of, with European powers, 5, 17.
Transfer of power over to Congress, 19, 21.
Commerce with Austria, 28.
" with West Indies, 112, 536.
" with Sardinia, 146.
" with France, 163, 169, 528, 529. (See France.)
Commercial policy of U. S., 321, 529, 537.
CONFEDERATION, ARTICLES OF--Powers of the government under, 23.
Reform of, 66.
COINAGE--The coinage of the U. S., 101.
Improvements in coinage, 75, 89, 111.
CONSTITUTION, FEDERAL--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 217, 249, 250, 256,
267, 316, 318, 328, 334, 365, 388, 404, 435, 465, 586.
His objections to, 316, 318, 329, 355, 358, 375, 399.
Description of, 324.
Opposition to by different States, 324.
Who for and who against it, 324, 358.
Best to adopt first and amend afterwards, 332, 355, 399, 404.
Vote of different States on adoption of, 384, 423.
Conduct of Massachusetts in relation to, 398, 399, 404, 550.
Nine States accede thereto, 455, 533.
Effect thereof, 533.
Virginia and New York accede, proposing amendments, 480, 533, 550.
N. Carolina follows lead of Va. and N. York, 492, 550.
Debates on Constitution in Va. Convention, 481.
Organization of government under, New Constitution, 550, 573, 576.
Character of first elections under Federal, 576.
CONSULS--Creatures of Convention, 17.
May be dispensed with, 420, 421.
Changes in Consular Convention with France, 416, 478, 493.
Relative to making foreigners Consuls, 495.
Copy of Convention, 498.
CONVENTION, FEDERAL--Its objects, 149, 211, 257, 264.
Distribution of powers of Federal Government, 152.
Scheme of New Constitution, 217, 249, 250, 256.
Place of Assembling, 480.
CORNWALLIS, LORD--His depredations on Mr. Jefferson's property, 426.
COTTON--Product of Southern States, 12.
CREDIT--Credit of the U. S. in Holland, 376.
In Austria, 376.
In England, 376.
In France, 376.
Mode of building up credit, 377.
DEAN, SILAS--Seizure of his letter books for debt, 454.
Purchase thereof for United States, 578, 582.
DEBT, DOMESTIC--Evil of transferring it to foreigners, 368.
DEBT, FOREIGN--Relative to the funding of, 507.
Transfer of French debt to Holland, 28, 53, 79, 111, 120, 154,
161, 181, 209, 231, 329, 385.
Interest on foreign debt not paid, 101, 103, 181, 378.
Instalment laws, 216.
Debt to foreign officers, and their complaints, 301, 326, 333,
386, 422, 479.
Policy of paying interest punctually, 239, 351, 352, 377.
Negotiations in relation to, 351, 352.
DEBT, PUBLIC--Amount of, 358.
Public lands looked to as means of paying, 358.
Redeemed at price paid by holder of the script, 360.
Negotiations in Holland for loan, 367, 373.
Certainty that the whole will ultimately be paid, 422.
DEMOCRACY--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 100, 105, 166, 249.
Self government by the people, 166, 249.
DENMARK--Claim against for prize money, 13, 348, 410.
DUMAS, M.--Protection for his official character asked of
Netherlands, 287.
His claim against U. S., 366.
EARTH, THE--Theory of, 68.
EASTERN STATES--(See Riots).
EDUCATION--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 175, 192, 227, 245, 429.
EMIGRANTS--German emigrants best, 235.
ENGLAND--Her calumnies against U. S., 36, 204, 318.
England and France compared, 161.
Scheme for conquest of U. S., 306.
Indisposition of King of England, 490, 532, 577.
Relations between England and France, 303, 308, 356.
Between England, Spain and Russia, 365.
EUROPE--Political condition of, 3, 7, 9, 11, 76, 77, 150, 157, 170,
191, 206, 212, 215, 222, 234, 248, 263, 267, 315, 334, 336, 371,
381, 392, 396, 405, 422, 429, 436, 448, 468, 491, 508, 532, 558,
580, 583, 588.
Hostilities threatened, 270, 272, 281, 283, 290.
Difficulties adjusted, 303, 308.
Social and political degradation of, 7.
Relations between Turkey and Russia, 262, 263, 272, 288.
War between Turkey and Russia, 436, 441, 453, 459, 460, 462,
468, 510, 533, 552, 568.
Relations between Russia and Holland, 279, 281, 288, 289, 303,
308, 476, 483.
Relations between Austria and Netherlands, 289.
Relations between England and France, 356.
Relations between Spain, England and Russia, 355.
Relations between Austria and Turkey, 392, 396, 510, 531, 552.
Relations between Sweden and Russia, 453, 459, 460, 462, 476, 483,
510.
Relations between Naples and Papal See, 454.
FARMERS, GENERAL--Enjoy monopoly of tobacco trade of France, 14, 70,
89, 183, 186, 193.
Difficulties with, 182.
FEDERALIST, THE--Mr. Jefferson's opinion of, 506.
FINANCE--Condition of our European finances, 147, 385.
Financial embarrassments of France, 222, 230, 570.
FISEAUX, M.--His loan, 339, 351, 352, 368.
FLOUR--New mode of preserving, 236.
FOURQUEUX, M. DE--Succeeds Calonnes as minister of finance, 138.
FRANCE--Military preparations by, 3.
Importations of whale oil, 27, 47, 157, 312, 341, 393, 488, 515,
516, 537, 539, 565, 567.
Note on whale oil by Mr. Jefferson, 516.
Commercial relations with, 45, 47, 50, 65, 88, 163, 169, 260, 274,
278, 298, 312, 341, 487.
Description of South of France, 71, 109.
Consular convention with, 90.
Changes therein, 416, 478, 493, 498.
Assembly of Notables, 91, 95, 99, 119, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131.
Organization of, 133.
Her friendship for U. S., 109.
Character of King and Queen of, 154, 301.
Commerce with South of, 157.
Commercial negotiations, 172, 312, 342.
Political condition of, 209, 222, 230, 231, 234, 382.
Financial embarrassments of, 222, 230, 510.
Ministerial changes, 258, 309, 471.
Division of ministry on question of war, 294.
Call of States General inevitable, 372.
Violent measures of the King, 390.
Reforms in constitution granted, 390, 448, 457, 466.
Concessions by the King, 448, 450, 506.
French revolution begins with aristocratic orders, 457, 459, 490.
States General convened, 458, 461, 463, 467, 509.
Difficulties as to how they shall be constituted, 468, 485, 491,
492, 511, 551, 561.
The question referred to the decision of Notables, 463, 511, 535.
Their decision thereon, 535, 548, 556, 561.
The court dissatisfied with decision, 536, 561.
Riots, 471.
Reforms by States General, 535, 562.
What reforms practicable, 544, 548.
Elections to States General, 580, 589.
Severity of winter of 1788-9, 541, 558, 590, 591.
Mr. Jefferson's views on rise and progress of French revolution,
554, 591.
FUR TRADE--Establishment of depot at Alexandria, 60.
GEOLOGY--Relative to rock formations, &c., 276.
GEORGE IV.--His character, 558.
GORDON, DR.--His history of U. States, 167, 425.
GRAND, MR.--His advances to U. S., 223.
HASTINGS, WARREN--His trial, 349.
Mr. Jefferson's views on, 349.
HEAD AND HEART--Dialogue between, 32.
HENNIN, M.--His character, 110.
HENRY, PATRICK--His conduct in Va. Assembly, 574.
HISTORY, NATURAL--The deer, elk, &c., 74, 285, 288.
Moose, mammoth, &c., 474.
HOLLAND--Political condition of, 212, 215, 234.
Division of parties, 228.
Relations between Holland and Prussia, 279, 281, 288, 289.
Amicably adjusted, 303, 308, 476, 483.
HONFLEUR--Its establishment as a free port, 53, 92, 96, 126.
HOSTAGE--Case of one confined at Dunkirk, 312.
HYGROMETER--Invented by Dr. Rittenhouse, 83.
INDIANS--Our policy towards, 3.
The origin of the aborigines of America, 434.
INDIES, WEST--Trade with, 536.
INTERNATIONAL LAW--(See Law of Nations).
INVENTIONS, MECHANICAL--Improvement in making wheels, 97.
ITALY--Description of Northern Italy, 136, 137.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His visit to South of France, 71, 109, 121, 126.
His views of South of France, 132, 135, 136, 266.
His visit to Northern Italy, 136, 137, 266.
Settlement of his accounts as minister, 225, 400, 401.
His domestic tastes, 243, 356.
His visit to Hague, 361.
His outfit as foreign minister, 401, 406.
Effort to take him prisoner in Albemarle, 425.
Tarleton's conduct at Charlottesville, 425.
The depredations of Cornwallis, 425.
Petitions for leave of absence to visit U. S., 513, 552.
His relations to parties under New Constitution, 586.
His views on Hastings' trial, 349.
His views on democracy, 100, 105, 106, 249.
JONES, PAUL--Prize money due him, 1.
Takes employment in Russian navy, 372, 381, 382.
His victory over Turks, 441, 443, 448, 451, 454, 467.
KLEIN, M.--His claim against U. States, 569.
LA FAYETTE--Bust of presented to City of Paris, by Virginia, 30, 44,
118, 123.
His services to U. S., 108.
LAMBE, MR.--His equivocal conduct, 73, 85.
LANDS, PUBLIC--Disposal of, 86.
Sales of, 325.
Disposition of proceeds, 325.
LAWS--Evil of their instability, 333.
LAW OF NATIONS--Establishment by treaty of rule Free ships free
goods, Enemy's ships enemy's goods, 280.
Property of one Sovereign cannot be seized in territory of another,
477, 486.
LEDYARD, J. MR.--His travels, 151.
Arrested by Empress of Russia, 433.
LITERATURE--New literary works, 95.
LIVY--Arabic translation of, 483.
LOUIS XVI.--His character, 154, 310.
LUZERNE, CHEVALIER DE--His return to United States, as minister,
106, 112.
Appointed Ambassador to England, 314.
His domestic affairs, 445.
MADISON, JAMES--Books for him, 207.
MAMMOTH--Account of, 474.
MANSFIELD, LORD--Mr. Jefferson's opinion of his decisions, 487.
MANUFACTURES--Improvement of U. S. in, 91.
Reason why U. S. do not prosper in, 412.
Domestic manufactures of Va., 412.
MARSEILLES--Our trade with, 138.
MEDALS--For revolutionary officers, 123.
MEXICO--Classification of population of, 143.
Revolutionary movements in, 144.
MINISTERS, FOREIGN--Their salaries insufficient, 401, 406.
Entitled to outfit, 402, 406.
Have no power to authenticate writings, 542.
MISSISSIPPI RIVER--Navigation of, 106, 378, 396, 398, 416.
MONARCHY--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 221, 249, 253.
MONEY--Redemption of paper money of U. S., 51, 64.
The money Unit of U. S., 52.
MOOSE, THE--Account of, 474.
MONTMORIN, CT. DE--Appointed successor of Ct. de Vergennes, 122.
His character, 131.
MONTICELLO--Its beautiful scenery, 35.
MOUSTIER, CT. DE--His character, 293.
His mission to U. S., 295.
Relative to his recall, 571.
MUSIC--The Harmonica, 75.
NAPLES--Relations with the Papal See, 454.
NATURAL HISTORY--(See History).
NECKAR, M.--Appointed Director General of Finance, 473.
NEUTRALITY--The true policy of U. S., 253, 291.
Treaties with France obstacle to neutrality, 223.
NOTABLES--Assembly of in France, 91, 95, 99, 119, 127, 128, 129, 131.
Organization of, 133.
Question of organization of States General referred to, 463, 511,
535.
Their decision thereon, 535, 562.
Reforms by, 257.
OFFICE--Rotation is the true principle, 330.
OLIVE, THE--Its culture in U. States, 359, 414.
Olive oil, 359.
PAINE, THOMAS--His bridge, 204, 546.
PANAMA, ISTHMUS OF--Practicability of canal through, 325.
PARIS--Parisian and American every-day life compared, 116.
Improvement in city, 253.
PARLIAMENT OF PARIS--Resists the crown, 254, 255, 439.
Removed to Troyes, 258.
Bed of Justice, 258.
PEARLS--Manufacture of, 203.
PEDOMETER--379.
PERU--Insurrectionary movements in, 147.
Our sympathy with, 145.
PLENARY COURTS--Mr. Jefferson's views of, 388, 391, 438.
POPE, THE--Relations between Papal See and Naples, 454.
PORTUGAL--Commercial relations with, 5, 89.
PRESIDENT--Mr. Jefferson's views on Question of re-eligibility, 330.
PRISONERS--Redemption of our Algerine prisoners, 307, 380, 386, 464,
564.
Intervention of Mathurin Monks in their behalf, 93, 113, 270, 307,
386.
PROTESTANTS--Edict of, 13.
PRUSSIA--Death of King of, 28.
Relations of with Holland, 279, 281, 288, 289, 303, 308, 476, 488.
RAMSAY, DR.--His history, 216.
RANDOLPH, THOMAS--His education, 245.
RELIGION--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 237.
Reception in Europe of Va. Act of Religious Freedom, 67.
REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT--Its superiority over Monarchical, 221, 249,
253.
REVOLUTIONS--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 332.
REVOLUTION, AMERICAN--History of by M. Chas, 63.
REVOLUTION, FRENCH--(See France).
REYNEVAL, M.--Views of his character, 109.
RHODE ISLAND, COLLEGE OF--Declines to apply to King of France for
donation of books for, 184.
RICE--Consumption of in France, 48, 434.
Rice trade, 138, 537.
Mode of preparation, 138, 434.
The rice of Lombardy, 139.
Attempt to introduce its culture in South Carolina, 139, 178, 347.
Difference between Carolina and Piedmont rice, 162, 178, 195.
Rice trade of France, 194, 205, 320.
Rice of Cochin China, 197.
RIOTS--In Eastern States, 78, 81, 99, 104, 124, 165, 318, 322, 399.
In New York, 415.
RUSSIA--Relations with Turkey, 261, 263, 272, 285.
War with Turkey, 436, 441, 453, 450, 460, 465, 468, 510, 553, 552,
568.
Relations with Austria and France, 315, 344, 371.
Relations with Sweden, 453, 459, 460, 462, 476, 483, 510.
SAFE CONDUCT--One asked for Mr. Nesbitt, 575.
SCIENCE--Scientific news of Europe, 247, 270, 429.
Theory of vegetation, 430.
Astronomical discoveries, 429.
The Rainbow, 430.
The progress of Chemistry, 431.
SEA, THE--The currents of, 58.
SLAVERY--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 357.
SLAVE TRADE--Its abolition, 357.
STATES GENERAL--(See France).
STEAM--Its use as a motive power, 67, 69.
Description of new steam mill, 277.
TARLETON--His conduct at Charlottesville and Monticello, 425.
THEATRE--The establishment of one at Richmond, Va., 346.
TOBACCO--Trade in to France a monopoly in hands of Farmers General,
14, 70, 89, 183, 186, 193.
Tobacco trade of France, 320, 353.
TREASURY--Funds in hands of Mr. Grand, 2.
TRUMBULL--His paintings, 10.
TURKEY--Relations with Russia, 262, 263, 272, 288.
War with Russia, 436, 441, 453, 459, 460, 462, 468, 510, 533, 552,
568.
Relations with Austria, 392, 396, 510, 531, 552.
UNITED STATES--Habits of people in 1786, 13.
Current events, 19, 21, 148, 574.
Climate of, 82.
Extravagance of people of, 191, 193, 215, 219.
The instalment laws of, 216.
Minister to, 227, 274.
Histories of, 256.
Coinage of, 101.
Money Unit of, 52.
Paper money of, how redeemed, 52.
Public debt of, (See Debt.)
VERGENNES, CT. DE--View of his character, 108.
His ill-health, 113.
His death, 122.
VICE PRESIDENCY--Candidates for first Vice Presidency, 465, 490, 573.
VIRGINIA--Notes on, 6.
Circumstances of their publication, 170, 180.
Revisal of Code of, 6.
The sea breezes on her coast, 54.
Arms and ammunition for, 215.
WAR--Effect of European war on U. S., 252.
WASHINGTON, GEN.--His statue by Houdon, 250.
His vast popularity, 465.
Looked to as first President, 465, 587.
Mr. Jefferson's views of, 587.
WESTERN COUNTRY--Its antiquities, 176.
Danger of its separation from East, 106, 153, 395.
Our policy towards, 395.
WEST INDIES--Our commerce with, 536.
WHALE FISHERY--Note on by Mr. Jefferson, 516.
WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE--Ability of its Faculty, 428.
WILLS--Construction of G. Harmer's will, 242.
WRITING MACHINE--A new invention, 110.
WYOMING--Account of the massacre of, 102, 114.
Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has been preserved.
Minor typographical errors were corrected without note, including
n/u reversals, b/h reversals and ,/. reversals.
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Letters Written While in Europe is dated '1785-1790' on one page,
and '1784-1790' on the next page and the Table of Contents.
The following possible typos noted by the proofreaders were left
uncorrected:
page 12: dans la Eaie de Massachusetts
page 22: Etat Unis
page 24: 7 1-2 per cent.
page 46: multiply the bans
page 91: Boulton and Watts
page 91: Wedgewood
page 116: coeffeur's
page 118: nonplused
page 267: State sovereignities
page 278 and 290: deux vingtiemes, but vingtièmes on page 272
page 279: Utretcht
page 330: reigns of government
page 331: would probable produce
page 461: it had too sides
page 471: wave the benefit
page 477: question decided by abitrators
page 506 and others: Etats Genereux
page 522: twelvemonth/twelve month
page 556: Tiers Etats/Tiers Etat
page 581: not only there was
page 591: Opera Buffons
page 591: Chateau des Tuilleries
various pages: Connoissance des Temps/des tems
The following possible spelling inconsistencies in proper nouns
noted by the proofreaders were left uncorrected:
page 16: O'Bryan, and page 386 O'Brian
page 122: Colonel Humpreys and Colonel Humphreys
page 157: Toulouse (Thoulouse elsewhere)
page 179: Vercilli (Vercelli elsewhere)
page 225: Fisseaux (Fiseaux elsewhere)
page 247: Herschell (Herschel elsewhere)
page 261: M. Limosin (Limozin elsewhere)
page 269: Fourcroi (Fourcroy elsewhere)
page 274: Forqueux (Fourqueux elsewhere)
page 281: Cabarus (Cabarrus elsewhere)
page 290: Albert de Rioms (Rions elsewhere)
page 315: Willinks (Willincks elsewhere)
page 351: Stanetshi (Stanitski elsewhere)
page 381: Mogadore and Mogador
page 397: Burgoine (Bourgoine elsewhere)
page 416: Count del Verme (Vermi elsewhere)
page 433: Kamtschatka (Kamschatka elsewhere)
page 465: Trincomcale (Trincomale elsewhere)
page 476: M. de Lamorignon (Lamoignon elsewhere)
page 481: Chiappe (Chiappi elsewhere)
page 489: Mr. McCay and McClay
page 505: Colonel Blachden (Blackden elsewhere)
page 541: Bryenne (Brienne elsewhere)
page 544: Barthelemi (Barthelemy elsewhere)
page 590: Necker (Neckar elsewhere)
various pages: Moutier, Mourtier and Moustier
various pages: d'Aubertueil and d'Auberteuil
various pages: Crevecœur, Creve-cœur, and Creve-coeur
various pages: Cayohoga and Cayahoga
various pages: Borysthenes and Boristhenes
various pages: Monsieur de Calonne and Calonnes
various pages: Monsieur Limosin and Limozin
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