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Title: Miscellanea Curiosa. Volume 3 - containing a collection of curious travels, voyages, and - natural histories of countries as they have been delivered - in to the Royal Society
Author: Various
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Miscellanea Curiosa. Volume 3 - containing a collection of curious travels, voyages, and - natural histories of countries as they have been delivered - in to the Royal Society" ***
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There is now Engraving, and will speedily be Publish'd, _A New Pair
of_ GLOBES, sixteen Inches Diameter; the _Terrestrial_ has on it all
the New Discoveries that have been lately made, together with an
useful View of the General and Coasting Trade-Winds, Moonsoons, _&c._
The _Cœlestial_ has the Stars laid down from the Correctest Tables of
the best Astronomers of our Age, with eighteen Constellations never
Engraven upon any Globe.
All those Gentlemen that are willing to Furnish themselves with them,
are desired speedily to inform the Undertakers _J. Senex_ and _C.
Price_, next the _Fleece_-Tavern in _Cornhill_; They intending to fit
up no more than what are Subscrib'd for.
_Miscellanea Curiosa._
Containing a
COLLECTION
OF
Curious Travels,
VOYAGES,
AND
_Natural Histories_
OF
COUNTRIES,
As they have been Delivered in to the
ROYAL SOCIETY.
VOL. III.
_LONDON_:
Printed by _J. B._ for _Jeffery Wale_ at the _Angel_ in St.
_Paul_'s Church-yard; _J. Senex _&_ C. Price_ next the _Fleece_
Tavern in _Cornhill_, 1707.
THE
CONTENTS.
_A Journal of a Voyage from _England_ to
_Constantinople_, made in the Year, 1668.
by _T. Smith_, D. D. and F. R. S._ 1
_Historical Observations relating to _Constantinople_.
By the Reverend and Learned _Tho.
Smith_, D. D. Fellow of _Magd. Coll. Oxon._
and of the _Royal Society_._ 32
_An account of the City of _Prusa_ in _Bythynia_,
and a continuation of the Historical Observations
relating to _Constantinople_, by the Reverend
and learned _Thomas Smith_ D. D. Fellow
of _Magd. Coll. Oxon._ and of the _Royal Society_._ 49
_A Relation of a Voyage from _Aleppo_ to _Palmyra_
in _Syria_; sent by the Reverend Mr.
_William Hallifax_ to Dr. _Edward Bernard_
(late) _Savilian_ Professor of Astronomy in
_Oxford_, and by him communicated to Dr.
_Thomas Smith_, _Reg. Soc. S.__ 84
_An Extract of the Journals of two several Voyages
of the _English Merchants_ of the Factory
of _Aleppo_, to _Tadmor_, anciently call'd _Palmyra_._ 120
_Some Account of the Ancient State of the City
of _Palmyra_, with short Remarks upon the Inscriptions
found there. By _E. Halley_._ 160
_A Voyage of the Emperour of _China_ into the
Eastern _Tartary_, Anno. 1682._ 179
_The Distances of the Places thro' which we passed
in the _Eastern_ Tartary._ 195
_A Voyage of the Emperor of _China_, into the
Western _Tartary_ in the Year, 1683._ 196
_An Explanation, necessary to justify the _Geography_
supposed in these Letters._ 210
_Some Observations and Conjectures concerning
the _Chinese_ Characters. Made by _R. H._
R. S. S._ 212
_A Letter from _F. A._ Esq; R. S. S. to the Publisher,
with a Paper of Mr. _S. Flowers_, containing
the Exact Draughts of several unknown
Characters, taken from the Ruins at _Persepolis_._ 233
_A Letter from Monsieur _N. Witsen_ to Dr.
_Martin Lister_, with two Draughts of the Famous
_Persepolis_._ 236
_A Description of the Diamond-mines, as it was
presented by the Right Honourable the Earl
Marshal of _England_, to the _R. Society_._ 238
_A Letter from the _East Indies_, of Mr. _John
Marshal_ to Dr. _Coga_, giving an Account of
the Religion, Rites, Notions, Customs, Manners
of the Heathen Priests commonly called
_Bramines_. Communicated by the Reverend
Mr. _Abraham de la Pryme_._ 256
_Part of two Letters to the Publisher from Mr.
_James Cunningham_, F. R. S. and Physician
to the _English_ at _Chusan_ in _China_, giving
an account of his Voyage thither, of the Island
of _Chusan_, of the several sorts of Tea, of
the Fishing, Agriculture of the _Chinese_, _&c._
with several Observations not hitherto taken notice
of._ 269
_A Letter from Mr. _John Clayton_ Rector of
_Crofton_ at _Wakefield_ in _Yorkshire_, to the
Royal Society, _May 12 1688._ giving an account
of several Observables in _Virginia_, and
in his Voyage thither, more particularly concerning
the Air._ 281
_Mr. _Clayton_'s second Letter, containing his
farther Observations on _Virginia_._ 293
_A Continuation of Mr. _John Clayton_'s Account
of _Virginia_._ 301
_Mr. _John Clayton_, Rector of _Crofton_ at
_Wakefield_, his Letter to the _Royal Society_,
giving a farther Account of the Soil, and other
Observables of _Virginia_._ 312
_A Continuation of Mr. _Clayton_'s Account of
_Virginia_._ 337
_Part of Two Letters from Mr. _J. Hillier_, dated
_Cape Corse_, _Jan. 3. 1687/8._ and _Apr. 25.
1688._ Wrote to the Reverend Dr. _Bathurst_,
President of _Trinity Colledge, Oxon_; giving
an Account of the Customs of the Inhabitants,
the Air, _&c._ of that Place, together
with an Account of the Weather there from
_Nov. 24. 1686._ to the same Day 1687._ 356
_An Account of the _Moorish_ Way of Dressing
their Meat (with other Remarks) in _West-Barbary_,
from Cape _Spartel_ to Cape _de Geer_.
By Mr. _Jezreel Jones_._ 381
_A Letter from Mr. _John Monro_ to the Publisher,
concerning the Catacombs of _Rome_ and
_Naples_._ 394
_An accurate Description of the _Lake of Geneva_,
not long since made by a Person that had visited
it divers times in the pleasantest season of
the Year; and communicated to the Publisher
by one of his Parisian Correspondents: English'd
as followeth._ 404
_Part of a Journal kept from _Scotland_ to _New
Caledonia_ in _Darien_, with a short Account
of that Country. Communicated by Dr. _Wallace_,
F. R. S._ 413
_A Discourse tending to prove at what Time and
Place _Julius Cæsar_ made his first Descent
upon _Britain_: Read before the _Royal Society_
by _E. Halley_._ 422
_Miscellanea Curiosa._
VOL. III.
_A Journal of a Voyage from _England_ to _Constantinople_, made in
the Year, 1668. by _T. Smith_, D. D. and F. R. S._
On _Monday_ Evening _August 3, 1668._ we took Barge at _Tower-Wharf_,
and at _Greenwich_ went on Board the _Bezant_ Yacht for the _Downs_,
where we arrived the next day in the Afternoon, and went on Board
the _Leopard_ Frigat, a Ship of 56 Guns mounted, Captain _O Bryen_
Commander, appointed to carry Sir _Daniel Harvey_, his Majesty's
Ambassador to the Port of the _Ottoman_ Emperor at _Constantinople_.
Here, upon his first Arrival, the Ambassador was Complemented by Sir
_Jeremy Smith_, then riding Admiral, Sir _Edward Spragg_, and several
other Commanders of the Men of War, and afterwards Saluted with
Fifteen Pieces of Ordinance by the Admiral, to whom we returned as
many; then by the Vice-Admiral, and several other Ships. All which were
answered together at the same time with 21 in the whole.
Here we were forced to Ride for several days, the Winds being contrary.
In the _Offing_ between the _North Foreland_ and _South Foreland_ it
runs Tide and half Tide, that is, it is either ebbing Water or Flood
upon the Shore, in that part of the _Downs_, three hours, which is
grossly speaking the time of half a Tide, before it is so, off at
Sea. (For the flux and reflux of the Sea is not made exactly twice in
24 hours, but, as it appears by accurate observation, it requires an
overplus of almost 50 minutes.) The reason of this diversity of Tides,
I take to be from the meeting of the two Seas in that narrow Streight.
Oftentimes when the Wind has blown hard at N. E. or at W. or W. and
by S. there has hapn'd an alteration of the Tides in the River of
_Thames_, which ignorant People have mistakenly lookt upon as a Prodigy.
It is a most certain Observation, that where it flows Tide and half
Tide, tho' the Tide of Flood runs aloft, yet the Tide of Ebb runs under
foot, that is, close by the _ground_; and so at the Tide of Ebb, it
will flow under foot, as that great and experienc'd Sea-Commander, Sir
_H. Manwaring_, words it.
_August 9._ We sailed from the _Downs_, but were soon forced back
by distress of Weather, and came to an Anchor S. W. of the _South
Foreland_.
10. The Wind blew at S. S. W. and the Sea run very high, so that we
were in danger of losing our Cable and Anchor; the Ground, where we
rode, at 16 Fathom ½ water, being somewhat gruff.
15. The Wind coming about at W. N. W. we sailed, and were Saluted with
nine Guns from _Dover_ Castle, and seven from one Fort, and five from
another. We carried a Flag upon our Maintop, after we came out of the
_Downs_. The Wind in the Afternoon at N. E. brought us by seven of the
Clock to the _Ness_, where we lay at Anchor during the Tide of Flood;
during which time the Mariners caught good store of _Whitings_, baiting
their Hooks with raw Mutton.
16. We were in the morning athwart St. _Helen_'s Point in the _Isle of
Wight_; where we discovered Sir _Thomas Allen_ with his Squadron under
Sail, bound for the _Straits_.
17. In the morning we got to the West of _Portland_, the Wind at N. by
E. our Course lying thereupon S. S. W. but about noon, sailing over
part of the Race of _Portland_, where we met with a tumbling Sea, we
Anchored at the N. W. part in the Bay, over against the Point that
looks towards _Weymouth_. We were ashore in the Island, which seems
to be but one continued Rock; the Soil in several places not being
above five or six Inches deep, as I found by digging a hole with my
Knife; yet the Corn flourishing enough. The Castle consists of a double
Fortification; we could not observe above five Guns mounted. They told
us, that in the Island there was but 1 Church, and 4 Villages.
We weighed at twelve of the Clock at night: But
18. The Wind blowing fiercely at W. directly in our teeth, we made but
little way, and could not weather the _Start_ Point that night. The
Moon upon its first emerging above the Horizon, seemed to have a colour
like burnt Brick, the Sky very cloudy: but some Rain falling, as she
advanced higher and higher, she appeared more and more fiery.
19. We weathered the _Start_ Point by noon, but could not make much way
beyond it.
20. We got into _Plymouth_ Sound. The Cittadel, built upon a Rock, with
large Counterscarps and Bastions, returned our Salute with nine Guns.
Sir _Thomas Allen_ with his Fleet stood to the Lizard, and came not to
an Anchor.
21. Misty Weather. About eleven Clock Forenoon, and about six in the
Evening, we observed the Vapours in great quantity ascend out of the
Sea, soon covering the tops of the Mountains. Here we staid three days,
taking in some Provisions, ready prepared for us.
On _Sunday_ the 23_d_ of _August_ we weighed out of _Plymouth_ Sound,
and made the _Lizard_, a Promontory in _Cornwall_, before night: The
_Manacles_, several Rocks so called, we discerned very distinctly, it
being then low Ebb; as also the Lands end. The Wind blew fresh; and we
observed the Waves in the Night-time, as if they had been liquid Fire,
but palish.
The _Lizard_ bearing N. of us, we changed our Course, and taking leave
of _England_, we sailed into the Ocean. God of his Mercy send us a
happy Voyage.
24. We run this day thirty nine Leagues by a Compute from our Log-line.
25. We were full open with the _Bay of Biscay_. Several _Gulls_ were
hovering over the Surface of the Water to catch Fish, which swam by in
vast sholes, at about 50 Leagues distance from any Land.
At other times I have seen several Birds floating upon the Water,
which being driven by some Tempest from the Coasts of _Spain_ and
_Portugal_, have been tired in their flight, and so drowned. This
happens frequently in the great Ocean, where they meet with no Land
to fly to in several hundreds of Leagues; and sometimes even in the
_Mediterranean_, in the Mid-Seas between the _Christian_ and _Barbary_
Shores. In blowing Weather, among other Birds flying cross, we saw a
Hawk making to our Ship, then under good and swift Sail, which perched
upon the round-top of the Main-mast; which one of the Seamen espying,
he presently run up the Shrouds, and brought down the Hawk, which made
no attempt to fly away, being quite spent. But not long after, the Hawk
recovering his Spirits by rest and meat which was given him, took wing
and got away from the Fellow, notwithstanding all the care he took to
secure his new Adventure, which he hoped to have made Mony of at the
next Port that we should come to.
26. A strong Levant still blowing, and the Sea very rough and
boisterous, the Gale continuing almost right a stern, we run these 24
hours above 70 Leagues.
27. We found our selves by our observations, that we were in the
Latitude of 42 degrees 17 minutes, and began to be very sensible of our
nearer approach to the South, the Weather being excessive hot. In the
Afternoon we heard the report of several Guns fired at about seven or
eight Leagues distance, as we guessed. At eight of the Clock at night
another Gun was fired somewhat near us, which we thought might be from
an _Algerine_ Man of War, who gave a signal to his Consorts, and who
answered by several flashes of Powder. Whereupon our Trumpeters sounded
a Point of War, but no return was made. However, the Captain quartered
his Men, and the Decks were cleared, and all things made ready in order
to a Fight the next Morning; as soon as day appeared, we saw the Sea
clear, no Ships being in view any way: so that we concluded that they
were Merchant-Ships, with their Convoy, standing to the Northward.
28. Dreadful Lightnings in the Clouds towards the Evening; after which
great Dews fell: the Weather extream hot.
29. We saw a Pilot-fish swim by the sides of the Ship, and several
Bonito's and Albicores playing, as it were with their Heads above
Water. The Wind took us short in the night, and soon after there was
a stark Calm; and we had great reason to bless God for it: For had
we continued our Course that night, we had either run a-ground, or
had been cast upon the Rocks near to _Peniche_ in _Portugal_. The
fault was mis-reckoning, and haling in too soon to make the _Southern
Cape_: though the Seamen, to salve their Credit, and to excuse their
Error, which had like to have proved so fatal to us, pretended that we
were set in by a strong Current. God make us thankful for this great
Deliverance.
30. This Morning we were surprized to see our selves within four or
five Leagues of the Shore, when we had thought that we had been above
twenty. In the Afternoon, the Wind coming on fresh, we weathered the
westermost Isle of the _Barlings_. On the greatest of which, being as
we guessed, above half a Mile in length, the _Portuguese_ have built a
Fort to hinder the _Barbary_ Pirates from careening their Ships there,
or taking in fresh Water. The Land of it very high, and bore off us S.
E. by E. By it lie several Rocks. The other Islands are distant about a
League. I told five of them: the greatest of which last lie somewhere
inward to the Shore.
For two Nights together about this time (28 and 29) the Sky being
very hazy, the Sun set in a colour as deep as Blood, which was very
astonishing. We were then in the Latitude of 40.
31. Betimes in the Morning we sailed by the Rock of _Lisbon_, at some
distance, which was scarce discernible by reason of the cloudiness of
the Weather. Two _Turks_ Men of War are now plying to the Windward of
us; but dare not come up to speak with us, perceiving that we are only
laden with Powder and Bullet.
_September 1._ In the Morning we made Cape _St. Vincent_. I went on
Shore with the Lieutenant and several others in our Pinnace, which we
drove into one of the Coves; and were forced to climb up a Rock, the
ascent of which was very dangerous and troublesome; and made more so by
the Rays of the Sun, which were reflected with that vehemence, that the
Heat was almost intolerable. Having gained the top, we were met by an
Officer and some Soldiers, who had us into the Castle, the middlemost
of the three, which are built along that Promontory for the Security
of the Coasts, and entertained us with Wine, Grapes, and Marmalade.
They told us, that a Squadron of English Men of War sailed by the day
before. We here met with two Vessels belonging to _Dartmouth_, laden
with Fish from _Newfoundland_, bound for _Alicant_. All along the
Coasts, at the distance of about two or three Leagues, are several
Watch-towers built to give notice of Pirates.
Becalmed for the most part these two or three days.
5. In the Morning we weathered the Point of _Cadiz_, and came to an
Anchor in the _Bay of Bulls_, about half a League from the great
_Porgoe_; and in the Afternoon went on shore. We were entertained by
the _English_ Consul, and carried by him to view the Fortifications,
which are esteemed to be as regular as any in _Christendom_; built
in the same place where the Town had been attacked formerly by the
_English_, under the Conduct of the Earl of _Essex_ in the Reign of
Q. _Elizabeth_. Plays are usually here, as in other parts of _Spain_,
acted on a _Sunday_. During the time of our stay, was represented the
History of the Patience of _Job_, the Devil brought upon the Stage,
tempting _Job_'s Wife in a drolling way, which caused great Laughter
and Merriment among the Spectators. At _Malaga_, as the Merchants told
us, the _Sunday_ before we arrived there, was acted the _Schism of
England_ in the time of King _Henry_ the Eighth, whom the _Spaniards_
will not yet forgive, for Divorcing himself from Q. _Catherine_, their
Country-Woman.
9. We sailed from _Cadiz_.
10. This Afternoon we were forced to Anchor, not far from _Cape
Spartel_ or _Sprat_, as the Seamen call it, not being able to weather
the Point.
11. This day we came to an Anchor in _Tangier-Bay_, with Sir _Thomas
Allen_'s Squadron.
_Tangier_ lies within the Entrance into the _Strait_ of the
_Mediterranean_, in the Latitude of about 35°, 36´. It is situated in
the bottom of a Bay, and is built on the side of the Hill, overlooking
the Sea, encompassed with high Walls to the Land-ward, and commanded
by a strong Castle. The Heats would be very troublesome but for the
Sea-breezes which cool and fan the Air. In the Castle I met with a
_Roman_ Monument, erected to the Honour of _P. Belius_, a great Officer
and Souldier in _Trajan_'s time; who, among his other Titles, is
there stiled, PPO. FIG. MAURITANIAE. TINGITANAE: which since has been
taken away, and presented to the University of _Oxon_ by Sir _Hugh
Cholmondley_, and now serves to adorn the _Area_ about the _Theatre_.
The _English_ have two Churches here, (though they only make use of
one, the other being reserved against all Accidents) both of them
very neat and convenient; though not to be compared with the Church
of the _Portuguese_, retained still, according to the Articles of
Agreement, when the King of _Portugal_ made over the Right and Title,
and gave the Possession of _Tangier_ to the Crown of _England_, by
the Canons Regulars, belonging to it, which is very stately, and
adorn'd with rich Images, and supported by Marble Pillars. Toward one
end of the _English_ Church, just by the Vestiary, which had been
formerly a _Turkish_ Mosch, and afterward the Chappel of a Convent of
_Dominicans_, is a Monumental Stone-Table in _Arabick_ Characters,
containing an account of the Houses, Lands, and other Revenues
belonging to it, set up in the 743 year of the _Hegira_, that is,
of Christ 1341. The Mole is in good forwardness, they having gained
above 200 yards in the Sea, in order to the making of a good and safe
Harbour for Ships to ride in, which lye open to Wind and Waves; the
outward side to the Seaward somewhat sloping. The Garrison is in so
good a posture of Defence, that they defy _Taffiletta_ and all his
Forces. Here we met with great Civilities from Colonel _Norwood_,
Deputy-Governour, and the Gentlemen belonging to the Garrison. Sir
_Harry Mildmay_ and Mr. _Goodland_, two of King _Charles_ the First his
Judges, are here; but who have the Liberty of the Town. Now, at our
being here, come in several _Moors_ from _Arzilla_, and among the rest,
the Father of one of _Gayland_'s Wives, to get a Passage for _Algiers_.
Old _Tangier_ lyes at some little distance, where they find very
frequently in digging several pieces of _Roman_ Coin. But for the
above-mentioned, and the other Curiosities and Antiquities of
_Tangier_, of which I forbear to make mention, from the imperfect and
hasty Observations of two days, the greatest part of which being taken
up by the Entertainment of our obliging Country-men, you may consult
with great pleasure and satisfaction, a little Book called _The present
State of Tangier_, written by a very ingenious Gentleman, and printed
in the Year 1676.
There is a vast _draught_ of _water_ poured continually out of the
_Atlantick_ into the _Mediterranean_, the mouth or entrance of which
between _Cape Spartel_ or _Sprat_, as the _sea-men_ call it, and _Cape
Trafalgar_, may be near 7 leagues wide, the _current_ setting strong
into it, and not losing its force till it runs as far as _Malaga_,
which is about 20 leagues within the _Streights_. By the benefit of
this _Current_, tho' the wind be contrary, if it does not over-blow,
_Ships_ easily turn into the _gut_, as they term the _narrow passage_,
which is about 20 miles in length. At the end of which are two Towns,
_Gibraltar_ on the coast of _Spain_, which gives denomination to
the _Streight_, and _Ceuta_ on the _Barbary_ coast: at which places
_Hercules_ is supposed to have set up his _Pillars_. What becomes
of this great quantity of water poured in this way, and of that,
which runs from the _Euxine_ into the _Bosporous_ and _Propontis_,
and is carried at last through the _Hellespont_ into the _Ægæan_ or
_Archipelago_, is a curious _speculation_, and has exercised the wit
and understanding of _Philosophers_ and _Navigators_. For there is no
sensible rising of the _water_ all along the _Barbary Coast_, even down
to _Alexandria_, the land beyond _Tripoli_, and that of _Ægypt_, lying
very low, and easily overflowable. They observe indeed, that the water
rises 3 feet, or 3 feet and an half, in the _gulph_ of _Venice_, and as
much, or very near as much, all along the _Riviera_ of _Genoa_, as far
as the river _Arno_: but this rather adds to the wonder.
I here omit to speak at large of the several _Hypotheses_ which
have been invented to solve this difficulty: such as _subterraneous
vents_, cavities and indraughts, _exhalations_ by the _Sun-beams_, the
running out of the water on the _African side_, as if there were a
kind of circular motion of the water, and that it only flowed in upon
the _Christian_ shore: which latter I look upon as a meer fancy, and
contrary to all observation.
My conjecture is, that there is an _under-Current_, whereby as great
a quantity of water is carried out, as comes flowing in. To confirm
which, besides what I have said above about the difference of tides
in the _offing_, and at the _Shore_ in the _Downs_, which necessarily
supposes an _under-Current_, I shall present you with an instance of
the like nature in the _Baltick Sound_, as I received it from an able
Seaman, who was at the making of the tryal.
He told me, that being there in one of the _King's_ Frigats, they
went with their _Pinnace_ into the _middle stream_, and were carried
violently by the _Current_: that soon after they sank a _bucket_ with
a large _Cannon_ bullet to a certain _depth_ of water, which gave
check to the boats motion, and sinking it still lower and lower, the
_boat_ was driven a-head to wind-ward against the upper _Current_: the
_current_ aloft, as he added, not being above 4 or 5 _fathom_ deep, and
that the lower the bucket was let fall, they found the _under-Current_
the stronger. I designed to have made the _Experiment_ in the
_Streights-Channel_; but both times I past, the Easterly wind blew
so hard, that there was no putting out the boat with any safety; nor
indeed at those times had we any leisure for such a _Curiosity_; which
those, who liv'd at _Tangier_, might have tryed without any difficulty
or danger.
This conjecture, how likely or unlikely soever, will stand or fall
according to the certainty of the _Observations_, which shall be made
there, which I will endeavour to procure in order to the further
establishment, or utter overthrow of it.
13. We weighed out of _Tangier_ and turned into the _Strait_, though
against the Wind. The distance between _Gibraltar_ Cape, which gives
name to the _Straits_, and is joyned to the Continent of _Spain_ and
_Ceuta_ a well-built and strongly fortified Town, lying under the Hill
_Alybe_, called so by the _Greeks_, which the Seamen commonly call,
as do some _Spanish_ Writers, _Apes-hill_, from the great number of
Apes which used formerly to haunt there, (at which places _Hercules_ is
feigned to have set up his Pillars) may be about six Leagues; tho' both
Lands lying very high (for we saw the Clouds much below them) it does
not appear in the middle of the Current, out of a tall Ship, scarce
half so broad.
14. Little Wind stirring.
15. A great Mist all the Sea over, so that we could scarce see three
lengths of the Ship, which began to vanish in the Afternoon; and than
we descryed the _Cape of Malaga_ at about four Leagues distance; and
came to an Anchor that Night. The City lies under a high Hill, and
is the Seat of a Bishop, who is at this time a Natural Son of King
_Philip_ the Fourth, of the Order of St. _Dominic_. Here the Merchants
told us, that it had not rained for seven Months together, except a day
or two for an Hour: and that the _Algerines_, who were then breaking
with us, had not been able to have set a Fleet to Sea about two years
before, if they had not been furnished with Masts from _England_; and
that they were now in Expectation of another Ship laden with the same,
notwithstanding the Rupture, which was as good as began. I only make a
Query, Whether _Jews_ or _English_ Men were the Freighters?
16. The next Morning the Governour immediately returned our Salute Gun
for Gun: soon after we weighed from _Malaga_ Road, the Weather very
hot. Some Rain fell at Night, though very moderately. In the Evening,
after we had sailed about eighteen Leagues, we were becalm'd. The Sea
being quiet, we saw a great number of _Tortoises_ swimming above Water,
several _Bottle-noses_, fish of about three yards long, and very thick,
and Hawks flying over to the _Barbary_ Coast. The Hills of _Granada_
were seen plainly by us, though at a great distance.
The Wind coming Easterly, we kept at Sea, beating and plying to and
again for these four days, scarce gaining sixteen Leagues of our way,
and were forc'd to come to an Anchor in the _Bay of Adera_, where there
is a strong Cittadel, about thirty four or thirty five Leagues from
_Malaga_.
21. We passed by _Cape de Gata_: but the Levant wind still blowing,
having continued almost in that Point for above two Months, as we
computed from what they had told us at _Tangier_, we could make but
little progress in our Voyage.
25. Between three and four of the Clock in the Morning the Tornado's
began to blow, and the Wind violent for the time, with such continued
Flashes of Lightning for several hours, as that the whole Sky seemed
to be on fire, intermixed with terrible Claps of Thunder, after which
followed great showers of Rain.
25. The Wind still contrary, we descryed _Cape St. Martin_ at about
fifteen Leagues distance. Tacking about and standing off to Seaward,
next Morning 27. we found that we had lost about three Leagues of our
way.
28. We were athwart _Orlando's Gap_ within two Leagues of the Shore,
_Cape St. Martin_ bearing off us _N._ by _W._ The Wind now still; but
a swelling Sea coming from the Westward, which is usual before a Wind,
which drives the Water before it.
On _Michaelmas-day_ we were up with the Island _Ivica_, or _Ivise_, as
the Mariners call it, and the Wind blowing fair, we stood our Course;
and the next day at Noon we made the _Island Majorca_, situate over
against the Kingdom of _Valentia_, and came to an Anchor in the _Bay_
of the City, being forced in hither for want of fresh Water. In the
Afternoon the Boat was sent on shore; but the Vice-Roy would not give
us Prattick, not bringing a Patent from _Malaga_.
_Octob. 1._ The Secretary was sent with the King's Pass to the
Vice-Roy to demand Prattick, who presently summoned the Officers of
the _Sanita_. After long Debates and Delays they consented, and came
to the _Mole_ to receive him. He went directly to the Governour to
acquaint him, that we were ready to Salute the City with what number
of Guns he pleased, if he would engage upon his Honour to give us as
many. He replied, that he would give us three for five; and wondered,
that we being but a single Ship, should make such a Demand. The
Secretary told him, That we were to be treated as an Admiral, having
a Flag on our Maintop; and that the Governour of _Malaga_ had done
it. To this he said, That _Majorca_ was a Kingdom, that he was the
King's Representative, and that by Reason of the Miscarriage of his
Predecessor, when Monsieur _de Beaufort_, the _French_ Admiral was
there, he had received strict Orders from _Madrid_ not to do the
like. The Secretary replied, That we had an Ambassador on board, and
had as strict Orders, and should answer as severely for the Breach
of them. His last Answer was, That we might, with our Sails loose,
keep before the Town, till we had furnished our selves with what we
wanted. Upon receiving this Message, the Ambassador dispatched away one
_Joseph Gabriel Cortez_, a _Spaniard_, but employed by the _English_
Merchants trading to that Island, then on board our Ship, to acquaint
him, That when we were ready to go away, we would loose our Sails,
and not before. We landed within the _Mole_; the Walk upon it about
four or five Yards broad; at the Extremity of which is a very large
and stately Gate, which leads into the City. We went into the great
Church, somewhat wider than _Westminster-Abbey_, but darkish within:
the Portal very magnificent, adorned with several Marble Statues in
Niches one over another. The High Altar very plain and unadorned: but
others extraordinary rich and glorious. Not far from the City are
several Mills to grind their Olives, Oyl being the great Commodity of
the Island.
2. The next Morning we weighed, without taking any kind of notice of
the Town, sailing all along in sight of the Island, which presented
us with a pleasing and delightful Prospect; the Valleys, lying under
the Hills, fruitful of Wine and Corn. The whole Island is judged to be
about sixty Leagues in Compass, and in length about fifteen: which we
sailed from the Westermost Point, where lies the Isle _Dragovera_, at
a very little distance to the Eastermost, where there is built a small
Fort. To the S. S. E. lie several little Islands, called the _Cabreas_;
between which and _Majorca_ we steered.
3. We were athwart _Port Maon_ in _Minorca_; a fine level Country,
having but one Hill in it N. W. by W. as it bore off us. In the Evening
the Wind very scant.
4. This day, as yesterday, excessive hot.
5. In the Afternoon we descryed the Main Land of _Provence_.
6. We were over against the Islands _Hieres_ and the Highland of
_Thoulon_.
7, 8. These two Days becalmed; and the Sea extraordinary smooth.
9. We were over against the Westermost part of the _Alpes_, which we
distinctly saw at about twenty Leagues distance, and appeared far
higher than the Hills of _Granada_.
10. We sailed by _Final_ and _Ventimiglia_.
12. We came in the Morning to an Anchor over against the _Mole_, and
not far from the Lantern in _Genoa_. Having obtained Prattick of the
_Maestri della Sanita_, after a little demur about the Salute, the
Senate being assembled, and some of them protesting upon their Honours,
and ready to produce their Registers, that they never saluted the Ship
wherein was an Ambassador of _France_ or _Spain_, as not taking any
notice of the Person who did bear that Character, 'till they had first
intimation, that the Ship was arrived in their Port by its saluting the
Town. It was agreed that the Ship should Salute the Town with eleven
Guns, which they were to answer, as they did, with an equal number:
and after a little pause, they saluted the Ambassador with nineteen
more, which was answered with as many. After this, the Duke and
Senate sent the Master of the Ceremonies to wait upon the Ambassador:
who going away, returned soon after with a Present of Calves, Fowl,
Wine, Sweetmeats, _&c._ and acquainted his Lordship, that they had
deputed six of their Gentlemen to Complement him, and wait upon him;
which Civility he thought fit to refuse, desiring to be _Incognito_.
But however, going ashore, he was welcomed by the _Illustrissimi
Signiori_, the _Durazzo's_, two Brothers, the elder of which had been
Ambassador for the Republick, in the Court of _England_, and the other
at _Constantinople_, and by them carried to see the _Villas_ out of
Town. The figure of _Genoa_ is Semicircular, beginning from the Lantern
Westward, lying under an high Hill, upon the rising of which the
several Houses, built of Marble, afford a very fine Prospect, and add
much to the Beauty and Glory of the place. _Strada nuova_ perchance
is the most stately Street in the whole World. The new Church of the
_Annunciata_, built by the _Lomellini_, where a thousand may go up the
stairs abreast at the same time, for curious Painting, rich Altars,
and exactness of Architecture, incomparable. The _Duome_ also and the
Church of the _Theatins_ very stately and curious. Other matters I
purposely omit.
14. In the Evening we set Sail from _Genoa_.
Becalmed for the most part these three Days, though helped somewhat
forward by the Breezes that blew off the shore after Sun set.
18. In the Afternoon we made the Island _Gorgonia_, about nine Leagues
from _Livorne_; a little round Island, with a Castle on the top.
19. In the Morning we came to an Anchor in _Livorne_ Road, about a Mile
from the Town: the Road large and secure, especially to the Northward.
The Ambassador keeps on Board, the Governour refusing to Salute the
Ship first, though he had formerly saluted the _French_; pretending
that every Convoy might carry a Flag; and alledging that his Master,
the Grand Duke, was as great and absolute, as the Republick of _Genoa_:
and that they had rather throw themselves upon the King of _England_,
than do a thing which might prove of such an ill Consequence. Sir _John
Finch_, his Majesty's Resident, together with Sir _Thomas Baines_,
came from _Florence_ to Complement the Ambassador, and immediately
dispatched away a Courier to the Grand Duke about the Salute; who
referred the whole Affair to the Governor: and he making a Protest that
he was ready to pay all the respect which was due to the Ambassador's
Character and Quality, upon the fore-mentioned Pretensions, six days,
after our arrival, absolutely refused to Salute the Ship first.
_Livorne_ is the great Magazine of Trade for the _Levant_, being a free
Port: Merchants of all Countries residing here, _Armenians_ especially,
and _Jews_; which latter enjoy great Priviledges, without wearing any
distinct Mark in their Hats or Habits, whereby they may be known. They
are allow'd the publick Exercise of their Religion: their Synagogue
large and handsome. The Port inward has a _Mole_ for the Duke's Galleys
and other small Vessels to ride in: the Entrance of which is chained
up every Night. Hard by is the Statue of Duke _Ferdinand_ in Marble,
raised upon an high Pedestal; under which are four Slaves in Brass,
in different Postures, very large, and above the ordinary proportion,
but done with exquisite and admirable Art. Two Castles to the Seaward
well fortified: the Town Walls very high, and the four Gates strongly
guarded: below which is a Ditch of about fifteen or twenty yards over,
and very deep. No Stranger is allowed to view the Works, nor Souldier
permitted to come out of the Castles. About four thousand Slaves are
there, as the Merchants told us, who are lockt up in the _Bagno_ every
Night. The _Piazza_, where the Merchants meet, is adorned with Marble
Pillars, which sustain the Porticos: at the East end of which is the
great Church whose Roof appears very glorious, having several Circles
richly gilded and painted with curious Figures.
The broad Street is paved between two and three yards on each side with
Free-stone.
27. In the Afternoon we weighed out of _Livorne_ Road, and sailed by
the Islands _Gorgonia_ and _Capraria_, seeing _Corsica_ at a distance.
28. We lay beating at Sea all this Day, the Wind being contrary.
29. This Day we were forced back, the contrary Winds still continuing.
30. We weighed a second time, and sailed by three small Islands,
_Capraria_, _Planasia_, and _Monte Christi_. We saw also _Gigio_ and
_Sanuti_, two other small Islands near the Main: but we made but little
way, by reason of ill Weather for 4 or 5 Days.
_Novemb. 5._ At Evening we saw the Eruptions of Fire from _Stromboli_,
which lies to the N. W. of _Sicily_. Sometimes it flamed very bright
Light as a _Beacon_, at other times there appeared only a glorious kind
of Light, like that of an ordinary Star when the Air is thick and hazy.
They say that it flames most in rainy Weather.
6. In the Morning we were up within a League of it, and plainly
perceived it to smoke. It is of a round figure, and, as we gathered,
may be about three or four Miles in compass. It bore W. by S. of us.
Not far from it lye scattered several other Islands, called by the
Ancients _Æoliœ_ and _Vulcaniœ_: among which are _Lipara_, a long
flattish Island, and _Vulcanello_, which smokes most. This Afternoon we
came to an Anchor in eight Fathom Water in the _Phare_ of _Messina_,
in the mid Stream between _Scylla_ and _Charybdis_: a violent and
strong Current setting against us, and the Wind not high enough, so as
to be able to stemm it. The breadth of the _Strait_ from _Messina_
to _Rhegium_ may be about a League. The Land is very high on the
_Calabrian_ side, where are very steep Rocks, and great depth of Water,
above 150 Fathom, as they told us: but on the _Sicilian_ side, near
_Charybdis_ Shole-water, and usually an Eddy. On the Sandy Banks stands
the Phare or Watch-tower. Several Currents meeting in this narrow
Passage, cause a great rippling of the Water: and great quantity of
Water coming in, as the Winds drive, in great quantity meeting with the
Shole, is broken into Waves. The Eddies here are caused by the meeting
of the different Currents by which the Waters are sometimes carried
N. and sometimes S. the great danger is, lest they drive the Ship on
either side. We have had Lightning for seven or eight Nights together.
7. We sail'd by _Ætna_, now called _Mongibel_, where the Sea widens ten
or eleven Leagues over. Now we see plainly the Smoke briskly issuing
out of the _Crater_, the _Limbus_ of which was all black. The uppermost
part of the Mountain was covered with Snow, except some streaks of
Ashes, as we judge, which lie as it were in a Gutter, spread here and
there.
8. We espied a _Saettia_ at about 3 Leagues distance, and making up to
her, found her forsaken. The Captain sent several Seamen on board, and
carried the Vessel to _Smyrna_.
Scanty Wind for several Days: and the Lightning still continued.
13. We were up with _Cape Modona_, the Southernmost Cape of the
_Morea_, and sailed by _Coron_. The Land very high, the Hills of
_Arcadia_ lying Eastward from us. The Weather excessive hot at
this time, as it is in _England_ at _Midsummer_. We espied from
our Maintop-mast five Sail of great Ships, which we supposed to be
_Tripolines_, who did not think fit to come up and speak with us. But
afterward we heard for certain, that they were part of the _Venetian_
Fleet.
14. We lay for the most part becalmed over against _Cape Matapan_: but
in the Evening the Wind blowing fresh, we sailed between the Island of
_Cerigo_ and the Main Land of _Greece_; it being about three Leagues
over to _Cape Angelo_.
15. We entred the Arches, and steered through the North Channel,
leaving _Melo_ and _Antimelo_ on the Starboard-quarter, at some Leagues
distance.
16. Betimes in the Morning we were athwart _Negropont_, and sailed
between it and _Andros_. The _Bocca_ lies S. W. and N. E.
17. We sailed by _Chios_ or _Scio_, which is very mountainous toward
the middle. It is about four Leagues distant from _Cape Caraboroun_,
or the _Cape of the black Nose_, as the _Turkish_ word signifies,
which the Seamen, in their usual way of corrupting Names, call _Cape
Jobbernoule_, the _Corinœum_ of the Ancients, a Promontory of the
famous Mountain _Mimas_, which runs along the Southern side of the _Bay
of Smyrna_.
This Day the _Smyrna_ Fleet from _England_ comes up to us very luckily,
to our great Satisfaction and Joy.
18. We are now got into the _Bay of Smyrna_, and come to an Anchor
without the Castle, not far from St. _Jacomo's Point_, as the Seamen
call it, or rather _Sangiac Point_. In the Afternoon the Consul, with
several Gentlemen of the Factory, came to wait upon my Lord Ambassador,
and desired his Lordship to defer his Entrance into _Smyrna_ till the
Twentieth, that he might be received with greater Honour. That Evening
we heard a great howling of _Jackalls_ upon the Hills.
20. The Consul with the Nation, accompanied with his _Druggermen_ and
_Janizaries_ in their _Habit_, together with several _French_, _Dutch_
and _Genoese_ Merchants, residing in that famous Emporium, came to the
Village near the Castle, who there expected us with Horses. Upon our
going ashore, the _Leopard_ fired fifty one Guns. We made about 140
Horse; and immediately upon our setting forth, we rode for about three
Miles together under the Hill to the S. W. of _Smyrna_; the places
adjoyning set thick with Olive, Fig, and Almond-trees. Afterwards
we clambered over some rocky Ascents; but the Horses of the Country
being sure-footed, we were in no danger of falling. Some little way
we were forced to ride on the Sea-shore, and soon after came to the
Jews burying place, whose Monuments lie flat upon the ground. As soon
as we entred into the City, we found the Streets full of _Greeks_,
_Armenians_, _Turks_, and _Jews_, whom Curiosity had drawn together to
see and observe our Cavalcade; the _English_ Ships, which were in the
_Bay_, firing their Guns, as we past near the Shore. And so after three
hours riding the Ambassador was brought to the Consul's House, where
Lodgings were provided for him. During our stay we met with not only
kind, but very noble Entertainment from the worthy Gentlemen of the
Factory.
_Decemb. 8._ We took our leave of _Smyrna_, being accompanied by the
Consul and Merchants on board the _London-Merchant_, Capt. _John
Hill_ Commander, the _Leopard_ being ordered to go no further than
_Smyrna_, it being feared in _England_, that if she had sailed up to
_Constantinople_, the _Turks_ might have press'd her for their Service
in _Candia_, which they were then besieging.
9. This Morning we weighed betimes, and sailed between _Scio_ and
_Mytilene_. But on the
10. We were forced back near the long Island within the Bay, being
unwilling to go to _Scio_, the _Tripolines_ and _Turkish_ Galleys lying
there. Here we lay ten Days, expecting a fair Wind.
20. The Wind coming about and favouring us, we sailed a second time
between _Scio_ and _Mytilene_.
21. We past by _Lemnos_, and were up with the Island _Tenedos_; a fine
Champaign Country, only with one Hill toward the middle of it. The
Castle to the N. E. part of the Isle: over against which lye three
small Islands in a strait Line. Here we came to an Anchor. We saw the
Ruins of _Troas_ at a distance, but did not think it safe to go ashore.
22. The Wind coming about at S. we entred the _Hellespont_, which
may be about two Leagues and a half over. The Castles built upon
the opposite points of Land, about 11 or 12 Years before, after the
great Defeat given the _Turkish Armata_ at the _Dardanels_ by the
_Venetians_; _Cape Janizary_ on the _Asian_ side; which, with the
_Philæum_, makes a tolerable good Bay for ordinary Vessels. The
narrowest Strait of the _Hellespont_ is at the two other Castles,
distant about six Leagues, where it may be about ¾ of a Mile wide.
These the _Christians_ call the _Dardanelli_; at which are situate the
Towns, _Sestus_ and _Abydus_, famous in _Greek_ Poesie. These Castles
we saluted with our Guns and Trumpets, as we did the first: but each,
whether out of Pride, or out of Covetousness, to save the _Grand
Signior_'s Powder, return'd us no more than two Guns. The Wind blowing
very fair we sailed into the _Propontis_.
23. We passed by St. _Stephano's Point_, where we had a full view of
the S. E. Angle of _Constantinople_, which being situated upon several
Hills to a mighty advantage, what with the Cypress-Trees intermixed,
and what with the gilded Spires of the _Moschs_, yielded us a very
diverting glorious Prospect. Passing by the _Seraglio Point_, which we
saluted by a discharge of several Guns, in the mid Stream between it
and the _Tophana_, we came to an Anchor.
26. On St. _Stephen_'s Day the Ambassador landed at _Galata_, (having
before been visited by the Earl of _Winchelsea_, and the Merchants
residing there) and was received there by the _Chiaus Basha_ and the
_Vaivod_ of _Galata_, the _Janizaries_ and _Chiauses_ attending, and
was waited upon by them to his Palace: and soon after the _Kaimacam_,
or Governor of _Constantinople_, sent an Officer to Complement him upon
his Arrival; the _Grand Signior_ being then at _Larissa_ in _Thessaly_.
_January 2._ The Ambassadors, Old and New, went over to
_Constantinople_, that Morning being assigned by the _Kaimacam_ to
give them Audience, the _Chiaus Basha_ and other Officers attending at
the Water-side to receive them; Horses being brought thither for them
and their Followers to mount. This _Kaimakam Jusuph_, a little old
Man, had formerly been a Page of the Chamber, and chief Falconer, and
afterwards _Basha_ of _Silistria_. He entertained the Ambassadors and
their Company with Perfumes, Coffee, and Sherbet, and distributed about
fifteen _Koftans Orrests_ among them: after about an Hours stay they
took their leave.
Being upon the Coasts of _Greece_ about _August_ or _September_ 69. in
the Latitude of 35°. 53´. we found by our _Azimouth_ Compass, that we
had Westerly variation there 5°. 22´.
The variety of Colours of the Sea-Water at several times chiefly
depends upon the Wind and Weather, and the reflexion of the Light
upon it. It's usual and most natural Colour is a deep Green: but in
Cloudy and Rainy Weather, the Surface of the Water appears blackish.
On the _Goodwins_ upon the Tide of Flood, the Water was white, the
Waves by reason of the Shallows, meeting with opposition, and breaking
into Foam, till the Flood is well advanced. Sometimes the Water is
of a perfect Azure colour, as we observed for several Weeks in the
_Mediterranean_. The Sun shining bright upon the Water, sometimes the
upper part of the Waves appears Purplish, sometimes Reddish; though in
Shallows perchance it may receive this latter Tincture also from the
Sands which lie under it. When the Wind has freshened, and the Ship has
been under full Sail, I have observed the Waves to the head, and at the
sides of the Ship, to appear with a pale kind of brightness: and at
_Malaga_, and at my return, going on board our Ship, which lay about
half a League from the shore, at Night, the Wind then at East, the
Boats Crew letting their Oar fall roughly into the Water, diverted us
as it were with the sight of a continued Flame, raised by their rowing;
which I ascribe rather to the Saline Particles of the Sea-Water, which
were then put into a violent Agitation, than to the Spawn of Fish, as
some of our Company imagined.
Sailing toward the West of _Portland_, we saw several _Porpisces_
playing with their Heads above Water; which I mention only, because
the Seamen look upon them as fore-runners of a Storm; the Wind soon
after blowing very hard at North by East. And afterwards arriving at
_Constantinople_, the Wind blowing a stiff Gale at North, I observed
with a pleasing kind of astonishment good part of the _Propontis_, that
is, from the _Seraglio Point_ toward the Islands, which lye against the
_Bay of Nicomedia_, Eastward and South-East from us, as far as we could
see, covered as it were with _Porpisces_, which appeared every where in
great abundance. So that I am very apt to believe that _Julius Solinus_
in _Chap._ 12. of his _Polykister_ is to be understood of _Porpisces_,
and not of _Dolphins_, now properly so called, though that be his Word,
speaking of the _Bosphorus_ and _Propontis_: _Hæc profunda Delphinas
plurimos habent_: and soon after, _ante omnia nihil velocius habent
maria, sic ut plerunque transvolent vela navium_. I could not hear that
any _Dolphins_ are caught in those Seas by the _Greeks_, whose Poverty,
added to the love which their Nation has for Fish, and the advantage
arising thence, upon the account of their solemn Fasts and Abstinences
from all Flesh, even to a wonderful strictness and scrupulosity,
has made them excellent Fishermen: nor did I ever see any in their
Fish-Markets, or see one of them brought to the Ambassador's Table by
the Proveditor for curiosity: Though otherwise it is an excellently
well tasted Fish, especially when soused. I allow, that they will swim
very swiftly, as do the _Porpisces_; and that they will follow a Ship
for several Leagues together: but then they Swim somewhat deep in the
Water, sometimes are catch'd, though not often. The Seamen have reached
them with a Fisgig, a kind of barbed Iron, at the End of a Pole tied
fast to a Rope, and have made good Chear with them. But this is only my
Conjecture, with which I end my Journal.
_Deo Servatori Laus._
_Historical Observations relating to _Constantinople_. By the
Reverend and Learned _Tho. Smith_, D. D. Fellow of _Magd. Coll.
Oxon._ and of the _Royal Society_._
_Constantinople_, formerly _Byzantium_, was[1] by _Constantine_ the
Great, called so after his own Name, who being mightily pleased with
the beautiful and advantageous situation of the Place between two
Seas, and defended by narrow Streights on both sides, removed the Seat
of the Empire hither, and laid the foundation of its future Splendor
and Greatness. It was also by a[2]special Edict or Law of the same
Emperor, which he caused to be engraven on a Marble Pillar, placed
near his own Statue on Horse-back, in one of the Piazza's of his new
built City called _Strategium_, where the Soldiers used to Muster,
as in the _Campus Martius_, called _second or new Rome_, in emulation
of old _Rome_, which he designed and endeavoured this should equal in
all things. Accordingly he endowed it with the same Priviledges and
Immunities, and established the same number of Magistrates and Orders
of People, and divided the whole extent of it into fourteen Precincts
or[3]Regions, according to the division of _Rome_. And the _Greek_
Writers were as elegant and extravagant in their commendations of
it; but the usual Title in their ordinary Discourses and Writings,
when they had occasion to mention it without any flourish, was ἡ
βασιλευούσα, ἡ βασιλίς, that is, the Imperial City, to the same sense
with that of[4]_Sidonius Apollinaris_,
_Salve sceptrorum columen, Regina orientis,
Orbis Roma tui._
The Country about it was afterwards called _Romania_ in a limited and
restrained sense, (for that _Romania_ was anciently the same with
_orbis Romanus_, seems clear from[5]_Epiphanius_) and the People
Ρωμαῖοι. But I suppose this was not done till about the middle times
of the Empire, when it began to decline. The _Greeks_ still retain
this Name. For if you ask any of the _Greeks_ born upon the Continent
of _Thrace_, what Country Man he is? he answers forthwith, Ρωμαῖος
_Romios_, for so they pronounce it. The _Turks_ in like manner call
a _Greek_ Christian _Urum Gaour_, or the Roman Infidel, as they will
call sometimes the Emperor of _Germany_, _Urumler Padisha_ or Emperor
of the _Romans_. Hence it was, that the latter _Græcian_ Emperors
stiled themselves βασιλεῖς Ρωμαίων, Kings of the Romans, that is, such
as were Born in _Romania_ and the other Countries, which made up the
Eastern division of the Empire. Tho' perchance by this flourishing
Title they pretended a right to the Government of the West: Upon
which vain presumption they assumed also the Title of Κοσμοκράτορες,
or Emperors of the World, as if they had been the true Successors of
_Augustus_, and the Western Emperors, Usurpers, whom they called by way
of contempt and indignation, Ρῆγες, Reges, as[6] _Luitprandus_ informs
us in the accompt of his Embassy to _Nicephorus Phocas_, and afforded
the People of _Italy_ no other Title than that of[7]_Longobards_ or
_Lombards_. The present _Greeks_ call all the Western Christians
Λατῖνοι or φράγγοι _Latins_ or _Franks_, the _Turks_ only making use of
the latter, when they speak civilly of us, and calling _Christendom_
_Phrenkistan_, in the present _Greek_ φραγγία. The _Turks_ now as
proudly call _Constantinople_ _Alem pena_, or the refuge of the World:
Where indeed seems to be a medley of all or most Nations of three parts
of it, and of all Religions, which are allowed to be publickly profest
and exercised every where throughout the Empire, except the _Persian_.
For they look upon it as a corruption of, and deviation from the Rules
and Doctrine of _Mahomet_, their great false Prophet, and therefore
absolutely forbid it, as repugnant to, and destructive of the Doctrine
of Life and Salvation, as they speak. And accordingly they condemn with
all imaginable fury the Professors of it, who pretend to follow _Ali_,
as Sectaries and Apostates, and entertain worse Opinions of them,
than of _Christians_, or _Jews_ or _Infidels_. The _Persians_ are not
behind-hand with them in their hatred and disrespect, deriding them as
gross and stupid, and looking upon them as little less than barbarous;
Interest and Zeal for their several Tenets heightning their differences
so much, that in time of War they destroy one anothers _Moschs_. I
remember, that there was a great Discourse in _Constantinople_ among
the _Turks_ concerning an impudent hot-headed _Persian_, who publickly
in the new _Mosch_ built by the Mother of the present Emperor, asserted
that _Ali_ was equal to _Mahomet_. But it seems he very luckily made
his escape out of their Hands, at which the Priests and the more
zealous _Turks_ were very much scandalized.
The _Greeks_ have twenty six Churches within the Walls of the City,
besides 6 in _Galata_, of which I have given an Account elsewhere. They
have also two Churches at _Scutari_, one at _Kadikui_ or _Chalcedon_.
So at _Staurosis_, _Chingilkui_, and several other Villages upon the
Asian Shore off the Bosphorus, as at _Beshictash_, _Ortakui_, _Chorouch
chesme_, which Church is dedicated to St. _Michal_ the Archangel,
_Jenikui_ or _Neochorion_, _Therapia_, _Bujukdere_, and other Villages
on the _European_ side. They have also a Church at _Haskui_, where is
their Burying place, and another near the _Bagnio_, dedicated to St.
_Parasceve_. And at _Tatoula_ about a Mile from _Pera_, upon a Hill,
which from the Name of the Church is thence called by the _Greeks_
and _Franks_, St. _Demetrius_ his Hill. Next to the holy Virgin, St.
_Demetrius_ and St. _George_ have most Churches dedicated to them.
The _Armenians_ have not, if I remember aright, above seven Churches;
they being few in number in comparison of the _Greeks_.
The _Jews_ may have in the City and places adjacent between twenty and
thirty Synagogues, this being the greatest shelter of that accursed
contemptible People in the Grand Signiors Dominions, next to _Caire_
and _Saloniki_: and I believe there may be about twenty or thirty
thousand families of them. They are of great use and service to the
_Turks_, upon accompt of their Brocage and Merchandise, and Industry
in several mechanical Trades. All these I look upon as Natives, or
Slaves rather, each paying mony for his Head every year. The _Jews_
indeed very wisely collect this Tax among themselves, and according
to an agreement made with the _Teftardar_ or Treasurer, pay a certain
sum in gross for their whole Nation residing there: by which piece of
cunning they are great gainers, and spare the poor among them less able
to pay, by a contribution of the rich to make up the sum. The _English_
and _Dutch_ Ambassadors have their Chappels in their Palaces common to
their respective Nations.
The Churches and Chappels of the Western _Christians_ of the _Roman_
Communion in _Galata_, are
St. _Peters_, belonging to the _Dominicans_, where is the famous piece
of _Madonna di Constantinopolis_ as the _Italians_ call it, or of the
blessed Virgin, holding the holy Child _Jesus_ in her arms: which they
pretend to be drawn by the hand of St. _Luke_, celebrated by some of
the latter Ecclesiastical Writers to have been a famous Painter. Out of
respect to this idle tradition the credulous and superstitious _Latins_
and _Greeks_ of the _Roman_ Communion shew great veneration to it,
which otherwise hath little in it of proportion, art, or beauty, to
derive any reputation upon the designer, or upon his work.
St. _Francis_, belonging to the _Conventuali_, Friars of the order of
St. _Francis_; the ground of this by the wise conduct and intercession
of _Caviliere Molino_, the Venetian _Bailo_, after the surrender of
_Candia_, upon the Peace made by the Republick with the Grand Signior,
was procured to be restored, and a handsome Church rebuilt with the
large contributions of mony sent out of _Christendom_.
St. _Benedict_, belonging to the _Jesuits_, where is a rich Altar
curiously adorn'd with several figures in _Mosiack_. This Convent was
purchased for them by their great Benefactor, _Henry_ the fourth of
_France_.
St. _Mary_, belonging to the _Observantines_ or _Zoccolanti_, a branch
of the order of St. _Francis_, so called from their going in _Zoccoli_
or wooden clogs.
The _Capuchines_ have a little Chappel dedicated to St. _George_, hard
by the _French_ Ambassadors Palace.
St. _Ann_, a Chappel frequented by the _Perotes_.
St. _Paul_ and St. _Anthony_, were both taken away some years since
from the _Christians_, and turned into _Moschs_. The former of which
is now known by the name of _Arab Giamesi_, or the Mosch of the
_Arabians_. Our Interpreters mentioned also to me the Church of St.
_John_, which the _Turks_ have seized upon for their use, St. _George_,
which the _Jews_ are possest of, and St. _Sebastian_, which was used to
be visited chiefly on Holy days.
The North-wind blows for the most part at _Constantinople_. Which must
be ascribed to its nearness to the _Euxine_ Sea, which bears that point
from it. So that for want of a Southwardly wind Ships have been forced
to lye a month or two sometimes near the mouth of the _Hellespont_.
This was taken notice of long since by _Eunapius_ in the life of
_Ædesius_, who ascribes the seldom blowing of the _South_ wind to the
situation of the mountains, whereas it is checked and overpowered
by the exuberance of the Vapours continually sent forth from the
_black_ and _great Sea_, as the _Greeks_ call it in comparison of the
_Mediterranean_. _Vide ad finem Codini de origin. Constantinopol. Edit.
Paris. Pag. 80._
The _Hellespont_ is about forty miles in length, and at the Castles of
_Sestos_ and _Abydos_ the streight may be about three quarters of an
English mile over, or less.
The length of the _Propontis_ is about a hundred and fifty miles, both
shores may be seen in the middle of it. In it are,
_Cyzicus_, an Island near the _Asian_ shore, to which it is joined by
two bridges. It still retains its ancient name Κυζικὸ, and is the seat
of a Bishop, being inhabited by a considerable number of _Greeks_.
_Proconnesus_, not far from the former; now, as for some centuries
past, called _Marmora_, from the excellent quarries of Marble there
found, the marmor _Cyzenicum_ also being famous in the time of _Pliny_.
_Besbychus_, now called by the Greek καλόλιμνο, or the good haven, not
far from the entrance into the bay of _Montanea_ to the North and by
East. The _Turks_ call it _Imralme_.
There are several Islands over against the bay of _Nicomedia_, formerly
called _Sinus Astacenus_, according to _Strabo_, about six or seven
leagues from _Constantinople_.[8]
_Prote_, so called because they approach first to it, coming from
_Constantinople_; to the South of this _Prencipe_ and _Pytis_, which
I take to be the same with _Pyrgos_, that lyes inmost toward the bay:
_Chalcitis_, in modern Greek, _Chalce_ or _Chalcis_. _Oxia_ and _Platy_
to the North-west. I have expressed the _Turkish_ names of the lesser
and uninhabited islands elsewhere, which perchance were phantastically
imposed by some _Franks_.
The _Seraglio_ is at the extreme point of the North-east Angle of
_Constantinople_, where formerly stood old _Byzantium_, within which
towards the Haven is a stately _Kiosk_ or summer house, from whence
the _Grand Signior_ usually takes Barge, when he passes into _Asia_,
or diverts himself upon the _Bosphorus_, at which time the _Bostangi
Bashi_, who hath the principal care of the Emperors palace, and hath
the command of the _Bosphorus_, sits at the helm and steers.
The seven Towers are at the South-east extremity.
The only Suburbs are to the North-west, along the Haven-side; for above
the hill, where the three walls begin, lies an open champaign Country,
except that here and there at considerable distances farm houses are
scatter'd.
The Haven runs in from the West, and so opens East.
At the East end of _Galata_ is _Tophana_, where they cast their great
Guns.
_Pera_ and _Galata_ have about six gates to the Seaward. The whole
tract of ground was anciently, before the times of the Emperor
_Valentinian_, who enclosed and fortified _Galata_ with walls and
towers, styled Περαῖα or Regio _Peræa_ being πέραν τῆς πόλεως, on the
other side of the City to the North, which is the reason of its name,
seated on higher hills, and whose ascent is more steep and difficult.
Our modern _Geographers_, such as _Mercator_ and _Ortelius_, who
herein follow _Ptolomy_, place _Constantinople_ in the Latitude of 43.
degrees and 5 minutes: the _Arabian_ and _Persian Astronomers_, as
_Abulfeda_, _Nassir Edin_, _Vlugh Beigh_, and so the πρόχειροι κανόνες,
_Chrysococcas_ translated out of the _Persian_ tables, place it more
Northerly in 45. But by latter and better observation it is found, that
they have erred in assigning the Latitude of this City, as of several
other places. To salve these differences, there is no just ground
of pretence to say, that the _Poles_ are moveable and have changed
their situation since their time, whereas it may better be imputed to
their want of due care, or to their taking things upon trust, from
the reports of _Travellers_ and _Seamen_, not having been upon the
places themselves: which certainly is to be said for _Ptolomy_ whose
observations, as to places more remote from _Alexandria_, are far from
being accurate and true. The learned Mr. _John Greaves_, as I find in a
Manuscript discourse, very worthy of being Printed, which he presented
to the most reverend and renowned _Arch-bishop Usher_, took the height
of the _Pole_ at _Constantinople_ with a brass sextant of above 4 feet
_radius_, and found it to be but 41 degrees 6´. but by the observation
we made in our Court-yard at _Pera_ with a very good _Quadrant_ we
found it but 40 degrees and 58 minutes of North Latitude.
There is no place between the _Propontis_ and the walls of the City,
except just at the Seraglio-point, which may be two hundred paces in
length; where they have raised on a platform a battery for Great guns;
but from the point to the end of the Haven West, the space to the gates
is unequal in some places about twenty paces broad, in others three or
four times as many more.
The distance between _Constantinople_ and _Chalcedon_ upon the
opposite _Bythinian_-shore may be about three or four miles.
In the Walls are engraven the Names of several Emperors, who reigned
toward the declension of the _Græcian_ Empire, as _Theophilus_,
_Michael_, _Basilius_, _Constantius Porphyrogenitus_, by whose care,
and at whose expence the several breaches caused in them by the Sea or
by Earthquakes, were repaired.
_Kumkapi_ or the sand-gate lies toward the _Propontis_; this the
_Greeks_ call in their vulgar language Κονδοσκάλι, _Contoscalium_, or
the little scale or landing-place. Here formerly was an Arsenal for
Gallies and other small vessels; it being a convenient passage over
Sea. Over this Gate was anciently engraven a curious Inscription still
preserved in that excellent collection published by[9]_Gruterus_.
_Jedicula Kapi_, or the Gate of the seven Towers, so called from its
nearness to that _Acropolis_, is that, I guess, which the _Greeks_
formerly called χρυσῆ or the Golden Gate, and by some late _Latin_
Writers _Chrysea_, in _Luitprandus_, _Carea_, by a mistake either of
the Transcriber or Printer, for _Aurea_, for so certainly it must be
mended. Over this Gate was this inscription,
_Hæc loca Theudosius decorat post fata Tyranni,
Aurea secla gerit, qui portam construit auro._
cited by _Sirmond_ in his notes upon[10]_Sidonius_. This Gate is in
the twelfth Region, and was also called ὡραῖα from its beautiful and
curious structure.
The Gun gate formerly called Roman gate, not because it leads towards
the continent of _Romania_ or _Thrace_, but from[11]St. _Romanus_,
where the last Christian Emperor was killed at the assault which the
_Turks_ made to force their Way into the City by it.
Near _Adrianople_ gate is a fair large _Mosch_ called _Ali-bassa_, upon
a hill accounted the highest in the City.
The distance between tower and tower in the upper wall to the landward
may be about ninety of my paces; the space between that and the second
wall about eighteen paces over.
The place, where the _Lyons_, _Leopards_, and such like wild creatures
are kept, (where I saw also several _Jackalls_) was formerly, as the
_Greeks_ told me, a Christian Church dedicated to Παναγία or the
Blessed Virgin, where this Verse is still legible,
Κατὰ Σκυθῶν ἔπνευσας θερμὸν ἐν μάχαις.
There is no tide or running back of the water on any side of the
_Bosphorus_ into the black Sea, as[12]some have imagined, whose mistake
might possibly arise hence, that the wind being at North, and blowing
hard, the current sets more violently at such times against the several
headlands jetting out into the channel, which admits of several
turnings, and so the waters are forced back to some little distance:
or else because when the South-wind freshens and grows boisterous, it
makes a high rolling Sea in the _Propontis_ and _Bosphorous_, and being
contrary to the current, gives a check to it, so that it becomes less
sensible, and is easily stemmed. Where it is narrowest, the distance
seems to the eye to be scarce a mile over from one shore to another;
where broadest, not much above a mile and a half, unless where it runs
into the deep Bays, which by reason of their shallowness only harbour
Boats.
The channel certainly is natural and not cut by art, as some have idly
fansied, not considering, how the _Euxine_ Sea should discharge it self
otherwise of those great quantities of waters, poured into it by the
_Ister_ and _Tanais_, now called _Don_, and the other Rivers, whereby
it becomes less salt, even very sensibly to the taste, than several
parts of the _Mediterranean_.
The Fish, by a strange kind of instinct, pass in vast shoals twice a
year, Autumn and Spring, through the _Bosphorus_, that is, out of one
Sea into another, of which the _Greeks_, who live several months of the
year upon them, take great numbers, and supply the markets at easie
rates; the Cormorants and other ravenous water-fowl, which the _Turks_
will not suffer to be destroy'd or otherwise molested, preying upon
them.
The weather in some months is very inconstant, great heats and colds
happening the same day upon the change of the wind.
The winters at _Constantinople_ are sometimes extraordinary severe. I
have heard it related by several old _Greeks_, as a thing most certain
that the _Bosphorus_ was frozen over in the time of _Achmed_, and that
a Hare was coursed over it. It hapned thus, that upon a thaw huge cakes
of Ice came floating down the _Danube_ into the black Sea, and were
driven by the current into the _Bosphorus_, whereupon the return of the
frost, they were fixed so hard that it became passable. In the year
1669 there was Ice in the Haven to the great amazement of the _Turks_;
and some were so frighted at this unusual accident, that they lookt
upon it as a dismal prodigy, and concluded, that the World would be at
an end that Year. The _Aguglia_ or _Obelisk_ in the _Hippodrome_ is
betwixt fifty and sixty Foot high.
The Historical Pillar in _basso relievo_, raised in honour of the
Emperors _Arcadius_ and _Honorius_, may be in height about an hundred
seven and forty feet.
_Alexius Comnenus_ lies buried in the Patriarchal Church against the
wall, and his daughter _Anna Comnena_, the Historian, who lived about
the year of Christ 1117. They pretend to shew there the reliques of St.
_Anastasia_, who suffered Martyrdom under the Emperor _Valerianus_, and
of St. _Euphemia_, Virgin and Martyr, who lost her life most gloriously
for _Christ's_ holy religion at _Chalcedon_ under _Dioclesian_.
In _Sancta Sophia_ there are pillars so great, that a Man can scarce
fathom them at twice. At the end of the Gallery, that joins the
other two, each about thirty of my paces wide, there is a piece of
transparent Marble, two or three Inches thick. In the North gallery
upon the Pavement is a reddish sort of a Marble Stone, brought, as the
_Turks_ and _Christians_ relate, from _Palestine_, on which they Fable,
that the blessed Virgin used to wash the linnen of our Saviour.
I observed but one step from the Body of the Church to the _Bema_ or
place where the Altar formerly stood.
The great _Mosch_ at _Chasim-bassa_ on _Pera_ side to the West, was
formerly a Church dedicated to St _Theodosia_.
_Gianghir_, a Mosch so called, upon a hill at _Fondaclee_ near
_Tophana_.
In _Constantinople_ there are several narrow streets of Trade, closed
up with sheds and pent-houses, which I suppose were in use before the
_Greeks_ lost their Empire, and are the same with the σκεπαστοὶ καὶ
φρακτοὶ δρόμοι in _Chrysaloras_ his[13]Epistle. But besides these
places, several Trades have their distant quarters. The streets are
raised for the most part on each side for the greater convenience.
Not far from _Suleimania_ is the house of the _Aga_ or General of the
_Janizaries_, which so often changes its Masters.
_Pompey_'s pillar, as the _Franks_ erroneously call it, is of the
_Corinthian_ order, curiously wrought, about eighteen foot in height
and three in Diameter.
_Beshiktash_, a Village within three or four miles of _Constantinople_
towards the _Bosphorus_, where lies buried the famous Pirate _Ariadin_,
whom the _Christian_ Writers call _Barbarossa_, who built here a
handsome Mosch, having two rows of Pillars at the entrance. The Captain
_Bassa_ usually, before he puts to Sea with his Armata of Gallies,
visits the Tomb of this fortunate Robber, who had made several thousand
_Christians_ Slaves, and makes his Prayers at the neighbouring Church
for the good Success of his expedition.
They reckon in the City above a hundred publick Baths, every street
almost affording one. They are esteemed works of great Piety and
Charity; there being a continual use of them, not only upon the accompt
of Religion, but of Health and Cleanliness. For their Diet being for
the most part hot spiced meats in the Winter, and crude fruits in
the Summer, their Liquor Fountain Water, or Coffee, to which we may
add their lazy kind of Life (for walking is never used by them for
digestion, or otherwise in the way of diversion) frequent bathing
becomes necessary.
There are several receptacles of Water under Ground, and one
particularly under the Church of _Sancta Sophia_, as I was informed;
but I did not think it worth my curiosity to descend into it. These
were of great use to the poor _Greeks_ in the last fatal Siege; but the
_Turks_ are so secure, that they do not think, that they deserve either
cost or pains to keep the Waters sweet, or the cisterns in repair.
The _Aqueducts_, which answer to those glorious _Aqueducts_, near
_Pyrgos_, and convey the water to the great cistern near Sultan
_Selim_'s Mosch, are in that part of _Constantinople_, which lies
between the Mosch of _Mahomet_ the Great and _Shaxade_.
The _Turks_ began to besiege _Constantinople_ on the fifth of _April_,
and took it the twenty ninth of _May_ on _Whitsun Tuesday_ morning
1453. or as the _Turks_ reckon in the year 857. of the _Hegira_, or
flight of _Mahomet_, the 22 day of the first _Jomad_.
The Chappel, where _Ejub Sultan_ is interred, at whose Head and Feet I
observed great wax Candles, is enclosed with latten wire Grates, for
the better accommodation of such religious _Turks_ as come to pay their
respect to the memory of this great _Musulman_ Saint. In the middle
of the Area there is raised a building sustained by excellent marble
Pillars, ascended by two several pair of stairs, where the new Emperor
is inaugurated, and where he usually goes in _Biram_-time.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Κατὰ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἡμῖν πόλιν. _So the Emperor_ Constantine _in a
Letter to_ Eusebius. de vita Constantini. _lib._ 4. _cap._ 36. & apud
Theodoritum Histor. Eccles. _lib._ 1. _cap._ 16. _v._ etiam Socrat.
Scholast. Hist. Eccles. _lib._ 1. _cap._ 16.
[2] V. Socratem ibidem. Et Theophanem in Chronographia XXV. anno
Constantini.
[3] _The _Italian_ Word _Rione_ is a manifest corruption of the _Latin_
Word._
[4] In Panegyrico, quem Romæ dixit Anthemio Augusto, bis Consuli.
[5] __Hæresi LXIX. quæ est Arianorum. Sect. 2._ where he says a sad
dismal Fire was kindled by _Arius_; πῦρ ὀυ τὸ τυχὸν ὃ κατείληφε πᾶσαν
τὴν Ρωμανίαν σχεδὸν, μάλιστα τῆς ἀνατολῖς τὰ μέρη, which seized almost
upon all _Romania_, or _Universum Romanorum imperium_, as _Petavius_
renders it, but especially the Eastern parts of it._
[6] Pag. 144, 152, 153.
[7] Pag. 139.
[8] v. Gillium de Bosp. Thracio lib. III. cap. 12. &c.
[9] Pag. 169. Num. 3.
[10] Pag. 121.
[11] Vid. Historiam Politicam Constantinopoleos apud Crusium in
Turco-Græcia, pag. 9.
[12] This was an old error; for thus writes Dionysius Byzantinus in his
little Book of the Bosphorus. Τοῦ ῥεύματος τὸ μὲν πλεῖον κατιόντος ἐστὶ
δὲ ὅτε κατ' ἐπικράτειαν ἀναστρέφοντος.
[13] Pag. 119.
_An account of the City of _Prusa_ in _Bythynia_, and a
continuation of the Historical Observations relating to
_Constantinople_, by the Reverend and learned _Thomas Smith_ D.
D. fellow of _Magd. Coll. Oxon._ and of the _Royal Society_._
_Montanea_ formerly called _Nicopolis_ according to _Bellonius_, or
rather _Cios_, the bay hence called _Sinus Cianus_, lies in the bottom
of a Bay about Fourscore miles from _Constantinople_, and is the Scale
or Landing-place for _Prusa_, from which it may be about twelve miles;
in the middle way to which is the Village _Moussanpoula_.
_Prusa_, now called by the _Turks_ _Bursia_, the chief City of
_Bythynia_, is seated at the foot partly, and partly upon the rising
of the mount _Olympus_, which is one of the highest Hills of the
lesser _Asia_. Its top is covered with Snow for nine or ten Months of
the Year, several streams of Water flowing down the Hill continually,
accounted very unwholesom from the Snow mixed with it. In the upper
part of the City to the North-west lies the Seraglio, which is walled
round; but the Emperors not residing here since their acquests in
_Thrace_, or scarce making visits to this Imperial City, and none of
their Sons living here of late, according to the former Policy of the
_Turkish_ Emperors, who did not permit their Sons, when grown up, to
be near them, but sent them to some Honourable Employment, accompanied
with a Bassa and Cadi to instruct them in the Arts of War and
Government, it lies now neglected and despoiled of all its ornaments.
In this part also are the Sepulchers of _Osman_, the founder of the
Family, which now Reigns, and his Son _Urchan_, who took the City,
near a Mosch, formerly a _Christian_ Church dedicated to St. _John_,
and where was formerly a Convent of Religious, built by _Constantinus
Iconomachus_, where I saw the figure of a Cross still remaining upon
the Wall. Here hangs up a Drum of a vast bigness, such as they carry
upon the backs of Cammels, and I suppose is one of those which they
used in the taking the Place.
In the lower part, near the bottom of the Hill, _Morad_ the second, the
Father of _Mahomet_ the Great, lies buried: near whereunto was formerly
the Metropolitical Church of the _Holy Apostles_. The _Bezesten_, or
Exchange, seems to be much better and larger than the great one at
_Constantinople_, as are the several Caravanserais built for the use
and accommodation of Merchants, and Travellers; in one of which, the
Rice Chane, I took up my quarters.
Without the City toward the East is the Mosch and Sepulcher of the
Emperor _Bajazid_ the first, whom the _Turks_ call _Jilderim_ or
lightning, and the Greek Writers λαίλαψ. Not far from hence is the
Mosch of _Mahomet_ the first, and his Sepulcher. Toward the West upon
the side of the Hill is the Mosch of _Morad_ the First, whom they call
_Gazi_ or the Conqueror, near which he lies buried. There are in the
whole about 124 Moschs, several of which were formerly _Christian_
Churches, and between fifty and sixty Chanes. The Castles built by
_Osman_, when he besieged the City, are slighted and altogether
unfortified, the one to the North, the other to the South-West.
At _Checkerghe_, about a mile and a half out of Town, are the hot
Baths, much frequented both by _Christians_ and _Turks_. They are made
very Convenient to Bath in, and are covered over, that they may be used
in all Weathers. Among others, there is a large round _Basin_, where
they usually divert themselves by Swimming.
What opinions the _Turks_ have of our Blessed _Saviour_ and the
_Christian_ Religion, I shall briefly shew, as they lie dispersed
in several Chapters of the _Alcoran_, according to which they frame
their Discourse, whensoever either Zeal or Curiosity puts them upon
this Topick. For _Mahomet_ upon his setting up to be the Author
of a new Religion, finding such a considerable part of the World
professing the doctrine of _Christ_, with all the Mysteries of Faith
therein contained, was cast upon a necessity of saying something both
concerning Him and It. By which it will appear, how great the Power of
Truth is above Imposture and Subtility, and that as the Devils in the
Possessed confess'd, though against their Wills, _Christ_ to be the
Son of _God_, so this _Dæmoniack_ in the midst of all his Forgeries
and Lies, and Ridiculous and Childish Narratives, not being able to
contradict the universal Belief of the _Christians_ of that, and the
preceding Ages, founded on the History of the Gospel, hath been forced
to give Testimony to several particulars of it.
They confess then that _Christ_ was Born of a Pure Spotless Virgin, the
Virgin _Mary_, chosen by _God_ and sanctified above all the Women in
the World; and that the Angel _Gabriel_ was dispatched out of Heaven to
acquaint her with the News of it. That such a kind of Miraculous and
Supernatural Birth never hapned to any besides, and that _Christ_ was
conceived by the _Holy Ghost_, and that he wrought mighty Miracles, for
Instance, that he cleansed Lepers, gave Sight to the Blind, restored
Sick Persons to their Health, and raised the Dead.
That he is a great Prophet, sent by _God_ to convert Men from the
Vanity and Error of their false Worship to the Knowledge of the
true _God_, to Preach Righteousness, and to correct and restore the
Imperfection and Miscarriages of Humane Nature; that he was of a most
Holy and Exemplary Life, that he was the true Word of _God_, the
_Apostle_ or _Ambassador_ of _God_; That his Gospel was revealed to
him from Heaven, and that he is in Heaven standing nigh to the Throne
of _God_. They Blaspheme indeed with a Brutishness and Stupidity only
befitting _Turks_, the Mysteries of the _Holy Trinity_, and of the
Divinity of our _Blessed Saviour_, and deny that he was put to Death,
and say that another in his Shape was Crucified by the _Jews_, and that
he himself was assumed into Heaven in his Body without dying at all,
and consequently they will not own, that he satisfied Divine Justice
for the Sins of the World; so great an affinity is there between the
Heresie of _Socinus_ and profess'd _Mahometanism_.
I could never yet see any _Turkish_ Translation of the _Alcoran_;
they cry up the Elegance of the Style, which being Enthusiastick and
High-flown, by reason also of the tinkling of the Periods, is very
delightful to their Ears, who seem to be affected with Rhime mightily.
Though I suppose it is upon a more Politick Account, that they are
so averse, as to the translating it into their vulgar Language, not
out of respect to the Sacredness of the Original only, whose full
commanding Expressions they think cannot be translated without a great
diminution to the Sense; but to keep it in greater Veneration among
the People, who might be apt to Slight and Dis-esteem it, should it
become thus common among them. It is enough, that the Priests and
Learned Men explain the difficult Passages of it to the People, and
write Commentaries for the use of the more Curious and Inquisitive. The
_Persians_ on the contrary think it no disparagement to the _Arabick_,
or Profanation of the Sense, to Translate this cursed Book into their
own Language, and Copies are frequent among them.
The _Grand Signior_'s Women are usually the choicest Beauties of the
Christian Spoils, presented by the _Bassa's_ or _Tartars_. The present
_Sultana_, the Mother of the young Prince _Mustapha_, is a Candiot;
the _Valide_ or Emperor's Mother, a _Russian_, the Daughter of a poor
Priest, who with her Relations were seized upon by the _Tartars_ in an
Incursion, which they made into the _Muscovites_ Country. She being
receiv'd into the _Seraglio_, by her beautiful Complexion and cunning
Behaviour, gain'd the Heart and Affection of _Sultan Ibrahim_ (a Man
wholly addicted to soft Pleasures, and who seldom cared to be long
absent from the Women's Apartment, but chose to spend his time among
them) having the good fortune to be the Mother of the Prince _Mahomet_,
the eldest Son of his Father, who now Reigns, she had all the Honours
that could possibly be done her, and was the beloved _Hazaki_ or chief
Concubine. During this height of Splendor and Glory, the Court removing
from _Constantinople_ to _Adrianople_, distant about an Hundred and
Twenty Miles, as she was passing in great State attended with her
Guards, through the Streets of the City, in a Coach, much like our
Carriage-Wagons, but that they are latticed to let in the Air (for no
one must presume to stare or scarce look upon the Women, much less must
they themselves suffer their Faces to be seen in this jealous Country)
she out of Curiosity looking through the holes, saw a poor _Christian_
Slave in a Shop, where Sugar and such like Wares were Sold. Upon her
return she sent one of her Eunuchs to enquire for the Person, and to
ask him several Questions about his Country, Relations, Friends, and
the time when and how long he had been a Slave: His answers were so
particular and satisfactory, that she was soon convinc'd of the Truth
and Certainty of her apprehensions, when she first cast her Eyes upon
him, that he was her Brother, and accordingly it proved so. Whereupon
acquainting the Emperor with it, she immediately redeemed him from
his Patron, and having made the poor Wretch turn _Turk_, got him
considerably preferred.
The Bassa's for the most part are the Sons of _Christians_, taken
into the _Seraglio_, near the Emperor's Person, and so are prefer'd
to considerable Governments, or else they raise themselves by their
Conduct and Valour. _Mahomet_ Bassa in the time of _Achmet_, whose
eldest Daughter he Married, was the first natural _Turk_, that was made
chief Vizir, having before been Captain Bassa. The chief Vizir _Mahomet
Kupriuli_, (who settled the Empire in the Minority of this Emperor,
when it was ready to be shaken into Pieces, and dissolved by several
powerful Factions in the State, and by the Mutinies and Discontents
of the _Janizaries_ and _Saphi's_, who drove different ways) was an
_Albaneze_ by Birth, the Son of a _Greek_ Priest, whom out of the
height of Zeal for _Mahomet_, he made turn _Turk_ in his Old Age, and
converted the _Christian_ Church in the Village where he was Born into
a Mosch. This Man also forbad the _Dervises_ to Dance in a Ring and
turn round, which before was their solemn Practice at set times before
the People, which they would do so long, till they were giddy by this
swift circular Motion, and fell down in a Swound, and then oftentimes
upon their recovery from such Trances, they pretended to Revelation.
The Church-Men are not very kind to his Memory, looking upon him as a
Man of little or no Religion; and they give out, that if he had lived,
he would have forbid their calling to Prayers from the Spires of their
Moschs, and hanging out Lamps; both which they look upon as Solemn and
Essential to the exercise of Religion; but he as the effect of Bigotry
and Superstition.
They have a mighty Honour and Esteem for Physicians, for though they
are of Opinion, that they cannot with all their Art prolong Life, the
Period and Term of it being Fatal, and absolutely determin'd by God,
yet they often consult them upon any violent Sickness or Pain, in order
to make the time allotted them in this World more pleasant and easie.
It is extraordinary rare, that a natural _Turk_ makes Physick his
Profession and Study. They who practice it among them, when I was in
_Turky_, were for the most part _Greeks_ and _Jews_, who know nothing
of Chymical Medicines, but follow the usual Methods, which they learnt
in _Italy_ and _Spain_, the former having studied in _Padua_, and the
latter in _Salamanca_, where they pass for good _Catholicks_. And I
remember I met with a certain _Jew_ Physician, who had been a Capuchine
in _Portugal_. During the tedious Siege of _Candia_, the _Vizir_, what
with the melancholy, and what with the ill Air of the Camp, finding
himself much indispos'd, sent for a _Christian_ Physician _Signior
Massalins_, a subject of the Republick of _Venice_, but Married to a
_Greek_ Woman, by whom he had several Children, who was our Neighbour
at _Pera_, an experienc'd able Man, to come speedily to him, and made
him a Present of about a thousand Dollars, in order to fit himself for
the Voyage and bear the expence of it. By this worthy Gentleman's Care,
he recovered his Health, and would not permit him to depart, till after
the surrendry of that City, which might be about seven Months after
his Arrival there, treating him in the mean while with all imaginable
Respect. During our short stay at _Bursia_, one of our _Janizaries_
accidentally discoursing with a _Turk_ about us, whom they knew to
be _Franks_, told him that there was a Physician in the Company, who
had been lately at the Grand _Signior_'s Court at _Saloniki_ with the
_English_ Ambassador, and was now upon his return from _Constantinople_
to _Smyrna_, where he lived. This presently took vent, and the
_Turks_ thought that they had got a Man among them, that could Cure
all Diseases Infallibly; for several immediately came to find us out
in behalf of themselves or their Sick Friends, and one of the most
considerable Men upon the Place, desir'd the Doctor to go to his House
to visit one of his Women Sick in Bed, who being permitted to feel her
naked Pulse (for usually they throw a piece of fine Silk or Curl over
their Womens Wrists at such times) soon discovered by that and other
Symptoms and Indications of her Distemper, that opening a Vein would
presently give her Ease and recover her: which he did accordingly; for
which he received an embroidered Handkerchief instead of a Fee, and
gained the Reputation of having done a mighty Cure.
They have little of Ingenious or Solid Learning among them; their
chief Study, next to the _Alcoran_, being metaphysical Niceties
about the Attributes of _God_, or else the Maintenance of other odd
speculative Notions and Tenets, derived down to them from some of
their famed Masters and Holy Men, whom they pretend to follow. Their
Knowledge of the motion of the Heavens, for which the _Arabians_ and
the other Eastern Nations have been so deservedly famous, as their
Astronomical Tables of the Longitude and Latitude of the fixed Stars,
and of the appulse of the Moon to them, fully evince, is now very
mean, and is chiefly studied for the use of Judiciary Astrology. The
great Instrument they make use of is an Astrolabe, with which they
make very imperfect Observations, having no such thing as a Quadrant
or Sextant, much less a Telescope, or any mechanical Engine, to direct
and assist them in their Calculation. Their Skill in _Geography_ is
as inconsiderable; I remember I heard the Captain Bassa, whom they
stile Admiral of the Black and White Seas, meaning the _Euxine_ and
the _Mediterranean_, ask this silly Question; whether _England_ were
out of the Streights? and at another time the _Caymican_ or Governour
of _Constantinople_, hearing that _England_ was an Island, desired to
know, how many Miles it was about, in order, we supposed, to make an
estimate of our King's Greatness and Strength by the extent and compass
of it.
One of the great Astrologers of _Constantinople_, having heard that I
had a pair of Globes in my Chamber, made me a Visit on purpose to see
their contrivance, being introduced by a worthy Gentleman of our own
Nation. After the first Ceremonies were over, I took my Terrestrial
Globe, and rectified it to the position of the Place, and pointed to
the several Circles both without and upon it, and told him in short the
several uses of them: Then shewed him how _Constantinople_ bared from
_Candia_ at that time Besieged, _Cair_, _Aleppo_, _Mecca_, and other
chief Places of the Empire, with the other Parts of the World: At which
he was mightily surprized to see the whole Earth and Sea represented
in that Figure and in so narrow a compass, and pleased himself with
turning the Globe round several times together. Afterwards I set before
him the Celestial Globe, and rectified that, and shewed him how all
the noted Constellations were exactly described, and how they moved
regularly upon their Poles, as in the Heavens; some rising, and others
setting, some always above the Horison, and others always under, in an
oblique Sphere, and particularly what Stars would rise that Night with
us at such an Hour; the Man seemed to be ravished with the Curiosity
of it, turning this Globe also several times together with his Finger,
and taking a mighty Pleasure in viewing the motion of it: and yet this
silly Animal past for a Conjurer among the _Turks_, and was look'd
upon as one that could foretel the events of Battels, the fates of
Empires, and the end of the World.
They have no Genius for Sea-Voyages, and consequently are very Raw
and Unexperienc'd in the Art of Navigation, scarce venturing to Sail
out of Sight of Land. I speak of the natural _Turks_, who Trade
either into the _Black Sea_, or some part of the _Morea_, or between
_Constantinople_ and _Alexandria_; and not of the Pyrats of _Barbary_,
who are for the most part Renegado's, and learn'd their Skill in
Christendom, which they exercise so much to the Terror and Damage of
it. A _Turkish_ Compass consists but of eight Points, the four Cardinal
and four Collateral; they being at a mighty Loss how to Sail by a side
Wind, when by hauling their Sails sharp, they might lie their Course,
and much more, when they are in the Winds Eye, not knowing how to make
Tacks and Bords, but choose rather to make hast into some Neighbouring
Port, 'till the Wind blows fair. An _English_ and _Turkish_ Vessel both
bound for the Bay of _Saloniki_, at the time of the Grand Signior's
being there, past together out of the _Hellespont_; but foul Weather
happening, the _Turks_ got into _Lemnos_; while our Men kept at Sea and
pursued their Voyage, and after three Weeks stay, returned back to us,
observing in their way, that the _Turks_ remained in the same place
where they left them, for want of a Fore-Wind to put to Sea in.
They trouble not themselves with reading the Histories of other Nations
or of antient times, much less with the Study of _Chronology_, without
which, History is very lame and imperfect; which is the cause of those
ridiculous and childish Mistakes, which pass current and uncontradicted
among them. For instance, they make _Job_ one of _Solomon_'s Judges
and (_Iscander_) _Alexander_ the great Captain General of his Army.
They number _Philip_ of _Macedon_ among the Ancestors of our _Blessed
Saviour_, and believe that _Sampson_, _Jonas_, and St. _George_
were his Contemporaries. In this they are more excusable then their
false Prophet _Mahomet_, who in his _Alcoran_ has perverted several
Historical Notices in the Writings of the Old Testament, and is
guilty of vile and absurd Pseudo-chronismes. To remedy this defect,
of which he was very conscious, and the better to understand the
States of _Christendom_, and the particular Kingdoms and Republicks of
it, the late Great and Wise _Vizir_, _Achmet_, made his Interpreter
_Panagiotti_, a Learned _Greek_, at leisure Hours, even at the Siege
of _Candia_, as well as at other times, read several ancient Histories
to him, and render them _Ex-tempore_ into the _Turkish_ Language,
and particularly _Blaeus Atlas_, with which he was mightily pleased,
and made great use of, and truly gained the Reputation of a solid
and judicious States-man, as well as Souldier among the _Christian_
Ministers, who in the ordinary course of their Negotiations apply'd
themselves to him.
Tho' their Year be according to the course of the Moon, and so the
_Turkish_ Months run round the civil Year in a Circle of thirty three
Years and a few odd Days, yet they celebrate the _Neuruz_, which
signifies in the _Persian_ Tongue the New Year, the twenty first Day of
_March_ (on which Day the vernal Equinox was fixed by the _Greeks_ and
other Oriental _Christians_, in the time of the Emperor _Constantine_,
who made no Provision for the προήγεσις ἰσημερινὴ, or Precession, which
in process of Time the inequality between the Civil and Astronomical
Year must necessarily produce) at which time the _Cadyes_ and other
annual Magistrates, and Farmers of the Customs take Place, and reckon
to that Day twelve Month again.
In their civil Deportment and Behaviour one towards another, the left
Hand is the more Worthy and Honourable Place, except among their
Ecclesiasticks; and the Reason they alledge is, because they Write from
the right Hand, and the Sword is worn on the left Side, and so is more
at his disposal, who walks on that Hand. The chief _Vizir_ accordingly
in the _Divan_ sits at the left Hand of the _Mufty_, each maintaining
their Right of Precedence according to this way of decision.
In their Moschs they sit without any distinction of degrees.
Some of the more zealous _Turks_ cause to be engraven on their
Scymitars and Bucklers a Sentence out of the sixty first _Surat_, which
is concerning Fighting or Battle-array, and contains Incouragements to
Fight in the _Way and Paths of God_, as the Impostor Words it; for
which he assures them, besides assistance from Heaven to help them to
get the Victory over their Enemies, and that _God will Pardon their
Sins and bring them to Paradice_. Thus spirited with Zeal, a _Turk_
lays about him with Fury, when he is a fighting, and seems ambitious of
dying to gain the delights of Paradice, at least indifferent whether he
dies or lives.
The _Turks_ are as to their Temper serious, or rather inclining to
morosity, seldom Laughing, which is accounted an argument of great
Vanity and Lightness. They perform the Exercises, which they use in
the way of Diversion, as Shooting and Hunting, with a great deal of
gravity, as if they designed them more for Health than for Pleasure;
and this too but seldom. The better and richer sort, who have nothing
to do, sitting all Day at Home, lolling upon a Sofa or rais'd Place
in their Rooms, and taking Tobacco, which their Slaves fill and
light for them: And if they retire in the Summer or Autumn, for a
Week or Fort-night to some convenient Fountain in a Wood with their
Women, it is chiefly to enjoy the Refreshments of the cool Air. In
the times of Triumph indeed for some great Success obtained against
the _Christians_, when the Shops are open for three Nights together,
and hung with Lights, as well as the Spires of the Moschs in curious
Figures, they are guilty of extravagant Mirth, running up and down the
Streets in Companies, and sometimes Singing and Dancing after their
rude way; but this fit being over, they soon return to their former
Melancholy. In the Coffee-Houses where they use to resort to Tipple,
there is usually one hired by the Owners to read either an idle Book of
Tales, which they admire as Wit, or filthy obscene Stories, with which
they seem wonderfully affected and pleased, few of them being able to
Read. These are the Schools, which they frequent for their Information,
tho' in times of War, when things went ill with them, their Discourses
would be of the ill Government; and the Grand Signior himself and his
chief Ministers could not escape their Censures, which manifestly
tending to Sedition, and to the heightning of their Discontents by
their mutual Complaints, and by this free venting of their Grievances
during the War at _Candia_, the Wise Vizir seeing the evil Consequences
that would follow, if such Meetings and Discourses were any longer
tolerated, Commanded, that all the publick Coffee-houses should be shut
up in _Constantinople_ and several other great Cities of the Empire,
where the Malcontents used to rendezvouz themselves, and find fault
upon every ill Success and Miscarriage with the administration of
Affairs.
The custom of the _Turks_ to salute the Emperor or the _Vizir Bassa_'s
with loud Acclamations and Wishes of Health and long Life, when they
appear first in their Houses or any publick Place, is derived from the
_Greeks_, who took it from the _Romans_. This was done by them in a
kind of Singing Tone; whence _Luitprandus_ Bishop of _Cremona_ tells
us, that in a certain Procession (προέλυσις) at which he was present,
they Sang to the Emperor _Nicephorus_ πολλὰ ἔτη that is, many Years,
(which _Codinus_, who lived just about the taking of _Constantinople_,
by the _Turks_, expresses τὸ ψάλλειν τὸ πολυχρόνιον or by τὸ
πολυχρονίζειν and the wish or salute by πολυχρόνισμα) and at Dinner
the _Greeks_ then present wish'd with a loud Voice to the Emperor and
_Bardas_, _Ut Deus annos multiplicet_, as he Translates the _Greek_.
The _Turkish_ Coin in it self is pitiful and inconsiderable, which I
ascribe not only to their want of Bullion, but to their little Skill in
matters relating to the Mint. Hence it comes to pass that Zecchines and
Hungars for Gold, and _Spanish_ Dollars and Zalotts for Silver stampt
in _Christendom_ pass current among them, most of the great Payments
being made in them, they not caring either through Ignorance or Sloth
to follow the Example of the _Indian_ or _Persian_ Emperors, who
usually melt down the _Christian_ Mony imported by the Merchants into
their several Countries, and give it a new Stamp. The most usual pieces
are the Sheriphi of Gold, somewhat less in value than a _Venetian_
Zecchine, and Aspers; ten of which are equal to six Pence _English_,
and some few three Asper Pieces. A Mangur is an ugly old Copper Piece,
eight of which make but one Asper, and is not I think a _Turkish_ Coin,
but rather _Greek_. They have no Arms upon their Coin, only Letters
embossed on both sides, containing the Emperor's Name, or some short
Sentence out of the _Alcoran_.
The _Turks_ look upon Earthquakes as Ominous, as the vulgar do upon
Eclipses, not understanding the Philosophy of them. During my stay
in _Constantinople_, which was above 2 Years, there hapned but one,
which was _October 26. 1669._ about six a Clock in the Morning a stark
Calm preceeding. It lasted very near a Minute, and we at _Pera_ and
_Galata_ were as sensible of it, as those who were on the other side
of the Water; but praised be God nothing fell, and we were soon rid of
the Fears in which this frightful Accident had cast us, being in our
Beds, and not able by reason of the Surprize in so little a space to
have past through a Gallery down a pair of Stairs into the Court, if
we had attempted it. The _Turks_ made direful Reflexions on it, as if
some Calamity would inevitably fall upon the Empire, quickly forgetting
the great Triumphings and Rejoycings which they exprest but a few Days
before for the Surrendry of _Candia_. In the Year 1668. in _August_,
the Earth shook more or less for forty-seven Days together in the
lesser _Asia_ at _Anguri_ (_Ancyra_), and for fifteen at _Bacbasar_, as
we heard from a _Scotch_ Merchant, who liv'd there: And particularly,
that at this latter Place on the second of _August_, between three and
four of the Clock in the Afternoon it lasted for a quarter of an Hour;
several Houses were overthrown, and some hundreds of Chimneys fell (it
being a very populous Town) and yet there were but seven kill'd. The
trembling being so violent, both _Turks_ and _Christians_ forsook their
Houses, and betook themselves to the Fields, Vineyards, and Gardens,
where they made their Abode for several Days.
Their Punishments are very severe, this being judg'd the most effectual
way to prevent all publick Disorders and Mischiefs. They use no great
Formality in their Processes: If the Criminal be taken in the Fact,
and the Witnesses ready and present to attest it, and sometimes if
there be but probable circumstances, without full Conviction, condemn
him; and soon after Sentence, sometimes an Hour, or less, hurry him
away to Execution. For an ordinary Crime, hanging is the usual Death:
But for Robbery and Murder, committed upon the High Way by such as Rob
in Parties and alarm whole Provinces, or for Sacriledge, or for any
hainous Crime against the Government, either Gaunching or Excoriation,
or cutting off the Legs and Arms, and leaving the Trunk of the Body in
the High Way, or Empaling, that is, thrusting an Iron Stake through the
Body out under the Neck or at the Mouth; in which extreme Torment the
miserable Wretch may live two or three Days, if the Guts or the Heart
happen not to be wounded by the pointed Spike in its Passage. This
Punishment seems to have been in use among the _Romans_, _Seneca_'s
Epist. 14. _Cogita hoc loco carcerem, & cruces, & eculeos, & uncum, &
adactum per medium hominem, qui per os emergat, stipitem_: and so in
his Book _De Consolatione ad Marciam cap._ 20. _Ali capite conversos
in terram suspendere: Alii per obscena stipitem egerunt: Alii brachia
patibulo explicuerunt._ Murder is seldom Pardon'd, and especially if
the Relations of the Murder'd Person demand Justice.
The Circumcision, tho' it be a Sacred Right, is perform'd in their
private Houses, and never in the Moschs.
The Women colour their Eye-Brows and Lids with an ugly black Powder,
I suppose, to set off their Beauty by such a Shadow; and their Nails
with the Powder of _Kanna_, which gives them a Tincture of faint Red,
like Brick (as they do the Tails and Hoofs of Horses) which they look
upon as a great Ornament. Their great diversion is Bathing; sometimes
thrice, if not four times a Week. They do not permit them to go to
Church in time of Prayer, for fear they should spoil their Devotion:
The _Turks_ being of so brutish a Temper, that their Lust is rais'd
upon the sight of a fair Object. They are call'd oftentimes by the
Names of Flowers and Fruits, and sometimes Phantastick Names are
given them, such as _Sucar Birpara_, or bit of Sugar, _Dil Ferib_, or
Ravisher of Hearts, and the like.
Their Skill in Agriculture is very mean. In their Gardens they have
several little Trenches to convey Water, where it may be most necessary
for their Plants and Flowers. They know little or nothing of manuring
their Grounds: Sometimes they burn their Fields and Vineyards after
Harvest and Vintage, partly to destroy the Vermin, and partly to enrich
the Soil. They tread out their Corn with Oxen, drawing a square Plank
Board, about a Foot and a half or two Foot over, studded with Flints,
and winnow it upon their threshing Floors in the open Air, the Wind
blowing away the Chaff. They feed their Horses with Barly and chopt
Straw; for I do not remember ever to have seen any Oats among them; and
they make but little Hay.
For Draught of great Weight in their Carts they make use of Buffalo's.
Camels will endure Travel four Days together without Water, and
will eat tops of Thistles, Shrubs, or any kind of Boughs: They are
very sure-footed, and kneel when they are a loading, and live to a
considerable number of Years, some even to sixty.
The chief Furniture of their Houses are Carpets or Mats of _Grand
Cairo_, neatly wrought with Straw, spread upon the Ground; they having
no occasion of Chairs, Couches, Stools, or Tables; their postures
within Doors, being different from ours. They have no Hangings, but
their Walls are whited and set off with Painting, only adorn'd with a
kind of Porcelane; no Beds clos'd with Curtains.
They seal not with Wax, but Ink, at the bottom of the Paper the
Emperor's Name being usually written with Flourishes and in perplext
Characters: Nor have they any Coats of Arms upon their Seals, there
being no such thing as Gentility among them.
Some of them, notwithstanding their Zeal for _Mahomet_ and the Religion
by him establish'd, retain not only a favourable and honourable Opinion
of our Blessed _Saviour_, but even place some kind of Confidence in
the usage of his Name, or of the Words of the Gospel, tho' it may seem
to be wholly in the way of Superstition. Thus in their Amulets, which
they call _Chaimaili_, being little bits of Paper of two or three
Fingers breadth, roul'd up in pieces of Silk, containing several short
Prayers or Sentences out of the _Alcoran_, with several Circles with
other Figures, they usually inscribe the Holy and Venerable Name of
_JESUS_, or the Figure of the Cross, or the first Words of St. _John_'s
Gospel, and the like; they hang them about their Necks, or place them
under their Arm-pits, or in their Bosom near their Hearts (being the
same with what the _Greeks_ call ἐγκόλπια) and especially when they go
to War, as a preservative against the Dangers of it; and indeed against
any misfortune whatsoever. Some have them sow'd within their Caps: And
I heard of a _Turk_, who was so superstitious herein, that he always
pluck'd it off, and was uncover'd when he had occasion to make Water.
Some are such Bigots in their Religion, and so furious against the
Christians, that not only do they treat them with all imaginable Scorn
and Contempt, but take it ill to be salam'd or saluted by them, as if
it were the effect of Sawciness or unbecoming Familiarity. Their Malice
against the Christians makes them envy the rich Furs they line their
Vests with, and it is a trouble to these hypocritical Zealots to see
the _Franks_ ride upon their fine _Arabian_ Horses.
The respect which they shew the _Alcoran_ is wonderful: They dare not
open the Leaves of it with unwashen Hands, according to the Advice or
Command written in _Arabick_ upon the Cover, _Let no one touch this
Book, but he that is clean_. They kiss it, and bend their Heads and
touch their Eyes with it, both when they open it and shut it.
The _Janizaries_, when they attend upon _Christian Ambassadors_ to
their Audience, seem to appear in their Bravery, and in a Habit far
from that of a Soldier, being without either Fire-Arms or Swords,
(which latter are not worn but in time of Service), or when they are
upon a March, or embodied, wearing a Cap made of Camel's Hair, with a
broad Flap dangling behind, a gilt embroider'd Wreath running round
it, and an oblong piece of Brass rising up from the middle of their
Forehead near a Foot, with a great Club in their Hand, like inferior
Officers of the Civil Government. But when they are in the Camp, they
throw off their upper Vest, and Turbants, which they wear at all other
usual times, as troublesome, and put on a _Fess_, or red Cap, which
sits close to their Head, and tuck up their _Duliman_ or long Coat, to
their Girdle, that they may be the more quick and expedite in their
Charge.
They affect finery and neatness in their Cloths and Shashes; not
so much as a spot to be seen upon them, and in rainy or suspicious
Weather, are very careful how they go abroad without their
_Yamurlicks_, which is a kind of Coat they throw over their Heads at
such times.
Their Pans and Dishes are for the most part of Copper, but so handsomly
Tinn'd over, that they look like Silver.
There are thousands of Gypsies or _Zinganies_ in _Turky_, who live
the same idle nasty kind of Life, as they do in _Christendom_, and
pretend to the same Art of telling Fortunes; and are look'd upon as the
Off-scouring of Mankind. It is accounted the extremest point of human
Misery to be a Slave to any of this sort of Cattel.
The _Haggi_, or Pilgrims, that have been at _Mecca_ and _Medina_,
forbear to drink Wine most Religiously, out of a perswasion, that one
drop would efface all the Merits of that troublesome and expensive
Journey; and some have been possess'd with such a mad Zeal, that they
have blinded themselves after their having been bless'd with the sight
of _Mahomet_'s Sepulcher.
After _Jatzih_, that is, an Hour and a half in the Night, throughout
the whole Year, there is as great a silence in the Streets as at
Midnight: The Emperor _Achmet_ in the Year 1611. having made an Order,
that no one should presume to be out of his House after that time;
which is to this Day most punctually observed. The _Bostangi bashi_,
who has the Command of all the _Agiamoglans_ in the _Seraglio_, the
_Topgibashi_ or such great Officers attended with a great Train of
armed Men, walking the Rounds, and drubbing such as they find abroad at
unseasonable Hours of what Nation or Quality soever, except Physicians,
Chyrurgeons, and Apothecaries, whom they allow at all times to visit
the Sick.
The _Turkmans_, (for so they are peculiarly called, as if they were the
true Descendents of the _Old Turks_ or _Scythians_, whose wandering
kind of Life is described by the Poet;
Ἁμαξόβιοι { _Nulla domus, plaustris habitant, migrare per arva
{ Mos, atq; errantes circumvectare penates._)
have no fixt Residence any where, but Travel with their Families and
Cattle from Place to Place, carrying their Wives and Children upon
Camels; they pitch their Tents usually near Rivers and Fountains, for
the convenience of Water, and according as their necessities require,
make a longer or a shorter stay. Their whole Estate consists in their
numerous Flocks and Herds, which they sell upon occasion to supply
themselves with what they want, at the Towns they pass by. Their only
concern is how to enjoy the Benefits and Blessings of Nature, without
the troubles and turmoils and disquiets of Life; being contented
and happy in one another's Company, void of all Ambition and Envy,
Courteous and Humane to Strangers, that may want their Help and
Assistance, kindly entertaining them with such Provision as their Folds
afford. I have met with some Companies of these harmless Wanderers
in my Travels. The Country lies open without any Inclosures, and the
Propriety not being vested in any one, they Travel thro' the Plains
unmolested, and find excellent Pasturage every where. The _Turks_
Till no more Ground than will serve their necessities: Being supplied
with Corn from _Ægypt_, and from _Moldavia_ and _Walachia_, by the
way of the _Black Sea_, letting vast Tracts of Ground lie wast and
uncultivated; so that their Sloth herein sometimes is justly punished
with Dearths.
They have nothing to shew for their Houses and Possession, but an
_Hogiet_ or piece of Paper subscribed by the _Cadi_, if they have
acquired them by their Mony, or that they were their Fathers before
them.
The _Dervises_ generally are Melancholy, and place the greatest part
of their Religion in Abstinence and other Severities. Some cut their
Flesh, others vow not to speak for six or seven Years, or all their
Lives long, tho' never so much provoked or distressed. Their Garments
are made of a course sort of Wool or Goat's Hair: They are tied up by
the Vow of their Order ever from Marrying. Several of this Sect in the
heighth of their Religious Phrenzy have attempted upon the Lives of the
Emperors themselves, (at whose Government they have taken disgust) as
_Mahomet_ the second, and _Achmet_, as if such desperate Attempts were
fatal to Bigots in all Religions.
They pay a mighty Veneration to any Relique of _Mahomet_, his Banner
is still preserved in the Treasury of the _Seraglio_, and is look'd
upon as the great Security of the Empire. They believe that it was
sent from Heaven, and conveyed into the Hands of _Mahomet_, by the
Angel _Gabriel_, as a Pledge and Sign of Success and Victory in
his Battels against the _Christians_, and all other Enemies of the
_Musulman_-Faith. It was sent to _Candia_ to encourage the Soldiers
to endure the fatigue of that long and tedious Siege; and when it was
brought thence after the Surrendry of that City, to be deposited
in its usual Place, the _Vizir_ gave several _Christian_ Slaves,
that row'd in the Galley that was fraught with this Holy Ware, their
Liberty. They pretend to have some Rags of _Mahomet_'s Vest, to
which they ascribe great Virtue. In confidence of which, the Emperor
_Achmet_, in the time of a great Fire which raged at _Constantinople_,
when all other means fail'd, dipt part of them in Water to be sprinkled
upon the Fire to rebate the Fury of it.
Next to the _Mufti_ or _Cadaleskires_ are the _Mollas_, of which these
four are the chiefest in Dignity. The Molla of _Galata_, _Adrianople_,
_Aleppo_, _Prusa_; and after them are reckoned these eight, _Stambol
Ephendi_, _Larissa_, _Misir_ or _Cairo_, _Sham_ or _Damascus_,
_Diarbekir_ or _Mesopotamia_, _Cutaia_, _Sophia_, _Philippi_.
The Priests have no Habit peculiar to their Profession, whereby they
are distinguish'd from others. If they are put from their Moschs for
miscarriage or neglect of doing their Duty, or if they think fit to
resign and be Priests no longer, they may betake themselves without
any Scandal to secular Employments, their former Character and Quality
wholly ceasing. While they remain Priests, they counterfeit a more than
ordinary Gravity in their Discourse and Walking: and affect to wear
Turbants swelling out, and made up with more cross folds: which was all
the difference which I could observe by their Head Attire, which is
various, tho' I could not find that this was constantly and strictly
observed.
In _Byram_ time, which is the great Festival of the Year, at which time
every one looks cheerfully and merrily, among other signs of mutual
Respect, they besprinkle one another with sweet Water. They indulge to
several Sports: and some are mightily pleased with swinging in the open
Air, the ordinary sort of People especially, paying only a few Aspers
for the diversion.
The Government is perfectly Arbitrary and Despotical; the Will and
Pleasure of the Emperor having the force and power of a Law, and
oftentimes is above it. His bare Command without any process is
enough to take off the Head of any Person, (tho' never so Eminent in
Dignity, tho' usually for formality and to silence the Murmurings of
the Soldiery and People, the Sentence is confirm'd by the _Mufti_)
sometimes _Bassa_'s who have amassed great Treasures in their
Governments, are cut off in their own Houses in the midst of their
Retinue, the Messengers of Death producing the Imperial Command,
usually sent in a black Purse, and not a Sword drawn in their Defence.
Others, if they are obnoxious to the least Umbrage or Jealousie,
tho' dismist the _Seraglio_ with all possible demonstrations of the
Grand _Signior_'s Favour, and with Rich Presents in order to take
possession of Places of great Command in the Empire, before they
have got two or three Days Journey from _Constantinople_, have been
overtaken and strangled. In the Army Commands are given according to
Merit, Courage and Conduct are sure to be rewarded, the way lying
open to the meanest Soldier to raise himself to be the chief of his
Order. But other Preferments depend upon meer Chance, and upon the
fansie of the Emperor, whether the Person be fit or no, and they are
as soon lost. The least ill Success or Miscarriage proves oftentimes
fatal, and a more lucky Man is put in his Place, and he succeeded by
a third, if unfortunate in a Design, tho' managed with never so much
Prudence and Valour. They admit of no hereditary Honours, and have
no respect to Descent or Blood, except the _Ottoman_ Family: He only
is Great and Noble, whom the Emperor favours, and while his Command
lasts. According to a tradition, that passes current among them, a
Bassa's Son by a _Sultana_ or a Daughter or Sister of the Emperor can
rise no higher than to be a _Sangiac-bei_ or Governor of some little
Province, much inferior to a Bassa and under his Jurisdiction. Being
born of Slaves for the most part, they do not pride themselves in their
Birth, very few among them being scarce able to give any account of
their Grandfathers. They have no Sirnames, but are distinguish'd by
their Possessions and places of Abode, and enjoying by Law a Liberty
of having what Women they please, they have little or no regard to
Alliance or Kindred.
Their Empire owes the continuance of its being to the severity of
the Government, which oftentimes takes place without regard either
to Justice or Equity, and to their frequent Wars, which prevent all
occasions of Mutiny and Faction among the Soldiers, which happen
frequently when unimploy'd. So that tho' Ambition may put a warlike
Sultan upon enlarging his Territories by new Conquests, yet reason
of State forces a weak and effeminate Prince, such as was _Ibrahim_,
to make War for his own Security. Their Politicks are not owing to
Books and Study and the Examples of past times, but to Experience and
the plain Suggestions of Nature and common Sense: They have Rules of
Government, which they firmly adhere to, holding the Reins strait,
especially being cruel and inexorable to Criminals of State, who never
are to expect any Mercy or Pity. Their Councils formerly were open, and
their Designs known, and proclaimed before Hand, as if this had been
a Bravery becoming their Greatness, and that they scorned to steal a
Conquest. But they have learned since the Art of dissimulation, and can
Lie and Swear for their Interest, and seem excessive in their Caresses
to the Ministers of those Countries, which they intend to Invade. But
their preparations for Arming are made with so much Noise, that an
ordinary Jealousie is soon awakened by it to oppose them, in case of
an Attack. They seldom or never care to have War at both Extremes of
the Empire at the same time, and therefore they are mighty sollicitous
to secure a Peace with _Christendom_, when they intend a War upon the
_Persians_: And as much as is possible, they avoid quarrelling with two
Christian Princes at once, being usually at League either with _Poland_
and _Muscovy_, when they War upon _Hungary_, and so on the contrary;
dreading nothing more than an Union of the _Christian_ Princes,
bordering upon them, which would prove so fatal to their Empire, and
quickly put a Period to their Greatness. For hereby they would be
put upon a necessity of making a defensive War to their great Loss
and Disadvantage, and at last either be forced to beg a Peace of the
_Christians_, or run the hazard of losing all, by a further Prosecution
of War.
This they are very sensible of, and therefore as they take all occasion
to promote Quarrels and Dissentions in _Hungary_ and _Transylvania_,
so they greatly rejoyce, when the Princes of _Christendom_ are at War
one with another. This is their great time of Advantage, and they know
that it is their true Interest to pursue it, tho' they do not always,
by reason of the ill condition of their own Affairs, make use of it.
During the Civil Wars of _Germany_, the Bassa's and other Commanders
of the Army were very importunate with the grand Signior, to make a
War on that side, and to enlarge his Conquests as far as _Vienna_, no
conjuncture having been ever so favourable to consummate such a Design,
in which _Solyman_ so unhappily miscarried. They promised him an easie
Victory, assuring him that the Animosities of the Princes of the Empire
were so heightned, that there was no room left for a Reconciliation,
that he was but to go in the Head of an Army to take Possession, and
that _Austria_ would Surrender at the first News of his March towards
it. The Emperor was not to be moved at that time by these Insinuations
and plausible Discourses; being continually urged, He as often denied.
One day when they came to Renew their advice about the _German_ War, He
having given order before, that several Dogs should be kept for some
Days without Meat, commanded that they should be brought out, being
almost Starved, and Meat thrown among them, whereupon they snarled and
bit one another: In the midst of their Noise and Fighting, he caused a
Bear to be let loose in the same Area; the Dogs forgetting their Meat,
and leaving off their fighting, ran all upon the Bear, ready to Prey
upon them singly, and at last killed him. This Diversion the Emperor
gave his Bassa's, and left them to make the application.
A certain Prophecy of no small Authority runs in the Minds of all
the People, and has gain'd great Credit and Belief among them, that
their Empire shall be ruined by a Northern Nation, which has white and
yellowish Hair. The Interpretation is as various as their Fansie. Some
fix this Character on the _Muscovites_: And the poor _Greeks_ flatter
themselves with foolish Hopes, that they are to be their Deliverers,
and to rescue them from their Slavery, chiefly because they are of
their Communion, and owe their Conversion to the _Christian_ Faith to
the Piety and Zeal of the _Grecian_ Bishops formerly. Others look upon
the _Swedes_, as the Persons describ'd in the Prophecy, whom they are
most to fear. The Ground and Original of this fancy I suppose is owing
to the great Opinion, which they have of the Valour and Courage of
that Warlike Nation. The great Victories of the _Swedes_ in _Germany_
under _Gustavus Adolphus_ were loudly proclaimed at _Constantinople_,
as if there were no withstanding the shock and fury of their Arms: And
their continued Successes confirmed the _Turks_ in their first belief,
and their Fears and their Jealousies were augmented afterwards, when
_Charles Gustave_, a Prince of as heroick a Courage, and as great
Abilities in the Art and Management of War as the justly admired
_Gustavus_, entred _Poland_ with his Army, and carried all before him,
seized upon _Warsaw_ and drove _Casimire_ out of his Kingdom, and had
almost made an entire and absolute Conquest, only a few Places holding
out. This alarmed the Grand Signior and the Bassa's of the _Port_,
as if the Prophecy were then about to be fulfilled, who did not care
for the Company of such troublesome Neighbours, who might push on
their Victories, and joyning with the _Cossacks_, advance their Arms
further, and make their Country the seat of a War, which might draw
after it fatal Consequences. To prevent which, Couriers are dispatch'd
from _Constantinople_ to _Ragotski_, Prince of _Transylvania_, then in
concert with the _Sweeds_, to Command him to retire with his Army out
of _Poland_, as he valued the Peace and Safety of his own Country, and
the Friendship of the Grand Signior, whose Tributary he was, and by
whose Favour he had gain'd that Principality: And the _Crim-Tartars_,
the Sworn Enemies of the _Poles_, who at that time lay heavy upon them,
were wrought upon by the same Motives and Reasons of State, to clap
up a Peace with them, that being freed from these Distractions, they
might unite their Forces the better together, and make Head against
the _Sweeds_.
The Ambassadors of _Christian_ Princes, when they are admitted by the
Grand Signior to an Audience, (their Presents being then of course
made, which are look'd upon as due, not to say, as an Homage) are
dismiss'd in few Words, and referred by him to his _Wakil_ or Deputy,
as he usually stiles the chief _Vizir_: And a small number of their
Retinue only permitted the Honour of kissing his Vest, and then rudely
enough sent away.
The Grand Signiors keep up the State of the old _Asiatick_ Princes:
They do not expose themselves often to the View of the People, unless
when they ride in Triumph, or upon some such solemn Occasion; when they
go to the Moschs, or divert themselves in the Fields, either in Riding
or Hunting, they do not love to be stared upon, or approached. It is
highly Criminal to pry into their Sports, such an Insolent Curiosity
being often punished with Death. The Story is Famous of _Morad_ the
Third, who baiting a Bear in the old Palace with a Mastiff, and espying
three Fellows upon the Tower of _Bajazid's_ Mosch, who had planted
themselves to see the Sport, commanded their Heads to be struck off
immediately, and be brought before him, which was done accordingly.
Instances of such Capricio's are frequent in the _Turkish_ History;
this following happened during my stay at _Constantinople_.
Upon the return of Vizir _Achmet_ from _Candia_, after the Surrendry
of that City, and a happy end put by him to that tedious and bloody
War, he acquainting the present Emperor, then at _Adrianople_,
with the History of that famous Siege at large, made such terrible
Representations of their and the _Venetians_ Mining and Countermining
one another, that the Emperor was resolved out of Curiosity to see
the Experiment made of a thing, that seemed to him almost Incredible.
A Work was soon raised and undermined, and above 30 Murderers and
Robbers upon the High-Way and such like Villains were put into it, as
it were to defend it. The Grand Signior stood upon an Eminence at some
considerable distance, expecting the issue of it; upon a Signal given,
the Mine was sprung, and the Fort demolished, and the poor Wretches
torn piece-meal to his great Satisfaction and Amazement.
The Moon is the auspicious Planet of the _Turks_: According to the
course of which they celebrate their Festivals. They begin their Months
from the first appearance of it, at which time they choose, except a
delay brings a great Prejudice and Inconvenience with it, to begin
their great Actions. The Crescent is the Ensign of the Empire, which
they Paint in Banners, and place upon the Spires of their Moschs.
Next to the Day of the appearing Moon, they pitch upon _Friday_, to
fight upon, to begin a journey, and especially their Pilgrimage toward
_Mecca_, or do any thing of great Consequence, as very lucky and
fortunate.
A Relation of a Voyage from _Aleppo_ to _Palmyra_ in _Syria_; sent
by the Reverend Mr. _William Hallifax_ to Dr. _Edward Bernard_
(late) _Savilian_ Professor of Astronomy in _Oxford_, and by him
communicated to Dr. _Thomas Smith. Reg. Soc. S._
_D. Thomæ Smitho Edoardus Bernardus, S._
_Quanquam Epistolas tuas, O cor & medulla amicitiæ nostræ, & alia
munera grato animo in finum hunc recipere soleo; eas tamen _Notitias_,
quas tuo dono hodie accepi, tanquam germana & famæ nunquam marcescentis
pignora, multo chariores habeo, &, dum vivam, reverenter adservabo.
Sic enim Asianarum Ecclesiarum Pleiada e tenebris denuo excitas: sic
antiquissimorum Episcoporum sedes instauras, ut candelabrum ἑπτάλοφον
cum magno Theologo & Apocalypta iterum ardens ac fulgens videre mihi
videor. Præterea, in descriptione urbis Constantini Silentiarios,
Codinos, Gyllios, cæteros exsuperas. Fruere diu superstes hac laude,
quam suam esse maluit Sponius, & præter morem ingenuum aut fas sibi
abripere._
_Gaudeo tamen mihi jam novum adesse munus, quod tecum queam impertire
volente spero, & læto. Id est Epigrapharum Sylloge, quas a columnis
_Palmyrenis_ Charissimus amicus, _Gulielmus Hallifaxius_ pulchro
studio descripsit. Utinam _Syriaca_ plura ipse addisset sub Græcis,
& Epocham _Palmyrenam_ a _Seleuco_ victore, non ab _Alexandri_
magni obitu incepisset. Historiæ vero _Augustæ_ scriptores qui
teruntur, & _Herodianus_ Grammaticus plerasque Inscriptionum istarum
multum illustrant. Verum isthæc vix sunt nostri otii. Attamen si
hæc commiseris _Philosophicarum Transactionum_, ut nunc loquuntur,
conditoribus haud injucundum πρόπομα fuerit, donec vir illustris &
adprime doctus _D. Cuperus_ uberiora forte ediderit de urbe _Solomonis_
ejusque reliquiis. Vale vir venerabilis._
Oxoniæ _Nonis_ Octobribus
_A. D._ CIↃIↃCXCV.
* * * * *
_Reverend Sir_,
[Sidenote: _Tadmor_ Castle.]
[Sidenote: The Valley of Salt.]
Having promised you an Account of my Voyage to _Tadmor_, I cannot
now Excuse my self from being as good as my Word, whatever Censure
I may incur of having misspent my Mony and Time in search of such
unprofitable Curiosities; or what I more fear, of having made such
poor Improvements, of which a Man of larger Reading and Understanding,
might have afforded much greater Information. We departed _Aleppo_ on
_Michaelmas-day_, 1691. and in six easie Days Travel over a Desart
Country, came to _Tadmor_; Journying almost continually to the South,
with very little variation to the Eastward. As we rode into the Town,
we took notice of a Castle about half an Hours distance from it, and
so situated as to Command both the Pass into the Hills, by which we
entred, and the City too. But we could easily perceive it was no Old
Building, retaining no Footsteps of the exquisite Workmanship and
Ingenuity of the Ancients. Upon Enquiry we were informed, that it
was built by _Man-Ogle_, a Prince of the _Druces_, in the Reign of
_Amurath_ the Third, _Anno D. N._ 1585. But I know not how to give much
Credit to this Story, because I find not that either _Man-Ogle_, or
any _Drucian_ Prince, was ever Powerful in these Parts, their strength
lying on Mount _Libanus_, and along the Coast of _Sydon_, _Berytus_,
_&c._ 'Tis a Work of more Labour than Art, and the very Situation
alone is enough to render it almost Impregnable; standing on the top
of a very high Hill, enclosed with a deep Ditch, cut out of the very
Rock, over which there was only one sole Passage by a Draw-Bridge: This
Bridge too is now broken down; so that there is no Entrance remaining,
unless you will be at the Pains to clamber up the Rock, which is in
one place feasible, but withal so difficult hazardous, that a small
slip may endanger ones Life. Nor is there any thing within to be seen
sufficient to recompence your Trouble of getting up to it, the Building
being confused, and the Rooms very ill contrived. Upon the top of the
Hill there is a Well of a prodigious depth, as certainly it must be
a great way to come at Water from the top of such a Rock, the Ditch
that surrounds it, not having the least appearance of moisture therein;
which made it therefore seem more strange that a Wild Boar should rush
out thence among our Horses, when we rode up to take a more particular
View of the Place. This Castle stands on the North side of the Town,
and from hence you have the best Prospect of the Country all about.
You see _Tadmor_ under you inclosed on three sides with long Ridges
of Mountains, which open towards the East gradually to the distance
of about an Hours Riding; but to the South stretches a vast Plain
beyond the reach of the Eye. In this Plain you see a large Valley of
Salt affording great quantities thereof, and lying near about an Hours
distance from the City. And this more probably is the Valley of Salt,
mentioned 2 _Sam._ 8. 13. where _David_ smote the _Syrians_, and slew
18000 Men, than another which lies but four Hours from _Aleppo_, and
has sometimes past for it. The Air is good, but the Soil exceeding
barren, nothing green to be seen therein, save some few Palm-Trees in
the Gardens, and here and there about the Town. And from these Trees
I conceive is obtained its Name, both in Hebrew (_Tadmor_) which
signifies a Palm-Tree, and in Latin (_Palmira_;) and the whole Country
is thence denominated _Syria Palmirena_; and sometimes _Solitudines
Palmirenæ_: So that the Latins did not change but only Translate the
old Name, which therefore still obtains in these Eastern Parts, and
the more Modern is wholly unknown.
[Sidenote: _Tadmor._]
The City it self appears to have been of a large Extent, by the space
now taken up by the Ruins; but there are no Footsteps of any Walls
remaining, nor is it possible to judge of the ancient Figure of the
Place. The present Inhabitants, as they are a Poor, Miserable, dirty
People, so they have shut themselves up, to the Number of about Thirty
or Forty Families, in little Huts made of Dirt, within the Walls of
a spacious Court, which enclosed a most Magnificent Heathen Temple.
Hereinto also we entred, the whole Power of the Village, if I may so
call it, being gathered together at the Door, whether to stand upon
their Defence, in case we proved Enemies, (for some of them had their
Guns in their Hands) or out of meer Curiosity to gaze upon us, I know
not. However our Guide, who was an _Arab_, whom _Assyne_[14] their
present King had sent to Conduct us through the whole Voyage, being
a Man known among them, we had an easie Admittance, and with a great
many Welcomes in their Language were led to the _Sheck_'s House, with
whom we were to make our Abode. And to mention here what the Place
at first View represents. Certainly the World it self cannot afford
the like mixture of Remains of the greatest State and Magnificence,
together with the Extremity of Filth and Poverty. The nearest Parallel
I can think of, is that of the Temple of _Baal_, destroyed by _Jehu_,
and converted into a Draught-House, 2 _Kings_ 10. 27. And if, what is
not improbable, this very Place was a Temple of _Jupiter Belus_, the
Similitude will run upon all Four.
[Sidenote: The Temple.]
Being thus lodged within the Place, I shall begin with a Description
thereof, and proceed to what I observed remarkable without. The whole
inclosed Space is a Square of 200 Yard each side, encompass'd with a
high and stately Wall, built of large square Stone, and adorned with
Pilasters within and without, to the number, (as near as we could
compute by what is standing of the Wall, which is much the greater
part) of 62 on a side. And had not the Barbarity of the _Turks_,
Enemies to every thing that is splendid and noble, out of a vain
Superstition, purposely beat down those beautiful Cornishes both
here and in other Places, we had seen the most curious and exquisite
Carvings in Stone which perhaps the World could ever boast of; as
here and there a small Remainder, which has escap'd their Fury, does
abundantly evidence. The West side, wherein is the Entrance, is most of
it broken down, and near the middle of the Square, another higher Wall
erected out of the Ruins; which shews to have been a Castle, strong but
rude; the old Stones and many Pillars broken or sawn asunder, being
rolled into the Fabrick, and ill cemented. Within were to be seen the
Foundations of another Wall, which probably might answer this Front,
and that the _Mamalukes_, whose Workmanship it seems most likely to
have been, built the Castle here for the Security of the Place. Before
the whole length of this new Front, except a narrow Passage which is
left for an Entrance, is cut a deep Ditch, the ascent whereof on the
inner side is fac'd with Stone to the very Foot of the Wall, which
must have render'd it very difficult to have assaulted it. The Passage
to, and the Door it self is very narrow, not wider than to receive a
loaded Camel, or that two Foot-men may well walk abreast. And as soon
as you are within the first Door, you make a short turn to the Right,
and pass on to another of the like bigness, which leads into the Court.
But all this is but a new Building upon an old, and by this outward
Wall is quite shrouded that Magnificent Entrance, which belonged to
the first Fabrick; of the stateliness whereof we were enabled to judge
by the two Stones which supported the sides of the great Gate, each
of which is 35 Foot in length, and artificially carved with Vines and
clusters of Grapes, exceeding bold and to the Life. They are both
standing, and in their Places, and the distance between them, which
gives us the wideness of the Gate 15 Foot. But all this is now walled
up to the narrow Door before mentioned. Over the little Door there is
an Inscription in _Greek_, and also another in another Language and
Character, which I never saw till in _Tadmor_, nor understand what to
make of it. From that in _Greek_ we hoped for some Information; but it
will be evident to any one that reads it, that the Stone was brought
from another Place and casually put in there. 'Tis thus:
ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΤΑΦΕΩΝΟΣ ΕΚΤΙΣΕΝ ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΣ ΟΔΑΙΝΑΘΟΣ Ο
ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΣ ΣΥΝΚΛΗΤ[ΙΚΟΣ] ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑΣΩΡΟΥΑΥ ΤΩΤΕ ΚΑΙ
ΥΙΟΙΣ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΩΝΟΙΣ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΠΑΝΤΕΛΕΣ ΑΙΩΝΙΟΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΝ.
Under this was the unknown Characters, which I shall here give you
a Specimen of, it being as well as it could be taken, thus. _Vide
Figuram._
The Letters between these [] Marks were not Legible, but I have
ventured to supply the defect, as also you will see in some others
following. Neither was the Ε in ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ upon the Stone, but was
doubtless omitted by mistake; and the Inscription is nothing else but
the Inscription of a Sepulchre, the like to which we saw several, as I
shall have occasion to mention some of them hereafter. And as for the
other Character, it being added almost under every _Greek_ Inscription
we saw, and rarely found alone, I am apt to believe it the Native
Language and Character of the Place, and the Matter it contains nothing
else but what we have in the _Greek_.
As soon as you are entred within the Court, you see the Remainders
of two Rows of very Noble Marble Pillars 37 Foot high, with their
Capitals of most exquisite Carved Work; as also must have been the
Cornishes between them, before by Rude and Superstitious Hands they
were broken down. Of these there are now no more than 58 remaining
entire; but there must have been a great many more, for they appear to
have gone quite round the whole Court, and to have supported a most
spacious double Piazza or Cloyster. Of this Piazza the Walks on the
West side, which is opposed to the Front of the Temple, seem to have
exceeded the other in Beauty and Spaciousness; and at each end thereof
are two Niches for Statues at their full length, with their Pedestals,
Borders, Supporters, and Canopies, carved with the greatest Artifice
and Curiosity. The Space within this once Beautiful Enclosure, which
is now filled with nothing but the dirty Huts of the Inhabitants, I
conceive to have been an open Court, in the midst whereof stands the
Temple, encompass'd with another row of Pillars of a different Order,
and much higher than the former, being above 50 Foot high. Of these
remain now but 16, but there must have been about double that Number,
which whether they enclosed an inner Court, or supported the Roof of a
Cloyster, there being nothing now of a Roof remaining, is uncertain.
Only one great Stone lies down, which seems to have reach'd from these
Pillars to the Walls of the Temple. The whole Space contained within
these Pillars we found to be 59 Yards in Length, and in Breadth near
28. In the midst of which Space is the Temple, extending in Length
more than 33 Yards, and in Breadth 13 or 14. It points North and South,
having a most Magnificent Entrance on the West, exactly in the middle
of the Building, which by the small Remains yet to be seen, seems to
have been one of the most glorious Structures in the World. I never
saw Vines and clusters of Grapes cut in Stone, so Bold, so Lively, and
so Natural, in any Place: And we had doubtless seen things abundantly
more curious, if they had not been maliciously broken to pieces. Just
over the Door we could make a shift to discern part of the Wings of a
large Spread-Eagle, extending the whole wideness thereof. The largeness
whereof led me at first to imagine it might have been rather a Cherub
over-shadowing the Entrance, there being nothing of the Body remaining
to guide ones Judgment, and some little Angels or _Cupids_ appear still
in the corners of the same Stone. But afterwards seeing other Eagles
upon Stones that were fallen down, I conclude this must have been one
likewise, only of a much larger size. Of this Temple there is nothing
at present but the outward Walls standing, in which it is observable,
that as the Windows were not large, so they were made narrower towards
the top, than they were below; but all adorned with excellent Carvings.
Within the Walls, the _Turks_, or more probably the _Mamalukes_, have
built a Roof, which is supported by small Pillars and Arches; but a
great deal lower, as well as in all other respects disproportionate
and inferior to what the Ancient Covering must have been. And they
have converted the place into a Mosque, having added to the South End
thereof new Ornaments after their manner, with _Arabick_ Inscriptions
and Sentences out of the _Alcoran_, wrote in Flourishes and Wreaths,
not without Art. But at the North End of the Building, which is shut
out of the Mosque, are Relicks of much greater Artifice and Beauty.
Whether they were in the Nature of Canopies over some Altars placed
there, or to what other use they served, I am not able to conjecture.
They are beautified with the most curious Fretwork and Carvings; in the
midst of which is a Dome or Cupola, above six Foot Diameter, which we
found above to be of one piece; whether hewn out of a Rock entire, or
made of some Artificial Cement or Composition, by Time hardened into
a Lapideous Substance, seems doubtful; though I am rather inclined
to believe the latter. It is in fine, a most exquisite Piece of
Workmanship, and on which I could have bestowed more time to view it,
than what was allowed us, hastening to other Sights.
[Sidenote: _A Mosch._]
Having taken this Survey of the Temple, we went Abroad, where our Eyes
were presently accosted with an amazing sight of a multitude of Marble
Pillars, standing scattered up and down, for the space of near a Mile
of Ground, this way and that, but so disposed as to afford no solid
Foundation to judge, what sort of Structures they formerly framed. I
pass by the Ruins of a Mosch, which directing our Course Northward, was
the first thing occurr'd to our View, after we came out of the Court
of the Temple, which though of a more Artificial Frame and Composure
than many I have seen, yet is not worthy to stop us in the way to
things both of greater Antiquity, and every way more noble and worthy
our Consideration. Having therefore past this, you have the Prospect
of such Magnificent Ruins, that if it be lawful to frame a Conjecture
of the Original Beauty of the Place, by what is still remaining, I
question somewhat whether any City in the World could have challenged
Precedence of this in its Glory. But it being impossible as they now
stand to reduce them to any regular Method, I must be forced to give
you a rude Account of them as they came in sight; and which will fall
much short of the Greatness and Stateliness which they shew to the Eye.
[Sidenote: An Obelisk.]
Advancing then towards the North, you have before you a very tall and
stately Obelisk or Pillar, consisting of seven large Stones, besides
its Capital and a wreath'd Work above it; the Carvings here, as in
all other Places, being extraordinary fine. The height of it is above
50 Foot, and upon it I conceive may have stood a Statue, which the
_Turks_, zealous Enemies of all Imagery, have thrown down, and broken
in pieces. 'Tis in compass, just above the Pedestal, 12 Foot and a
half. On each Hand of this, towards the East and West, you see two
other large Pillars, each a quarter of a Mile distant from you, which
seem to have some Correspondence one to the other. And there is a
piece of another standing near that of the East, which would incline
one to think there was once a continued row of them. The height of this
to the East I took with my Quadrant, and conclude to be more than 42
Foot high, and the Circumference proportionable. Upon the Body thereof
is the following Inscription.
Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ΛΛΙΛΑΜΕΝΑ ΠΑΝΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΘΑ ΚΑΙ
ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΤΕΡΑ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΑΣ Κ(ΑΙ) ΠΑΝΤΙ ΤΡΟΠΩ
(ΕΥ)ΣΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΡΕΣΑΝΤΑΣ ΤΗ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΤΡΙΟΙΣ ΘΕΟΙΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Ν
Υ Λ ΜΗΝΟΣ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ.
I perswade my self it would be but lost Labour to spend time in making
Reflections upon this or the following Inscriptions; as for the
Knowledge they may exhibit to the World, your own Conjectures will more
happily lead you unto it, than any thing I am like to suggest. It seems
however pretty evident they were a Free State, governed by a Senate
and People, though perhaps under the Protection of great Empires, the
_Parthians_, it is probable, first, and afterward the _Romans_, who
for a long time contended for the Mastery here in the East. And this
Government might continue among them till about the time of _Aurelian_,
who demolished the Place, and led _Zenobia_, Wife of _Odenatus_,
Captive to _Rome_: Who, though she be called Queen, yet I find not
that ever her Husband had the Title of King; but was only one of the
Chief Inhabitants, a Leading Man in the Senate (as 'tis probable this
_Alilamanes_ and _Airanes_ were before him) who while the _Romans_
were busied in _Europe_, made himself great here, and by his own Force
repelled the _Parthians_; who having Master'd whatever was held by
the _Romans_ on the other side of _Euphrates_, made an Incursion into
_Syria_, but were by _Odenatus_ driven back beyond the River. In the
course of these Wars _Odenatus_ was slain, but his Wife _Zenobia_,
being a Woman of a Masculine Spirit, not only kept her Ground against
her Enemies Abroad, but maintained her Authority at Home, keeping the
Government in her Hands. Afterwards out of a desire to cast off the
_Roman_ Yoke, she caused the whole Garrison, which was left there by
_Aurelian_, to be barbarously cut off: Which bringing _Aurelian_ back
with his Army, he quickly took the City, and destroyed it, putting the
Inhabitants to the Sword, and carrying _Zenobia_ Captive to _Rome_;
which was the Fatal Period of the Glory of the Place. This Custom of
theirs of running up their Genealogies or Pedigrees to the fourth or
fifth Generation, shews them to have borrowed some of their Fashions
from their Neighbours the _Jews_, with whom it is not unlikely they had
of old great Commerce; and perhaps many of them were descended from
that People, _Zenobia_ her self being said to have been a _Jewess_; Or
else this must have been the manner of all the Eastern Nations. Their
_Æra_ or Account of Time they begin from the Death of _Alexander_ the
Great, as the _Syrians_ generally do; the very Christians at this Day
following the same usage. Yet though they mark the Date of the Year by
_Greek_ Letters, you may observe they place them a different way from
the _Greeks_, setting the lesser Number first, as if they were to be
read backward, from the right Hand to the left; as Ν Υ here, denoting
450. The third Letter Λ, I take to stand for the Day of the Month,
_viz._ the last of _Xandicus_, which is with us _April_; this and other
names of Months, which are found in other Inscriptions, being borrowed
from the _Macedonians_ with very little variation. That they were
Idolaters, is plain by the mention of their Country Gods, both here
and in other Places: So that their Commerce with the _Jews_, did not,
it seems, bring them to the Knowledge of the true God, or else they
must have degenerated therefrom, and relapsed into Idolatry. The other
Pillar towards the West in Height and Circumference answers this, and
has upon the side the following Inscription engraved.
Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ΒΑΡΕΙΧΕΙΝ ΑΜΡΙΣΑΜΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΕΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΝ
ΥΙΟΝ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΑΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ.
The Date of this is not legible, neither does one know what Judgment to
make of the thing it self. That such a Pillar should be erected only to
support the Inscription, and convey these Mens Names to After-Ages,
without particularizing what they did to deserve that Honour, is
something strange: unless we may suppose it was a prevailing Vanity in
these Eastern Countries thus to endeavour to Eternize their Fame. An
Instance whereof we have in Scripture, in _Absalom_'s setting him up a
Pillar, 2 _Kings_ 18. 18. and perhaps before him, in _Saul_, 1 _Sam._
15. 12. Otherwise it may appear no improbable Conjecture, that the
Pillar was erected long before upon some other Occasion, and afterwards
made use of to this end: And I look upon it as past all doubt that
several other Inscriptions which we saw, were much more Modern than the
Pillars, on which they were engraved.
[Sidenote: The Piazza.]
Proceeding forward, directly from the Obelisk, about 100 Paces, you
come to a Magnificent Entrance, vastly large and lofty, and for the
exquisiteness of the Workmanship not inferior to any thing before
described. I wish I could add, that it had not suffered the same Fate
as the rest, and then we might have seen a rare Piece of the Ancient
Beauty of the Place. This Entrance leads you into a Noble Piazza of
more than half a Mile long, 938 Yards according to our Measuring, and
40 Foot in breadth, enclosed with two rows of stately Marble Pillars,
26 Foot high, and 8 or 9 about. Of these remain standing and entire
129, but by a moderate Calculate there could not have been less at
first than 560. Covering there is none remaining, nor any Pavement at
the bottom, unless it be buried under the Rubbish. But upon almost all
the Pillars we found Inscriptions, both in _Greek_ and the Language
unknown, of which we had time to take but very few, and those not very
Instructive. But such as they are I'll present you them here, without
observing any other Order, but as they happened to be transcribed.
ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝ ΖΕΒΕΙΔΑΝ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΖΕΒΕΙΔΟΥ .......: ΑΣΘΩΡΟΒΑΙΔΑΟΙ
ΣΥΝ Α(Υ)ΤΩ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ ΑΡΕΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΥΤΟΙΣ
ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ ΤΟΥ ΗΝΦ ΕΤΟΥΣ....
I give you, Sir, these Inscriptions, as those before, just as I found
them, without any Amendments, so much as of litteral Faults, only
where a Letter, or piece of a Word was not legible, if I could make a
probable Conjecture what it should be, I have ventured to add it. The
last seems to have been put up in Memory of an Embassy, performed by
those Men that are named therein, for settling a Commerce and Traffick,
which was to their Satisfaction accomplish'd: But with whom, till I can
find out what Place is meant by[15]ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ, I must remain Ignorant.
I am unwilling to entertain any Thoughts of _Getia_ in _Macedonia_,
or of _Olgassus_, a Place mentioned by _Strabo_ in _Bythinia_, which
comes a little nearer the Name, being both so remote, and the City of
_Tadmor_ ill contrived for a Place of Trade, being far from the Sea,
and without the Advantage of any River. Yet the Magnificence of the
Place shews they have not wanted Riches among them: And their Salt is
a Commodity which still brings them in a considerable Advantage. The
Order of the Numeral Letters you may take notice is again inverted; but
taking them the right way, the Year 558 falls in with the last Year of
the Reign of _Alexander Severus_, which is of our Lord 234.
About the middle of the Piazza, upon another Pillar, was this following
Inscription.
Η ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝ ΖΗΝΟΒΙΟΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΖΑΒΔΙΛΑΝ
ΔΙΣΜΑΛΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΝΑΣΣΟΥΜΟΥ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΝ ΕΠΙΔΗΜΙΑ ΘΕΟΥ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ
ΥΠΗΡΕΤΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑ ΔΙΗΝΕΚΕΙ ΡΟΥΤΙΛΛΙΟΥ ΚΡΙΣΠΕΙΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΗΓΗΣΑΜΕΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ
ΕΠΙΔΗΜΗΣΑΣΑΙΣ ΟΥΗΞΙΛΛΑΤΙΟΣΙΝ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑΤΕ ΚΑΙ ΟΥΚΟΝΙΣΩΝΑ ΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ
ΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΛΩΣ ΠΟΛΕΙΤΕΥΣΑΜΕΝΟΝ ΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΤΑΥΤΑ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΠΟ ΘΕΟΥ
ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΥΠΟ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΥ ....... ΤΟΥ ΕΞΟΧΩΤΑΤΟΥ ΕΠΑΡΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΥ
ΠΡΑΙΤΩΡΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΟΣ ΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΔΝΦ.
This is as perfect an Inscription as any I met with, by the help of
which we may make a Judgment of all the rest; at least thus far, that
they were put up in Memory of some, who had behaved themselves, in
those publick Offices they bore, either in their own Republick, or
under the _Romans_, with Commendation; this being a Publick Place,
where their Names and worthy Actions were Recorded and Transmitted to
Posterity. What I further observed particularly in this, was the want
of the Name after ΙΟΥΛΙΟΥ, and took notice of the like space vacant in
the other Language under it; and in both places it seemed to be not
worn out with Time, but voluntarily scratch'd out. Which confirms me
in the Opinion that they are both one, and that the unknown was the
Vulgar, as the _Greek_ was the learned Language of the Place. Upon
another Pillar in the same Walk was this.
ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΝ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑΙ
ΑΡΟΑΠΕΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΣ ΕΑΛΜΗΣ ΚΑΣΣΙΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ Μ(Ε)ΛΕΝΑΙΟΥ ΙΠΠΕΥΣ
ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Η Ο Φ ... ΜΗΝΕΙ (Ξ)ΑΝΔΙΚΩ.
From another Pillar in the same Piazza was Transcribed this broken
Inscription which follows, which I have endeavoured to make up from the
former, believing them in substance the very same, with some little
Alteration of Names.
ΣΕΠΤΙΜ(ΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ) ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑ(ΤΙΣΤΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟ)ΠΟΝ ΣΕΒΑΣ(ΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚ)ΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ
ΚΑ[Ι ΑΡΟΑΠΕ]ΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣ ΑΥ[ΡΗΛΙ]ΟΣ Ε[ΑΛΜΗΣ] ΠΥΙΛΣΟΣ Μ[ΕΛΕΝΑΙ]ΟΣ ΜΑΛΩΧΑ
ΝΑΣΣΟΥΜΟ[Υ] Ο ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΣ ΤΟΝ [ΦΙΛΟΝ] ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ
ΕΤΟΥΣ ... [ΜΗΝΕΙ Ξ]ΑΝΔΙΚΩ.
This is so like the preceeding, that I thought I might fairly take the
Liberty to make these Additions to it. And what we may Collect from
both, and divers others of a like Import, is, That as the State, the
Senate, and People, did sometimes Honour those that had been in Publick
Trust, with Inscriptions upon these Pillars: So when this was not done
by them, private Persons had the Liberty to do the same for their
Friends. And I shall give you an Instance by and by of one Engraven
by a Husband in Memory of his Wife. Upon several of these Pillars are
little Pedestals jetting out about the middle of them, sometimes one
way only, and sometimes more, which seem to have been the Bases or
standing Places of Statues. But none of these are remaining; neither
is it to be expected they should, in a place which has been so long in
the Hands of the _Turks_. On these Pedestals we saw many Inscriptions,
sometimes when there were none upon the Body of the Pillar, and
sometimes when there were. As for Instance this that follows upon the
Pedestal, thus.
ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΟΔΑΙΝΟΘΟΥ ΤΟΝ ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΝ ΣΥΝΚΛΗΤΙΚΟΝ. And upon the
Body of the Pillar this Imperfect one; which I dare not venture to fill
up, but shall give it you as we found it.
ΕΞΑ......ΝΤΩΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙ.....Ρ ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡ..... ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΗΣ ΛΕ.......ΚΗΣ ΤΩΝ
ΠΑΤΡΩΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΥΧΑΡΙΣΤΙΑΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΓΞΦ.
We see they esteemed it very Honourable to have their Memories
preserved after this manner; but it is but little Knowledge of them
we can get from hence, save now and then the Time when they lived. As
here, 563 Years after the Death of _Alexander_ reach to the Year of our
Lord 239. Another Inscription in the same Piazza was thus.
Η ΒΟΥΛ[Η ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΗ]ΜΟΣ ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΝ Ε[ΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΝ Σ]ΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ
ΔΟΥΚΗΝ[ΑΡΙΟΝ] ....ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗΣ ΜΗΤ[ΡΟΚΟΛΩ]ΝΕΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΚΟΜΙΣΑ(ΝΤΑ Τ)ΑΣ
ΣΥΝΟΔΙΑΣ ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΠΟ ΤΩΝ ΑΡΧΕΜΠΟΡΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΛΑΜΠΡΩΣ
ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΑΥΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΛΕΙΣΤΑ
ΟΙΚΟΘΕΝ ΑΝΑΛΩΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΕΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΗ ΤΕ ΑΥΤΗ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΚΑΙ ΤΩ ΔΗΜΩ ΚΑΙ ΝΥΝΕΙ
ΛΑΜΠΡΩΣ ΣΥΜΠΟΣΙΑΡΧΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ΒΗΛΟΥ ΙΕ[Ρ]ΩΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤ.....
ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ.
This affords a sufficient confirmation of what I before observed, that
these were Honorary Inscriptions in Memory of those that had behaved
themselves well in Publick Offices; of which we have several mentioned
here, whereof some are very well known, but the others not easie to
be met with in Books. By the Word ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ, we may be assured
that though the City was reduced by the _Romans_ into the form of a
Colony, yet it had a peculiar mark of Honour set upon it, to signifie
that it was the chief of their Colonies in these Oriental Parts. That
the Authority also of their Senate and People was continued to them.
And besides that there was a Society of Men, either Curators of the
Temple of _Jupiter Belus_ (to whom the Temple before described perhaps
was dedicated,) or Overseers of the Sports and Festivals that were
celebrated in Honour of him; of which Sodality this _Septimius_ was,
when this Inscription was made, a _Symposiarch_, perhaps their Chief
and Governour. By this too we find they did not wait for the Deaths of
those they thus honoured, before they provided for the Preservation of
their Memories; but Famous Men were thus Registered for After-Ages even
while they were alive. Upon one of these Pedestals before described,
not far from the former, was the following Inscription; which I valued
the more for the little remainder it has preserved of the Name of
_Palmyra_, by which the Place was known to the _Romans_.
...ΥΠΙΛΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ [ΣΥΝΚΛ]ΗΤΙΚΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΝ ΠΑΛΜΥΡΗΝΟΝ ΒΗΛΑ
ΚΑΒΟΣΑΡΣΑ ΤΟΝ ΦΙ[ΛΟΝ] ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Ο Φ.
[Sidenote: The Banquetting-House.]
The upper end of this spacious Piazza was shut in by a row of Pillars,
standing somewhat closer than those on each side; and perhaps there
might have been a kind of Banquetting-House above, but now no certain
Footsteps thereof remain. But a little farther to the left Hand, and,
it may be, continued with the former Walk, lie the Ruins of a very
stately Building, which I am apt to believe might have been for such
an use. 'Tis built of better Marble, and has an Air of Delicacy and
Exquisiteness in the Work, beyond what is discernable in the Piazza.
The Pillars which supported it are of one entire Stone; and on one of
them that is fallen down, but so firm and strong that it has received
no Injury thereby, we measured, and found 22 Foot in length, and in
compass 8 Foot and 9 Inches. Among these Ruins we found the only
_Latin_ Inscription we saw in the Place, and that so imperfect, there
is but little of it Intelligible.
_......es Orbis & Propagatores Generis Humani D. D. N. N.
_Diocletianus_ ............ssimi Impp. Et _Constantius_ & _Maximianus_
Nobb. Cæs. Castra feliciter condiderunt._
And upon the same Stone a little lower,
_........ntes _Ossiano Hieroclete_, V. P. Præs. Provinciæ D. N. M. O.
Eorum._ The Name of _Maximianus Hercules_, who was Partner in the
Empire with _Dioclesian_ which should have followed in the Inscription,
seems to have been on purpose scratch'd out, and defaced, for what
reason I cannot guess. The rest is lost by the breaking of the Stone.
[Sidenote: The Palace.]
In the West side of the great Piazza are several openings for Gates
leading into the Court of the Palace: Two whereof, one would easily
believe when they were in their Perfection, were the most Magnificent
and Glorious in the World, both for the Elegancy of the Work in
general, and particularly for those stately Porphyry Pillars with which
they were adorned. Each Gate had four, not standing in a Line with the
others of the Wall, but placed by couples in the Front of the Gate,
facing the Palace, two on one Hand, and two on the other. Of these
remain two entire, and but one standing in its place. They are about
30 Foot in length, and 9 in circumference; of a Substance so exceeding
hard, that it was with great difficulty we broke off a few shivers to
bring home with us for a pattern of the Stone, the Art of making which,
I think is quite lost. We saw several other broken pieces of Porphyry,
but neither of so accurate a Mixture and Composition, nor so large as
the former. The hard Fate of one I could not but lament, when I saw it
debased to support the corner of a little Hut, scarce good enough for a
Dog-Kennel, or a Hogsty. The Palace it self is so entirely ruined, that
no Judgment can be made what it was in its Ancient Splendor, either
for the Figure or Workmanship thereof. There is only here and there
a broken piece of a Wall remaining, beat into pieces by Violence, and
consumed by Time to that degree, that without the help of Tradition we
could hardly be well assured, that a Royal Palace did once fill that
Space. We may guess however that it fronted the Famous Piazza before
mentioned, and was surrounded with rows of Pillars of different Orders,
many of which are still standing, some plain, and some wrought and
channell'd, as those immediately encompassing the Temple. And upon
those little Pedestals which stood out of the middle of some of them,
I observed several Inscriptions, but could not conveniently take more
than one, which together with the Pillar that supported it was fallen
to the Ground. 'Twas this.
ΜΑΡΘΕΙΝ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΠΑΔΗΤΟΥ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΜΩΝΟΥ ΣΟΡΑΙΧΟΣ
ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΑΝΗΡ ΑΥΤΗΣ ΜΝΗΜΗΣ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΔΥΣΤΡΩ ΤΟΥ Ϟ Υ ΕΤΟΥΣ.
If the rest were of a like Nature with this, we have lost no great
matter by not taking them, this being only a Memorial, which a kind
Husband caused to be set up in Honour of his Wife. The Month _Dystrus_,
answers our _March_, and the Year 490 from the Death of _Alexander_ the
Great, the Year of our Lord 166.
I omitted to mention before, that under the long Walk runs a Current
of hot Sulphureous Waters; and there is a Well and other Passages
down to them. But whatever they may have been of old, they are not
now so convenient as another about half a Mile Westward from hence;
where there is a very good Descent into the Water, and it is still
used by the People to Bath in. Near to which, upon the Pedestal of a
broken Pillar, (or perhaps it might be an Altar) remains this following
Inscription.
ΔΙΙ ΥΨΙΣΤΩ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΩ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΗΚΟΩ ΒΩΛΑΝΟΣ ΖΗΝΟΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ
ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΘΑ ΕΠΙ ΜΕΛΕΤΗ ΣΟΗ ΑΙΡΕΘΕΙΣ _ΕΦΚΑΣ_ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΥΠΟ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΤΟΝ
ΒΩ [forsan ΒΩΜΟΝ] ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Δ Ο Υ ΜΗΝΟΣ YΠΕΡΒΕΡΕΤΑΙΟΥ Κ.
I am pretty confident that the Word I have mark'd with a Line under
it, is rightly taken, and therefore know not what to guess it to be,
unless the proper Name of the Fountain. And upon that Supposition the
Inscription is easily Intelligible, shewing that _Bolanus_, Son of
_Zenobius_, &c. being elected Overseer or Curator of this Fountain,
under _Jaribolus_, built this Altar to _Jupiter_, in the Year of
_Alexander_ 474. _i. e._ of our Lord 150. and on the 20_th_ of
_October_, if the last _Kappa_ be a Numeral, as I suppose it must. But
who this _Jaribolus_ was, on whom they bestow, as generally upon the
_Roman_ Emperors, whose Names occur in the Inscriptions, the Title of
ΘΕΟΣ, is not so facile a Conjecture. They were under the _Parthians_,
before the _Romans_ fell in amongst them; but the Date shews this to
be after the time of _Hadrian_, and so after their coming. Nay, and in
an Inscription before mentioned, which is of a later Date than this by
88 Years, we have the Name of the same Person. Hot Sulphureous Baths
are things very frequent in this Country; and thence it was that it
obtained the Name of _Syria Salutifera_. The scent of the Waters here
is much like those of _Bath_ in _England_, but not so strong, neither
is the Taste so offensive. On the contrary, when they have run so far
from the Fountain, as to become cold, they are very potable, and are
the only Waters the Inhabitants use. But we, during our stay there,
sent to a Fountain of very excellent Water, about an hour distant from
the City.
[Sidenote: The little Temple.]
On the East side likewise of the long Piazza stands, if I may use such
an Expression, a Wood of Marble Pillars, some perfect, and others
deprived of their beautiful Capitals; but so scattered and confused,
that it is not possible to reduce them into any Order, so as to
conjecture to what they anciently served. In one place are Eleven
together in Square after this manner
. . . .
. .
. .
. . .
paved at the bottom with broad flat Stone, but without any Roof or
Covering. And at a little distance from that stands the Ruins of
a small Temple, which by the remains seems to have been for the
Workmanship very curious: But the Roof is wholly gone, and the Walls
very much defaced and consumed with Time. Before the Entrance which
looks to the South, is a Piazza supported by six Pillars, two on one
Hand of the Door, and two on the other, and at each end one. And the
Pedestals of those in the Front have been filled with Inscriptions,
both in _Greek_ and the other Language; but they are now so obliterated
and worn out, as not to be Intelligible. The most perfect was this that
follows.
ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ ΙΑΡΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΡΑΑΙΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ ΓΕΝΟΜΕΝΟΝ ΤΟ
ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟΝ ΕΠΙΔΗΜΙ[Α] ΘΕΟΥ ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΥ ΑΛΙΜΜΑ ΠΑΡΑΣΧΟΤΑ ΞΕΝΟΙΣ ΤΕ, ΚΑΙ
ΠΟΛΕΙΤΑ[ΙΣ]...... And a little below were these straggling Letters
visible.
ΕΝΗ....Ν ΥΠΗΡΕΤΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΗΤ.... ΣΤΡΑΤΕΥΜΑ ΤΟΥ ... ΥΠΟ....ΗΚΑΙ.....ΤΟΝ
ΝΑΟΝ ΤΟΝ....ΔΙΟΣ....ΝΤΩΤ......
I should have imagined the ΚΑΙ to have been a Copulative, and
the second Name _Agrippa_ distinct from the former, but that the
Words following in the Singular Number, will not admit of such a
Construction. The Person then in Memory of whom this Inscription was
made, must have been named _Malentus Cæagrippa_, who bearing such
an Office as Scribe, or the like, in the Expedition of _Adrian_ the
Emperor, performed an Act of Publick Benificence and Generosity, both
to Strangers and Citizens, denoted by the Word[16] ΑΛΙΜΜΑ, or ἄλειμμα,
which signifies Unction. Perhaps he distributed amongst them Sweet
Oyls, to be used in or after their Bathings. 'Tis pity what follows is
so imperfect; and especially that we cannot find out the Date: For that
might have directed us to the precise time of _Hadrian_'s Expedition
into these Oriental Parts, where he made great Conquests, and enlarged
the Bounds of the _Roman_ Empire.
[Sidenote: The Sepulchers.]
But as great a Curiosity as any were their Sepulchers, being Square
Towers, four or five Stories high, and standing on both sides of a
hollow way, towards the North part of the City. They stretch out in
length the space of a Mile, and perhaps formerly might extend a great
way further. At our first view of them, as we entred the place, we
could not conjecture what they were; some thought them the Steeples
of ruined Churches, and were in hopes we should have found some
footsteps of Christianity here. Others took them to have been Bastions,
and part of the Old Fortifications, tho' there is not so much as any
Foundation of a Wall to be seen. But when we came a Day or two after,
more curiously to enquire into them, we quickly found their use. They
were all of the same Form, but of different Splendor and Greatness,
according to the Circumstances of their Founders. The first we viewed
was entirely Marble; but is now wholly in Ruins, and nothing but a heap
of broken Stones, among which we found the pieces of two Statues, one
of a Man, and another of a Woman, cut in a sitting, or rather leaning
posture; and the Heads and part of the Arms of both being broken off,
but their Bodies remaining pretty entire; so that we had the Advantage
of seeing their Habits, which appeared very Noble, but more approaching
the _European_ Fashion, than what is now in use in the East; which
inclined me to believe they might be _Romans_. Upon broken pieces of
Stone tumbled here and there, we found some as broken Inscriptions, but
not affording any perfect Sense, they are not worth the Transcribing.
Many other Sepulchers there were, as much gone to decay as this, which
therefore we past by, to go to two, which stood almost opposite to
one another, and seemed most perfect of any, though not without marks
of the _Turkish_ Malice. They are two square Towers, rather larger
than ordinary Steeples, and five Stories high, the outside being of
common Stone, but the Partitions and Floors within of good Marble;
and beautified too with very lively Carvings and Paintings, and
Figures both of Men and Women, as far as the Breast and Shoulders; but
miserably defac'd and broken. Under these Statues, or by their sides,
are in the unknown Character, the Names probably of the Persons there
buried, or by them represented; or else some other Memorials of them.
We entred one of these by a Door on the South side, from which was a
Walk cross the whole Building just in the middle. But the Floor was
broke up, and so gave us a sight of a Vault below, divided after the
same manner. The Spaces on each Hand were again sub-divided into six
Partitions by thick Walls, each Partition being capable of receiving
the largest Corps: And piling them one above another, as their way
appears to have been, each of those Spaces might contain at least
six or seven Bodies. For the lowest, second and third Stories, those
Partitions were uniform, and altogether the same; save from the second
Floor, which answered the main Entrance, one Partition was reserved
for a Stair-Case. Higher than this, the Building, being something
contracted towards the top, would not afford space for the continuation
of the same Method: Therefore the two uppermost Rooms were not so
parted, nor perhaps ever had any Bodies lain in them. Unless it was
that of the Founder alone, whose Statue wrapt up in Funeral Apparel,
and in a lying Posture, is placed in a Nich, or rather Window in the
Front of the Monument, so as to be visible both within and without.
Near to this Statue was the following Inscription.
ΤΟ ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΕΚΤΙΣΑΝ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΕΣ ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟΣ ΣΟΧΑΕΙΣ ΜΑΛΧΟΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ
ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΟΥ ΑΥΤΩ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΙΣ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΔΙΥ ΜΗΝΟΣ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ.
'Tis a little doubtful whether ΑΥΤΩ should not rather be made ΑΥΤΟΙΣ;
or else there must be a Fault in the Verb, and all those but the Names
of one Person. The other Monument on the other side of the way is very
much like this; only the Front and Entrance are towards the North, and
'tis not altogether so Polite, nor so well Painted. But the Carvings
are as good, and it shews altogether as Stately and Magnificent as
the former. Besides, it has the Advantage in Age of a whole Century
of Years: As appears from the Date of the following Inscription. 'Tis
placed above a Nich in the Front, adorned with handsom Borders and
Cornishes; the place, doubtless, of some Statue, and probably that of
the Founder.
ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΑΙΩΝΙΟΝ ΓΕΡΑΣ ΩΚΟΔΟΜΗΣΕΝ ΓΙΧΟΣ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΙΛΚΙΑΛΣΙΣΟΥ ΤΟΥ
ΜΑ......ΟΥ ΕΙΣΤΕ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΥΙΟΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΓΓΟΝΟΥΣ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΔΙΤ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ.
This is the most Ancient Inscription I met with in _Tadmor_, the 314th.
Year from the Death of _Alexander_ the Great, preceding the Birth of
our Saviour about Ten Years. The other also is between Twenty and
Thirty Years before the Reign of _Hadrian_, and consequently before the
_Romans_ got footing here. And from these sumptuous Structures, and
these costly _Mausolæa_, we may reasonably conclude, they were a Potent
and Opulent People, before they became subject to the _Romans_, and
were not obliged to them for their Greatness.
And now I believe I have wearied you sufficiently by leading you up
and down the Ancient and Famous City of _Tadmor_, and giving you so
dry an Account of our Employment there. After 4 Days stay we returned,
not the way that we came, but proceeding Eastward towards the River
_Euphrates_. In our way to which, the third Day, passing though a
Village called _Tieve_, upon a Stone set wrong End upwards, in the
midst of the Wall of the Mosch, we met with the following Inscription.
ΔΙΙ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΩ ΚΕΡΑΥΝΙΩ ΥΠΕΡ ΣΩΤΗΡΙΑΣ ΤΡΑ: ΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΥ ΣΕΒ... ΤΟΥ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ
ΑΓΑΘΑΝΓΕΛΟΣ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟΣ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΜΑΡΑΝ ΩΚΟΔΟΜΗΣΕΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ
ΚΛΙΝΗ.... ΕΞ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΕΜΥ ΜΗΝΟΣ ΛΩΟΥ.
And under this was another in the same Language and Character we had
seen at _Tadmor_; I was surprized to find such an Inscription in this
Place, nor can any way guess how they should come by it: And the
mention of _Decapolis_ makes me still more in the Dark. If one might
extend the Bounds of _Decapolis_, as some are said to have done, as
far as _Cælosyria_, and comprize under this Name again all _Syria_,
_Phænicia_ only excepted, then need it not be brought from elsewhere,
but first set up in this Village. But this will not be allowed by those
who make _Decapolis_ only a part of _Palestine_. The Matter of Fact it
contains is only an Account of the Magnificence of this _Agathangelus
Abilenus_, whoever he was; who for the safety of the Emperor _Hadrian_,
erected at his own Charges, and Dedicated to _Jupiter_ the Thunderer, a
Royal Banquetting-House, (for so I take [17]ΚΑΜΑΡΑ to signifie) and a
Bed of State; for after ΚΛΙΝΗ there is doubtless a Letter omitted, and
it ought to be ΚΛΙΝΗΝ. The Date 445 agrees to the Year of our Lord 123.
which was the seventh of the Reign of _Hadrian_. And the Month ΛΩΟΣ is
our _August_.
[Sidenote: _Arsoffa._]
The next Day we past by the Ruins of a large Monastery of the
_Maronites_, as I guess it to have been by an Inscription we met with
upon the Capitals of several Marble Pillars, which supported the middle
Isle of a handsome Church, which was to this effect.
† ΕΠΙ ΣΕΡΓΙΟΥ ΕΠΙΣΚΟ. ΤΟΥ ΣΥΝΓΕΝ~ ΜΑΡΩΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΧΩΡΕΠΙΣΚΟ.
From thence we past on, and came the same Night to _Euphrates_, and
having travelled two Days on the Banks of that Famous River, we came to
the Tents of the King of the _Arabs_, who had furnish'd us with a Guide
for our Voyage. With him we remained two Nights, and in two Days Travel
more came back safe to _Aleppo_, having been out in the whole just 18
Days.
_The Reverend and Learned Author of this Account, cannot with Justice
be censured, if some Minute Particulars of the History of this Place,
have escaped his Memory, being obliged to write without recourse to the
Books proper for his purpose, which were not to be had in that Country.
We have since procured a Curious Prospect of these Noble Ruins, taken
on the Place; which, with some further Remarks thereon, are here
Published._
FOOTNOTES:
[14] This _Assyne_ was in the Year of our Lord 1693. Deposed by the
_Turks_, and one _Dor_ advanced to fill his place; so that now he is
constrained to live upon Rapine, being followed by a considerable
Number of Men, who delight not to Labour, nor to live under any settled
Government.
[15] 'Tis not improbable that ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΣ might have been the Name of a
Person. _Vologeses_ is a known Name in History among the _Parthian_
Kings; to which the other seems to bear a great Affinity.
[16] _Plin. Secun. Ep. l._ 2. Tells us of one, who was accused of an
Illegal Exaction of Money from a Province, _Titulo Unguentarii_; now
what was in that case unjustly exacted, might be in this a Voluntary
Donation, not of the Province to the Governour, but of a great Man to
the People. Or else _Unguentarium_ may be supposed to be a Donative,
like _Clavarium_ or _Culinarium_, used sometimes by the _Romans_.
[17] This Word I find both in _Tacitus_ and _Strabo_, used for a kind
of Ships or Boats, long, narrow, light, and capable of receiving 20, or
at most 30 Men; but what they should do with Boats in an Inland Town,
without either River or Lake near it, I cannot imagine. I rather adhere
to the other signification.
_An Extract of the Journals of two several Voyages of the _English
Merchants_ of the Factory of _Aleppo_, to _Tadmor_, anciently
call'd _Palmyra_._
Our Merchants of this worthy Factory, being generally Men of more than
ordinary Birth and Education, have not been wanting (as the intervals
of leisure from their gainful Traffick would permit) to make Voyages of
Curiosity, to visit the celebrated Remains of Antiquity in those Parts,
whereby the once flourishing State of the World, under the _Roman
Empire_, is abundantly evinced. And being inform'd by the Natives,
that the Ruins of the City of _Tadmor_ were more considerable than any
they had yet seen, they were tempted to enterprize this hazardous and
painful Voyage over the _Desart_; but having been, by the perfidy of
the _Arabs_, disappointed of their Desires in their first Attempt, they
were obliged to defer their Curiosity, till they could better provide
for their Security: whereof being assured, from the Confidence some of
them had in the Friendship of _Assyne_ then King of the _Arabs_, they
adventured again, in the Year 1691, and had full liberty to visit,
observe and transcribe what they pleased.
[Illustration: _A View of the Ruines of =Palmyra= alias =Tadmor=, taken
on the Southern Side._]
What Account they there took, the Publick has already seen in our
Last, since which, by the Favour of Mr. _Timothy Lanoy_ and Mr. _Aaron
Goodyear_, two very Eminent Merchants, who were both in the first
Voyage, we have received not only the Draught of the Prospect of those
noble Ruins, taken upon the Place, (of which we here give a Copy,) but
also the Journals of both the Voyages; which, for the Satisfaction of
the Curious, we have thought fit to Publish.
_The first Voyage_, Anno 1678.
_July 18._ at Five in the Morning, we set out from _Aleppo_, being
sixteen _English_; but with Servants and Mulettiers in all forty; and
in four Hours and an half, travelling South by East, we arrived at a
Village call'd _Cafferabite_, being at the edge of the Desart, here we
reposed the rest of that Day.
_July 19._ we rose at one in the Morning, and directed our Course S. S.
E. over the Desart, for a Fountain call'd _Churraick_; but our Guide
losing his Way, there being no Path, 'twas near Noon before we found
it: which made us doubt of our Safety. This Well has no Signs near it
to discover it by. Here we pitch'd our Tents, and refresh'd our Selves
and Horses; and the Water being of a Purgative Quality, made us some
Diversion. In our way, we found two _Arabs_ with two Asses, one whereof
carried Water and a little Bread, the other they rod on by turns; they
had one Gun, with which they they shot Antelopes, the Bullet being a
hard Stone broken round, and cased with Lead; they had on the Palms
of their Hands, Elbows, Knees and Feet, some Antelope-Skin tied, that
they may be able to creep the better on the Ground, to Shoot; one of
the Asses walking by as a Stalking-horse, and the _Arab_ imitating the
Cry of the Gazel till he get within Shot: These _Arabs_ are called
_Selebee_. At the Well came to us some _Arabs_ that were making Ashes
of the ordinary sort of Weeds call'd _Chuddraife_, _Ruggot_ and
_Cuttaff_; these they cut and dry, and putting them into a Pit, set
Fire to them, and the Ashes cake at the bottom. The Ashes they carry to
_Eglib_ and _Tripoli_, to make Soap of: But the best sort of Ashes are
made of the Weed _Shinon_, which grows about _Tadmor_, _Soukny_, _Tibe_
and _Yarecca_; it grows like Broom in _England_, and in Shape resembles
Coral.
_July 20._ we rose at four in the Morning, and Travelling two Hours E.
S. E. we arrived at _Andrene_, where we found the Ruins of two or three
Churches, and of a great Town lying in a large Plain; where having
tarried about an Hour and an half, and taken some fragments of Greek
Inscriptions, which afforded no certain Sense, but yet were evidently
Christian, we march'd again S. by E. and in about four Hours time
came to a pleasant Aqueduct call'd _Sheck-alal_; this Aqueduct is cut
through the main Rock, for a great way from the Mountains; and where
it ends, the _Arabs_ have made a Garden, which afforded us Melons,
Cucumbers, Purslain, _&c._ In a Grotto hard by, there dwelt an _Arab_
with his Family; he had a dozen _Buffalo's_, which they used both for
their Milk, and to Plow the Ground, Sowing both Wheat, and Barly:
Hither the _Arabs_ resort, when they have committed any Robbery about
_Aleppo_, or _Hama_, and here they repose, and divide the Spoil.
_July 21._ we rose at four in the Morning, and riding two Hours South,
we came to a Ruin call'd _Briadeen_; here we found the following
Inscription on a Stone, good part in the Ground:
ΑΦΙΕΡΩΘΗ ΑΑΙΛΥΝΔΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΜΦ ΕΤΟΥΣ
ΔΙΑ ΜΑΤΕΡΝΟΥ ΚΑ(Ι Π)ΑΠΠΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΙΚΟΥ ΚΝΕΤΜΝ
-------- Υ -------- Ν
From hence going South-East, in four Hours more we came to a Well
called _Costal_ (which signifies a _Spring in Arab_.) Most part of
our way through the Desart we were troubled with _Rat-holes_ in great
numbers, like Coneyboroughs, which by the sinking in of the Earth, very
much incommoded our Horses and Mules. These _Rats_ have at the ends of
their Tails a bush of Hair, and the _Arabs_ eat them all, excepting one
part. From this Well we arose about four in the Afternoon, and began to
ascend small Hills, covered with Trees, which, for the most part, were
the small _Pistacho_'s which the _Arabs_ pickle with Salt; but eaten
green, are good to quench Thirst. We travelled on three Hours up the
Hills, where we pitch'd that Night, having no other Water but what we
carry'd with us; and at Night we had a small Shower of Rain, a thing
unusual in that Country at that time of the Year.
_July 22._ we rose by Two in the Morning, and Travelling E. S. E.
we came by Eleven to a Well call'd _G'hor_, where we found it very
Hot, and saw several prints of Horses Feet, so that we suspected some
_Arabs_ had newly past that way.
_July 23._ we rose by One in the Morning, and Travelling most East,
we came to a large Plain, where we saw before us, on a high Mountain,
a great Castle, call'd by the _Arabs_ _Anture_. When we had travelled
two or three Hours in this Plain, we espied an _Arab_ driving towards
us a Camel, with his Launce, so fast, that he came on a round Gallop,
and we supposed him sent as a Spy: being come up to us, he told us he
was of _Tadmor_, and that his Prince, the _Emir Melkam_, had that Day
made Friendship with _Hamet Shideed_ another Prince, and that together
they had four hundred Men; so he kept us Company an Hour or two, and
enquired of our _Mulettiers_ if we were not _Turks_ disguised, with
intent to seize on _Melkam_; for we travelled with a _Bandiero_, the
Impress being a _Hanjarr_ or _Turkish_ Dagger, and a Half-Moon. We told
him we were _Franks_, which he could hardly believe, wondering that we
travelled thus in the Desart, only out of Curiosity. Being come near to
_Tadmor_, he went a little before us, and on a sudden run full speed
towards the Ruins, we not endeavouring to hinder him. Our Guide told
us he was gone to acquaint the _Arabs_ who we were, and that we ought
to suspect and prepare for the worst; so we dismounted twenty of our
Servants, each having a long Gun, and Pistols at his Girdle, and placed
them abreast before us: we following at a little distance behind, on
Horse-back, with Carbines and Pistols. In this order we proceeded, and
came to a most stately _Aqueduct_, which runs under Ground in a direct
passage five Miles, and is covered with an Arch of Bastard Marble
all the Way, and a Path on both sides the Channel for two Persons to
walk abreast; the Channel it self being about an _English_ Yard in
breadth, and ¾ of a Yard in depth. At 20 Yards distance all the way
are Ventiducts for the Air to pass, and the holes are surrounded with
small Mounts of Earth to keep the Sand and Dust from falling down.
We marched close by these Mounts, which might serve us for Defence,
expecting every moment that the _Arabs_ would come to Assail us, having
the disadvantage of Sun and Wind in our Faces: wherefore we Travelled
hard to gain an Eminence where we might Post our selves advantageously,
and stop and repose a little, to consider what we had to do. The
_Arabs_ finding us to come on with this Order and Resolution, thought
not fit to adventure on us, so we gained the Hill, from whence we might
discern these vast and noble Ruins, having a Plain like a Sea for
greatness to the Southwards of it. Here having refresh'd our Men, we
fetch'd a little Compass and descended by the foot of a Mountain, on
which stands a great Castle, but uninhabited. Here two _Arabs_ came to
us with Lances, one being Chiah to _Melkam_, and we sent two to meet
them; they gave the _Salam alika_, and ours returned the _Alica salam_,
and advancing to our Company, told us the _Emir_ had understood of our
coming, and had sent them to acquaint us that he was our Friend, and
that all the Country was ours. We sent back with them our _Janizary_
and a Servant to visit the Prince in his Tents, which were in a Garden.
In the mean time we dismounted at a watering Place amidst the Ruins,
but did not unload till our _Janizary_ and Servant returned with the
_Emir's Tescarr_, assuring us of Friendship and Protection, a Writing
which the _Arabs_ were never known to violate before. With them came
also one that belonged to the _Sheck_ of the Town, for whom we had
Letters from _Useffe Aga_ the _Emeer_ of _Aleppo_. He desired us for
greater Security to pitch our Tents under the Town Walls, which is
in the Ruins of a great Palace, the Wall yet standing very high, the
Town within but small, and the Houses excepting two or three no better
than Hog-sties. So we pitched in a deep Sandy Ground where we found it
exceeding hot. Here we waited till three of the Clock without eating
any thing, expecting the _Sheck_ should have presented us according to
the usual Custom of the _Turks_ to their Friends, and have given some
answer to the Letters we brought him; but on the contrary we found
by the gesture of the People, that we had Reason to suspect them.
Hereupon two of our Company believing that the want of a present to
the _Emir_ was the cause thereof resolved to adventure to give him a
Visit, and taking the _Janizary_ and one Servant, they carried him a
Present of two pieces of Red Cloath, and four of Green, and several
other things: Being come he welcomed them into his Tent, and placed the
one on his right Hand and the other on his left. _Melkam_ was a young
Man, not above Five and Twenty, and well Featur'd, and a most Excellent
Horse-man; _Hamet Shideed_, the other Prince, was more elderly, as
about forty Years of Age, and was not in the Tent, but sat under a
_Palm-Tree_ near it. He treated them with _Coffee_, _Camel's-flesh_
and _Dates_, and enquired of their Journey, and the Cause of their
coming: They told him 'twas only Curiosity to see those Ruins; he said
that formerly _Solomon Ibnel Doud_ Built a City in that Place, which
being destroyed, was Built again by a strange People, and he believed,
that we understanding the Writing on the Pillars, came to seek after
Treasure, he having but six Moons before found a Pot of _Corra
Crusses_. After this he went out of the Tent, leaving them smoaking
Tobacco, to the _Janizary_ and Servant, and told them, that never till
that Day any _Franks_ had been at that Place, and that now we knew the
way through the Desert, we might inform the _Turks_ to their Ruin and
Destruction, so that 'twould be convenient for them to destroy us all:
But that we coming as Friends, he would only have 4000 Dollars as a
Present, else he would hang them and the two _Franks_ up, and go fight
the rest. This Message being brought them, they wish'd they had excus'd
themselves from this Embassy, and answered, they could say nothing to
that Demand, not knowing our Minds, but if he would permit them to go
and speak with the rest, they would return an Answer. Hearing this, he
threatened present Death, but at length gave leave to our _Janizary_
to carry us a Letter from them, wherein they shewed the danger they
were in, and earnestly entreated us to redeem them, the Price set on
them being 2000 Dollars, one half in Mony, the other half in Goods, as
Swords, Cloaths, Tents, _&c._ which the _Emir_ promised to estimate at
their Worth.
This Letter amazed us mightily, and a little before it arrived,
we understanding a little, and fearing more ill Treatment to our
Friends, were getting ready to free them or die with them. The Garden
where _Melkam_ lay, was about half a Mile from the Tents, full of
_Palm-Trees_, and had no Walls, but loose Stones piled up Breast high
about them, so we designed to have gone suddenly and given two or three
Volleys on them, e'er they could get to Horse; and the _Arab_ know not
how to Fight on Foot. And though they bragg'd they had 400 Men, we
supposed 200 might be the most, and they not all Lances. But on receipt
of this Letter, and the Servants telling us that they would certainly
be cut off, if we endeavoured their Rescue, we began to examin what
Moneys we had, Cloaths and other Trade, and found we could not near
make up that Sum. In this Confusion came two _Arabs_ to receive the
things, and immediately Word was brought that the _Emir_ would come
and Visit us; we sent him Word, that if he came with more than two
followers, we would not admit him: so he came with 2 Servants only; and
in conclusion, we made him up in Money and Goods to the Value of 1500
Dollars. He valuing our Things as we pleased; his Design being not so
much to compleat the Sum, as to take from us all we had. After this,
about Sun Set, he returned us our two Friends, when the _Sheck_ of the
Town invited us to Lodge within the Town; which we found afterwards
was with a design to have forced something from us: But we giving him
to understand that the Emir had taken all already, and had left us
only our Arms and the Cloaths on our Backs; which if they would have,
they must Fight for: That Resolution daunted them, and away they went,
promising us Barley for our Horses in the Morning. We kept good watch
in the Night, and when Day broke, we began to consider how to clear our
selves; we expected the Barly till Nine in the Morning, when it came,
and the Emir himself came and gave us the good Morrow: We feared least
they should pretend to stop some of us in the Gate-way, so we placed
six of our Company to secure the Passage, 'till all the rest were got
out, under pretence of taking an Inscription that was over the Gate.
Being all got clear, we returned by the same way we came and arrived at
_Aleppo_ _July 29._ in the Morning. This _Melkam_ told us, That if we
had not submitted our selves to his Demands, he was resolved to Fight
us after this Method: Loading 50 Camels with Baggs of Sand, and making
small holes in the Baggs for the Sand to drop out, he would drive
these Camels abreast upon us before the Wind, that the Sand might blow
in our Eyes, and we spending our Bullets on the Camels, might so be
easily overthrown; we answered, that we believed he would not venture
his Camels and Horses to such a Combat. He wondered extreamly when we
talk'd of Shooting Birds flying, and Hares running.
This and other the like Violences used by this _Arab_ Prince, made
the _Bassa_ of _Aleppo_ resolve to destroy him; and not long after he
cajoled him with the Hopes of being made King of the _Arabs_, and to
draw him near the City, he vested and caressed some of his Followers:
Which having its effect, the _Bassa_ surprized him in his Tents by
Night, and soon after he was put to Death: This those People were
willing to believe the effect of their so abusing the _English_, and
might much contribute to the Security and good Usage they found, that
went the second time on this Expedition.
We had not time to view these Ruins by reason of this usage, though
perhaps we might with safety. We only took one of the Inscriptions as
we past by, which was thus.
ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΝ ΟΥΟΡΟΔΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΟΝ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΟΝ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ ΔΟΥΚΗΝΑΡΙΟΝ ΚΑΙ
ΑΡ..ΑΠΗΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΣ ΣΑΝΜΗΣ ΜΑΣΣΙΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ Μ..ΛΕΝΑΙΟΥ ΙΠΠΕΥΣ
ΡΟΥΜΑΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ Η Ο Φ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩ.
Wherein the principal difference is in the Word ἀραπήτην, which
in the Account already Published is read ἀράπετην, which seems to
signifie some peculiar Officer of the _Syrians_, as _Ducenarius_ of
the _Latins_, which perhaps those skill'd in the Oriental Customs and
Languages may be able to expound.
As far as we could conclude from our Journeys, and the Position of
the Ways taken by two good Compasses, the Distance of _Tadmor_ from
_Aleppo_ is about a 150 English Miles, and the Course S. S. E. or
rather somewhat more Southerly, considering the Variation of the
Compass, which is above a half a Point Westward in these Parts.
_The second Voyage_, Anno 1691.
We set out from _Aleppo_ for _Tadmor_ on _Michaelmas-day_, being in
all, Masters and Servants, thirty Men, well armed, having obtained
a Promise of Security from _Assyne_, then King of the _Arabs_, and
one of his own People for a Guide. This Day our Road pointed S. b.
E. and in four Hours we came to a Fountain call'd _Caphir-Abiad_,
leaving Old _Aleppo_ about an Hour distant on the right Hand: Here we
made but a very short stay, but proceeded to a better Fountain at the
foot of a very high Hill, cover'd with loose Stones, the Ruins of a
Village called _Broeder_, of which there was not one House remaining;
and dining here, we advanced in an Hour and a quarter more, in the
Afternoon, through a fertile open Place, to a Place called _Emghir_,
famous for the best Wheat that is brought to _Aleppo_. This we made
our first Stage; and mounting again in the Morning about five a Clock,
in less than an Hour, past by an uninhabited Village, call'd _Urghee_,
our Road pointing as before, through the fruitful Plain, even and
pleasant; but when we came to ascend the Hills, where I reckon'd we
entred the Desart, and were to take our leave of Mankind, at least of
an inhabited Country for some Days, we had a troublesome Passage, over
loose great Stones, without any appearance of a Road.
Our Guide had promised to conduct us through pleasant Groves and
Forests; but no such thing appeared, unless we would bestow that Name
upon low withered Shrubs that grew in the Way, only one Tree we saw,
which was of good use to us, serving as a Land-mark; and when we were
come up with it, being left at a little distance on the right Hand,
we gain'd the Prospect of a remote ridge of Hills before us, and on
the top of one of them an old Castle; this Castle, we were told, was
known by the Name of _Gazar Ibn Wordan_; but what it anciently was, or
in what Condition it is at present, I could not learn; therefore, not
unwillingly, I turned my Eyes from it, to a little round Hill more on
the left, by which we were to direct our Course, and about a quarter of
an Hour from which stood a Sheck's House, call'd _Sheck Ailha_, where
we were to bait, with a Well of Water by it, but such that we had but
little _gusto_ to taste, though it served our Horses: All the Country
hereabouts is stor'd with _Antelopes_, and there is a barbarous sort
of People there, that have hardly any thing else to live upon, but what
of these they can kill; and Necessity has taught them to be no mean
Artists in their way, for they lie down behind the Stones, and as the
poor harmless Creature passes, shoot them; and though their Guns be
very ordinary, exceeding heavy and thick, with Match-Locks, yet are
they such excellent Marks-men, that they kill many. That Morning we
had Travelled about five Hours to reach _Sheck Ailha_'s; yet finding
nothing to invite our stay there, (though there were four or five Tombs
there not ill made, according to the _Turkish_ mode) about one a Clock
we mounted again, bending to the S. E. or something more Easterly. In
our way we had two remarkable Prospects, one on the right Hand, of the
Ruins of an ancient City call'd _Andreen_, and sometimes _Londrine_,
which we were told had been formerly inhabited by _Franks_, and that
there were many Inscriptions there; but it was too far out of our way,
and withal something too dangerous too, for us to take a view of them:
The other, on the left Hand, was another Tree, not far from which
our Guide assured us of good Water, where we designed to take up our
Lodging; the hopes of the Water made us slight a Well we past by on
the Road, at which afterwards we repented we had not stay'd; for when
we came up with the Tree, from which we had declined a great way to
the right, we found our Water still at a very great distance, and were
constrained to take new Directions by a white chalky Hill, almost as
far as we could see, and yet not much beyond the Place which was to
be our Stage; on therefore we proceeded till Sun-set, very weary, and
almost without hope of our coming to Water that Night, though at the
same time near dead with Thirst; and which the more supriz'd us, our
Guide was advanced a great way before, out of our sight, upon what
design we knew not, but at his return, we found it was only to assure
himself better of the way, and in an Hours time more he brought us to
the side of a Bog, call'd by the Name of _Zerga_, where, such as it
was, we found Water enough, but it was neither palatable nor wholsome,
neither did the Ground seem proper to Sleep upon; yet we were forced to
be content, there being no removing thence that Night.
_October 1._ We departed from _Zerga_, about two Hours before Sun-rise,
and as soon as it was light, had the Prospect of a very high Hill,
which was to be the bounds of our Travel that Day. To this we made as
directly as we could look, finding nothing in our way observable either
to arrest our curiosity, or to slacken our Pace, except a multitude of
Holes made in the sandy Earth, by Rats, Serpents, and other Animals,
which render'd our Riding a little troublesome; as we had found it
upon the same Account the Afternoon before. About two Hours short of
our Stage, we were shewn three little round Hills lying to the right
in a direct line, known by the Name of _Tenage_; where we were told
there was good Water, and it's for that reason only they deserve the
notice of those that Travel through such a thirsty Desart. The Place to
which we directed our Course was called _Esree_, where we arrived about
eleven a Clock, and found to our great Satisfaction, that our Guide
had not deceived us in his Promise of excellent Water: Here we could
discern the Foundations of a spacious City, and a piece of a thick
Wall, built of a chalky Stone, was standing: This we judged to be the
remainder of a Castle situated on the side of the Hill, so as both to
defend and command the City. On the top of the Hill, above the Castle,
stands the Ruins of a Fabrick, in appearance very Ancient, built of
very hard Stone, yet exceedingly worn by the Weather; 'tis of an
oblong Figure, pointing near to the N. E. and S. W. with only one Door
on the Easterly end, which was once adorned with extraordinary good
Carvings, of which there are still some remains, but the greatest part
is either worn away, or purposely defaced; and those marks of ancient
Beauty that remain are very obscure, and difficultly discernable; the
outside of the Walls is beautified with Pilasters quite round, with
their Pedestals and Capitals regular and handsom; but the Roof is
all fallen down, and within appears nothing which looks either great
or beautiful. The Situation, and placing the Door, hinders one from
conjecturing it to have been a Christian Oratory, or Chappel, and
therefore in probability it must have been a Heathen Temple; and if so,
then the piece of the Castle Wall being of a softer Stone, must be much
more modern; the goodness of the Water brings the _Arabs_ (who rove
up and down the Desart) and the _Turk-men_ frequently hither, which
has occasion'd a great many Graves about the Temple; and some have had
leisure, and, (which is more difficult to be imagin'd) skill enough to
scratch in the Walls the first Letters of their Names, and many more in
Arabick Characters, which we could make nothing of, no more than of an
Arabick Inscription which lay hard by, but appeared not ancient.
_October_ the 2d. We departed from _Esree_, about an Hour, or an Hour
and an half after Midnight, and in six Hours and an half arrived at
two Wells, the Water 18 Fathom and 2 Foot deep, known by the Name of
_Imp malcha Giub_: Through the greatest part of this Stage we had a
broad beaten Road, and where that was not discernible, we guided our
selves by a ridge of chalky Hills, under which the Wells lay; the
Water we found exceeding bad, and of so noisome a Scent, that we could
not endure it so much as at our Noses; which made our Guide laugh at
us, who told us, the _Arabs_, and even the King himself used to drink
freely of it; which, I am sure, our Horses would not do, though they
were under a necessity of drinking that or none: For our selves we had
brought from _Esree_ Water, sufficient for one Day at least. In our way
hither we were shewn the true Plant which they burn for Soap-Ashes,
which has no Leaves, but a soft juicy Stalk shooting into several
Branches, and something resembling our Camphire, only it's more round
than that; the Ashes likewise we saw, which were made not far from the
Wells, which in burning run into Cakes, not much unlike the Cinders of
a Forge, only they are heavier, and not so full of Pores, nor so hard
as they are. In the Afternoon, we proceeded on our Voyage two Hours
and an half, to a place called _Almyrrha_, passing rather between than
over the Hills, though we had something of an ascent too; this we did
to shorten our Stage the next Morning, for we were told before-hand we
should find no Water upon those Mountains; so, for our Selves, we liv'd
upon our old Stock, and our Horses were constrain'd to pass that Night
without Water. Our Journy hitherto had been altogether Southerly, and
but little varying to the Eastward of due South.
_October_ the 3d. We mounted from _Almyrrha_ between five and six
in the Morning, making to the point of a high ridge of Mountains,
through an uneven Desart Way, frequently interrupted with Gutts and
Channels, probably made by the descent of the Waters from the Hills,
upon sudden Rains: We came to the ascent after about four Hours
Travel, which we found not difficult; and when we were on the top,
we had a pleasant Prospect of the Country, and what we rejoyced at
most, we were shewn a little Hill, just behind which, we were told lay
_Tadmor_. This Mountain was cover'd on both sides with great plenty
of Turpentine-Trees, which was an Object very pleasing, having seen
very few greens in our whole Journey: This Tree grows very thick and
shady, and several of them we saw loaded with a vast abundance of
small round Nut, the chief use whereof is to make Oil, though some eat
them, and account them as great a Regalio as Pistaches; their outward
Husk is green, and more Oily than that of Pistaches, and within a
very thin Shell is contained a Kernel both in colour and relish very
much resembling them; but those that eat them, seldom take the Pains
to search for the Kernels, but eat Husk and Shell all together, which
have no ungrateful Taste: From this Hill we had a tedious descent,
and coming at the foot into a narrow Gut, winding this way and that
between the Mountains, our Passage seemed very long, hot and tiresome;
our want of Water however obliged us to proceed, whereof we now began
to be in great necessity, especially for our Horses and Mules, who had
none the Night before, nor none all that Day; with this we had hopes
of being supplied two different ways; having had a shower of Rain the
Night before, we hoped to have found Water standing in the hollows of
the Rocks; but either the Rain had not reach'd so far, or not in such
plenty as to fill those naturally hewed Cisterns: Our other expectation
was from the Wells that were in the Road; but these our Guide advancing
before and examining, met us with the unwelcome News, that they were
all dried up, and the best Advice he could give us, was to pitch where
we were, and content our selves with the remains of what we had brought
two Days in our Vessels, till our Horses and Mules might be sent to a
Fountain two Hours out of our way, and being watered there themselves,
bring a fresh supply for us: This way, with some difficulty, we
assented to, as more eligible, than weary as we were, to wander so far
out of the Road, to have the same Ground to stage over again the next
Morning: We resolved therefore to send our Guide, with one or two of
our Servants, in search of the Water, and afterwards others with our
Horses, while in the mean time we pitch'd our Tents, it being then
about two a Clock in the Afternoon: As soon as they were gone, a small
drizzling Rain, which we had about half an Hour, encreased to a very
plentiful Shower, which put us upon producing all the Vessels we had
to catch it as it fell from the Heavens, or ran down the Skirts of
our Tents, our Horses at the same time greedily drinking it from the
Ground; but we might have spared our Pains, for in less than half an
Hours time, our Camp was in a manner a-float, and we were surrounded
with Water not only sufficient for us, but for an Army of 20000 Men;
those hollow Gutts which we passed over without the least appearance of
moisture, were, by the Cataracts which descended from the Mountains,
become Rivers; and our Guide with those Servants we had sent out, that
before rode over it dry, it being swoln to such a Torrent, were put to
some difficulty to repass it; so plentifully was God pleased to provide
for us in our greatest streight; and which encreases both the Wonder
and Mercy, the next Morning, all this great quantity of Water was past
away, so that in about two Hour's Riding we could hardly perceive that
there had been any Rain at all. This memorable Place is known by the
Name of _Al-Wishal_.
_October_ the 4th. From _Al-Wishal_ we proceeded for _Tadmor_, some
of the Ruins of which we perswaded our selves we could see the Day
before; perhaps it might be the Castle, which is more than half an
Hour's distance from the City; our way lay Southward, but the Gut
in which we travelled would not permit us to keep a direct course:
However, in about an Hour's Walk, we past by _Antor_ Mountains (our
Guide call'd them _Toul Antor_) through a Gut or Rent, both sides of
which so directly answered one to the other, they would tempt a Man to
believe they were separated by Art, for an entrance into the Country;
but it must have been a work of prodigious Labour and Charges to have
cut through such vast Mountains: And if any one was so hardy as to
attempt it, he certainly grew weary of his Undertaking; for the Ground
is levelled but a very little way, and almost as soon as we were well
got within the open space, we were obliged to ascend another Hill, and
so our Road continued over Hills and Valleys interchangeably all the
way. On the left Hand, some distance from the Road, we saw a _Sheck_'s
House on the top of a high Hill, which made a better show than usually
those Buildings do, but being assured by our Guide it was a modern
Structure, and eager too to come to the principal Place we aimed at,
we would not prolong our Stage so much as to turn out of the Road, to
see more of it: So pressing still forwards, we had hardly proceeded
four Hours, when we came to the brow of a Rocky Mountain, separated
from that whereon stands the Castle of _Tadmor_, but by a narrow
Valley: In which Hill, by the Way, appeared some Quarries of fine
Stone, which probably might afford Materials to the curious Buildings
in the City. Our Guide here (according to his accustomed Diligence)
advanced some few Paces before us, and having espied three or four
Country-Fellows driving Asses towards us, he caused us to make halt, to
give them an opportunity to come nearer to us, resolving to speak with
them, to know whether the Coast was clear, or if any of the Mountain
_Arabs_ were then at _Tadmor_, or not. After a little space, with our
Arms in our Hands, we marched in as good order as the Way would permit,
down a rocky and steep Precipice, into the Valley; and our Guide making
greater speed than we could, gallop'd after the poor affrighted Country
Fellows; who seeing such a Company unexpectedly descend the Hill, left
their Asses, and fled towards the City with all possible speed: But
they were soon overtaken, and brought back again to us; to whom they
related the good News, that there was no Force at all in _Tadmor_, and
that we might proceed with Courage, and see what we would there with
all safety: Which News obtained them their Liberty to go again to their
Asses, and we continued in our Way.
Having tired our selves with roving from Ruin to Ruin, and rummaging
among old Stones, from which little Knowledge could be obtained; and
more especially not thinking it safe to linger too long in a Place,
where should the Mountain _Arabs_ (who were Enemies to _Assyne Abasse_,
our Friend) have Intelligence of us, they might either fall upon or
endeavour to intercept us in our return; (for which reason also we had
all along concealed our intended Course, under a pretence of proceeding
forward to _Damascus_.) On _Thursday_, _October 8._ about half an Hour
after four in the Morning, we departed from _Tadmor_, being very well
satisfied with what we had seen, and glad to have escaped so dreaded
a Place, without any Trouble or Pretences upon us; but else with some
Regret, for having left a great many things behind, which deserved a
more particular and curious Inspection. Our Road lay almost due East,
or a little inclining to the North; and on the left Hand, a ridge of
Hills stretched along for a great space, sometimes about half an Hour
distant from the Road, and sometimes opening wider: These Hills, we
were told, were stored with rich Veins of divers Minerals, and afforded
all that vast quantity of Marble, the Remains whereof we had seen
at _Tadmor_; and it was from a Fountain call'd _Abulfarras_, at the
foot of one of them, they fetch out Water, which we drank there; the
Inhabitants contenting themselves with that which runs from the Hot
Springs. To the right Hand lay a vast barren Plain, perfectly bare,
and hardly any thing green to be seen therein, except it were a few
Gourds which our Servants found on the side of a little rising-Ground,
where there was no shew of any thing moist to feed them. Our Way being
plain, we had the sight of _Tadmor_, especially the Castle, for above
half our Stage, till we came to an old _Caphar_ House. We made indeed a
very short Days Journey, in the whole, finding a Fountain of excellent
Water in about five Hours and a half's Riding; which, as it was a most
welcome Refreshment to us in such a thirsty Desart, so it was the only
good Water we met with till we came to _Euphrates_, which was not
till the third Day from this Place. At this Fountain we pitch'd, near
to which is a Village, but almost wholly ruined and deserted. 'Twas
some time before any Body would be seen, for they were afraid of us;
at length, three Men came out to our Tents, Spectacles of a miserable
Poverty, occasion'd by their being frequently pillaged by the Mountain
_Arabs_, and a great Duty they pay to _Assyne Abasse_ their King, for
his Protection: Three hundred Dollars they pay him Annually, when one
would think the whole Village was not able to make up the Sum of one
Hundred; yet being the remotest Place that was under his Jurisdiction,
they often suffer by the Inroads of the other. The Name of the Place
is _Yarecca_, a Name it received (as we were inform'd) from a Victory
obtained there by the _Turks_ over the _Mamalukes_.
_October_ the 9th. From _Yarecca_ we mounted early, and Travelling
N. E. or near that Point, in seven Hours time arrived at _Soukney_.
The Road we found much like what we had the Day before, lying over a
barren Plain; only we had Hills on both sides, and sometimes closing
within half an Hours riding one of the other. The Village has its Name
from the Hot Waters, (for so the Word imports,) which are of the same
Nature with those of _Tadmor_; herein they Bath frequently, the same
little dirty Hole serving both for Men and Women; only they have so
much Modesty remaining, that they have different Hours for one and the
other. To say the Truth, 'twas the only mark of Modesty I could observe
among them; in other respects they seemed a Confident, or rather
Impudent Generation of People. Before we could pitch our Tents, they
flock'd about us in multitudes, Men, Women, and Children; and of the
last, many of them as naked as ever they came into the World, not so
much as a Rag about them to cover them; and so numerous they appeared,
that if we had reason to think _Yarecca_ wanted Inhabitants, we had no
less, to conclude _Soukney_ over-stock'd. At this Place usually resides
an Officer of _Assyne_'s, who is their Sub-Basha, or Governor: He whom
we found there, was call'd _Dor_, of a good Family among the _Arabs_,
to whom we made a Present; and he civilly return'd it in Barley for
our Horses. Afterwards he came under our Tents, and invited us to an
Entertainment; which, considering the Circumstances of the Place, was
very Splendid, though it was nothing but _Pilaw_ at last, a little
diversify'd by the dressing; and, to speak truly, I judge we could not
have less than a Bushel of Rice set before us. His Palace, indeed was
not very stately, there being few Cottages in _England_ but might vie
with it. To the Room wherein we were entertain'd, which, doubtless, was
the best, if not the only one he had, we were forced to clamber, rather
than ascend, by broken Steps made of Stone and Dirt. When we were got
in, and commodiously seated after the _Turkish_ Mode, it seemed large
enough for about a dozen or fourteen People: At the upper end was a
little space separated from the rest by a ridge made up of Earth,
within which, I suppose, he slept. The Walls were mean; but the Roof
much worse, having no other Covering but Faggots; so that certainly it
could not be Proof against a Shower of Rain which fell that Night, and
forced us out of our Tents, into in old ruinous _Cane_, for shelter:
However, it served well enough for our Afternoons Collation; and we had
come away with a good Opinion of the Gentleman's Civility, had he not
afterwards endeavoured to make a Pretence upon us, and so would have
forced us to pay dear for our Rice: He pretended to a Customary Duty of
a Chequeen a Head of all _Franks_ that past that Road; though probably
neither he, nor his Grand-father before him, had ever seen a _Frank_
there before. But when he understood by our Guide, that we were not so
easily to be imposed upon; and withal, that we were _Assyne_'s Friends,
and in our Way to his Tents; and especially our Treasurer a Person he
very much esteemed, who therefore would be sure to acquaint him with
any Exaction or Injury offer'd us, his Mouth was quickly stop'd, and he
grew so sensible of his Error, that he sent to excuse it, and presented
our Treasurer with a Fan of Black Ostrich Feathers; and not only so,
but in the Morning came himself, and begging Pardon, desired nothing
might be said of what had past, and so conducted us about an Hour on
our way. This Village pays to _Assyne_ fifteen hundred Dollars _per
Annum_.
_October_ the 10th. Continuing our Voyage still to the N. E. or
something more Easterly, we found it another pleasant and easie Stage
to another Village call'd _Tiebe_, so called (as they say) from the
goodness of the Water, the Word signifying _good_: But we found them
not so over excellent; they had the Tast, and were doubtless tinctured
with the same Mineral, with those of _Soukney_ and _Tadmor_, though not
so strong. But the Village it self made a better Shew than usual; and
the People appear'd of something better Fashion, and more civiliz'd,
than those we had left. It's pleasantly situated, and makes a good
appearance as one comes up to it; the Prospect being helped by a well
built Steeple, to which is now adjoyned their Mosch: But I am apt to
believe it the remains of a Christian Church, being built with more
Art and Beauty than you shall easily find in Turkish Fabricks: And
there are also several Ruins about it, which speak it to have been a
more famous Place than now it is. Into the Mosch we were permitted to
enter, without any Disturbance. This Village lies in one of the Roads
from _Aleppo_ to _Bagdatt_, and pays to _Assyne_ an Annual Tribute of
one thousand Dollars. From hence we mounted again in the Afternoon,
and proceeded about two Hours and a half farther, to shorten our next
Days Stage. Having travelled this Day, in all, about seven or eight
Hours, the Place we pitch'd at was a Fountain, and known by the Name
of _Alcome_; but neither Town nor House by it: neither was the Water
fit to be Drank, being of the same nature with that of _Soukney_, and
almost as warm.
_October_ the 11th. From _Alcome_ we rose about an Hour and an half
after Midnight, our Guide groping out the way, by the help of the
Stars, which now bended more to the North than formerly. As soon as it
was light enough to look about us, we found our selves in a wild open
Desart, the Ground, in some Places covered with a sort of Heath, and
in others quite bare. Nor had we travelled long after the Sun was up,
before, by the help of a rising Ground, we discovered _Arsoffa_, the
Place whither we were tending, which gave us hopes we should quickly
be there: But having a dry tiresome Plain to traverse, and the hot Sun
causing our Mules a little to slacken their Pace, 'twas after ten a
Clock before we reach'd it: And which was more vexatious still, finding
no Water any where near, we were necessitated to proceed forward for
the River _Euphrates_, which we found four Hours distant from hence.
_Arsoffa_, or (as the _Arabs_ call it) _Arsoffa Emir_, seems to be
the remains of a Monastery, having no Town nor Village near it, and
being one continued Pile of Building of an oblong Figure, stretching
long ways East and West, and enclosing a very capacious Area: At a
distance it makes a glittering shew, being built of _Gypsine Stone_,
or Rock-Ising-glass, resembling Alabaster, but not so hard; several
Quarries of which we past by in our way to it. When the Sun shines upon
it, it reflects the Beams so strong, that they dazzle the Eyes of the
Spectators. Art or Accuracy in the Workmanship we found none; and but
very little Carved Work, and that mean enough; nay, the very Cement
they made use of, is but little better than Dirt; so that it's no great
Wonder to see it in Ruins, though it has not the appearance of any
great Antiquity. Round about were the little Apartments or Chambers for
the Monks, built Arch-wise, only one Story above Ground; but underneath
are several Cells or Vaults, larger than the Chambers, which perhaps
might serve for their Schools, or Working-houses. In the midst of the
Area stand the Ruins of several Buildings, some of which seem to have
been Cisterns for Water, and it may be the Bathing-Places: But the most
remarkable was one, which probably was the Abbot's or Bishop's House,
there having been something more Pains bestow'd upon it, than the rest:
And another, which was the Relicks of their Church. This was formerly
no unhandsom Structure, being built in the form of our Churches, and
distinguish'd into three Isles, of which the middle one is supported
by eighteen turned Marble Pillars, with Capitals upon them, not of
Marble, but of a sort of Clay, and Cast into the shape they are in, but
of a Colour exactly resembling the Pillar it self. That which perswades
to believe them Cast, is a Greek Inscription to be seen on all of them;
the Letters whereof are not made by Incision in the Stone, but seem to
be stamped, standing out higher than the distance between them; and on
one of them, by mistake, they are so placed, as to be read after the
Oriental manner, from the right Hand to the left. The Words are these,
with the Crucifix before, as follows:
✠ ΕΠΙ ΣΕΡΓΙΟΥ ΕΠΙΣΚΟ. ΤΟΥ ΣΥΝΓΕΝ ΜΑΡΩΝΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΧΩΡΕΠΙΣΚΟ.
From hence our Guide led us to the River, by the assistance of two
little Hills, which are known by the Name of _Aff Dieu_, our way lying
North, and a little bending to the East. The sight of the River was a
very pleasing Prospect; and to our great comfort, we found the Water
very clear, happening to be there before the Rains, and after the
Snow-Waters (which swell and disturb it in the Summer-time) were all
past: And our Happiness seemed the greater, having had so tedious and
thirsty a Journey of at least fourteen Hours, and neither our Selves
nor our Horses touch'd a drop of Water all Day. We pitch'd upon a Reach
of the River, where it was not very broad, not being above half a
Musket-shot over.
_October_ the 12th. This Morning, about Sun-rise, we proceeded on
our Voyage, keeping along the Banks of the River, which, for the
most part, led us West and North-West: And here we had pleasant
Travelling, having the River on the right Hand, and Hills of Marble
or other fine Stone, on the left; and delightful Groves of Tamarisk,
Mulberry, and other Trees to pass through. Here every thing about us
lookt fresh and verdant, and we met frequently Men and Women passing
on their Occasions, a thing to which (in our former Stages) we had
not been accustomed. We had also a pleasing Prospect of the opposite
Shore, and could see a great way into _Mesopotamia_, but could meet
with no Convenience to cross the River, which we were very desirous
to have done. There are no Places of Note remaining upon the River
either on one side or the other, only on the farther side we saw an
old Castle call'd _Giabar_, which made a good Shew, being situated on
the top of a Hill, and both for that and the way of Building, very
much resembling that of _Aleppo_, only that is the larger, and in the
midst of a City; this less, and has neither Town nor Houses about it.
On our side we past by a _Sheck_'s House call'd _Abul-Rarra_, and the
Ruins of a Town a little farther, where there was a square Tower built
of a very ordinary Brick, but pretty entire. After we had left these
Ruins, we rested to bait, under the Shadow of a Rock, wherein were many
Apartments and Conveniences cut to lodge in, which I suppose are made
use of in the Winter by the People, who, during the Summer, pitch
among the Trees by the River-side. In the Afternoon we continued our
Journey as before, keeping always at a little distance from the River,
till a little before Sun-set; when we came to a very convenient Place
upon the Banks, where we took up our lodging for that Night, having
travell'd between seven or eight Hours the whole Day.
_October_ the 13th. This Day we had the same Satisfaction as the Day
before, proceeding as near the River as the Road would permit; and
having made a Stage of about six Hours, we rested under the shade of
the Tamarisk Trees by the River side, hoping to have found conveniency
to have crossed it, but we could not. In our Way we saw nothing
observable but the Ruins of a City call'd _Baulas_, where the _Turks_
had formerly a _Sangiack_; but now there is never an Inhabitant in the
Place, nor House standing, but the Ruins of Houses, and an Octagonal
Tower of a considerable height, _viz._ One hundred and seven Steps, and
beautified on the outside with Flourishes and an Arabick Inscription
round about: It's a handsome Structure, and probably the Work of the
_Mamalukes_, since whose time little has been done to adorn, but
abundance to destroy and wast this Country. After Dinner, we mounted
sooner than ordinary; because hoping to reach the Tents of _Assyne_,
we were unwilling it should be late when we arrived: yet we made it
near Sun-set before we got to _Fay_, a Fountain by which he lay. We
had travell'd still on the same Point N. W. with the Prospect of
the River the greater part of the Way; the nearest Reach thereof not
being above an Hours Riding from the Fountain. On the Road we met with
several _Bandera_'s of the _Emir_'s Soldiers, who knowing our Guide,
and understanding we were going to him, gave us a very courteous
_Salam_, who else, perhaps, might have treated us with another sort
of Civility. The King's Tents spread over a large Plain, and took up
so vast a Space, that though we had the advantage of a rising Ground,
we could not see the uttermost extent of them. His own particular
Tent was pretty near the middle of the rest, which were pitch'd about
it, not in a circular manner, but stretching out in length as the
Plain open'd, or for the better conveniency of a Current of Water,
which from the Fountain ran through the midst of them. 'Twas not at
all distinguishable from the rest, but by its bigness, and a little
more Company about it, being all made of a sort of Hair-Cloth, which
seemed hardly a defence against Rain or Sun: But certainly they must
find otherwise, else their Necessity (they spending their Lives in
such moveable Habitations) would have taught them to have contrived
something better. It cannot well be doubted but they are descended from
the old _Arabs Scenitæ_, they living just after the same manner, having
no settled Abode, but remove from Fountain to Fountain, as they find
Grass for their Sheep and Camels, and Water for them and themselves.
They love to derive themselves from _Ismael_ the Son of _Abraham_; and
it may be they are descended from him, but I believe they would be
hard put to't to prove their Pedigree.
As soon as we alighted, we were attended by the Officers of the _Emir_,
and conducted to a very noble Tent built after the _Turkish_ Mode,
and pitch'd next to his own. Hither he sent to bid us welcome, and to
enquire how we had past in our Voyage; and presently after we had a
Repast of several Dishes of Meat set before us, to stay our Appetites
till a more plentiful Supper could be got ready. But before Supper the
King himself made us a Visit in Person, bidding us Welcome to _Fay_,
and asking what we had seen in our Travels that pleas'd us? how we
liked _Tadmor_? and whether we had found a Treasure there? For this
Notion sticks in the Heads of these People, That the _Franks_ go to see
old Ruins, only because they there meet with Inscriptions which direct
them to some hid Treasures. And therefore it's no unusual thing with
them, when they find a Stone with an Inscription on one side, to turn
that down to the Ground, that it might not be seen or read of any. But
we assur'd him we went with no such Expectations, but only out of a
desire to see the Place: Neither had we brought any thing away with us;
but a piece of Porphyry Stone, which, upon his Request, we shew'd him.
We let him see too, a kind of rude Draught which we had taken of the
Place; which he seemed to like. He made his Visit the shorter, that he
might not incommode us after our Journey; but desir'd us we would live
after our own Pleasure and to our Satisfaction, and command freely
whatever the Camp would afford; ordering some of his People constantly
to attend upon us. When there was mention made of our Design to be gone
the next Morning, he answer'd, It must not be; himself was invited the
next Day, to a great Entertainment, by one of his _Grandees_, and we
should accompany him: But the Day following, he would go out with us,
and Hunt part of our Way towards _Aleppo_. When Supper was brought in,
there was Victuals enough for three times our Number: A large Dish of
_Pilaw_ in the middle, and twelve or fifteen Dishes of several sorts
of Meat about it, all dress'd after their manner, but exceeding good,
and such as one might have fed heartily upon, had he not spoil'd his
Appetite before. After we had Eat and Drank what we pleas'd, we rose
up, and our Servants sat down in our Places; it being the Custom of the
_Arabs_, and _Turks_ too, from the Highest to the Meanest, all to eat
at the same Table: The best sort sit down first, and so in order till
all are satisfy'd, and then what remains is carry'd away. We might,
if we had pleas'd, have lodg'd under the same Tent where we eat; but
having Tents of our own pitch'd, some of our Company chose rather to
retire thither, to avoid being disturbed by too many Visitants.
_October_ the 14th. The next Morning, about ten a Clock, we were told
that the King was gone to the Entertainment, and expected we should
follow him; and that two young Camels were kill'd, to furnish this
sumptuous Feast; which is the highest piece of Magnificence and
Greatness to which these People, whose greatest Riches consist in
Camels, can arrive. The Tent was about a Furlong from ours; so mounting
our Horses, we rode to it, and found it surrounded with a numerous
train of Guests, three hundred at least, of different Sort and Quality:
It was very large of it self, and to be still more capacious, 'twas
left open toward the West. The King was seated at the North-end, about
the midst of the Tent, upon a Place raised with Cushions and Quilts,
and Carpets before him: Neither did he sit cross-Legg'd, as all the
rest of the Company were obliged to do, but in a leaning Posture.
They seemed to observe an exact Order in their Places; and when any
Person of Note enter'd, those that were near his Place, rose up and
stood till he had seated himself. But the far greatest part could not
come within the compass of the Ring, but stood behind the Backs of the
rest, leaving a spacious _Area_ vacant in the middle. When we entred,
they made room for us on the King's left Hand, which here is esteem'd
the more Honourable; where we sat down in the same Posture with those
about us, cross-Legg'd upon a thin Carpet. Before mid-day, a Carpet
being spread in the middle of the Tent, our Dinner was brought in,
being served up in large Wooden Bowls between two Men; and truly to my
apprehension, Load enough for them. Of these great Platters there were
about fifty or sixty in number, perhaps more, with a great many little
ones, I mean, such as one Man was able to bring in, strewed here and
there among them, and placed for a Border or Garnish round about the
Table. In the middle of all was one of a larger size than all the
rest, in which was the Camel's Bones, and a thin Broth in which they
were boiled: The other greater ones seemed all filled with one and the
same sort of Provision, a kind of Plumb-Broth, made of Rice, and the
fleshy part of the Camel, with Currants and Spices, being of something
a darker Colour than what is made in our Country. The lesser were, for
the the most part, charged with Rice dress'd after several Modes, some
of them having _Leben_, (a thick sour Milk) poured upon them. _Leben_
is a thing in mighty Esteem in these Hot Countries, being very useful
to quench Thirst: And truly we had need of it here; for I did not see a
drop of any sort of Liquor, excepting a Dish of Coffee before Dinner,
drank at this splendid Feast. Knives, Forks, Spoons, Trenchers, _&c._
are silly Impertinent Things in the Esteem of the _Arabs_: However, we
being known to make use of such things, had large Wooden Spoons laid
before us. When the Table was thus plentifully furnish'd, the King
arising from his Seat, went and sat down to that Dish that was directly
before him; and so did the rest, as many as it would contain, which
could not be much short of a hundred; and so without further Ceremony,
they fell to thrusting their Hands into the Dishes, and Eating by
Handfuls: Neither was there any occasion of Carving; only because
those Dishes in the middle were too remote to be reach'd, there was
an Officer on purpose, who stepping in among them, and standing in the
Spaces designedly left for that end, with a long Ladle in both his
Hands, helpt any one according to their Desire. When the King had eaten
what he thought fit, he rose up and wash'd, and retir'd back to his
former Seat; and we also did the like; others being ready to fill our
Places. Nor did we continue much longer under the Tent in that numerous
Crowd; for _Assyne_ perceiving us a little uneasie, and supposing
we had now sufficiently satisfy'd our Curiosity, though perhaps not
our Appetites, told us we might take our Liberty, and if we thought
fit retire to our Tents. This Favour we gladly accepted, and without
Ceremony returned, several of his Attendants waiting upon us back.
Here we had another Dinner set before us; and having some of our own
Wine and Water to Drink with it, it went down better with us than the
famous Camel-Feast. In the Evening, the King mounted to see the flight
of a new Hawk, and stay'd Abroad very late, his Hawk flying away: But
she was afterwards taken up by his Falconer; otherwise he had not been
in a good Humour all that Night, being a Man that delights very much
in Sport. After his return from Hawking, we went to Wait upon him at
his own Tent, to return him Thanks for his most courteous and royal
Reception of us, and to desire leave to depart the next Morning. Here
we found him surrounded with the chiefest of his People; and being
placed again on his left Hand, he entertain'd us with a great deal of
pleasant Discourse; and ask'd such Questions, as shew'd him to be a
Man of extraordinary Capacity and Judgment. As for Learning, they have
no such thing among them, and therefore it's not to be expected that
he should be a Scholar: But were he not a Person of more than common
Prudence and Understanding, he could never have managed that Wild and
Unruly People as he has done, ever since his Advancement to the Throne;
which must therefore have been the more difficult, because as he came
to it by the Deposition of his Father (though not immediately) who now
lives with him as a private Man, so has he never wanted Competitors. To
his Father he pays a great deal of outward Respect, but is forced to
keep a very watchful Eye over him. After about an Hours Discourse, we
were dismiss'd.
_October_ the 15th. In the Morning, _Assyne_ not being at leisure to
go a Hunting, we proceeded on our Voyage Homewards, with a great deal
of Alacrity; and finding nothing remarkable in our Road, in about 3
Hours and an half arrived at _Seray_. And hence, after a short Repast,
we continued our Journey to _Sherby_ Fountain, which took us up about
the like space of Time. Here we accounted our selves as good as at
Home, being at a Place with which we were well acquainted, and to which
several times in the Year some or other of our Nation usually resort,
either for Antelope or Hog-hunting, according to their Season; nor had
we hence above seven or eight Hours to _Aleppo_.
_October_ the 16th. Getting up pretty early in the Morning, we resolved
to Hunt the greatest part of our Way Home, as we did; and Dining at the
famous _Round-Hill_, whereon has been spent by the _English_ more Money
than would purchase a noble Estate round about it, in the Afternoon we
arrived safe at _Aleppo_.
_Some Account of the Ancient State of the City of _Palmyra_, with
short Remarks upon the Inscriptions found there. By _E. Halley_._
The City of _Tadmor_, whose Remains in Ruins do with so much evidence
demonstrate the once happy Condition thereof, seems very well to
be proved to be the same City which _Solomon_ the great King of
_Israel_ is said to have founded under that Name in the _Desart_,
both in 1 _Kings_ 9. 18. and 2 _Chron._ 8. 16. in the Translation of
which, the _Vulgar Latin Version_, said to be that of St. _Jerom_,
has it, _Condidit Palmyram in Deserto_. And _Josephus_ (in _lib._
8. _Antiq. Jud._ wherein he treats of _Solomon_ and his Acts) tell
us, that he Built a City in the Desart, and called it _Thadamora_;
and the _Syrians_ at this Day (says he) call it by the same Name;
but the _Greeks_ name it _Palmyra_. The Name is therefore Greek, and
consequently has no relation to the Latin _Palma_, and seems rather
derived from Παλμυός or Πάλμυς, which _Hesychius_ Interprets βασιλεὺς
πατὴρ: or perhaps from Παλμύτης, which (according to the same Author)
was an _Egyptian_ God. Neither is the Word תרמר but תמר that in Hebrew
signifies a _Palm-Tree_.
History is silent as to the Fate and Circumstances of this City,
during the great Revolutions in the several Empires of the East; but
it may well be supposed, that so advanced a Garrison as this was,
being above three hundred Miles from _Jerusalem_, continued not long
in the Possession of the _Jews_, who immediately after _Solomon_, fell
into Civil Dissention, and divided their Force: so that it is not to
be doubted, but that it submitted to the _Babylonian_ and _Persian_
Monarchies, and afterwards to the _Macedonians_ under _Alexander_ and
the _Seleucidæ_. But when the _Romans_ got footing into these Parts,
and the _Parthians_ seemed to put a stop to their farther Conquests
in the _East_, then was this City of _Palmyra_, by reason of its
Situation, being a Frontier, and in the midst of a vast Sandy _Desart_,
where Armies could not well subsist to reduce it by Force, courted and
caressed by the contending Princes, and permitted to continue a Free
State, a Mart or Staple for Trade, for the Convenience of both Empires,
as is abundantly made out from the Words of _Appian_ and _Pliny_.
_Appian_ (_lib._ 5. _de Bellis Civil._) tells us, that _M. Antonius_,
after his Victory at _Philippi_, about forty Years before _Christ_,
sent his Horse to Plunder the City of _Palmyra_, pretending only that
they were not sufficiently in the _Roman_ Interest. ὅτι Ρωμαίων καὶ
Παρθυαίων ὄντες ἔφοροι ἐς ἑκατέρας ἐπιδεξίως εἶχον, and that being
Merchants, they conveyed the _Indian_ and _Arabian_ Commodities by
the way of _Persia_ into the _Roman_ Territories; though the true
reason were their Riches: But the _Palmyrenes_ being informed of the
Design, took care to prevent them, and so escaped Plunder: And this
Attempt of _Antony_'s occasioned a Rupture between the two Empires.
The Words of _Pliny_ (_lib._ 5. _Nat. Hist._) above an hundred Years
after, do likewise testifie that this City then continued in the same
Enjoyment of their Liberties. They being very much to the purpose, I
thought fit to Copy them: _Palmyra Urbs nobilis situ, divitiis soli
atque aquis amœnis, vasto undique ambitu arinis includit agros, ac
velut terris exempta à rerum Natura; privata sorte inter duo imperia
summa Romanorum Parthorumque, & prima in discordia semper utrinque
cura_. Whereby it appears not only that it was a Common-wealth in the
time of _Vespasian_; but the situation thereof is truly described, as
it were an Island of fertile Land, surrounded with a Sea of barren
Sands. Such Spots _Strabo_ tells us were frequent in _Lybia_, and by
the _Egyptians_ were called _Abases_; whence possibly the Name of the
_Abassyne_ Nation is derived.
With these Advantages of Freedom, Neutrality and Trade, for near two
Centuries, 'tis not strange that it acquired the State and Wealth
answerable to the Magnificence of these noble Structures. But when
the _Romans_ under _Trajan_ had made it appear, that there was
no comparison between the Puissance of the _Parthians_ and them,
(_Trajan_ having taken _Babylon_ and _Ctesiphon_ the then Seat of
the _Parthian_ Empire,) the _Palmyreni_ were at length determined to
Declare for the _Romans_; which they did, by submitting themselves to
the Emperor _Adrian_, about the Year of Christ 130, when _Adrian_
made his Progress through _Syria_ into _Egypt_. And that Magnificent
Emperor being highly delighted with the native Strength and Situation
of the Place, was pleased to adorn and rebuild it: When, as 'tis
likely, he bestowed on it the Privileges of a Colony _Juris Italici_,
which it enjoyed (as _Ulpian_ assures us.) And the Inhabitants of the
City, in Gratitude, were willing to call themselves _Hadrianopolitæ_,
ἐπικτισθείσης τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος (says _Stephanus_.) Nor
is it unlikely that many of those Marble Pillars were the Gift of that
Emperor, and particularly those of the Long _Porticus_; for that none
of the Inscriptions are before that Date. And it was usual for the
_Cæsars_ to present Cities that had obliged them, with Marble Pillars
to adorn their Publick Buildings. These here were not far to fetch, the
Neighbouring Mountains affording _Marble-Quarries_: But the Magnitude
of the _Porphyry_ Columns is indeed very remarkable, considering
how far those vast Stones must have been brought by Land-carriage
to this Place; it being not known that any other Quarries yield it,
except those of _Egypt_, which lie about mid-way between _Cairo_ and
_Siena_, between the _Nile_ and the _Red-Sea_: The Stone being very
valuable for its Colour and Hardness, and so that it rises in Blocks
of any magnitude required; _Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt
Lapidicinæ_, (_Plin._ _lib._ 36.) And it is a great mistake of those
who suppose it fictitious.
From the time of _Adrian_ to that of _Aurelian_, for about an hundred
and forty Years, this City continued to flourish and encrease in
Wealth and Power, to that degree, that when the Emperor _Valerian_ was
taken Prisoner by _Sapores_ King of _Persia_, _Odænathus_ one of the
Lords of this Town (which Name occurs in several of these Inscriptions)
was able (whilst _Gallienus_ neglected his Duty both to his Father
and Country) to bring a powerful Army into the Field, and to recover
_Mesopotamia_ from the _Persians_, and to penetrate as far as their
Capital City _Ctesiphon_. Thereby rendring so considerable Service to
the _Roman_ State, that _Gallienus_ thought himself obliged to give
him a share in the Empire: Of which Action, _Trebellius Pollio_ (in
the Life of _Gallienus_) has these Words, _Laudatur ejus (Gallieni)
optimum factum, qui, Odenatum participato Imperio Augustum vocavit,
ejusque monetam, qua Persas captos traheret, cudi jussit: quod &
Senatus & Urbs & omnis ætas gratanter accepit_. The same in many
Places speaks of this _Odænathus_ with great Respect; and mentioning
his Death, he says, _Iratum fuisse Deum Reip. credo, qui interfecto
Valeriano noluit Odenatum reservare_. But by a strange reverse of
Fortune, this Honour and Respect to _Odænathus_ occasioned the sudden
Ruin and Subversion of the City. For he and his Son _Herodes_ being
murder'd by _Mæonius_ their Kinsman, and dying with the Title of
_Augustus_, his Wife _Zenobia_, in Right of her Son _Waballathus_ then
a Minor, pretended to take upon her the Government of the East, and
did administer it to admiration: And when soon after _Gallienus_ was
murder'd by his Soldiers, she grasped the Government of _Egypt_, and
held it during the short Reign of the Emperor _Claudius Gothicus_. But
_Aurelian_ coming to the Imperial Dignity, would not suffer the Title
of _Augustus_ in this Family, tho' he was contented that they should
hold under him as _Vice Cæsaris_; as plainly appears by the Latin
Coins of _Aurelian_ on the one side, and _Waballathus_ (which Name is
often found in these Inscriptions) on the other, with these Letters
V. C. R. IM. OR., which _P. Harduin_ has most judiciously interpreted
_Vice Cæsaris Rector Imperii Orientis_, but without the Title of
_Cæsar_ or _Augustus_, and with a Laurel instead of a Diadem. But both
_Waballathus_ and _Zenobia_ are stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ in the _Greek_ Coins,
made, 'tis probable, within their own Jurisdiction. Two of the _Latin_
I have seen, and they are as described, excepting the Points.
But nothing less than a Participation of the Empire contenting
_Zenobia_, and _Aurelian_ persisting not to have it dismembered: He
marched against her, and having in two Battles routed her Forces, he
shut her up and Besieged her in _Palmyra_: And the Besieged finding
that the great resistance they made, availed not against that resolute
Emperor, they yielded the Town; and _Zenobia_ flying with her Son,
was pursued and taken: With which _Aurelian_ being contented, spared
the City, and leaving a small Garrison, march'd for _Rome_ with this
Captive Lady: But the Inhabitants believing he would not return, set up
again for themselves, and (as _Vopiscus_ has it) slew the Garrison he
had left in the Place. Which _Aurelian_ understanding, tho' by this
time he was gotten into _Europe_, with his usual fierceness, speedily
returned; and collecting a sufficient Army by the way, he again took
the City without any great Opposition, and put it to the Sword, with
an uncommon Cruelty, as he himself confesses in a Letter (extant in
_Vopiscus_), and delivered them to the Pillage of his Soldiers. And
it is observable, that none of the Greek Inscriptions are after the
date of this Calamity, which befell the City in or about the Year of
_Christ_ 272, as far as may be collected, after it had been nine or ten
Years the Seat of the Empire of the East, not without Glory.
In this appears also the great utility of Coins to illustrate Matters
of History; for by them alone 'tis made out, that there was such a
Prince as _Waballathus_, _Vopiscus_ singly mentioning him by the Name
of _Balbatus_. And from the same Coins it appears, that _Odænathus_ had
the Title of _Augustus_ four Years, and _Waballathus_ six at least;
and that the first Year of _Aurelian_ was the fourth of _Waballathus_.
And by the Testimony of _Pollio_, _Odænathus_ was declared Emperor
of the East, _Gallieno_ & _Saturnino Coss._ which was _Anno Christi_
263, and died before _Gallienus_, but in the same Year, _viz._ _Anno_
267, which, by the Coins, was the first of _Waballathus_. He therefore
immediately succeeded _Odænathus_, and was without doubt his Eldest
Son by _Zenobia_, and not his Grandson the Son of _Herodes_, as some
learned Men have supposed: For if _Zenobia_ could not endure that
_Herodes_ Son of _Odænathus_ by a former Wife, should succeed his
Father in prejudice to her Children, and for that reason was consenting
to his Murther (as _Pollio_ intimates in _Herodes_ and _Mæonius_,) much
less would she endure the Title of _Augustus_ in the Son of _Herodes_,
especially when her own Sons were, as 'tis probable, elder than such
Grandson. So that 'tis most likely that _Herennianus_ and _Timolaus_,
whom _Pollio_ reckons among his XXX Tyrants, might be the Younger Sons
of _Zenobia_, on whom also, out of Motherly Affection, she might bestow
the same Titles of Honour.
But it must be observed, that in the Greek Coins, this Prince's Name
is usually written ΑΥΤ. ΕΡΜΙΑΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΟΥ (as _Tristan_ says
he found it upon several Medals,) but _Patin_ has the last Word only
ΑΘΗ. I should be glad to peruse some of these curious Coins, especially
if found in or near _Palmyra_: but I am inclinable to believe that his
true Name was _Æranes Waballathus_ (as was one of his Progenitors, in
Inscription _Pag._ 91.) though perhaps the remoter Cities of _Asia_ and
_Ionia_ might by mistake write it _Hermias_. And 'tis probable that
ΑΘΗΝ might be for the first Letters of the Name of ΟΔΗΝΑΘΟΣ, which in
Syriack begun with an _Aleph_; and the Δ was with those People used
instead of Θ, as we see the Month _Xanthicus_, written Ξανδικὸς in many
of these Inscriptions, which doubtless was pronounced like D _blæsum_
or the Saxon D.
Though this City were at that time so roughly treated by _Aurelian_,
yet it is certain that he did not burn it, or destroy the Buildings
thereof: And though _Zosimus_, on this occasion, uses the Words τὴν
πόλιν κατασκάψας, yet that seems only to relate to his demolishing the
Walls and Defences of the Place; and that Emperors own Letter extant
in _Vopiscus_, doth sufficiently shew that he spared the City it self,
and that he took care to re-instate the beautiful Temple of the _Sun_
that was there, which had been Plundered by his Soldiers. However,
the Damage then sustained was never retrieved by the Inhabitants, and
I do not find that ever this City made any figure in History after
it: Yet the _Latin Inscription_, (Pag. 106.) seems to intimate, as
if _Dioclesian_ had restored their Walls within thirty Years after.
About the Year of Christ 400, it was the Head Quarters of the _Legio
Prima Illyricorum_; and though _Stephanus_ gives it no better Title
than φρούριον, yet it appears to have been an Archbishop's See,
under the Metropolitan of _Damascus_. To say in what Age, or from
what Hand it received its final Overthrow, which reduced it to the
miserable Condition it now appears in, there is no light in any of our
Historians; but it is probable it perish'd long since, in the obscure
Ages of the World, during the Wars of the _Saracen_ Empire; and being
burnt and desolated, it was never rebuilt; which occasions the Ruins
to lie so entire, in a manner as they were left, neither being used to
other Structures on the Place, nor worth carrying away, because of the
great distance thereof from any other City.
As to the Geographical Site of _Palmyra_, _Ptolemy_ places it in the
Latitude of _Tripoly_ on the Coast of _Syria_, and four Degrees more
Easterly, _viz._
Παλμύρα. οα, ϛ′. λδ.
and he makes it the Capital of sixteen Cities in _Syria Palmyrena_,
whereof _Alalis_, _Danaba_ and _Evaria_ were afterwards _Bishops Sees_.
_Pliny_ places it CCIII Miles from the nearest Coast of _Syria_, and
CCCXXXVII from _Seleucia ad Tygrim_ near _Bagdat_, (which Numbers are
erroneously Printed 252 and 537 in most Editions, contrary to the
Authority of the MSS.) _Josephus_ places it one Days Journey from
_Euphrates_, and six from _Babylon_; which must be understood of
Horse-man's Journeys of about sixty Miles _per diem_, it being more
than so much from this City to _Euphrates_. _Ptolemy_ also mentions a
River running by _Palmyra_, which did not appear to our Travellers,
unless that Gut or Channel wherein they were overflowed by the
Rain-Waters, were the Bed thereof; which may, possibly, run with a
constant Stream in the Winter or times of much Rain: But this (as the
Rivers of _Aleppo_ and _Damascus_ at this Day) is made by _Ptolomy_ to
have no _exit_; but to go off in _Vapour_, and to be imbibed by the
thirsty Earth of these Desarts.
The _Æra_ or Accompt of Years observed by the _Palmyreni_ in these
Inscriptions, is evidently that of _Seleucus_, call'd afterwards
_Dhilcarnian_ or _Bicornis_ by the _Arabians_, and by them kept in use
till above 900 Years of Christ (as appears by the Observations of
_Albatani_, published in _Numb._ 204 of the _Philosoph. Transact._) and
not that of the Death of _Alexander_. This may be demonstrated from
the Inscription (_Pag. 101._) wherein _Alexander Severus_ is stiled
ΘΕΟΣ; that is, after the Death and Consecration of that Emperor, or
after the Year of our Lord 234; and from the Name of _Julius_, who,
when this Inscription was put up, was _Præfectus Prætorio_, (and could
be no other than _Julius Philippus Arabs_ who might be esteemed by the
_Palmyreni_ as their Country-man,) it follows, that it was in the last
Year of _Gordian_ _Anno Christi_ 242 or 243: And that Emperor being
soon after Murder'd by the Treachery of this _Philip_, who succeeded
him: And his Treason coming afterwards to light, 'tis not strange that
his Name was purposely effaced in this Inscription. The Date thereof,
_Anno_ 554, shews the beginning of this Accompt 311 or 312 Years before
Christ, co-incident with the _Æra_ of _Seleucus_, which was likewise
observed by several other Cities in the East.
I shall not undertake the part of a Critick on these Inscriptions, but
chuse rather to leave them to the more professedly skilful in that part
of Learning, and shall only make some few Remarks on them, such as
occurred whilst they pass'd through my Hands.
1. That the more ancient of these Inscriptions dated before the Year
500, do no where make use of _Roman Prænomina_, which yet are very
frequent in them that follow; particularly _Julius_, _Aurelius_ and
_Septimius_, taken up by these People out of Respect to the Emperors
that bore those Names; and consequently that _Septimius Odænathus_ (the
Inscription of whose Tomb we have, _pag. 91._) was most probably the
same who was afterwards _Augustus_. That Name growing in use in the
Reign of _Septimius Severus_, under whom or his Son _Caracalla_ this
_Odænathus_ was certainly Born. And this Monument being erected by
him whilst he was yet a private Man; and he afterwards attaining the
Imperial Dignity, it was necessary the Inscription of his Tomb (which
perhaps was that single one that was all of Marble) should be changed:
Upon which occasion this Stone might be brought back into the Town, and
after its Destruction, be clapt up casually over the little Gate-way
where now it stands.
2. _Pag. 100._ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ:
_Descendentes Vologesiada Commercium stabiliverunt, Anno_ 558, _sive
Anno Christi_ 247. Whereby it appears, that this People having had
their Trade interrupted by the Wars between the _Romans_ and the
_Persians_, under _Gordian_; did now send an Embassy to the Court of
_Sapores_ King of the _Persians_, to get it re-established; which
succeeded according to their Desires. _Vologesias_ was a City built
by _Vologeses_ King of the _Parthians_ in the time of _Nero_, on
the _Euphrates_ below _Babylon_. _Ptolemy_ calls it Οὐολογεσιάς;
_Stephanus_, Βολογεσιὰς; _Ammianus_ _Vologessia_; and _Pliny_ lib. 6.
_Vologesocirta_.
3. _Pag. 101._ ΚΑΙ ΟΥΚΟΝΙΣΩΝΑ ΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ. I submit it to the
Judgment of the Criticks, whether this faulty Place may not be amended
by reading it ΟΥΚ ΟΙΚΕΙΩΝ ΑΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ, _&c._ as likewise whether
ΔΙΣΜΑΛΚΟΥ in the same Inscription may not be instead of ΜΑΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ
ΜΑΛΚΟΥ, which is the Ingenious Conjecture of that excellent Grammarian
Mr. _William Baxter_.
4. _Pag. 102._ _Septimium Vorodem Procuratorem Ducenarium Augusti &_
ΑΡΟΑΠΕΤΗΝ. This Word, if _Greek_, is faultily transcribed; and in
one Copy I have seen, the Ο is very small, as I suppose it on the
Stone, which might occasion the transcribing thereof without it in
the former Voyage (_Pag. 130._) So that 'tis most probable that 'tis
the remains of some other Letter almost worn out. I conjecture it to
have been ΑΡΤΑΓΕΤΗΝ, Π being taken for Γ, and that this _Septimius_
was _Præfectus Annonæ_, having the Care to see that the City were
sufficiently provided with Bread; which was a most necessary Officer
in a Place that must needs be furnish'd with Corn from Abroad. And
this same _Septimius_, (in the Inscription, _Pag. 105._) is
stiled .... ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ. _lege_ ΚΡΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ, which should
signifie that he was the Distributor of the Emperor's Munificence in
Flesh to the People. These Inscriptions bear Date in _April_, _Anno
Dom._ 267. not long before the Death of _Odænathus_, who is herein
stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ: and 'tis not improbable but he might institute such
a Custom, as at the Publick Charge, to give the People a Largess in
Flesh on particular Days, to reconcile them to the Dominion of their
Fellow-Citizen. This is certain, that _Aurelian_ first instituted such
a Custom of giving Flesh at _Rome_: The Words of _Vopiscus_ are, _Idem
Aurelianus & porcinam carnem populo Romano distribuit, quæ hodieque
dividitur_; which Custom continued till the time of _Constantine_,
when (according to _Zosimus_) one _Lucian_, who had this Office of
distributing Swines Flesh at _Rome_, had Interest enough among the
People to set up _Maxentius_ for Emperor; and _Salmasius_ assures us,
that it was not discontinued till the time of _Heraclius_. It will not
therefore seem strange, if I suppose _Aurelian_ might find that Custom
at _Palmyra_, and at his return from thence institute the like at
_Rome_.
I am inclined to believe, that not only those two Inscriptions, _Pag.
102_, and the last of _Pag. 103_, but also that of _Pag. 106_, were
in Honour of the same _Septimius Vorodes_ who seems to have been a
great Favourite of _Odænathus_, and was without doubt respected by
the _Romans_ on that account, whom I conclude to have effaced all the
Memorials of _Zenobia_ and _Waballathus_, insomuch that no one appears,
among those many taken, that was set up during the six Years they
reigned. The Name _Vorodes_ seems the same with _Orodes_, which was
the Name of the King of the _Parthians_ that slew _Crassus_: and the
_Persians_ having, about forty Years before, expelled the Race of the
_Arsacidæ_, 'tis not improbable but the Remains of that Royal Family
might fly for Succour to _Palmyra_, and this _Vorodes_ might be one of
them.
5. In two other Copies of these Inscriptions; the first of _pag. 104._
is read, Σεπτίμιον Αἰράνην Ὀδαινάθου, and not Ὀδαινόθου as in the
first Copy, and perhaps ought rather to be Ὀδαίναθον, as being the
Inscription under a Statue of the same _Odænathus_, who is here, as
well as on his Tomb, stiled _Illustrissimus Patricius_, but without a
Date.
6. ΥΠΟ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ (_pag. 101._ & 109.) It cannot well be doubted
but that this _Deus Jaribolus_ is the same with what _Gruter_ (_pag._
86.) and _Spon_ (in the first of his Inscriptions) reads ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ.
By the Figure of the Idol extant in _Spon_, it appears that this God
was made with the Moon upon his Shoulders, and consequently was the
_Deus Lunus_ worshipped by the _Syrians_, whose Name, in the Language
of that Country, could not be better expressed than by _Jarehbol_ ירה
ביעל _Dominus Lunus_. Whence I am induced to believe, that _Gruter_
mistook it ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ for ΑΓΑΙΒΩΛΩ, the Ι in the beginning, and the lower
part of the round stroke of the Ρ, being effaced, so as to pass for Γ.
I have taken care to have the Stone purposely viewed, as also to get
from thence the exact Figure of the _Syrian_ or _Palmyrene_ Characters
thereon, wherein there is an irreconcilable difference between _Spon_
and _Gruter_. By the help of these, compared with two others taken
at _Palmyra_, which I have by me, (they being all very near the same
Date,) I hope we may be able, one Day, to make out the _Palmyrene_
Alphabet: But it were to be wish'd our Travellers had transcribed them
with more Curiosity, and taken more of them.
By the way, it is remarkable, that the Person who dedicated this
Monument, in _Gruter_ and _Spon_, is stiled Λ. ΑΥΡ. ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΣ: and the
same Name occurs in a broken Inscription which Mr. _Hallifax_ omitted
in his Letter to Dr. _Bernard_, as being too imperfect. It stood on the
right Hand of the entrance to the little Temple described _pag. 110._
and was thus,
ΛΟΥΚΙΟΥ ΑΥΡΗ[ΛΙ]ΟΥ ..... ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ.
And after a Blank of three lines all worn out except one single Ο,
there followed,
[ΤΕΙ]ΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ....... ΜΗΝΟΣ [ΑΠ]ΕΛΛΑΙ[ΟΥ]. And that imperfect one
in _pag. 104._ seems to have relation to the same Name.
7. _Pag. 111._ ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ _lege_ ΜΑΛΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ, it
being written ΜΑΛΗΝΤΟΝ, with Η in the two other Copies I have seen,
whereby the Sence is cleared.
8. _Pag. 117._ ΑΓΑΘΑΝΓΕΛΟΣ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟΣ, _Agathangelus
Abilenus, Decapolitanus, Patronymice_. There were in these Parts two
Cities known by the Name of _Abila_; to distinguish which, the one was
called _Abila Lysaniæ_, from the Name of the Tetrarch: St. _Luke_, ch.
3. 1. and is placed by _Ptolemy_ (in his _Cælosyria_) about mid-way
between _Damascus_ and _Heliopolis_: The other in _Judæa_, called
_Abila ad Jordanem_, described by _Josephus_ in many Places, to lie
over-against _Jericho_, near the _Dead-Sea_. _Decapolis_ was so called
from its Ten Cities, enumerated by _Pliny_ (_lib._ 5. 18.) And with
them he reckons up, among others, the _Tetrarchy_ of _Abila_, in the
same _Decapolis_: Which demonstrates the _Abila Decapolis_ and _Abila
Lysaniæ_ to be the same Place. And tho' it cannot be denied, but
that some of _Pliny_'s Ten Cities are not far distant from that near
_Jordan_; yet it doth not appear that ever this other had the Title
of a _Tetrarchy_. Here it is to be observed, that what _Pliny_ calls
_Decapolis_, _Ptolemy_ makes his _Cæle Syria_; and the _Cæle Syria_
of _Pliny_, is that part of _Syria_ about _Aleppo_, formerly call'd
_Chalcidene_, _Cyrrhistice_, &c.
What this Town of _Teibe_ was anciently call'd, is not so easily
conjectured: But if the Numbers of _Ptolemy_ may be confided in, it is
very near the Situation of a City he calls _Oriza_; and perhaps his
_Adada_ may be our _Soukney_, and his _Rhæsapha_ what is now called
_Arsoffa_.
It is taken for granted, that Old _Aleppo_ was anciently the City of
_Berrhæa_, and there wants not ancient Testimony to prove it; which
being granted, I think I may without scruple conclude, that _Andrene_
(_pag. 122._ and 133.) is the Ruins of the City of _Androna_; and
_Esree_ (_pag. 135._) that of _Seriane_, both mentioned in the
Itinerary of _Antoninus_, in the Journey _à Dolicâ Seriane_. But this
whole Country is laid about half a Degree more Southerly than it
ought, by _Ptolemy_, who places _Berrhæa_ in Lat. 36 _deg._ For the
Meridian Altitude of the Tropical Sun at _Aleppo_ is found there but
77 _deg._ whence the Latitude 36 _deg._ 30 _min._ as it was observed,
_Anno_ 1680. by three several Quadrants, in the presence of a curious
Gentleman, to whom I am obliged for this Communication.
By the same Observation a much greater Error is amended in the
Latitude of _Aleppo_, in the _Rudolfine_ Tables of _Kepler_, who
supposes _Aleppo_ to have been the ancient _Antiochia ad Taurum_, and
accordingly places it Lat. 37. _deg._ 20 _min._ wherein he is followed
by _Bullialdus_ and others; and several Maps have copied the Mistake.
But a much greater use of it is, that thereby we are assured, that the
City of _Aracta_, wherein _Albatani_ made the Observations we have
Publish'd in the _Philosoph. Transact. Numb._ 204. was, without doubt,
the same which is now called _Racca_ on the _Euphrates_; of which Town
an Account may be seen in _Rauwolf_'s Voyages, and which was not many
Miles below the Place where our Travellers first came on the River:
And if _Arecca_, in the Language of this Country, relates to Victory
(as is said in _pag. 143._) it was, doubtless, anciently the City
_Nicephorion_, built by _Alexander_ the Great; with which the Situation
exactly agrees. The Latitude thereof was observed by that _Albatani_
with great accurateness, about eight hundred Years since; and therefore
I recommended it to all that are curious of such Matters, to endeavour
to get some good Observation made at this Place, to determine the
Height of the Pole there, thereby to decide the Controversie, whether
there hath really been any Change in the Axis of the Earth, in so long
an Interval; which some great Authors of late, have been willing to
suppose. And if any curious Traveller, or Merchant residing there,
would please to observe, with due care, the Phases of the Moons
Eclipses at _Bagdat_, _Aleppo_ and _Alexandria_, thereby to determin
their Longitudes, they could not do the Science of Astronomy a greater
Service: For in and near these Places were made all the Observations
whereby the middle Motions of the Sun and Moon are limited: And I could
then pronounce in what Proportion the Moon's Motion does Accelerate;
which that it does, I think I can demonstrate, and shall (God willing)
one Day, make it appear to the Publick.
* * * * *
The _Philosophical Reader_ is desired to excuse our breaking in upon
the Subject of these Tracts, by intermixing Historical and Philological
Matters, as also our exceeding the Bounds of an Extract: But we hope
the Curiosity of the Subject, joyned to the Desires of the _Royal
Society_, may make an easie Apology suffice. There may be many other
Instructive Remarks made thereon, which still deserve the Consideration
of the Learned, and from such the Publick may yet expect a further
Account.
_A Voyage of the Emperour of _China_ into the Eastern _Tartary_,
Anno. 1682._
The Emperour of _China_ made a Voyage into Eastern _Tartary_, in the
beginning of this Year 1682, after having appeased (by the Death of
three Rebellious Kings) a Revolt, formed in some Provinces of the
Empire: One of those revolted Princes, was Strangled in the Province,
of which he had made himself Master: The second being brought to
_Pekin_ with the Principal Heads of his Faction, was cut in Pieces
in the sight of the whole Court: The most Considerable among the
_Mandarines_, acting with their own hands in this sad Execution, to
Revenge upon this Rebel the Death of their Parents, which he had caused
to be Cruelly Murdered.
The third which was the most Considerable, (and indeed the Chief of all
the Revolt) had by a voluntary Death prevented his deserved Punishment,
and so put an end to a War, which had lasted for Seven Years.
The Peace having been settled, by the Re-establishing in the Empire and
all the Provinces, the Peaceable Enjoyment of their Ancient Liberties:
The Emperour departed the 23_d._ of _March_ to go into the Province of
_Leao-tum_, the Country of his Ancestors, with a Design of visiting
their Sepulchers, and (after having honoured them with the usual
Ceremonies) of prosecuting his Journey into the Eastern _Tartary_: This
Journey was was about 1100 _miles_, from _Pekin_ to the end of it.
The Emperour took with him his eldest Son, a young Prince of ten
years old, which had already been declared Heir of the Empire: The
three principal Queens went also in this Journy, each in their
gilded Chariot; the principal Kings also which compose this Empire,
were accompanying with all the Grandees of the Court: And the most
considerable _Mandarines_ of all the Orders, who having all a very
great Train of Attendants, and very numerous Equipage, made a Court
about the Emperour of more then 70000 Persons.
It was his Will that I should accompany him in this Journey, and that
I should be always near him, to the end I might make in his Presence,
the Observations, necessary for knowing the disposition of the Heavens,
the elevation of the Pole, the Magnetical Declinations of every Place,
and for Measuring with Mathematical Instruments the height of the
Mountains, and the distances of Places: He was well pleased also to
be informed of what concerned Meteors, and many other Physical and
Mathematical Matters.
In so much, that he gave Order to an Officer to carry upon Horses such
Instruments as I should have occasion to make use of, and recommended
me to the Prince his Unkle, who is also his Father in Law, and the
second Person of the State, he is called by a _Chinese_ Name, which
signifies an Associate of the Empire: He gave charge to him to cause
all things to be provided for me which were necessary for this Journey,
which this Prince performed with a very particular goodness, causing me
to Lodge always in his own Tent, and to eat at his Table.
The Emperour ordered that they should give me Horses of his own
Stables, to the End I might the more easily Change in Riding, and
some of those were of them He Himself had Rid, which is a Mark of
very extraordinary distinction. In this Journey we always went toward
the North-east: From _Pekin_ to the Province of _Leao-tum_, the Way
being about 300 Miles is pretty equal: In the Province it self of
_Leao-tum_, it is about 400 Miles, but much more unequal by Reason of
the Mountains; from the Frontier of this Province to the City of _La_,
or the River which the _Tartars_ call _Songoro_, and the _Chinoise_
_Sumhoa_, the way (which is about 400 Miles) is very difficult, being
crossed sometimes by Mountains extreamly Steep, sometimes by Valleys
of extraordinary Depth, and through Desert Plains, wherein for two or
three Days March we met with nothing. The Mountains of this Country are
Covered on the East side with great Oaks and old Forrests, which have
not been cut for some Ages.
All the Country which is beyond the Province of _Leao-tum_ is exceeding
Desert where nothing is to be seen on all sides but Mountains and
Valleys, and Dens of _Bears_, _Tigers_ and other _Devouring_ Beasts,
you can scarce find a House, but only some _poor Reed Huts_, upon the
sides of some Brooks and Streams. All the Cities and _Burrow-towns_
which I have seen in the Province of _Leao-tum_, and which are in very
great Numbers are intirely ruined: One can see nothing thro' the whole
Country, but old ruined Walls with Rubble, Bricks and Stones. In the
out-skirts of these Cities there have been of late some few Houses
built, but without any order. Some of them made of Earth, others of the
Rubbish of the old Buildings, the most part of them covered with Straw
or Thatch, and but few with Tiles. There is now not the least Footsteps
remaining of a great number of Towns and Villages which were here
before the War. Because the petty King of the _Tartars_, who began to
kindle this War having but a very small Army, caused the Inhabitants of
those Places to take Arms, which Places he forthwith destroyed, that he
might take from his Soldiers the hopes of ever returning again to their
own _Homes_.
The Capital City of _Leao-tum_, which is called _Xyn-Yam_, is a City
very fair and pretty intire, it has as yet the Remains of an Antient
_Palace_. It is (for as much as I was able to remark by divers
Observations) of the Latitude of 41 _degrees_ 56 _minutes_; that is to
say, two _degrees_ above _Pekin_, tho' hitherto both the _Europeans_
and the _Chinese_ have given that City the Latitude of 41 _degrees_.
There is in that City no declination of the Magnetick Needle, as I have
found by many reiterated Observations. The City of _Ula_ which was
almost the very Extream of our Journey, lies in 44 _degrees_ and 20
_minutes_. The compass there declines from the South to the West one
_degree_ 40 _minutes_.
But to resume the Prosecution of our Journey, from _Pekin_ to this
Extream towards the East there is made a new Way, by which the Emperour
can commodiously March with his Horse, and the Queens in their
Chariots. This Way is about 10 _foot_ broad, and as even and streight
as could possibly be made; it is extended above 1000 _Miles_, it has a
little Raising on each side of about a Foot high every where equal and
perfectly Parallel to one another; and this Way was as neat, especially
when the Weather was fair, as a Floor where the Husbandmen beat out
their Corn in the Field; there were also certain Persons along this
way, who only took care to Smooth and Cleanse it. The Christians have
no where so great care of Sweeping their Streets and publick Places
where the Holy Sacrament is to pass in the Processions, as these
Infidels have of cleansing the Ways, where their Kings and their Queens
are to pass, every time they go out of their Palaces.
There was made for their Return a way like the former, they plained or
levelled the Mountains as far as they were able, they raised Bridges
over the Rivers, and for ornamenting them, they had extended on each
side of them a sort of Mats upon which they had Painted divers Figures
of Animals, which had the same effect with Tapestry Hangings, with
which the Streets are usually hung in Procession.
The Emperor did very seldom make use of this Way, being almost always
in Hunting: And when he accompanied the Queens he only Rode by the
side of it, to the End that the great number of Horse which were in the
Train that followed should not spoil it: He ordinarily Marched at the
Head of this kind of Army. The Queens followed immediately in their
Chariots, with their Train and their Equipage; they notwithstanding
left some space between the King and themselves: After these Marched
the Kings, the Grandees of the Court and the _Mandarines_, every one
according to his Rank, behind these an infinity of Attendants, and
other People on Horse-back brought up the Rear-guard.
As there was not one City upon all this Way, that could either Lodge
so great a Multitude, or Furnish them with Provisions, and that the
greatest Part of their Journey was through a Country very little
Inhabited, so they were Necessitated to carry along with them all
things that were Necessary for the journey, and even Provisions of
Victuals for three Months.
Upon this Account there were sent before by the Ways which were made
on each side of the Emperors Way, an Infinity of Waggons, Cammels,
Horses, and Mules for to carry the Baggage: Besides these the Emperor,
the Kings and almost all the Grandees of the Court, had great numbers
of Horses led, for the use of changing from time to time. I do not here
reckon the Droves of Beefs, Sheep, and other Cattel, which they were
obliged to have with them. And though this great Multitude of Men,
Horses, and Droves, passed by a way at a good distance from that of
the Emperor, yet it raised so horrible a Dust, that we always seemed to
March in a cloud, and thence found it Difficult to distinguish those
that Marched 15 or 20 Paces from us.
The March was so well regulated, that this Army Incamped every Night
upon the sides of some River or Brook. 'Twas for this Reason that they
caused the Tents and the Baggage necessary for this Incamping to set
out very early in the Morning; and the Quarter-masters upon their first
arrival, Marked the Ground most proper for the placing of the Emperors
Tent, of the Queens, of the Kings, of the Grandees, of the Court, of
the _Mandarines_, each according to his Dignity, and according to the
Dignity he had in the _Chinese_ Militia, which is divided into eight
Orders or into eight Standards.
In the space of three Months we passed about 1000 _Miles_, advancing
towards the North-east, and about as many in our return: In fine, we
arrived at _Kam-Hay_, which is a Fort situated between the South Sea
and the Mountains of the North: It is there where is the beginning
of that so much Celebrated Wall, and which separates the Province of
_Leao-tum_ from that of _Pekely_; from whence it is extended very far
on the side of the North over the tops of the highest Mountains. When
we entred this Province, the Emperor, the Kings, and the Grandees of
the Court, quitted the great Way of which we have hitherto spoken, to
take that of the Mountains of the North, which are extended without
Interruption towards the North-East: There some Days were passed in
Hunting, which was performed in this manner.
The Emperor chose 3000 Men of his Life-guard, Armed with Arrows and
Javelins, and dispersed them some on this side some on that; so that
they possest themselves of a great Circuit about the Mountains, which
they Environed on all Parts, which made a kind of Circle whose Diameter
was at least 3000 _Paces_; then Marching to draw nearer together with
equal Progress and without quitting their Range, what ever Obstacles
they found in the way (the Emperor having joyned with them several of
the Captains, and of the Grandees of the Court, for the better keeping
of their Order) they Reduced this great Circle to another much less,
which had about 300 _Paces_ in the Diameter: So that all the Beasts
which had been stayed within the first, found themselves taken in
this last as in a Net: for that every one setting his Feet upon the
Ground, they Locked themselves together so closely, that they left
no meshing Place for them to make their Escape by. Then they Pursued
them so Vigorously in this little Space, that the poor Creatures tired
with the violence of their Coursing, came and fell down at the Feet of
their Chasers, and suffered themselves to be taken without trouble. I
saw taken in this Manner two or three Hundred Hares in less then one
day, without counting an Infinite of Wolves and Foxes. I have seen
the same thing divers times done in that part of _Tartary_, which is
on the other side of the Province of _Leao-tum_, where I remember to
have seen, among others, more than 1000 Deer so pent up by these sort
of Nets, which came to cast themselves into the Hands of the Hunters,
having found no passage to save themselves by: they kill'd also Bears,
Boars, and more than 60 Tigers, but these are taken by other means, and
with other Weapons.
The Emperor will'd that I should be present at all these different
Huntings, and he recommended to his Father in Law, in a most obliging
Manner the having a particular care of me, and of giving charge that I
should not be exposed to any danger in the Hunting of the Tigers, and
the other fierce Beasts; I was the only Person of all the _Mandarines_
who was without Arms, and so near to the Emperor; though I made Light
of the Fatigue during the time we were in our Journey, I found my self
so wearied every Evening when I got to my Tent, that I was not able to
support my Self; and I should have dispensed with my self divers times
from following the Emperor, if my Friends had not counsel'd me to the
contrary, and if I had not fear'd that he would have taken it ill if he
should have perceived it.
After having passed about 400 Miles in Hunting daily after this manner,
we arrived at last at _Xyn-Yam_, the Capital City of the Province,
where we stayed four Days.
The Inhabitants of _Coree_ came to present to the Emperor a _Sea-Calf_
which they had taken, the Emperor caused me to see it, and asked
whither our _European_ Books had spoken any thing of this Fish? I told
him we had a Book in our Library at _Pekin_ which had explain'd the
Nature of it, and dispatched presently a Courrier to our Fathers at
_Pekin_, who brought it me in a few Days: The Emperor was pleased to
see that what was said of this Fish in this Book, was agreeable to this
which he had seen, and caused it to be carried back again to _Pekin_ to
be carefully preserved.
During the stay which we made in this City, the Emperor with the Queens
went to visit the Sepulchers of his Ancestors, which are not very far
distant, from whence he sent them back to _Xyn-Yam_, to continue his
own Journey into the Eastern _Tartary_.
After several Days of Marching and Hunting, he arrived at _Kirin_,
which is distant from _Xyn-Yam_ 400 Miles: This City is built along
the great River _Songoro_ which takes its source from the Mountain
_Cham-pe_, distant 400 Miles towards the South: This Mountain so
Famous in the East for having been the Antient Seat of our _Tartars_,
is always covered with Snow, from whence it had its Name, because
_Cham-pe_ signifies the white Mountain.
So soon as the Emperor saw it, he alighted from his Horse and fell
on his Knees on the Bank of the River, and bowed Himself three times
to the Ground to Salute it: After which, he caused himself to be
carried upon a glorious Throne of Gold, and so made his Entry into
the City: All the People ran in a throng before him, testifying by
their Acclamations the Joy they had to see him. This Prince took great
Pleasure in those Testimonies of their Affection; and that he might
give them some Marks of his being very sensible of it, he was pleased
to suffer himself to be seen by all, and forbid his Guards to hinder
the People from approaching him, as they used to do at _Pekin_.
They make in this City Barks of a very particular manner: The
Inhabitants keep always a great number of them ready fitted to Repulse
the _Muscovites_, who come often into this River, to dispute the
Fishing of Pearls. The Emperor reposed himself two Days, after which he
Descended upon the River with some Lords, accompanied with more than
100 Boats, till he arrived at the City of _Ula_, which is the fairest
of all this Country, and which at other times hath been the Seat of the
Empire of the _Tartars_.
A little below this City, which is at most about 32 _Miles_ from
_Kirin_, the River is very full of a certain Fish which resemble near
enough the Plaice of _Europe_: and 'twas principally for the taking the
Divertisement of Fishing, that the Emperor went to _Ula_; but the Rains
coming on so suddainly, swelled the River so much, that all their Nets
were broken and carried away, by the great Flood of those Land Waters:
The Emperor notwithstanding stayed 5 or 6 Days at _Ula_; but seeing
the Rains were not at all discontinued, he was obliged to come back to
_Kirin_, without having enjoyed the Pleasure of Fishing: as we ascended
the River, the Bark wherein I was with the Emperors Father in Law, was
so indamaged by the agitation of the Waves, that we were constrained to
go a Shore, and mount a Chariot drawn by one Ox, which carried us very
slowly to _Kirin_, the Rains not at all ceasing during our Journy.
In the Evening when the Emperor was entertained upon all these
Adventures, he said Laughing, _the Fish have cheated us_; at length,
after we had stayed two Days at _Kirin_, the Rains began to diminish,
and we retook our Way towards _Leao-tum_. I cannot here express the
Pains and Fatigues these had caused us to undergo, during the whole
Course of this Journy, by Reason of the Ways which the Rains had
Spoiled, and rendred almost impassable: we went without staying over
the Mountains and over the Vallies, and we could not pass but with
extream Danger, the Brooks and Rivers which were swelled by the Floods
and Inundations which ran from all Parts: the Bridges were either
overturned by the Violence of the Currents, or all covered by the great
overflowing of the Waters. There were made in divers Places great
Collections of Water, and of Mud, that it was almost impossible to be
drawn out of it. The Horses, Cammels, and other Beasts of Burthen,
which carried the Baggage could not advance, but remained sticking
in the Mud of the Marshes, or died of tiring upon the Ways. The Men
were not at all less incommoded, and all were enfeebled for want of
Victuals, and of Refreshments necessary for so great a Journy: Many of
the Horsemen were obliged, either to lead their Horses on Foot, who
were no longer able to carry them, or to rest in the middle of the
Fields to suffer them to take Breath: And though the Quarter-masters
and the Harbingers, spared not their Pains, nor for Wood (which they
cut on all sides) to fill with Faggots all the bad Passages: Yet
notwithstanding after the Horses and Chariots, which took the Van early
in the Morning had quite passed, it was impossible to pass after them:
The Emperor himself, with his Son, and all the great Lords of the
Court, were obliged more than once, to Foot it over the Mud and the
Marshes, fearing to expose themselves to greater danger, if they should
have passed them on Horse-back.
When they came to Bridges, or those other obstructions all the Army
stayed: And as soon as the Emperor was passed, with some of the most
considerable Persons, all the rest came together in a Throng, and every
one striving to pass first, many were tumbled over into the Water:
Others taking Ways more about, found them more dangerous, falling into
Sloughs and Bogs, out of which they could not Recover themselves. In
fine, there were so many Inconveniencies to be met with, in all the
Ways of Eastern _Tartary_, that the old Officers who had followed the
Court above 30 _Years_, said they had never suffered so much in any
Journy.
It was on those Occasions, that the Emperor more than once, gave me the
Marks of a Respect altogether particular: the first Day that we put
our Selves in the way for returning, we were stay'd in the Evening,
by a Torrent so great and rapid, that 'twas impossible to Ford it:
The Emperor having by chance found a little Boat, which could not
hold above 4 Persons at most, passed first with his Sons, and some
of the Principal Kings followed: All the other Princes, Lords, and
_Mandarines_, which the rest of the Army attended, (in the mean while)
with Impatience the return of the Boat, to carry them to the other side
of the Torrent, because the Night approached, and the Tents had long
before passed: But the Emperor being come back to us in such another
Boat as the former, demanded aloud where I was? and his Father in Law
having presented me to him, he added, let him come in and Cross over
with us: So we were the only Persons that passed with the Emperor;
and all the rest stayed on the Bank, where they must pass the Night
_under the open Heaven_: The same thing happened the next Day almost
in the same manner. The Emperor at Noon meeting with a like rapid and
swelled Torrent, gave order that the Boats should be made use of for
Transporting the Tents, Packs, and other Baggage till the Evening;
then willed that I should pass alone with him and some few of his
Attendants, having left on the other side all the great Lords, who
were necessitated to pass the Night there. The Emperor's Father in Law
himself, having asked if he should not pass with me, since I Lodged in
his Tent and eat at his Table? this Prince answered him, that he should
stay, and he himself would take Order to give me what was necessary.
After we had past, the Emperor sitting on the Bank-side, made me sit by
him, with the two Sons of the two petty Western Kings, and the first
_Colao_ of _Tartary_, whom he distinguished on all Occasions.
As the Night was Fair, and the Heavens very Clear; he willed me to Name
in the _Chinese_ and _European_ Languages, all the Constellations that
then appeared above the Horizon, and he himself first named all those
he already knew; then unfolding a small Map of the Heavens, which I
had some Years since presented him, he put himself upon inquiring the
Hour of the Night, by the Stars in the Meridian: Pleasing himself to
shew to all the Knowledge he had acquired in these Sciences. All the
Marks of his Favours which he so often gave me, even to the sending me
to Eat from his own Table, these Marks I say were so Publick, and so
Extraordinary; that the two Unkles of the Emperor, who bore the Titles
of Associates of the Empire, being on their Return to _Pekin_, said
that when the Emperor had some Regret or appeared somewhat Sad, he
would Resume his ordinary Gaiety upon the sight of me.
I arrived at _Pekin_ in perfect Health the 9_th_ day of _June_ very
late, though divers were detained in the Way by Distempers, or were
returned from their Journy, Hurt and Lamed.
I say nothing of what we did for Religion in this Journy, having
reserved that for a particular Relation, by which it will appear, that
by the Grace of our Lord, the Favours we received at the Court of
_China_, produced considerable Fruits for the Church, and did not take
away the Cross from the Missionaries.
I shall here add the _Tartarean_ Names, and the distance of every Place
through which we passed in the Eastern _Tartary_, from the Capital of
the Province of _Leao-tum_ even to _Kirin_, according to the order
of Days which we Spent in this Progress. A _Topographic Chart_ may
be made and inserted into the Map of the Province of _Leao-tum_, to
be found in the Atlas of Father _Martin Martinius_, by changing only
the _Latitudes_ according to the Heights of the _Pole_, which we have
before Specified.
I shall add one thing more which I Understood from the Inhabitants of
_Ula_, to wit that _Nincrita_ (which is a Place much Renowned in those
Parts) is distant from _Ula_ 700 _Chinese Stadia_ (each of which is
360 _Geometrical Paces_) and that Embarking at _Nincrita_ upon the
great River _Heleum_, into which the _Songoro_, and some other more
considerable Rivers are discharged, and following the course of the
River, which runs towards the North-East, or somewhat more to the
North, they arrive in 40 Days Journy at the Eastern Sea, which is (as I
believe) the Streight of _Anien_: I was told this by the General of the
Militia which is at _Kirin_; and who had performed this Voyage himself.
_The Distances of the Places, thro' which we passed in the Eastern
_Tartary_._
The first Day we passed from _Xyn-Yam_,
the Capital of the Province of _Leao-tum_,
and we arrived at _Seao-Lysto_, so the Place is
called in the _Chinese_ Language. 95. _stadia_.
The 2_d._ day we arrived at _Cha-cay Angha_. 85. _stadia_.
The 3_d._ day at another Torrent of the same Name. 70. _stadia_.
The 4_th._ at _Kiaghuchen_. 50. _stadia_.
The 5_th._ at _Feyteri_. 80. _stadia_.
The 6_th._ at the Torrent of _Seipery_. 60. _stadia_.
The 7_th._ at the Torrent of _Ciam_. 60. _stadia_.
The 8_th._ at _Courou_. 50. _stadia_.
The 9_th._ at the Burrow of _Sape_. 40. _stadia_.
The 10_th._ at _Quaranny Pira_. 40. _stadia_.
The 11_th._ at _Elten eme Ambayaga_. 70. _stadia_.
The 12_th._ at _Ypatan_. 58. _stadia_.
The 13_th._ at _Suayen ny Pyra_. 60. _stadia_.
The 14_th._ at _Ylmen_. 70. _stadia_.
The 15_th._ at _Seuten_. 70. _stadia_.
The 16_th._ the City of _Kirin_. 70. _stadia_.
------
1028.
All this Course being 1028 _Chinese_ Stadia, contains 369 Miles (each)
of 1000 Geometrical Paces; the _Chinese_ Stadium containing as I
mentioned before 360 Geometrical Paces.
_A Voyage of the Emperor of _China_, into the Western _Tartary_, in
the Year, 1683._
The Emperor this Year, which is the 30_th._ of his Age, made a Voyage
into the Western _Tartary_, together with the Queen his Grand-mother,
which they call the Queen _Mother_; he departed the 16_th._ of _July_,
in the Company of more than 60000 Men, and 100000 Horse. He positively
resolved, that I, with one of the two Fathers that were at the Court of
_Pekin_, the Choice of which he left to me, should follow him, I chose
Father _Philip Grimaldi_; because he is the most known, and because he
perfectly understood the _Mathematicks_.
Several Reasons prevailed with the Emperor to Enterprize this Journy.
The first was, that he might keep his Militia during the Peace as well
as in the Wars, in continual Exercise; and for this Reason it was,
that after he had Establish'd a firm Peace in all the Quarters of this
so vast an Empire; he recalled his best Troops hither out of every
Province, and resolved in his Council to make every Year Expeditions of
this kind, in several Seasons, that by hunting of Deer, Boars, Bears,
and Tigers, they might learn to overcome the Enemies of the Empire, or
at least to prevent the cooling of their Courage, or the degenerating
from their Pristine Valour, by the Luxury of _China_, in a too long
Repose.
In effect these kinds of Hunting had more of the shew of a Military
Expedition, than of one for Divertisement, as I have already noted:
The Emperor took in his Train, 100000 Horse, and above 60000 Men, all
armed with Arrows and Cimiters, divided into Companies and Marching in
Battle-Array after their Colours, with the sound of Drums and Trumpets:
During their Hunting, they intirely invested the Mountains and
Forrests, as if they had been Cities which they design'd to Beleaguer;
following in this the manner of Hunting used by the Eastern _Tartars_,
of which I have spoken in my last Letter. This Army had its Van-guard
and Rear-guard, and its Main Body, its Right Wing and Left Wing, was
commanded by so many Generals and petty Kings. There were spent more
then Seventy Days before they were on their March, in bringing together
all the Ammunitions of the Army upon the Waggons, upon the Camels,
upon the Horses, and upon the Mules, by reason of the Incommodious
Ways. For in all the Western _Tartary_ (I call it Western) not with
Relation to _China_, which lieth in Respect of it Westward it self,
but with respect of the Eastern _Tartary_ there is nothing to be found
but Mountains, Rocks, and Vallies; there are neither Cities, Towns
nor Villages, nor so much as any Houses. The Inhabitants Lodge under
Tents, pitched on all sides in the open Fields. They are for the most
part Graziers, and transport their Tents from one Vally to another,
according as the Pastures are better. There they Pasture their Beefs,
their Horses, and their Camels, they breed no Hogs, nor any of those
other Animals, which elsewhere are fed in the Villages, as Poultry and
Geese. But only of such as the Herbs, which an uncultivated Land doth
Naturally produce, will serve to sustain. They pass their Life either
in Hunting, or doing nothing. And as they neither sow nor cultivate the
Earth, so they make no Harvest. They Live upon Milk, Cheese, and Flesh,
and have a sort of Wine, not much unlike our Aqua-vitæ; with which they
make their Feasts, and are often Drunk. In short they care for nought
from Morning to Night, but to Drink and Eat; like the Beasts, and
Droves which they Feed.
They are not without their Priests, which they call _Lamas_, for whom
they have a singular Veneration, in which they differ from the Oriental
_Tartars_; the most part of whom have no Religion, nor do they believe
any God. For the rest both of the one and the other are Slaves, and
wholly depend upon the will of their Masters, whose Religion and
Manners they blindly follow: Like in this to their Droves, who go where
they are lead, and not where they ought to go.
This part of _Tartary_, lies without the prodigious Wall of _China_
about 1000 _Chinese Stadia_, that is to say more than 300 _European_
Miles, and extends from the North-east towards the North.
The Emperor Rides on Horse-back, in the Head of his Army through these
Desert Places, and these Steep Mountains, and far from great Roads,
exposed all the Day to the Scorchings of the Sun, to the Rains, and to
all the Injuries of the Air. Many of those which had been in the last
War, assured me, that they had not suffered so much during all that as
during this Hunting. In so much that the Emperor, whose principal Aim
it was to give his Forces a Breathing, performed effectually what he
pretended.
The second Reason he had of undertaking this Journy, was that he might
keep the Western _Tartars_ in their Duty, and to prevent any pernitious
Designs that might be formed against the States.
It was for this that he entred their Country with so great an Army, and
with so great Preparations for War. Having carried along several great
Guns, that he might cause them to be Discharged from time to time into
the Vallies, and by the Noise and Fire which issued out of the Mouths
of those Dragons, which served to Ornament them, he might cast a Dread
upon the Rout.
Besides this great Retinue, he would yet be accompanied with all the
Marks of Grander, with which he was environed at the Court at _Pekin_.
To wit, with a Multitude of Drums, Trumpets, Timbals, and other Musical
Instruments, which formed Consorts During his sitting at Table, when
he entred the Palace, or when he went out. He caused all these to
March with him, that he might by this outward Pomp Astonish these
_Barbarous_ People, to strike them with a Fear and Respect of his
Imperial Majesty.
For the Empire of _China_ never had any Enemies more to be feared
than these Western _Tartars_; which beginning on the East of _China_
encompass it with an almost infinite of People, and keep it as it were
continually beleaguered on the North and West sides thereof; and 'twas
to make a Bulwork against their Incursions, that a _Chinese_ Emperor
in antient Times caused this great Wall to be Built, which separates
_China_ from their Country. I have passed it four times, and have
considered it very attentively. And I can say without Hyperbolizing,
that all the seven Wonders of the World put together, are not
comparable to this Work. And all that Fame has spread concerning it
among the _Europeans_, is far short of what I my self have seen.
Two things have more especially caused my Admiration. The first is,
that in this long extent from the East to the West, it passes in
several places not only through vast Champains, but also above the
tops of exceeding high Mountains, upon which it is raised by little
and little, and fortify'd at certain Intervals with great Towers;
not distant the one from the other more than two flight Shot. At our
return I had the Curiosity to measure the height of it in one place
by means of an Instrument, and I found that it was in that Place 1037
Geometrical Feet above the Horison; in such sort that 'tis hard to
comprehend how 'twas possible to elevate this enormous Bulwork to the
height we saw it, in places dry and full of Mountains, whence they
must be obliged to bring from a great distance with incredible Labour,
the Water, Brick, Mortar, and all the Materials necessary for so great
a Work.
The second thing that surprized me was, that this Wall is not continued
upon the same Line, but bent in divers places following the situation
of the Mountains, in such manner, that instead of one Wall, one may say
that there are three, which Environ all this great part of _China_.
After all, The Monarch which in our Days hath re-united the _Chinese_
and the _Tartars_, under one and the same Government, has done some
things more for the advantage of the security of _China_, than the
_Chinese_ Emperor that built the long Wall. For after having reduced
the Western _Tartars_, partly by Artifice, partly by force of Arms: He
has obliged to go and remain at 300 Miles distance from the Wall of
_China_; and in this Place he distributes to them Land and Pastures,
whilst he has given their Country to other _Tartars_, his Subjects
which have their Habitation there at present: Notwithstanding which,
these Western _Tartars_ are so powerful, that if they should agree
together, they might make themselves Masters of all _China_, and of the
Eastern _Tartary_, even in the Face of the Oriental _Tartars_.
I have said, that the _Tartarian_ Monarch that conquered _China_,
used an expedient for subduing the Western _Tartars_. For one of his
first Cares was to engage to his Interest by his Royal Bounties, and
by demonstration of a Singular Affection, the _Lamas_ (or _Priests_)
these Men having a great Repute about all those of their Nation, easily
perswaded them to submit to the Government of so great a Prince; and
'tis in consideration of this Service done to the Estate, that the
present Emperor looks upon these _Lamas_ with a favourable Eye, that
he bestows Presents on them; and that he makes use of them to keep the
_Tartars_ in the Obedience which they owe him: Tho' at the bottom he
hath nothing but Dis-esteem for their Persons, and looks upon them as
a sort of Ignorant Fellows, which have not the least Tincture of the
Sciences or commendable Arts, in which without doubt this Prince shews
a Wise Policy, in so disguising his true Sentiments, by these exterior
Marks of Esteem and Good-will.
He has divided this vastly extended Country into 48 Provinces, who have
submitted and are Tributary to him. From whence it comes to pass, that
the Emperor that Reigns at present in _China_, and in the one and the
other _Tartary_, may justly be called the greatest and most powerful
Monarch of _Asia_, having so many vast Estates under him, without being
any where interrupted by the Territory of any Foreign Prince, and he
alone being as the Soul which gives motion to all the Members of so
vast a Body.
For after he had charged himself with the Government, he did not at all
intrust the Care to any of the _Colaos_, nor to any of the great Men of
his Court. He has not at all suffered, that the Eunuchs of the Palace,
or any of his Pages, or any of the young Lords that have been raised by
him, should dispose of the least thing in his House, or should regulate
any thing of themselves: Which appears very extraordinary; especially
if we examin what Customs his Predecessors were wont to use.
He chastises with wonderful Equity the great Ones as well as the
Inferiors; he deprives them of their Charges, and makes them descend
from the Rank they held, proportioning always the Penalty to the
heinousness of their Fault. He takes Cognisance of the Affairs which
are transacted in the Royal Counsel, and in the other Tribunals,
even to the causing them to render to him an exact account of the
Judgments there given. In one Word, he of himself Disposes and Orders
all things; and 'tis by reason of the absolute Authority which he hath
thus acquired, that the greatest Lords of the Court, and Persons of the
highest Quality in the Empire; even the Princes of the Blood, never
appear in his Presence, but with a profound Respect.
But to what remains, the _Lamas_ or _Tartarian_ Priests, of whom we
have spoken, are not only respected by the People, but also by the
Lords and Princes of their Nation, who for Politick Ends testifie
to them a great deal of Friendship: This makes us fear that the
Christian Religion, will not find so easie an entrance into the Western
_Tartary_. They are also very powerful upon the Mind of the Queen
Mother, who is of their Country, and who is at present Threescore and
Ten Years Old; they are wont to tell her, that the Sect (of which she
makes Profession) has no more declared Enemies than us. And 'tis a
kind of Miracle, or at least an extraordinary Protection of God, that
notwithstanding this, the Emperor, who has very much regard and respect
for her, has not hitherto ceased to heap on us Graces and Honours,
considering us after another manner than the _Lamas_.
During the Journey, as the Princes and the chief Officers of the Army
went oftentimes to the Queen to attend at her Court; and that we also
were advertised to do so likewise: We were willing first to consult a
Person of the Court, who loved us very much, and who spake for us to
the Emperor in our Affairs. This Lord having enter'd the Princes Tent,
told him what had passed, and presently coming out again: _The Emperor_
(said he to us) _has given me to understand, that 'tis not at all
necessary for you to attend the Queen as others do_; which made us to
apprehend enough, that this Princess did not favour us.
The 3d Reason which the Emperor had for making this Journey, was for
his Health: because he knew by his Experience long enough, that when he
is too long at _Pekin_ without going Abroad, he cannot avoid his being
attacked by several Distempers, which he prevents by means of these
long Progresses. For during the whole time he never sees any Woman; and
that which is more surprizing, there appears not any one in all this
great Army, except those which are of the Retinue of the Queen Mother:
'Tis yet also a Novelty that she has accompanyed the King this Year, it
having not been practiced above once, when he took with him the three
Queens as far as the Capital City of the Province of _Leao-tum_, to
visit the Sepulchers of their Ancestors.
The Emperor and the Queen Mother pretend moreover by this Journey, to
avoid the excessive Heats which are in _Pekin_, in the Summer during
the Dog-days. For in this part of _Tartary_, there reigns during the
Months of _July_ and _August_ so cold a Wind, especially in the Night,
that 'tis necessary to put on thick Cloths and Furs. The Reason that
may be assigned for this so extraordinary Cold, is that this Region is
very much elevated and full of Mountains: There is one among the rest,
upon which we continually ascended, for the space of 5 or 6 Days March.
The Emperor being desirous to know how much it surmounted the Plains of
_Pekin_, distant about 300 Miles; at our return (after having measured
the height of above a hundred Mountains that lay in our Road) we found
that it had 3000 Geometrical Pace of Elevation, above the Sea that
nearest approached _Pekin_.
The Salt Peter also with which these Countries abound, may contribute
to this great Cold, which is so violent, that in digging the Earth to
three or four Foot deep, there are fetched out Clods all frozen, and
pieces of Ice.
Divers of the Petty Kings of the Western _Tartary_, came from all sides
for 300 Miles, and some for 500 Miles, together with their Children,
to salute the Emperor. These Princes, who for the most part know none
but by their own natural Language, which is very different from that of
the Eastern _Tartary_: Took regard of us, with Aspects and Gestures of
a goodness very particular. There were some among them, who had made a
Journey to _Pekin_ to see the Court, and who had seen our Church.
One or two Days before we arrived at the Mountain which was the
boundary of our Journey, we met a Petty King very aged, who returned
from accompanying the Emperor, he seeing us stayed with all his
Retinue, and enquired by his Interpreter, which of us was called
_Nauboaij_; one of our Servants having made a sign that it was I, this
Prince accosted me with a great deal of Civility, and told me that for
a long time he had known my Name, and that he had desired to know me.
He spoke also to Father _Grimaldi_, with the same marks of Affection.
The favourable Entertainment he gave us in this Re-encounter, gave some
Reason to hope that our Religion might find an easie Entrance to those
Princes, particularly if care be taken to insinuate into the Minds of
those Princes, by the means of the Mathematicks: Which if there should
at any time be a design to penetrate into their Country, the most sure
way for divers Reasons, (which I have not the leisure to explain here)
will be to begin the entrance with the other _Tartars_ more remote,
which are not all Subjects of this Empire, from whom we may pass on to
these, advancing by little and little towards _China_.
During the whole Journey, the Emperor has continued to give us singular
Tokens of his good Will, shewing us Favours in the sight of his Army,
which he shewed to none besides.
One time meeting us in a great Valley, where we were measuring the
height and the distance of some Mountains, he made a stay with the
whole Court; and calling to us from a great distance, he demanded of
us in the _Chinese_ Language, _Hao-mo?_ that is to say, are you well
in Health? And then asked us several Questions in the _Tartarian_
Language, concerning the heighth of these Mountains, to which I
answered also in the same Language; after which, turning to the Lords
that were about him, he discoursed with them concerning us in very
obliging Expressions, as I learned the same Night from the Prince his
Unkle, who was then by his side.
He testifyed also his Affection to us, by causing often Meat to be
carry'd to our Tents from his own Table, willing also that on some
Occasions we should eat in his; and every time he did us this Honour,
he had a regard to our Days of Abstinence, and of Fasting, sending us
only such Meats as we could use.
The eldest Son of the Emperor, after the Example of his Father, gave us
marks also of his Bounty, for having been constrained to stay more than
10 Days, by reason of a fall from his Horse, by which he was hurt in
his right Shoulder; and one part of the Army in which we were, having
attended, whilst the Emperor with the other, continued his Hunting,
he was not wanting in sending to us daily, and sometimes twice a Day,
during this space, Food from his own Table. In fine, we look'd on all
these Favours of the Royal Family, as the effects of a particular
Providence which watched over us, and over Christianity, for which we
had so much the more occasion to thank God, for that the affection
of the Emperor, was never so constantly shewn to the Grandees of the
Empire, nor to the Princes of the Blood.
As to what relates to the other particularities of our Journey, they
are like to those which happened to us the last Year, in the Journey to
the Eastern _Tartary_, which I have fully described in my last Letter;
that is to say, that we made use of the Emperor's Horses, and of his
Litters, that we lodged in the Tents, and eat at the Table of the
Prince his Unkle, to whom he had particularly recommended us.
During more than 600 Miles, which we had passed in going and returning
(for we did not return by the same Road) he caused to be made a great
High-way cross the Mountains and the Vallies, for the Queen Mother, who
went in a Chariot; he caused also an infinite number of Bridges to be
made over the Torrents, as also the Rocks to be cut, and the Points of
the Mountains, with incredible Pains and Expences: Father _Grimaldi_
shall describe the other particulars in his Letters.
As to the benefit which the Religion may draw from our Journey, I have
spoken elsewhere; it sufficeth to say that the Emperor, to whose Will
we cannot make the least resistance, without exposing all this Mission
to a manifest Danger, has order'd us to follow him. I ceased not
however to speak twice to that Lord of the Court, who is our particular
Friend, to excuse us for the time to come from these long Journeys, and
especially me, _who am not of an Age fit for it_: I tried to obtain at
least that they would be contented to take only one of us; the Letters
of our Fathers were daily brought us during the Journey, and I had
the convenience of writing to them, by means of the Couriers which
continually went to and came from the Royal City: I write all this in
haste, that I may continue to give you an account of our Affairs.
_An Explanation, necessary to justify the _Geography_ supposed in
these Letters._
It may seem wonderful, that the Author of these Letters makes mention
in his former, of a kind of War between the _Oriental Tartars_ and the
_Muscovites_, notwithstanding the extream distance these People appear
to be from one another in our Geographical Charts; but those who know
how much the _Muscovites_ have extended the Bounds of the Empire along
the _Tartarian_ Sea, will judge the thing less difficult, besides those
who have seen these Countries, have made Discoveries much differing
from those which our Geographers have informed us of hitherto. Very
lately _Monsieur D'Arcy_, who commands one of the King's Ships, in the
Fleet of _Monsieur Le Marescal d'Estrees_, informed us, that having
served in _Poland_, and having been made Governor of a Place towards
_Moscovy_, the _Moscovite_ Ambassadors in their return having pass'd by
him, and being by him treated in such a manner as put them into a very
good Humour; one of them shewed him a Chart of the Countries between
_Moscovy_ and _China_: and told him, that from three Cities which he
shewed him, whose Names were _Lopsla_, _Abasinko_, _Nerginsko_, all
three under the Government of the great Dukes, tho' situated in the
great _Tartary_, there was a way to _Pekin_, which was not more than
25 or 30 Days Journey. This Map it seems must be kept very secret in
_Moscovy_: For the next Day the _Moscovite_ was in despair, for having
given it, saying that if it should be known, he should come to great
Damage. The Officer being come back since into _France_, has given a
Copy to the King, and another to _Monsieur Le Marquis de Signelay_.
To confirm this, it may be added, what a _French_ Man has writ from
_Moscovy_ within this two Months, that they are actually raising Troops
to go to War with the _Chinese_.
_Some Observations and Conjectures concerning the _Chinese_
Characters. Made by _R. H._ R. S. S._
Whether there ever were any Language natural, I dispute not: But
that there have been, are, and may be, artificial Languages 'tis not
difficult to prove. The _Chinese_ Court Language is said to be of
this kind, invented and spoken by the _Literati_ and _Mandarines_
throughout the whole Empire of _China_, differing from all the other
Languages spoken in it, and I conjecture it to be nothing else but
the Names of the Character by which they write and express their
meaning, arbitrarily imposed by them, as we in _Europe_ set names to
Arithmetical Figures, not as we pronounce Words written with a litteral
Character. This I Judge by comparing the Characters with the Names,
Monosyllables or Words they pronounce and read them with. Nor do they
ascend above a Monosyllabical Name, tho' the Character be composed
of many single Characters, each of which hath its proper Sense, and
Monosyllabical Name, and though the meaning of each Character, be an
ingredient in the Notion of that compounded Character.
I might give an Instance also in the Artificial Language Invented by
the Late Reverend Bishop of _Chester_ Dr. _Wilkins_, which in all the
accomplishments of Language doth excel any one yet extant; to which is
also annexed a real Character, Legible into that or any other Language
Spoken. By which Language the Character and every additional Mark
is effable, and yet the Character is not Literal but Real, which is
more curious and useful than the _Chinese_ way. Great pity it is that
Discourse is not published in Latin, that the Learned of _Europe_, may
think of further Improving it, and bringing it to Use.
But whatever we may judge of Language, 'tis past dispute that
Writing was ever Artificial, how Antiently so ever it were in Use,
and was the Invention of some thinking and Studious Men. 'Tis also
evident that there have been various ways thought of for Expressing
Significancy, according to the several _Genii_ of the Persons that were
the Inventors. As may be guessed by the _Ægyptian_ Hieroglyphicks,
the _Chinese_ Characters, the _Mexican_ Chronology, and the Literal
Characters of several Nations, each of which seem to proceed upon
differing methods, and from differing thoughts of Invention.
Which of these ways is the most Antient, is hard to prove. The
_Ægyptian Mummies_ and _Obelesks_ prove a great Antiquity of the
Hieroglyphicks, but yet the _Chinese_ Chronology (if to be credited)
outstrips the _Ægyptian_ in pretence to Antiquity. For the _Chinese_
make _Fohi_, the first King of _China_, to be the inventer of their
Character: And account him to have lived 2950 Years before the time
of Christ, during all which time they pretend to have a certain
and written Account in their Books: But their Account of the times
preceding, they esteem more Hypothetical and Fabulous; depending
chiefly upon Fiction and Oral Tradition: As you will easily believe,
when you understand how many Years they make it since the Creation of
the World to the present Year 1686. which by the Account thereof in Mr.
_Graves_'s Translation of _Vulg. Beig._ will be found to be no less
than eighty eight millions six hundred and forty thousand one hundred
and two Solar Years, there having been run out since the Creation 8864
_Ven._ of Years (every _Ven._ containing ten thousand such Years) and
of the present _Ven._ this Year 1686. is the 102d. Which Account is
abundantly more extravagant than the _Ægyptian_: But this need not
invalidate their History since _Fohi_; by which it appears that their
Character was invented before the time of _Moses_ about 1400 Years,
and even before _Menes_ the first King of _Ægypt_ about 500 Years. So
that the _Chinese_ Invention of Writing or Characters, seems to be the
most ancient of that kind. And the Book _Yekim_ said to be written by
_Fohi_, the most antient Book.
These Accounts made me the more desirous to understand somewhat of
the Reality and Truth, of what is related concerning the Knowledge of
Literature and manual Arts, which these People of _China_ are said to
have possessed so long a time in so great Perfection, and without
Alteration from the primitive Institution, especially upon the Account
of their Art of Printing, which gave a hint to the Inventors of that
admirable and most useful of all Inventions (for the Common Wealth of
Learning) the way of Printing here in _Europe_. For _Paulus Jovius_
affirms that the first occasion of that Invention in _Germany_, was a
_German_ Merchant, who returning out of _China_ into his own Country,
related what he had observed concerning the Practice of it as used in
that Country. And tho' the _Chinese_ way be wholly differing as to
the method of composing, from what was invented and perfected here:
Yet such an intimation was enough to an ingenious Artist to improve
the first Contrivance, and make it more accomodate to the literal way
of Writing with us: And as our way may possibly be now brought to the
greatest Perfection for exactness and expedition, so without doubt
must be their way of Printing any thing just as it is written, since I
find, that they can engrave their Stamps for a Sheet, as soon as one of
our Compositers can set and correct a Sheet of our literal Character,
and when so done, one Man alone will print off 1500 Sheets in one Day.
And though 'tis generally believed to be much the same with our Wooden
Cuts for Printing, yet from some Observations I have made, I believe
it to be much another way; of which I shall hereafter say more when I
describe their other Arts of Pottery, Staining, Varnishing, _&c._
By a _Chinese_ Manuscript, out of which I transcribed the Lord's Prayer
in the Year 1666 (when it was lost) I found that the Pronunciations
had no affinity with the stroaks of the Character. Whence I conceived
it was either a numeral Character consisting of Numbers, or else a
real Character, but not a literal, unless it were a literal Character
of some other Language than that by which it was pronounced, whose
pronunciation is lost though the significancy be retained, as if one
should read what is written in _Hebrew_ בראשיהברא into the _Latin_ or
_Roman_ Language, _In Principio Cræavit_ instead of _Brasit bra_, or
_Beresith Bara_ according to the _Masorethæ_.
Since that time I procured from _China_, a Dictionary of the Court
Language, (as I found it written upon by the Person that sent it me
from thence) but this whole Book (which I found was Printed) consisted
only of the _Chinese_ Characters without any Interpretation, or
Pronunciation; however by the help of the Pictures of that, and a
_Chinese_ Almanack, I quickly found out their Characters for Numbers,
and their way of Numeration, together with the Figure and Use of
their _Abacus_ or counting Board, for performing the Operations of
_Arithmetick_, which I find pretty near to agree with that of the
antient _Romans_ (a Description and Picture of which is given by
_Ursinus_, _Pignorius_ and _Velserus_) save only, that, instead of
Pins and sliding Groves of the _Roman_, the _Chinese Abacus_ hath
Strings or Wires and Beads, to slide upon them; and that, instead of
four Pins for Digits or Units, the _Chinese_ hath five Beads: So that
it may seem to argue that the _Chinese Abacus_ was designed for a
_Duodecimal_ Progression: Whereas that of the _Romans_ was design'd for
the _Decimal_.
One thing is remarkable in the _Chinese_, that I find the _Abacus_ to
lie Horizontal, and their first place to be that next the left Hand,
which I judge was also the first in their old way of reading, much
the same with ours, though their other Characters are erected (as I
shall by and by shew) from the posture of Writing and Reading, which
I conjecture they did at first make use of; and what does yet further
agree with this conjecture, is remarkable in the newly mentioned
Treatise of _Vulg. Beig._ That whereas the way of Writing and Reading
used by the _Arabs_, was from the right to the left, the first place or
the place of Units in their Numeration, was that next the right Hand;
and so came first to be read: As did that of _China_, who as I conceive
read the contrary way, from the left to the right.
It appears therefore by this Remark that we received this way of
expressing Numbers from the _Arabians_, for that we keep the same
posture or position of places with them, tho' our progression in
Writing and Reading be the contrary way. And though we now read them
also in the order they are set, twenty one, twenty two, thirty six,
forty eight, _&c._ yet we retain also the other way of Pronouncing,
_viz._ one and twenty, two and twenty, six and thirty, eight and forty,
_&c._
Now as the _Chinese_ and _Roman Abacus_ do much agree save only that
they proceed contrary ways, so doth their way of expressing Numbers by
Letters or Marks, one stroke or line signifying one; two lines two;
three lines three; a cross ten; two crosses twenty; three crosses
thirty; and so onwards to a hundred, which they expressed by a square
Mark, and a cross with a stroak added for a thousand, as will appear by
the Table annexed. And though the Characters are not all the same; yet
the order and method of one agrees very near with that of the other,
especially if I may be allowed my supposition, that the primitive way
of Writing and Reading with the _Chinese_ was Horizontal, and like the
_Greek_ and _Latin_ or _European_ way. Now that these are properly
numeral Figures, or Characters, is manifest from this, that they have
also word Characters for every Number, and they can (in the same manner
as the _Romans_ could) express a Number by their numeral characters
or Marks, and by their literal or word Characters; for as one single
stroak signifies one or the first, so does the Character (_in the Plate
marked with E_) signify the same thing, that is one or the first.
Having thus discovered their Characters for Numbers, and their way of
Numeration, I was next desirous to understand something concerning
their Language and Character.
Upon perusing all the Accounts I could meet with in Books, I found very
little satisfaction as to what I principally inquired after, which
was first concerning the method of the Character, whether it consisted
of a certain number of Marks methodically disposed like Letters in a
literal, or like Numbers in a Numeral, or like Radicals in composite
and decomposite Derivations? 'Tis said to be legible into a great
many Languages considerably different one from another, but how this
is effected is not related, only 'tis said that the Marks are of the
nature of our Arithmetical Figures, (which are become almost Universal
at least to us here in _Europe_,) and 2dly, concerning the number of
these Characters? to which I found as little satisfaction; for, by
some Relations I found that there were 120000, by others 80000, and
by others 60000. And that a Man must be able to remember to Write and
Read at least 8000, or 10000, before he will be able to express his
meaning thereby, and that it is the business of a Man's whole Life to
be throughly understanding in the whole Character; seeming to intimate
that the Characters are immethodical, and there are as many primitive
Characters as Words. Others tell us of various kinds of Characters
which have been in use in several Ages. The first they say were
_Hieroglyphical_ like the _Ægyptian_ or _Mexican_, consisting of the
Pictures of Animals and Vegetables. But that the last are made up of
Lines and Points, that they have no such thing as Letters or Syllables,
but every distinct Word and Notion has a distinct Character, and that
all are primitive or in composite, so that if _Calepines_ Dictionary
were to be translated into the _Chinese_, 'twere necessary to have
as many distinct radical Characters as there are Words therein to be
found, which accounts do seem to insinuate that this Character is the
most difficult, and the most perplexed piece of Learning in the World,
and depends wholly upon the strength of the Memory, in retaining the
form and signification of a perplexed scrawl. But whether they who gave
us these Accounts did do it knowingly, is much to be doubted, my own
Observations, at least, make me think otherwise.
I have not yet been able to procure sufficient helps to inform my self
of the whole Art of Writing and Reading the _Chinese_ Character, and I
fear the Relations I have hitherto met with concerning it, were written
by such as did not well understand it, however from such helps as I
had, what I collected or do conjecture, I shall here relate. The best
help I had, was the perusal of some Books Printed in _China_, with the
pronunciation and signification of the Character in Latin Letters. By
these Books then I observed, first, that every one of their Characters,
whether consisting of more or fewer strokes or marks, were comprised
within a certain square space, which is proportion'd according to the
bigness of the size or manner of Writing, they design there to make
use of, not that the whole Square is filled with every Character, but
that no part of that Character does exceed the limits of that Square,
so that tho' the Character have but one stroak, it takes as much room
in the line as another that hath 20 or 30 several Marks, so that their
Characters are most exactly ranged in Rank and File, not unlike our
Numbers in Arithmetick.
Notwithstanding which I find they do vary the bigness of the Character
upon several Occasions, as in the Titles of Books, in the Titles of
the Chapters or Sections, in the Comments, Explications or Notes, and
upon several other occasions of variety, which they do at Pleasure
with their Pencil, as we use variety of Letters in the Printing of a
Book. The Titles of Books are generally in very large Characters, 6 or
8 times as big as those of the Book, the explication Notes ½ of the
bigness, the Contents usually twice as big, and the like variety on
several other occasions. I have met with also three several kinds of
Characters, the most usual is the fixed or set square form. The second
sort is the running Hand, in which the orders of the Courts are written
by their Secretaries, of which I have seen 3 or 4 kinds, in which the
Pencil is never taken off, till the whole Character be finished, and
sometimes two or three are all written without break. The third seems
to be somewhat like the flourishing great Letters, used by Scriveners
at the beginning of Deeds, and by the _Germans_ in the beginning of
Chapters and Sections. They are compounded of the same strokes as the
set Character, but modulated and shaped a little otherwise to make them
appear the more beautiful and regular. A Specimen of each of these
three are in the Plate. This third is made use of for Epitaphs, and
other Inscriptions on Buildings or Monuments. These three sorts I may
call the three general kinds of Writing, but there is to be found an
almost infinite variety of forms which Men use. This will be the more
easie to be believed, when we consider that the Printed Characters
are exactly the same with the Written, insomuch that every variety in
each stroke, line or point, that is or can be made with the Pencil,
is perfectly expressed in the Impression, and the Form, Mode, or
Hand, as we call it, of every Writer is exhibited so curiously, that
I think it hardly possible to be performed after the way of wooden
Cuts, as Authors affirm it is, but must be done after the method of our
Copper Cuts, Printed by a Roll-press, which the way of expressing the
Running or Court-Hand, does, I conceive, most evidently demonstrate,
and from divers circumstances, I could evidently make appear from the
Book it self, which I cannot so well express in Writing. Their Paper
is generally very thin and fine, and very transparent, but brown, so
that whatever is Written or Printed on it, is almost as legible on
the back, as on the foreside, which is of great use in the cutting of
their Stamps. And thence they never Write or Print on both sides of
the same Leaf, but only on one, and to make the Leaf appear Printed on
both sides, they double the Sheet with the Printed sides outwards, and
putting the folded part forward, they Sew, Bind, or Stitch together,
all these Sheets with the cut Edges, and upon whole Sheets instead of
single Leaves; just in the same manner as the Plate annexed to this
Discourse is Printed. They begin the Book on the top of the right Hand
side of the Page that is next the right Hand, and they read downwards
to the bottom, then begin the next Line towards the left Hand at the
top, and so read to the bottom, and so proceed to the end of the Book.
But this I suppose not to be the primitive or first way of Writing or
Reading. The Title of the Book is set first upon a whole Leaf, usually
of a thicker Paper, and some Title is likewise Written upon the folding
or edge of every Sheet, where is set also the Number of the Book, and
the Number of the Sheet, half of which appears on one side, and half on
the other side of the fold.
As to the Character it self, (I find by all the Books and Writings
I have yet met with of that kind) that each of them is made up of a
certain number of Strokes, Lines or Marks, which are very distinct
from each other in their shape and position, and by reason that these
are single Strokes, and as I conceive uncompounded, I think they may
be called the Letters, Elements or Particles, out of which the more
compounded Characters are constructed or contexed. These are the first
kind of which there are but a very few, and I think those I have
described in the thirteenth Line of the Plate are all.
Two, three, four, or more of these joined together in a certain order
and contexture (in the doing of which there is a great Regularity and
Order observed, which is not varied from, and all within the regular
square Space) I conceive do make Syllables or primitive radical
Characters, each of which have a primitive, single or distinct Notion
or Signification as well as Sound, which is made much use of in the
more compounded Characters or Words. Of this kind I take the Figures
of the Numbers to be: If at least they are not single Letters like the
way of expressing Numbers in the _Hebrew_, _Greek_, _Arabick_, &c.
Languages, for though there may be two or three of the single strokes
joyned together into a compound Character, it hinders not, but that
it may still signify a Letter, as in the _Greek_ ΛΑ.Δ.Ι.Γ.Π.Γ. In
the Runick; where every Letter hath one upright Line and some other
additional Marks: In the _Roman_ I.L.F.E.O.Q.V.Y: Or it may signify a
Syllable as in the _Æthiopick_, and in the _Hanscret_, and _Sunscrit_
Languages and Characters: The first of which being the _Brackmans_
Character we find in _P. Kircher_'s _China Illustrata_, described by
_P. Roth_ who studied it seven Years; and the second (being a literal
Character used over all _India_ by the Merchants) I have seen in a
Transcript, brought lately out of _India_ by a very Worthy Gentleman
who lived there many Years, and had the Curiosity to cause to be
Transcribed and Translated also into English, a Dictionary of their
Language in their own Character: who did me the favour to let me peruse
it.
In which Characters or ways of Writing a Vowel is always join'd with a
Consonant into one compound Character to make it effable. And then the
single Strokes may be taken for single ineffable Letters as are the
Consonants, and the composition of two or three (of which one at least
may be a Vowel) will make Syllables.
Of this kind, there are not so many in the whole _Chinese_ Character,
but that it will be easie enough to assign each a proper Monosyllable
which shall only have 1 or 2 Consonants, and one or two Vowels; that
is, the Consonants together, and not separate, either both behind the
Vowel or Vowels, if it be a Diphthong or both after it or them.
Of this kind, I understand there are about 500, probably 8×8×8, or 512.
I could enumerate a great many, and give you also the Name or Words
by which they are pronounced as also their signification, but (as I
said before) first, I conceive the present _Chinese_ Language to have
no affinity at all with the Character, the true primitive, or first
Language, or Pronunciation of it, having been lost. And secondly, I
want some further help to make a full and compleat Discovery: What I
have learn'd from the Book of _Fohi_ I shall give the next opportunity;
which will explain the reason of the multiplication of 8. and the order
and method of places in the Letter or Word square.
The third sort of Characters, is a decompounded sort being made
up of two, three or more of those of the second kind, diminish'd
proportionably in their size, either as to their length, or breadth,
or both, from what they have in the same Writing when they are single
and fill up the whole Letter square or Words square. For there being
several of them to be crouded together within the same square,
according as there are more in number, so they are always more squeezed
together. In this decompound sort, there is a regular Order observed in
the placing of the several Characters of the 2d sort; there being some
that are always on the left side, some always on the right, some at
the top, some at the bottom. Of which I doubt not but that they have a
certain regular Method, which had we Dictionaries explained, would be
easie enough to be discovered.
This method alone of crouding together all the Characters (how many
soever go to make up the decompounded Character) into one square (which
is of the same size for the most Simple and for the most Compound)
seems to be the great singularity, by which the _Chinese_ Characters
differ from those of all the rest of the World. And this I conceive has
been the reason why all People, and possibly even the very _Chinese_
themselves have, and do believe it to be a real and not a literal
Character: For if the primitive Language, or pronunciation of the
Characters be lost (as I conceive it is) and that the disposition,
order, method, texture, or manner of placing the more simple in the
more compound Characters be also lost, forgotten, or not understood;
then the whole Characters becomes a real and not a literal Character:
And an immethodical one to such as want a method, that must be learned
by rote, and depend wholly upon the strength of the Memory to retain
it. But I conceive it might be at first either a literal Character, and
so the whole square Character was composed of so many distinct Letters
or Syllables, which composed the Word signified thereby; and so there
might be a regular Order of placing these Letters in the Character,
that is, that the whole square being divided into so many parts, there
was a Rule which was the first, second, third and fourth place: so
that there being placed in those the several Letters that made up the
Word, according to the order they had in the Word, it was easie by that
Rule to Decipher the said Character, and thence to find the Word and
the Signification, as regularly as if the Letters had been written one
after another, as most other literal Characters we know are at this Day
written.
Or Secondly, it might be a real Character consisting of divers Marks
or Letters, that expressed so many simple Notions, several of which
joined together might make up the more compounded Characters, of
which I have added some Examples in the Plate, which may be also made
literal and pronounceable, tho' that consideration were not made use
of, when they were first invented. What things I have observed in my
_Chinese_ Books that seem to respect this Method, I will give more
particulars of by the next opportunity, by Printing a Specimen of
the Book _Ye-kim_ which explicated by these Notions will I conceive
appear more intelligible, than by the Accounts we find given of it
by the _Chinese_ Commentators, and those that have Translated them
into _Latin_, who seem not to have understood the true design thereof:
For both the _Chinese_ and _European_ Commentators assert it to be a
Conjuring Book, or a Book to tell Fortunes by, and to be made use of
by the _Chinese_ for that purpose; whereas by the small Specimen I
have seen of it, I conceive it to contain the whole Ground, Rule or
Grammar, of their Character, Language and Philosophy, and that by the
understanding of it, the Foundation and Rule of their Language and
Character may be without much difficulty Deciphered and Understood.
The present use of this Character, I conceive to be differing from what
it was at first, both as to the position of Writing and Reading it, and
as to the Expression and Pronunciation thereof.
For the way of Writing and Reading it, I conceive might at first be
exactly the same with that of the _Greeks_, _Romans_, _English_, and
all other _European_ Nations, and also the _Æthiopick_ and _Coptick_.
That is, they began at the top of the Page towards the left Hand, and
so proceeded towards the right in the _Horizontal_ Line to the end of
it, and then began at the left end of the next Line under the first
and proceeded with that in the same manner, and so with the next under
that and all the remaining. Continuing to Write the Words of the Line
towards the right Hand, and the Lines of the Page one under another
till the whole Discourse were compleated, joyning Leaf to Leaf one
under another, after the same manner as the Rouls are at present Writ,
and as the _Volumina_ were of the Ancients. And to make the parts of
the Volume to be the more easily to be come at, without the trouble of
rolling and unrolling as the Ancient _Romans_ did, and we do with our
Rouls, they contrived to fold them, like the folds of a Fan, forwards
and backward: And so stitching them together, that the Written sides
might lie outwards, and open freely one from another, and the fair
sides might meet together, it came to make the present form of their
Book, which being laid as we generally place our Books before us, they
seem to begin at the top of the Page on the right Hand, and to proceed
to the bottom, and then at the top of the next Line towards the left
Hand, and descend as in the former; proceeding in this order with
all the rest, which way must needs be very inconvenient for Writing,
however they may use their Pencil differing from our Pen. Though there
be a way of Writing from the top to the bottom of the Page, which is
very convenient for Writing the _Syriack_, as also for Writing _Latin_,
_English_, or _Greek_, where the Writing is to be used for cutting the
Stamps of Wood, or graving of Copper Plates with the same Character for
Printing, in which Cases the Letters must be written backwards.
Secondly, as to the Pronunciation of this Character, by the Court
Language, or by any other now used, I conceive it to be wholly
differing from that of a literal Character, that is from being
pronounced or spoken according to the Marks or Figures thereof,
whether they be simple or compounded, and made up of simple Characters
(though there are some Instances of affinity in Characters and Words.)
The reason of which differing pronunciation I conceive may have
proceeded, partly from the loss of the primitive Language, for which it
was made, partly from a most inconvenient affection of Monosyllabical
Words in this Court Language, to help the Poverty of which, they are
fain to make one Syllable to signifie many differing Notions, to do
which they have introduced a kind of Musical toning or accenting of
each of them, and not single but compound of two or three Tones to each
signification of every one of these Monosyllables: Partly from the
using of this way of Writing, by divers Nations of differing Languages,
who minding only the Figure and Signification, read it into their own
Mother Tongues, as we in _Europe_ do Arithmetical Figures: And partly,
also from the omission of most Grammatical Distinctions, the same
Character serving for Substantive and Adjective, Singular and Plural,
in all Cases, (save only they have some Characters for Particles, as
_of_ and _to_ in English) for the Verb in all Tenses, and Numbers,
_&c._ for the abstract and the concrete Signification, and for divers
Metaphorical; if at least the Interpretation I have met with in the
Books I have perused be exact: Partly, also from the _Syntaxis_ of
them, it being necessary to consider the whole Sentence, to discover
which part of Speech each Character is of, in that Sentence, wherein
the Order and Positions of the Characters to one another, for which
they have Rules, hath its signification: And lastly, from the loss of
the very Notion of a literal Character, whence for the expressing of
proper Names, they are fain to make use of several Characters, whose
Sounds or Words come nearest to the Sounds of the Syllables of that
Name, as in the Plate _tam. jo, van_, for _Adam. Jovan_.
Now, though I conceive this Character is not effable properly as
a literal Character by any of their present Languages: And though
possibly it might be at first a real Character, that is each of them
compounded of such Strokes or Marks as by their Figures, Positions
and Numbers in the square, denoted the several Philosophical
Ingredients, that made up the Notion of the whole Character, as the
Book _Ye-Kim_ seems to shew by giving Rules as I conceive for the
Order and Significancy of places in the Square, _&c._ Yet I think
it not difficult to make it a Literal, or at least a Syllabical
Character, and legible into a Language somewhat after the manner of
the Universal Character I mentioned before. And tho' this would not
be the primitive Language for which it was made, yet for the present
uses of it (the chiefest of which is the assisting and refreshing the
Memory, and helping the Imagination by proper Sounds) it might be as
good: Wherein the single Characters might be Monosyllables and the
compounded Dissyllables, Trissyllables, _&c._ According to the Numbers
and Order of simple Characters in the square of the Compounded. And
I am apt to think that the present pronunciation of Languages, as of
_Hebrew_, _Syriack_, _Arabick_, _Greek_ and _Latin_, or any other
Language that has been so long Written, may be as much differing from
what it was 2000 Years since, as an Arbitrary one now invented, and
grounded on the Letters, might possibly be. And such an arbitrary
Pronunciation if generally agreed upon might serve _as well_ for a
help to learn the signification of Words, or _Word Combinations_ of
Characters, as if we now knew the exact primitive Pronunciations,
as critically as the _Masorethæ_ are said to have done that of the
_Hebrew_; and possibly also a _much better_, for that by such a one
a great many irregularities and difficulties of Pronunciation (which
are to be found in all Languages now spoken) might be omitted, and the
whole made exactly regular and easie, as might be shewn in the _Hebrew_
and _Greek_, and especially in the _Arabick_, whose difficulties are
sufficiently manifested by _Alphabetum Arabicum_, Printed at _Rome_
1592. Now as by such a Language the Character might be made effable
without Musical Tones or difficult Aspirations, so had we Dictionaries
of the signification of the Characters, we might as soon learn the
_Chinese_ Characters, as we can _Latin_, or any other Language to be
learn'd by Book, and not by speaking.
IMPRIMATUR,
_John Hoskyns_ Vice P. R. S.
_July_ 17_th._, 1686.
[Illustration: _The Roman Abacus out of Marcus Velserus_
_The Chinese Abacus from the Chinese Dictionary containing nine places
or degrees_
一二三四五六七八九
I 一 yĕ̇
II 二 th́
III 三 san̄
IV 四 sú
V 五 v̀
VI 六 lŏ̇
VII 七 ziĕ̇
VIII 八 pă̇
IX 九 kièn
X 十 xĕ̇
XI 十 xĕ̇
一 yĕ̇
X 十 xĕ̇
II 二 lh́
X 十 xĕ̇
III 三 san̄
X 十 xĕ̇
V 五 v̀
XX 廾 lh́xĕ̇
XX 二 lh́
十 xĕ̇
XXX 卅 san̄xĕ̇
XXX 三 san̄
十 xĕ̇
XXXX 四 sú
十 xĕ̇
L 五 v̀
十 xĕ̇
LX 六 lŏ̇
十 xĕ̇
LXX 七 ziĕ̇
十 xĕ̇
LXXX 八 pac
十 xĕ̇
100 白 pĕ̇
100 百 pĕ̇
200 二 lh́
白 pĕ̇
300 三 san̄
百 pĕ̇
400 四 sú
百 pĕ̇
1000 千 zien̄
2000 二 lh́
千 zien̄
3000 三 san̄
千 zien̄
10000 萬 ván
30000 三 san̄
萬 ván
CIↃ 千 zien̄
DC 六 lŏ̇
百 pĕ̇
LXXX 八 pă̇
十 xĕ̇
VI 六 lŏ̇
añus 年 nien̂
V 五 v̀
mensis 月 yuĕ
XIII 十 xĕ̇
die 三 san̄
日 gĕ̇
正
E
年 nien̂
五 v̀
人 gin̂
大 ta
先 sien̄
仁 gin̂
八 pă̇
之 chī̇
湯 tàm̄
若 jo
望 vàm
天 tìen̄
原 yuên
又 yéu
_I Senex Sculpsit_]
_A Letter from _F. A._ Esq; R. S. S. to the Publisher, with a Paper
of Mr. _S. Flowers_, containing the Exact Draughts of several
unknown Characters, taken from the Ruins at _Persepolis_._
_SIR_,
I here send you some Fragments of Papers put into my Hands by a very
good Friend, relating to antique and obscure Inscriptions, which were
retrieved after the Death of Mr. _Flower_, Agent in _Persia_ for our
_East-India_ Company, who, while he was a Merchant at _Aleppo_, had
taken up a Resolution to procure some Draught or Representation of
the admired Ruins at _Chilmenar_, pursuant to the third Enquiry for
_Persia_, mention'd in the _Philosophical Transactions_, pag. 420.
_viz._ _Whether there being already good Descriptions in Words of the
Excellent Pictures and _Basse Relieves_ that are about _Persepolis_
at _Chilmenar_, yet none very particular, some may not be found
sufficiently Skilled in those parts, that might be engaged to make a
Draught of the Place, and the Stories there Pictur'd and Carved_. This
Desire of the Royal Society, as I believe, it hinted at a Summary
Delineation, which might be perform'd by a Man qualifi'd in a few Days,
taking his own opportunity for the avoiding much Expence, (which you
know they are never able to bear:) So I cannot but think Mr. _Flower_
conceived it to be a Business much easier to perform than he found
it upon the Place, where he Spent a great deal of Time and Mony, and
dying Suddainly after, left his Draughts and Papers dispersed in
several Hands, one part whereof you have here, the rest its hoped may
in some Time be recovered, if Sir _John Chardin_'s exact and accurate
Publication of the entire Work do not put a period to all further
Curiosity, which I heartily wish.
_An Exact Draught or Copy of the several Characters engraven in
Marble at the Mountains of _Nocturestand_ and _Chahelminar_ in
_Persia_, as they were taken in _November 1667._ By Mr. _S.
Flower_._
_N_ 1. _N_ 2. These two Characters are engraven on the Breast of two
Horses cut out of the Mountain of Black Marble at _Nocturestand_,
distant a League from _Chahelmanare_, or the Ancient _Persepolis_, one
whereof is said to be _Alexander_'s, the other _Rustram_'s, (a Famous
Hero supposed to have lived about the time of _Cambises_.) Mr. _Fl._
_N_ 1. This Character hath some Similitude with the Ancient Hebrew,
but the _Persians_ would have it their own, tho' they understand not a
Letter. Mr. _F._
[Illustration:
ΤΟΥΤΟΤΟ ΡΟΣUΥΟΝ ΜΑΣΛΑΣΝΟΥ
ΘΕΟΥΑΡΖΑ......ΣΙΑΩΣΒΑΣΙΑΕΩΝ
ΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ....ΣΘΣΩΝΥΙΟΥ
ΘΕΟΥΠΑΠΑ..ΥΒΑ..ΕΩΣ
ΤΟΥΤΟΤΟ ΠΡΟΣΩΠΟΝ ΔΙΟΣΘΕΟΥ
_I Senex Sculpsit_]
_N_ 2. In these Lines the places are prickt where the Letters were
defaced and not Perceptible. Mr. _F._
_N_ 3. This is the (_Arabick_) _Persian_ Character engraven at
_Persepolis_ not above 500. years since, and is little different from
the Writing us'd at this day. Mr. _F._
_N_ 4. These two Lines were writ entire on _Rustram_'s Horse. Mr. _F._
_N_ 5. This Character, whether it be the Ancient Writing of the
_Gaures_ or _Gabrees_, or a kind of _Telesmes_, is found only at
_Persepolis_, being a part of what is there engraven in white Marble,
and is by no Man in _Persia_ legible or understood at this Day.
A Learned Jesuit Father, who deceased Three Years since, affirmed this
Character to be known and used in _Ægypt_. Mr. _F._
It seems written from the Left Hand to the Right, and to consist of
Pyramids, diversly posited, but not joined together. As to the Quantity
of the Inscriptions, _Herbert_ reckon'd in one large Table Twenty Lines
of a Prodigious Breadth. Of this sort here are distinct Papers each of
several Lines.
_N_ 6. This Character is likewise Engraved at _Persepolis_, of the like
Antiquity with the former. It has some Affinity with the _Syriack_
and _Arabick_, and has been pretended to be understood by some of the
_Padrees_. Mr. _F._
_A Letter from Monsieur _N. Witsen_ to Dr. _Martin Lister_, with
two Draughts of the Famous _Persepolis_._
This Ingenious and Inquisitive Gentleman having already often obliged
the World with Communications of his Discoveries, lately sent the
following Letter with the Draughts to Dr. _Lister_, who was pleased
to permit their Publication in these Tracts: The greatness of the
Curiosity we hope will recommend them to the Lovers of Antiquity,
little of those famous Remains having been yet publish'd, and those
that have been, but ill designed or graved. Monsieur _Witsen_'s Letter,
translated from the _French_, is as follows.
[Illustration]
[Illustration: Tsjihil mmar]
* * * * *
_SIR_,
Since I had the Honour of receiving your last, there came to my Hands
several curious _Shells_ from you, with a piece of _English Agate_,
and the Transactions of the Royal Society for the Month of _June_
last, for which Favours I return my humble Thanks. As to the Cockles
of the _Caspian_ Sea, and from the Mouth of _Wolga_, I have advice
from _Moscou_, that they are expected there this Winter: Mean while I
herewith send you some _Snail-Shells_, taken out of the River _Jaute_,
not far from the City of _Moscou_. Our Apothecaries make use of them
powdered, and probably for the same purpose as _Crabs-Eyes_. There
are some others likewise which are found in the Rivers of _Moscou_
and _Neglina_, and in the _Wolga_. Since you have been pleased to
communicate to me an Inscription found at _Persepolis_, I thought it
would be acceptable to send you the Draughts of part of the Ruins of
the Stone-work of that proud Palace, given me by the Person himself
that drew them upon the place. I should be much satisfied had I any
thing worthy of your Curiosity and the Publick, which you so often
oblige with your Discoveries, which justly merit mine and the Thanks of
all that esteem them as much as my self, who am the Cherisher of your
Friendship, and desirous to shew that I am,
_SIR_,
_Your most Humble and Obedient Servant_,
N. Witsen.
_Amsterdam_,
_Jan. 1. 1694._
_A Description of the Diamond-mines, as it was presented by the
Right Honourable the Earl Marshal of _England_, to the _R.
Society_._
The parts of the World known to contain _Diamonds_, are the Island
_Borneo_, and the Continent of _India extra & intra Gangem_: _Pegu_
is likewise reported to have several; but the King not potent, his
Country being but thinly inhabited, contents himself with his Mines
of _Rubies_, _Saphires_, _Topasses_, _Emeralds_, _Gold_, _Silver_,
_Brass_, _Tinn_ and _Lead_, and several other Commodities his Country
affords, in great plenty, rather than to suffer new enquiries to be
made, lest the Discovery of such an additional Treasure should invite
some of his Neighbours, more potent to invade him. But leaving the
description of other Places to those that know them better, I shall
only keep my self to the Coast of _Coromandel_, with which I am
acquainted, and having visited several of its Mines, am able to say
something thereof Experimentally.
The Diamond-Mines in these parts are generally adjacent to Rocky-hills,
or Mountains, whereof begins a great Ledge or Range near _Cape
Comorin_, extending in Breadth about 50 _English_ Miles, some
conjoyning, others scatter'd: and running thence in length quite
through _Bengula_. In, among, and near these Hills, in several places,
are known to be (as its believed most of them have) Mines; many of
them are possessed by petty Princes, or _Rajaes_, of the _Hundues_;
some driven thither for shelter by the _Mores_, who have taken the
greatest part of their Country from them; others never overcome, as the
_Rajaes_, on the Hills in and near _Bengala_, who admit of little or no
Commerce with their Neighbours, or passage through their Country, which
(being Barren, in few Places affording good Water, the ways craggy and
very toilsome, especially to an Army) the _Moors_ covet not, but let
them enjoy it peaceably; yet to prevent danger, they forbid digging (as
the King of _Pegu_ does) or dig some few Mines only very privately, so
that a great part of the Mines are unsearcht and concealed. But the
Kingdoms of _Golconda_ and _Visiapore_ contain in them scope enough
of ground, known to have Mines sufficient to furnish all the World
plentifully with Diamonds; but their Kings permit digging only in some
Places appointed, lest, as it is imagined, they should become too
common; and withal for fear of tempting the threatening greatness of
_Aurenge Zebe_; forbidding also those Places that afford the largest
Stones, or else keeping workmen in them for their own private uses: So
that but a very small quantity (in Comparison of what might be) and
those only of ordinary Size, are found.
In the Kingdom of _Golconda_ (as near as I can gather from the best
acquainted) are 23 Mines now employed, or that have been so lately,
viz. _Quolure_, _Codawillicul_, _Malabar_, _Buttephalem_, _Ramiah_,
_Gurem_, _Muttampellee_, _Currure_, _Ganjeeconeta_, _Luttawaar_,
_Jonagerree_, _Pirai_, _Dugulle_, _Purwillee_, _Anuntapelle_,
_Girrogeta_, _Maarmood_, _Wazzergerre_, _Munnemurg_, _Langumboot_,
_Whootoor_, _Muddemurg_, and _Melwillee_ or the New Mine.
_Quoloure_ was the first Mine made use of in this Kingdom. The Earth
is something Yellowish, not unlike the Colour of our Gravel dried; but
whiter in some Places where it abounds with smooth Pebbles, much like
some of those that come out of our Gravel-pits in _England_. They use
to find great quantities in the Vein, if it may properly be so called,
the Diamonds not lying in continued Clusters as some imagine, but
frequently so very scattering that sometimes in the space of ¼ of an
Acre of Ground, digged between two or three fathoms Deep, there hath
been nothing found; especially in the Mines that afford great Stones,
lying near the superficies of the Earth, and about three Fathoms deep;
deeper they could not dig for Water; it being in a Vale near a River.
In other places the Earth is mixt with rugged Stones, where they seldom
mine deeper, though in higher ground, before the Colour of the Earth
alters, and the Vein ceases; which they give a guess at by the small
Stones they find in the Earth, the principal Guide they have in the
discovery of the Mines.
The Diamonds found in these Mines are generally well-shaped, many of
them pointed, and of a good lively white Water; but it also produces
some _Yellow_ ones, some _Brown_, and of other colours. They are of
ordinary sizes, from about six in a _Mangelin_[18] (of which they find
but few) to five or six _Mangelins_, each; some of 10, 15, 20. they
find but rarely. They have frequently a bright and transparent skin,
inclining to a greenish Colour, though the heart of the Stone be purely
white; but the Veins of these Mines are almost worn out.
The Mines of _Codawillicul_, _Malabar_, and _Buttepallam_ consist of a
reddish Earth, inclining to an Orange-colour (with which it stains the
Cloaths of the Labourers that work in it) they dig about four Fathom
deep. They afford Stones generally of an excellent Water and crystaline
Skin; smaller sizes than those of _Quoloure_, _Ramiah_, _Gurem_, and
_Muttampelleo_; have a Yellowish Earth, like _Quolure_; their Stones
like those of the two former Mines, but mixt with many of a blue Water.
These five Mines being under the same Government with _Melwillee_,
where the Governour resides; He to draw the Adventurers and Merchants
near him, that he may be better informed of the Actions and Advantages,
and know the better how to Fleece them, the general practice of
Governours in these parts, has very lately forbid their use; and
commanded all to repair to his Residence, which they must obey, or fly
into another Government.
The next Mine in our way is _Currure_, the most famous of them all and
most Ancient.
It has been under Subjection of the King of _Golconda_; but about
25 Years, taken, with the Country of _Rarnaticum_, from the
_Hendue-Rajaes_, about that time, by the _Nabob_, _Meer Jumla_. In it
have been found Diamonds of a _size_ weight, which is about 9 Ounces
_Troy_ or 81½ _Pago's_ weight. It is only employed by the King for
his own private use: The Diamonds that are found in it, are very well
spread, large Stones (it yields few or none small,) they have generally
a bright Skin, which inclines to a pale Greenish colour, but within are
purely white. The Soil is Reddish as many of the others.
About sixty or seventy years ago, when it was under the Government of
the _Hundues_, and several Persons permitted to adventure in digging,
a _Portugeez_ Gentleman went thither from _Goa_, and having spent in
Mining a great sum of Mony to the amounts of 100000 _Pago's_, as 'tis
reported, and converted every thing he brought with him, that would
fetch any mony, even to what wearing Cloaths he could spare, while the
Miners were at Work for the last Days expence, he had prepared a cup of
Poison, resolving, if that Night he found nothing, to drink his last
with the conclusion of his Mony; but in the Evening the Workmen brought
him a very fair spread Stone of 20 _Pago's_ weight, in commemoration
whereof he caused a great Stone to be erected in the place, with an
Inscription ingraven on it, in the _Hundues_ or _Tellinga_ Tongue, to
the following effect, which remains to be seen to this day;
_Your Wife and Children sell, sell what you have,
Spare not your Cloaths, nay, make your self a Slave;
But money get, then to _CURRURE_ make hast;
There search the Mines, a Prize you'll find at last._
After which he immediately returned with his Stone to _Goa_.
* * * * *
Not far from _Currure_ are the Mines of _Lattawaar_ and _Ganjeconta_,
which are in the same Soil as _Currure_, and afford Stones not unlike:
But _Lattawaar_ hath many representing the great end of a Razor-blade,
thin on one side and thick on the other, very white and of an excellent
Water; but the best of the Mine is worn out, and _Ganjeconta_ employed
only to the Kings private use.
_Jonagerre_, _Pirai Dugulle_, _Purwillee_ and _Anuntapellee_, consist
also of Red earth, are now employed, and afford many large Stones;
part of them of a greenish Water, but the most absolute Mines are of
_Wazzergerre_ and _Munnemurg_, (the other rather representing Pits
than Mines;) for there they sink through high Rocks till they go so
far below their basis, that they can go no further for Water, in some
places 40 or 50 Fathom deep. The superficies of the Rocks consist of
hard, firm, white Stone, into which they cut a Pit like a Well, of
about 4 or 5, in some places 6 Foot deep, before they come to a crust
of a Mineral Stone, like the Mineral of Iron; when they fill the Hole
with Wood and keep as hot a Fire as they can there for two or three
Days, till they think it sufficiently heated; then they pour-in Water
till they have quencht it, which also slacks and mollifies both Stone
and Mineral; both being cold, they dig again, take out all the crumbled
stuff and dig up what they can besides, before they heat it anew; the
Crust seldom is thicker than three or four Foot, which ceasing, they
come to a Vein of Earth, that usually runs under the Rock two or three
Furlongs; sometimes much further: This they dig all out and search, and
if their first attempt prove successful, they go to Work again (digging
after the same manner) as deep as they can, till they come to Water;
for the drawing whereof, wanting the help of Engins, known in _Europe_,
they can go no deeper, although the Vein lie lower; all lumps of the
Mineral they break in pieces, and frequently find Diamonds enclosed
in them. To Work on these Mines is very expensive, but the advantage
is commonly answerable; yet in respect of the certain disburse, that
must be before any thing be found, they are not so much frequented
as others, where they may try their Fortunes with a smaller Stock.
The Earth they dig out is Red: Many large Stones are found here; the
smallest about 6 in a _Mangelleen_. They are mixt Waters, but the
greatest part good, only of ill-favoured shapes, many cragged pieces of
Stones, some as if they had been parts of very great ones, others with
pieces broken off them; yet I never heard of any that ever found two
seeming fellows, although they do those that look as if they had been
newly Broken.
In _Langumboot_ they dig as they do at _Wazzergerree_ and _Munnemurg_;
the Rock is not altogether so solid, but the Earth and Stones it
produces much alike.
_Wootoor_ should have been placed next to _Currure_, it lying near
it, and affording Stones of a like magnitude, shapes and waters; 'tis
employed only to the Kings use: And singular, in that its Diamonds are
found in black Earth.
_Muddemurg_ far exceeds all the rest for Diamonds of a delicate Shape,
Water, and bright transparent Skin, Proud, as it were, in discovering
their inward Beauties, with which no other Mine can compare; yet it has
also store of Veiny ones, but those likewise of so curious Shape and
Water, that its difficult to discover them from the good, especially
the small ones. It produces Stones of divers Magnitudes, from ten
and twelve in a _Mangelleen_, to six or seven _Mangelleens_ each,
and besides, some great ones. The Earth is Red, but its seated in
the Woods, and the Water so bad, that to all (except the People Bred
there) it presently occasions Fevers and destroys abundance, insomuch
that most of the Adventurers have forsaken it; notwithstanding which
it hath been more profitable than any of the rest, the Vein frequently
lying near the superficies of the Earth, seldom running deep, and is
better furnisht than any other yet discover'd. The River _Kishna_, of
excellent waters, is but 9 Miles distant; but the Miners or Merchants
are either poor that they cannot, or else over-awed by the Governour,
pretend to be and dare not be at the charges of fetching their Water
from thence. Divers are of the opinion, that, besides the Water, the
Town lying in a bottom, environ'd with Hills and Morass adjoyning, the
Air may be infected, and contribute to its unhealthfulness.
_Melwillee_ or the _New Mine_, so called, because it was but lately
found out (or at least permitted to be made use of) in the Year 1670.
it had then a Year employed the Miners, but it was forbidden, and lay
unoccupied till 1673, when complaint being made at _Quoleur_, that
the Vein was worn out, the King again licensed its settlement. The
Earth they Mine in, is very red, and many of the Stones found there,
have of it sticking to them, as if it had clung there while they were
of a soft glutinous Substance, and had not attained their hardness,
maintaining its Colour on its Skin (seeming to be roughened with
it) that it cannot be fetch'd out by grinding on a rough Stone with
Sand, which they make use of to clean them. The Stones are generally
well-shaped, their size from 5 or 6 in a _mangelleen_ to those of 14 or
15 each, and some bigger; but greatest quantities of the middle sorts:
Most of them have a thick dull Skin, incline to a yellowish Water, not
altogether so strong and lively as of the other Mines; very few of them
of a crystaline Water and Skin. They are reported to be apt to flaw in
splitting, which occasions these People to esteem them something softer
than the Product of many of the other Mines: Several that flatter by
their seeming whiteness when rough, discover their deceitfulness
having past the Mill, and too often a yellowish Tincture, to the
disappointment and loss of them that have cut them; but what they
want in goodness, is in part supplied by the plenty they find, which,
together with their properties, make them the cheaper. This being what
I have gathered, both by Experience of several of the places I have
seen, and the best Informations I could meet with, of the Mines in this
Kingdom; I shall now proceed to those in _Visiapore_.
_Visiapore_ is known to contain Mines enclosing Stones as large and
good as those of _Golconda_; but the King, for Reasons already given,
makes use but of the meanest: Whereby, as _Golconda_ is famous for the
largeness of those it affords, _Visiapore_ is noted for the smallest;
whose Mines, though they seldom or never render an Adventurer a Fortune
or Estate at once, as sometimes those of _Golconda_ do, by a great
Stone or several found together; yet they are more Populous and better
employed, the small Stones lying thicker in the Earth, so that the
generality are gainers, and few but they get their Expence; whereas
those of _Golconda_ dig away a considerable Estate and find nothing,
others not their Charges, and where one is a gainer, divers lose.
There are 15 Mines employed in the Kingdom of _Visiapore_, viz.
_Ramulconeta_, _Banugunnapellee_, _Pendekull_, _Moodawarum_,
_Cumerwillee_, _Paulkull_, _Workull_, _Lungeepoleur_, _Pootloor_,
_Punchelingull_, _Shingarrampent_, _Tondarpaar_, _Gundepellee_, _Donee_
and _Gazerpellee_.
In _Ramulconeta_ Mines in red Earth, about 15 or 16 Foot deep, they
seldom find a Diamond of a _mangelleen_ weight, but small to 20 or
30 in a _mangelleen_. They are generally of an excellent Crystalline
Water, have a bright clear Skin, inclining frequently to a pale
greenish Colour, are well shaped, but few of them, pointed ones. There
are also found among them several broken pieces of Diamonds, by the
Country People called _Shemboes_.
In _Banugunnapellee_, _Pendekull_, and _Moodawarum_, they dig as at
_Ramulconeta_, and in the same kind of Earth; they also afford Stones
much alike, being neighbouring Places.
_Cummerwillee_, _Paulkull_, and _Workull_, are not far distant, produce
Stones much alike out of the same coloured Earth, but very small ones
even to a hundred in a _mangelleen_.
_Lungepoleur_ Mines are of a yellowish Earth (like those of _Quoleur_,)
its Diamonds are generally well shaped, globular, few pointed, of a
very good Crystalline Water and bright Skins; many of them have a thick
dark Grass-green Skin, some spotted also with Black, that they seem all
foul, yet are not so, but within purely white and clean. Their sizes
are from 2 or 3 _mangelleens_ downwards, but few very small.
_Pootloor_ Mines are of reddish Earth, but afford Stones much like
those of _Lungepoleur_, only smaller, under a _mangelleen_; the general
sizes are of ½, ⅓, ¼, ⅙ of a _mangelleen_.
_Punchelingull_, _Shingarrampent_, and _Tondarpaar_, are also of red
Earth, their Diamonds not unlike those of _Quoleur_, only rarely or
never any large ones are found there.
_Gundepellee_ hath the same Earth with the former, and produces Stones
of equal Magnitude; but frequently of a pure Crystalline Water, wherein
they exceed the former.
_Donee_ and _Gazerpellee_ dig both in red Earth likewise, and afford
Stones alike, the greatest part whereof are of good Shapes and Waters.
They have also many _Shemboes_, and some of bad Waters, some brown,
which these People call soft or weak water'd, being esteemed of a
softer and weaker Body than others, by reason they have not so much
Life, when cut, and are subject to flaw in splitting, and on the Mill;
their general Product is in Stones of middle Sizes: But _Gazerpellee_
has besides many large ones, and is the only Mine noted for such in the
Kingdom of _Visiapore_. With which concluding the description of the
Mines, I shall give some Account how the Diamonds are found, and how
they handle the Earth to find them; which is as followeth.
The Diamonds are so scatter'd and dispersed in the Earth, and lie
so thin, that in the most plentiful Mines it's rare to find one in
digging, or till they have prepar'd the Stuff, and do search purposely
for them: They are also frequently enclos'd in Clods; and some of those
of _Melwillee_, the New Mine in the Kingdom of _Golconda_, have the
Earth so fix'd about them, that till they grind them on a rough Stone
with Sand, they cannot move it sufficiently, to discover they are
Transparent; or, were it not for their Shapes, to know them from other
Stones. At the first opening of the Mine, the unskilful Labourers,
sometimes to try what they have found, lay them on a great Stone, and
striking on them with another, to their costly experience discover
they had broken a Diamond. One I knew who had an excellent Stone of 8
_mangelleens_, served so by ignorant Miners he employed.
Near the Place where they dig, they raise a Wall with such rugged
Stones as they find at Hand (whereof all the Mines afford Plenty) of
about two Foot high, and six Foot over, flooring it well with the
same; for the laying of which they have no other Mortar than the Earth
tempered with Water. To strengthen and make it tight they throw up a
Bank against the side of it: In one whereof they leave a small vent
about two Inches from the bottom, by which it empties it self into a
little Pit, made in the Earth to receive small Stones, if by chance any
should run through. The vent being stopped, they fill the Cistern they
have made with Water, soaking therein as much as the Earth they dig
out of the Mines, as it can conveniently receive at a time, breaking
the Clods, picking out the great Stones and stirring it with Shovels,
till the Water is all Muddy, the gravelly stuff falling to the bottom;
then they open the vent, letting out the foul Water and supplying
it with clean, till all the Earthly Substance be wasted away, and
none but a gravelly remains at the bottom. Thus they continue Washing
till about Ten of the Clock before Noon, when they take the gravelly
Stuff they have washed, and spread it on a Place made plain and smooth
(like a Bowling-Alley) for the purpose, near the Cistern, which being
soon dried by the heat of the Sun at that time of the Day, they very
curiously look it over, that the smallest bit of a Stone can hardly
escape them. They never examin the Stuff they have wash'd but between
the Hours of Ten and Three, least any Cloud by interposing, intercept
the brisk Beams of the Sun, which they hold very necessary to assist
them in their search; the Diamonds, not forbearing to reflect them when
they touch therein, rendring themselves thereby the more conspicuous.
Some of the expertest Labourers are employed in searching; he that
sets them at Work usually sitting by, and overlooking; but it's
hardly possible, especially where many are employed, to watch them
so narrowly, but that they may steal part of what they find, as many
times some of them do, and, selling it privately, convert to their own
use. If they find a large Stone, they carry it not presently to their
Employer, but keep on looking, having an Eye on him till they observe
he takes notice of it, when with a turn of their Hand they give him a
glimpse of it, but deliver it not till they have done Work, and then
very privately, it being the general Endeavour to conceal what they
find, least it should come to the Knowledge of the Governour of the
Place, and he require a share, which in the Kingdom of _Golconda_ is
usually practiced, without respect to any agreement made with them.
The Miners, those that employ them, and the Merchants that buy the
Stones of them, are generally _Ethnicks_; not a _Musselman_, that
ever I heard of, followed the Employment. These Labourers and their
Employers are _Tellinga_'s, commonly Natives of or near the Place. The
Merchants are the _Banians_ of _Guzzarat_, who for some Generations
have forsaken their own Country to take up the Trade, in which they
have had such Success, that 'tis now solely engross'd by them; who
corresponding with their Country-men in _Surrat_, _Goa_, _Golconda_,
_Visiapore_, _Agra_ and _Dillee_, and other Places in _India_, furnish
them all with Diamonds.
The Governors of the Mines are also Idolaters: In the King of
_Golconda_'s Dominions a _Tellinga Brammee_ Rents most of them, whose
agreement with the Adventurer is, that, all the Stones they find under
a[19]_Pagoda_ Weight, are to be their own; all of that Weight and
above it to be his, for the King's Use: But although this Agreement be
signed and sealed unto, he minds not at all the Performance thereof,
but endeavours to engross all the Profit to himself, by Tyrannical
squeezing both Merchants and Miners, whom he not only Taxes very high,
but maintaining Spies among them of their own People, on the least
Inkling that they have been any ways Fortunate, he immediately makes a
Demand on them, and raises their Tax; else, on a false Pretence they
have found a great Stone, drubs them till they Surrender what they
have, to redeem their Bodies from Torment. Besides, the Excise is so
high on all sorts of Provisions, _Beetle_, and _Tobacco_, which to
them is as absolutely necessary as Meat, or at least in their Esteem,
that it is thereby raised to double that Price they bear without the
Government; and it is furnish'd only by some Licens'd Persons; if any
other should endeavour to bring in the least quantity by stealth, he
is Fin'd (even for one Leaf of _Tobacco_) if it be a Person of any
Repute, or worth any thing, else very severely drubb'd for it; by which
Course there is hardly a Man worth five Hundred Pound to be found among
them, most of them dealing by Monies taken up at Interest of Usurers,
who reside there purposely to furnish them, who, with the Governor eat
up their Gains: So that one would wonder any of them should stay, and
not betake themselves to Places where they might have better Usage;
as there are several in other Governments, and some few that have the
Sense to remove; but many their Debts, others hopes of a great hit,
detains. Both Merchant and Miner go generally naked, only a poor Clout
about their middle, and their Shash on their Heads; they dare not wear
a Coat, lest the Governor should say they have thriven much, are Rich,
and so enlarge his Demands on them. The Wisest, when they find a great
Stone, conceal it till they have an opportunity, and then with Wife
and Children run all away into the _Visiapore_ Country, where they are
secure.
The Government in the _Visiapore_ Country is better, their Agreement
observ'd, Taxes easier, and no such Impositions on Provisions; the
Merchants go handsomly Clad, among whom are several Persons of
considerable Estates, which they are permitted to enjoy peaceably, by
reason whereof their Mines are much more Populous and better employed
than those of _Golconda_.
It is observable, that notwithstanding the Agreement with the
Adventurers of the Mines, that all Stones above a certain Weight shall
be for the King's Use; yet in the Metropolis of either Kingdoms, as
the Cities of _Golconda_ and _Visiapore_ are, there is no seizure, all
Stones are free, and the late deceased King, _Abdull Cutopshaw_ of the
former, and _Edelshaw_ of the latter, would not only give very great
Prices for large Stones, but richly Vest, and present the Merchant that
Sold them with Horses or something else of Value, thereby encouraging
others to bring the like. But the present King of _Visiapore_ is a
Child, and the King of _Golconda_'s Delights solely pleased on light
Women-Dancers, and Trick-Showers, that he neither minds _Diamonds_, nor
many things more necessary, committing the Government of his Kingdom to
a _Tellinga Braminee_, which the _Musselmen_ not well resenting, does
in some measure threaten the stability of his State.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] _A _Mangelin_ is 4 grains in weight, saith _Linschoten_._
[19] _A _Pagoda_ weight is _9 Mangelleens_._
_A Letter from the _East Indies_, of Mr. _John Marshal_ to Dr.
_Coga_, giving an Account of the Religion, Rites, Notions,
Customs, Manners of the Heathen Priests commonly called
_Bramines_. Communicated by the Reverend Mr. _Abraham de la
Pryme_._
_Worthy Sir_,
The last time that I had the happiness to be in your good Company,
and to partake of those Favours and Blessings that your Goodness
was pleased liberally to bestow upon me and our Companions, at our
departure, and as it were Exile from our Native Land, does so loudly
call out for some recompence or other at our Hands, that I cannot
without the greatest Ingratitude imaginable, let slip this (tho'
sudden) opportunity of Writing unto you, and presenting of you at
this time with what I understand you more value than all the Riches
of the East; to wit, a few Specimens of the Knowledge of those People
whom we stile Barbarians, Heathens and Idolaters, which I have read
in their own Books, and gather'd from the mouths of those that have
been the greatest Speakers and Preachers among them. I have always had
a profound Veneration for the Dictates of Nature, and the universal
Traditions of Nations, for hereby are Infinite Things to be learned,
for the establishing of our Glorious Religion against Atheists, and the
more easie propagation of the same among Infidels and Heathens.
Upon what account or grounds it is that some Travellers have stiled
these People Polytheists, or Atheists, I cannot tell; or whether there
be any such People at all in the World, except some of the base common
sort in all Nations, I much question? It is very observable here, that
their Priests, or _Bramines_, and Holy Men, whom they call _Jagees_,
when they have occasion to Write any thing they always put a figure of
one in the first place, to shew, as they say, that they acknowledge
but one God, whom they say is _Burme_, that is, Immaterial. When they
preach to the People, and Instruct them, which is commonly every
Feast-day, full Moon, or the time of an Eclipse of either Luminary,
they tell the common People much of God, Heaven and Hell, but very
Imperfectly, Obscurely and Mystically. They say that when God thought
of making the World, he made it in a minute.
They account this World the Body of God, for all that they say he's
Immaterial; and say that the Highest Heavens are his Head, the Fire
his Mouth, the Air his Breath and Breast, the Water his Seed, and the
Earth and the foundations thereof his Legs and Feet. But assert in
general that God is the Life of every thing, yet is the thing neither
greater nor less for him.
They hold that God dwelt in a Vacuity before that he created the World,
and that as he dwelt in that Vacuity he created several Beings out of
himself, the first were Angels, the second Souls, the third Spirits,
all differing in degrees of Purity, the first being more pure than the
second, and the second than the third. The Angels, they say, neither
act Good nor Evil, the Souls either Good or Evil, but the Spirits, or
_Dewta's_, as they call them, act scarce any thing but Evil.
They have a good Opinion of the Angels, and think their State mighty
happy, hoping that when they dye they shall be made partakers of the
same Bliss and Pleasure.
They believe that every thing that hath Life hath a Soul, but
especially Man; and they accordingly affirm, that as these Souls
behaved themselves in their pre-existent State, so are their Actions
in this World either good or bad, by a sort of fatal Necessity, which
is very hard to conquer, or to overcome. Hence it is, say they, that
there are so many different Humours and Dispositions of Men, for their
Souls, before their entrance into their Bodies, being tainted with
different Affections, causes the like differences in the Parties,
whose Bodies are their Vehicles. So that if a Man happen to have a
suddain or unfortunate Death, they immediately ascribe the same to
the Party's own Wickedness, or the bad Life that his Soul led before
that it enter'd into his Body. For, say they, the afore-acted Evil
that his Soul did in its other Life, brought these accidents upon
him, by getting the upper hand of him, and by being too powerful and
strong. And those that dye thus, they believe that their Souls turn
immediately into Devils. They maintain _Pythagoras_'s Transmigration,
or _Metempsycosis_, but in a grosser sense than he did. For they
believe that Mens Souls, that have not lived so well as they ought, go
as soon as the Body dyes not only into Birds and Beasts, but even into
the basest Reptiles, Insects and Plants, where they suffer a strong
sort of purgation, to expiate their former Crimes: But as for the Souls
of the _Jogees_, or _Fuche's_, that is, of Religious Men and Saints,
they fancy that they go and inhabit with the good _Dewta_'s, or Angels,
among the Stars.
As for the Spirits, or Inferiour Angels, they believe that they are
very evil, and have a hand in all Wickednesses, Murders, Wars, Storms,
and Tempests; so that when they solemnize the Funerals of those that
are dead, they always present Dishes of Meat, as Offerings unto those
Spirits, and sometimes Sacrifice unto them, that they may not hurt the
Souls of the Dead.
As they acknowledge the being of a mighty God, so they hold that he
created the World, and every thing therein. They believe that there
are almost infinite number of Worlds, and that God has oftentimes
Annihilated and Re-Created the same. But how he came first to Create
the World and Mankind, they relate to have been thus--Once on a time
(say they) as he was set in Eternity, it came into his mind to make
something, and immediately no sooner had he thought the same, but that
the same Minute was a perfect Beautiful Woman present immediately
before him, which he called _Adea Suktee_, that is, the first Woman:
Then this figure put into his mind the figure of a Man; which he had
no sooner conceived in his mind, but that he also started up, and
represented himself before him; this he called _Manapuise_, that is,
the first Man; then upon a reflection of these things, he resolv'd
further to create several places for them to abide in, and accordingly
assuming a subtil body, he Breath'd in a Minute the whole Universe, and
every thing therein, from the least to the greatest.
They constantly believe that the Universe cannot possibly last longer
than 71 _Joog's_, which is a measure of time with them, and is ...
years. Which when it is come, God does not only annihilate the whole
Universe, but even every thing else, as well Angels, Souls, and
Spirits, as Inferiour Creatures; and then he remains in the same State
that he was in before the Creation; But say, that after he has a while
respired thus he Breaths again, and every thing is Created afresh, as
well Angels and Souls, as all other things; but as for the Spirits,
they are no more thought of. Yet for all this, after 71 _Joogs_ more
all is Annihilated again. How many _Joogs_ are past since the World
was last Created they cannot certainly tell; only 'tis observable that
in an Almanack of theirs, written in the _Sanscript_ Language in 1670,
they make the World then 3892771 years old from its last Creation.
The _Bramines_ of _Persia_ tell certain long Stories of a great Giant
that was led into a most delicate Garden, which upon certain conditions
should be his own for ever. But one evening in a cool shade, one of the
Wicked _Dewta's_, or Spirits, came to him, and tempted him with vast
sums of Gold, and all the most precious Jewels that can be imagined;
but he courageously withstood that temptation, as not knowing what
value or use they were of: But at length this wicked _Dewta_ brought
to him a fair Woman, who so charm'd him, that for her sake he most
willingly broke all his Conditions, and thereupon was turned out.
They tell a great many Stories Absurd and Ridiculous enough, of the
first Ages of this present World, which would be too tedious here to
take notice of; only I shall here give you out of one of their own
Books what they tell us of a great Flood that formerly happened. They
say, that about 21000 Years ago the Sea overwhelm'd and drowned the
whole Earth, except one great Hill, far to the Northwards, called
_Bindd_, and that there fled thither only one Woman and seven Men,
the names of whom were _Dehoolah_, _Sunnuk_, _Sunnaud_, _Trilleek_,
_Sannotah_, _Cuppyloshaw_, _Suraschah_ and _Burroopung_; these
understanding out of their Books that such a Flood would come, and was
then actually coming, prepared against the same, and repaired thither;
to which place also went two of all sorts of Creatures, Herbs, Trees,
and Grasses, and of every thing that had Life, to the number in all
of 1800000 living Souls. This Flood (say they) lasted 120 Years, 5
Months and 5 days: After which time all those Creatures that were thus
preserved, descended down again and replenished the Earth: But as for
the 7 Men and Women, only one of them came down with her, and dwelt at
the Foot of the Mountain, the other six turned _Fuchee's_, or Holy Men,
and spent there the remainder of their days.
They hold in general the _Ptolomaic_ System of the Universe, and say
that there are 8 or 9 Heavens, counting the Air and Earth, every one
exceeding another in Beauty and Glory.
Their Religion consists of nothing that I could ever see or learn, but
the leading of a Pure Life, the Washing away of their Sins in the River
_Ganges_, their muttering over of divers Prayers, and their doing of
strange and incredible Penances.
They say, that God is such a one, that whosoever seeks him, let it be
after what manner he pleases, whether by thinking that the Sun is he,
or the Moon, or the like, if they do it but sincerely and honestly,
with a right affected heart, they shall be received of him.
They report, that on a time a _Mussulman_ seeing a _Hindoo_, or
Pagan Priest, in Heaven, he ask'd God how that Infidel came to have
admittance thither, whom _Mahomet_ so often calls by the name of Bitter
Roots? To whom God answered, What if a Bitter Root bring forth sweeter
Fruit than any of you, why should I not receive it? Upon which the
_Mussulman_ had no more to say.
They hold, that such as suffer not their minds to wander after the
lusts of the World are perfect _Jogees_, or Saints, and hold that God
is always present with them in all their actions.
It is to be found in many of their Books, that there was a time, a good
while ago, in which God took upon him the shape of a Man, and spent
many Years in reforming the world, and giving better rules to walk by
than had been before: but at length having left them, they soon forgot
him and his Rules, and returned to their former courses; upon which he
told them that he would leave them to their ways, and never undertake
any such thing again.
The Religious at some certain Seasons of the Year come unto the River
_Ganges_ (which they call the Holy River) in vast multitudes, even from
many parts of _Tartary_, to wash away their sins, and make expiation
for their faults.
This _Ganges_ is a delicate fine River chiefly for the sake of its most
sweet, pure and clear Waters, which have got it the greatest esteem of
any River in the East. I have oftentimes sail'd many Miles up it, and
have found it in some places not to be above a Mile broad, in others
not half so much, and in one or two places not above one eighth of a
Mile. In _April_, when the Water is at the lowest, it is almost dry in
many places; but when it is at the highest, which is commonly about the
middle of _September_, it is very deep, and many Miles broad.
When the People are here gather'd together, they have a great many
strange Customs and Ceremonies, and pay a kind of Divine Honour and
Worship to the River, too long and tedious here to mention. The
_Hindoos_ and _Bramines_ preach then every day to the people, teaching
them their Duties, and ordering them to say such and such Prayers; but
above all things to be Charitable to the poor and needy.
It is reported, that upon the Hills by _Casmere_ there are men that
live some hundreds of Years, and can hold their Breaths, and lye in
Trances for several Years together, if they be but kept warm; and that
every year some of them come down unto the People at _Ganges_, and
do many great Cures; for whom they have such a Veneration, that they
frequently drink the Water they wash their Sweaty Feet in.
The Penances and Austerities that they undergo are almost incredible;
most of them, through their continual Fastings, and lying upon the
parching hot Sand in the Heat of the Sun, are so Lean, Dry'd and
Wither'd, that they look like Skeletons or Shadows, and one can scarce
perceive them to breath, or feel their Pulse beat.
When any great Man dyes among them, but especially any of their
_Jogees_ or Saints, they make great preparations for their Funeral;
the Corpse is laid on its Belly, and Salt and Rice laid round about it
at every corner of the Ground. Then the nearest Relations to the Party
deceased carry a Pot of Water on their Shoulders several times about
the Funeral Pile, when they burn them, then breaking it in pieces,
spills the Water. Which Ceremony being ended, the Pile is fired, and
then all the Relations begin to howl, and embrace one another, then
washing themselves in some Neighbouring River, they depart every one
to his Home; and as for the remaining Ashes, if he be Rich they gather
them up, and cast them into the _Ganges_ or the Sea.
Sometimes it happens that the Wife of the deceased Party, if she have
no Children, and be old, or ill to live in the World, will burn her
self with the dead Body; but this happens very seldom. It is said, that
in such cases the _Bramines_ give the Woman a stupefying Liquor, which
by the time that they are in the Fire makes them senseless of any Pain.
To know into what Body the Soul of the deceased is transmigrated they
do thus; they strew the Ashes of the Dead upon the Place where he
was first laid after his Death, and handfuls of odoriferous Flowers
about the same, and returning again in 44 Hours, they judge by some
pretended Impression or other in the Ashes, into what Body it is gone:
If the Foot of an Horse, or Dog, or Ox, or such like appear, then
they certainly give out that it is gone into such like Creatures; but
if nothing appear, then they think it is certainly gone to the Starry
Regions.
As for their Learning and Knowledge it is but little; they have indeed
several Books writ in divers Languages, but they contain nothing but a
great deal of Stuff and Cant about their Worship, Rites and Ceremonies.
They are ignorant of all parts of the World but their own; they wonder
much at us, that will take so much Care and Pains, and run thro' so
many Dangers both by Sea and Land, only, as they say, to uphold and
nourish Pride and Luxury. For, say they, every Country in the whole
World is sufficiently endow'd by Nature with every thing that is
necessary for the Life of Man, and that therefore it is madness to seek
for, or desire, that which is needless and unnecessary.
The last time that I was at _Modufferpore_ in _Indostan_, I had a
great deal of talk with a _Bramine_ somewhat more Learned than any of
the rest, his Name was _Ramnaunt_; he told me a great many Secrets in
Physick, and told me many Traditions and Stories. He says, that if you
bury a piece of Mony for some considerable time in the Mouth of a live
Frog, and then dig it up again at Midnight, that this piece of Money,
to whomsoever you give or pay it, will always return to you again.
He says, that if the little Worm in the Wood _Lukerakera_ be cut in
two, and the one part stirs and the other not, if the stirring part be
bruised, and given with half a Beetle to a Man, the other half to a
Woman, this Charm will keep them from ever lying absent one from the
other.
They have Books full of the like absurdities, and Cabalistick
complication of Figures; as for Example, if you write these following
Numbers, 28, 35, 2, 7. ---- 6, 3, 32, 31--34, 29, 8, 1, --4, 5, 30, 33.
in the squares of a square Figure, and your Enemies Name under it, and
wear it always about you, your Enemy shall never be able to hurt you.
So if you write the following Figures in the like manner upon the
left Hand, 2, 9, 2, 7, --6, 3, 6, 5, --8, 3, 8, 1--4, 5, 4, 7--with
Turmerick, and wash the same off with fair Water of _Ganges_, and drink
it, it will cure all manner of Venomous Bitings.
Multitudes of such like ridiculous Fancies they have; all which they
seem to have borrowed from the _Cabala_ of the _Saracens_, which is
full of such like.
I lately heard a _Bramine_ say, that if some of the pieces or knots
of the Cloath (in which a Woman hath been burned with her Husband) be
saved, and made up in the form of a Wick, and fitted for a Lamp, and
lighted, and set in a dead Womans Skull, that it would make the dead
Party appear. This he said he had done, but I did not believe him.
When they have any mad Men among them, they take them and put them into
a close Room, just big enough to hold them, and almost Smoke them to
Death with Musk and cold Smells, which soon brings their Brains into
their right temperature, and so recover them, _&c._
There happen'd two things in our Voyage hither which I thought very
observable tho' perhaps they may not be unknown to you--The first was,
that all our Tornadoes brought much Rain with a stink; and if the
Seamen did but lay their Cloaths by for 24 Hours, they became all full
of little Maggots. The second is, When we came out of _Europe_ we took
in some Water at St. _Jago_'s, and when we were almost at our Journeys
end, our Cooper going with a Candle to open one of the Casks, he had no
sooner done it, but the Water immediatly took Fire, and burnt his Face,
Hands and Fingers; but he suddenly turning about quench'd the same, by
setting his Britch on it. It stunk pretty much also at the same time,
but afterwards came to its native Sweetness, _&c._
_I am yours_, &c.
Jo. Marshal.
_Part of two Letters to the Publisher from Mr. _James Cunningham_,
F.R.S. and Physician to the _English_ at _Chusan_ in _China_,
giving an account of his Voyage thither, of the Island of
_Chusan_, of the several sorts of Tea, of the Fishing,
Agriculture of the _Chinese_, _&c._ with several Observations not
hitherto taken notice of._
_SIR_,
My last to you was from the Island of _Borneo_, in which I gave you an
account of our arrival there the 17th of _July_, where we staid but two
Days, the Season of the Year being so far past, and from thence made
the best of our way through the Streights of _Banca_ with favourable
Winds and Weather, till we came on the Coast of _China_ the 13th of
_August_, then we had variable Winds which carried us abreast of
_Emuy_ the 19th following, at which time the North East Winds setting
in fresh, put us in great fears of losing our passage; whereupon we
were forced to turn it up against Wind and Current all the Way, the
Weather so favouring us, that we were never but by our Top-sails,
else we should have lost more Ground in one Day, than we could have
gain'd in eight. The last of _August_ we came to an Anchor under the
_Crocodile_ Islands, both to shelter us from the bad Weather, (which
is generally expected on this Coast at new and full Moon, and has been
fatal to a great many Ships) and also to look for fresh Water, which
was now grown scarce with us, not having recruited since we came from
the Cape of _Good Hope_: These are three small Islands lying in the
Latitude of 26 Degrees, about six Leagues from the River of _Hocksieu_;
on _two_ whereof we found very good fresh Water, with a convenient
Watering-place on the South West side of the innermost of the _three_;
and by the assistance of a few _Chinese_ Fishermen we procured some
fresh Provisions from the main-land, because we did not reckon it safe
to adventure our selves thither, lest we should have been brought
into Trouble by the Government there. While we lay here, on the fifth
of _September_ we had a suddain short shift of the Moonsoon to S. W.
the fury whereof others felt, in coming upon the Coast of _China_ at
the same time. The 8th of _September_ we put to Sea again, turning to
Windward Night and Day without all the Islands, which are very numerous
along this Coast, to which we were altogether strangers beyond _Emuy_,
and the Hydrography thereof is hitherto so imperfect, that there was
no trusting to our Drafts, which made our Navigation somewhat more
dangerous: However, on the first of _October_ we got into the Latitude
of 30 Degrees, where we came to an Anchor near the Land, until we found
the way by Boat to _Chusan_, about 12 Leagues within the Islands; from
whence we had a Pilot, who carried us safely thither on the 11th of
_October_. Upon this Island the _Chineses_ have granted us a Settlement
and Liberty of Trade, but not to _Ning-po_, which is 6 or 8 hours sail
to the Westward, all the way among Islands; this being the largest,
is 8 or 9 Leagues in length from East to West, and 4 or 5 Leagues
in breadth; about 3 Leagues from that point of the Main-Land called
Cape _Liampo_ by the _Portugueze_, but _Khi-tu_ by the _Chinese_: At
the West End of this Island is the Harbour very safe and convenient,
where the Ships ride within call of the Factory, which is built close
by the shore on a low plain Valley, with near 200 Houses about it for
the Benefit of Trade; inhabited by Men, whose Jealousie has not as yet
permitted them to let their Wives dwell here; for the Town where they
are, is ¾ of a Mile further from the Shore, enviorn'd with a fine Stone
Wall, about 3 Miles in Circumference, mounted with 22 square Bastions
placed at irregular distances, besides 4 great Gates, on which are
planted a few old Iron Guns, seldom or never used: The Houses within
are very meanly built: Here the _Chumpeen_ or Governour of the Island
lives, and betwixt three and four thousand beggarly Inhabitants, most
part Souldiers and Fishermen; for the Trade of this place being newly
granted, has not as yet brought any considerable Merchants hither. The
Island in general abounds with all sorts of Provisions, such as Cows,
Buffalo's, Goats, Deer, Hogs wild and tame, Geese, Ducks and Hens;
Rice, Wheat, Calavances, Cole-worts, Turnips, Potatoes, Carrots, Beetes
and Spinach; But for Merchandize there's none but what comes from
_Ning-po_, _Hang-cheu_, _Nankin_ and the Inland Towns, some of which I
hope to see, when I have acquir'd a little of the _Chinese_ Language.
Here also the Tea grows in great plenty on the tops of the Hills, but
it is not in that esteem with what grows on more Mountainous Islands.
Altho this Island is pretty well stor'd with People, yet its far from
what it was in _F. Martinius_'s time, when he describes _Cheuxan_:
and this puts me in mind, that the Superstitious Pilgrimages thereto,
mention'd by him, must be meant of the Island _Pou-to_, which lies 9
Leagues from hence, and 3 Miles to the Eastward of this Island, whither
(they say) the Emperour designs in the Month of _May_ next (being
his Birth-day, and the 40th Year of his Age) to come to worship in
an Ancient Pagoda there, famous for Sanctity; having sent one of his
_Bonzes_ already thither to get all things in order.
_Chusan_, _Novemb. 22. 1701._
_SIR_,
I formerly told you, that the Emperor design'd to have come to the
Island of _Pou-to_ (a place of great Devotion) to worship in the Month
of _May_ last, being the 40th Year of his Age, I should have said of
his Reign; but all things being prepared there for his Reception, he
was dissuaded from his purpose by some of his _Mandarines_, who made
him believe that the terrible Thunder there was very dangerous. This
_Pou-to_ is a small Island about 5 Leagues round at the East end of
this Island, famous for the Superstitious Pilgrimages made thither for
the space of eleven hundred Years: It's inhabited only by _Bonzes_,
to the number of 3000, all of the Sect call'd _Hoshang_, or unmarried
_Bonzes_, who live a _Pythagorean_ Life; and there they have built 400
Pagodes, two whereof are considerable for their greatness and finery,
being lately covered with green and yellow Tiles brought from the
Emperor's Palace at _Nankin_, and inwardly adorn'd with stately Idols
finely grav'd and gilded, the chief whereof is the Idol _Quon-em_. To
these two great Pagodes belong two chief Priests, who govern all the
rest. They have several Ways and Avenues cut through the Island, some
whereof are pav'd with Flag-stones, and over-shaded with Trees planted
on each side: Their dwellings are the best I have yet seen in these
Parts. All which are maintain'd by Charitable Devotions; and the
Junks which go from _Ning-po_ and this place to _Japan_, touch there
both going and coming, to make their Offerings for their good Success.
There is another Island call'd _Kim-tong_ 5 Leagues hence in the way
to _Ning-po_, whither, they say, do retire a great many _Mandarins_
to live a quiet Life after they have given over their Employments; on
that Island also are said to be Silver Mines, but prohibited to be
open'd. The rest of the circumjacent Islands are either desert, or
meanly inhabited by a few fishing People, but all of them stor'd with
abundance of Deer. For it is not long since this Island of _Chusan_
began to be Peopled; it's true, in _Martini_'s Days, about 50 Years
ago, it was very Populous for the space of three or four Years, at
which time the fury of the _Tartarian_ Conquest was so great, that
they left it desolate, not sparing so much as the Mulberry Trees (for
then they made a great deal of raw Silk here) and in this condition
it continued till about 18 Years ago, that the Walls of the Fort or
Town, which now is, were built by the Governor of _Ting-hai_, for a
Garrison to expel some Pyrats, who had taken shelter here. About 14
Years ago, the Island beginning to be peopled, there was a _Chumpeen_
or General sent to govern it for three Years, to whom succeeded the
late _Chumpeen_ (who procur'd the opening of this Port to Strangers)
whose Government continued till _April_ last, being translated to be
_Chumpeen_ of _Tien-cing Wei_ near to _Pekin_, and was succeeded by the
present _Chumpeen_, who is Son to the Old _Chunkoon_ of _Emuy_.
They have got no Arts or Manufactories here, but making of lacker'd
Ware, a particular Account whereof I cannot as yet send you. They begin
to Plant Mulberry-Trees, to breed up Worms for the Production of raw
Silk; and they make some Tea, but chiefly for their own use.
Altho' the following Particulars contain nothing of extraordinary
matters in them, yet such as they are, you may take, till I can procure
you better.
The three sorts of Tea commonly carry'd to _England_ are all from
the same Plant, only the Season of the Year, and the Soil, makes the
difference. The _Bohee_ (or _Voiii_, so call'd of some Mountains in
the Province of _Fo-kien_, where it is chiefly made) is the very first
bud gather'd, in the beginning of _March_, and dry'd in the Shade. The
_Bing_ Tea is the second growth in _April_: and _Singlo_ the last in
_May_ and _June_, both dry'd a little in _Tatches_ or Pans over the
Fire. The Tea Shrub being an ever-green, is in Flower from _October_ to
_January_, and the Seed is ripe in _September_ and _October_ following,
so that one may gather both Flowers and Seed at the same time; but for
one fresh and full Seed, there are a hundred nought; these make up the
two sorts of _Fruit_ in _Le Compte_'s description of Tea: As for his
other sort, which he calls slymic Pease, they were nothing but the
young Buds of the Flowers not yet open. Its Seed-Vessels are really
_Tricapsular_, each _Capsula_ containing one Nut or Seed, and altho'
two or one _Capsula_ only comes to Perfection, yet the Vestiges of the
rest may be discerned. It grows in a dry gravelly Soil, on the sides
of Hills in several places of this Island, without any Cultivation.
_Le Compte_ is mistaken in saying (_pag. 96._) that the _Chineses_ are
wholly Strangers to the Art of Grafting, for I have seen a great many
of his Paradoxical Tallow-Trees ingrafted here, besides some other
Trees. When they Ingraft, they do not slit the Stock as we do, but cut
a small slice off the outside of the Stock, to which they apply the
Graft (being cut sloping on one side, agreeable to the slice cut from
the Stock) bringing up the Bark of the slice upon the outside of the
Graft, they tie altogether, covering with Straw and Mud as we do.
The Commentator on _Magalhen_ seems doubtful in the length of the
_Chinese Che_ or Cubit. Here they have two sorts, one of 13⁷⁄₁₀
_English_ Inches, which the Merchants commonly use: The other is of
eleven Inches, us'd by Carpenters, and also in Geographical Measures.
Albeit _F. Martini_ is censur'd by _F. Magalhen_ for spelling a great
many _Chinese_ Words with _ng_, which the _Portuguese_ and others
have done with _m_, yet his way is more agreeable to the _English_
Pronunciation, only in some Words the _g_ may be left out, as in
_Pekin_, _Nankin_, &c.
Having made enquiry about _Martini_'s Account of Sowing their Fields at
_Ven-cheu_ with Oyster-shells, to make new ones grow; I was told that
after they have taken out the Oysters, they sprinkle the Shells with
Urine, then putting them into the Water again, there grows new Oysters
on the foresaid Shells.
_Martini_ says he could never find a _Latin_ Name for the _Fula
Mogorin_ of the _Portuguese_, I'm sure it's the same with the _Syringa
Arabica flore pleno albo in Parkinsone_. He says also, that the
_Kieu-yeu_ or Tallow-tree bears a white Flower like a Cherry-tree; but
all that I have seen here bears a spike of small yellow Flowers like
the _julus_ of a _Salix_.
The Bean, or _Mandarin_ Broth, so frequently mentioned in the _Dutch_
Embassy and other Authors, is only an Emulsion made of the Seed of
_Sesamum_ and hot Water.
Their chief Employments here are Fishing and Agriculture.
In Fishing, they use several sorts of Nets and Lines as we do; but
because they have large Banks of Mud in some Places, the Fisherman, to
go more easily thereon, has contriv'd a small frame about 3 or 4 Foot
long, not much larger than a Hen-trough, elevated a little at each end,
in which he rests upon one Knee, leaning his Arms on a cross Stick,
rais'd so high as his Breast, and putting out the other Foot often upon
the Mud, he pushes forward his Frame thereon, and so carries himself
along in it.
As to their Agriculture, all their Fields (where any thing is planted)
whether high or low, are made into such Plots as may retain the Water
on them when they please. They Plow up their Ground with one Buffalo
or one Cow. Where they are to Sow Rice, they prepare the Fields very
well, by clearing it of all manner of Weeds, moistening to a Pulp, and
smoothing it with a Frame drawn across; on which they Sow the Rice very
thick and cover it only with Water for two or three Inches high, and
when it has grown 6 or 8 Inches long, they pull it up by the Roots, and
transplant it (by Tufts in a straight line) to Fields overflown with
Water; and where a Field is subject to Weeds, when the Water drys up,
they prevent their growth in over-turning the Mud with their Hands in
the interstices where the Rice is planted. When they Sow Wheat, Barley,
Pulse, and other Grains, they grub up some superficial Earth, Grass and
Roots, and with some Straw they burn all together; this Earth being
sifted fine, they mix with the Seed, which they Sow in holes made in
a strait Line, and so grows up in Tufts as the Rice does; the Field
being divided into Beds and harrowed over, both before and after the
Seed is Sown: This makes them somewhat resemble Gardens. Altho' they
meliorate their Fields, where they Sow Rice, only by letting the Water
on them, yet for other Grains, where Ground requires it, they make use
of Dung, Human Excrements, Ashes, _&c._ In watering their Fields here
they use the same Instrument mention'd by _Martini_ in the Preface to
his Atlas, being all of Wood, and the contrivance the same with that of
a Chain-Pump.
Their method in making of Salt is this: All the Shores here being Mud,
instead of Sand, in the Summer Season they pare off the superficial
Earth, which has been overflown with the Salt Water, and lay it up in
heaps for use; when they are to use it they dry it in the Sun, rubbing
it small; then digging a Pit, they cover the bottom thereof with Straw,
at which thro' the side of the Pit they pass a hollow Cane, that
leads into a Jar, which stands below the level of the Pits bottom;
they fill the Pit almost full with the foresaid Earth, and pour Salt
Water thereon, till it be covered two or three Inches with Water, which
drains through, into the foresaid Jar, and is afterwards boil'd into
Salt.
Had I not found the Printed News Papers last Year take notice of a
singular Root brought from _China_ by _F. Fontaney_, I should not have
told you, that I have seen one since I came here call'd _Hu-chu-u_
(which I take to be the same) whereto they ascribe wonderful Properties
of prolonging Life, and turning grey Hairs into black, by drinking its
Infusion for some time, insomuch that they say it's to be had in value
from 10 _Tael_ to 1000 or 2000 a single Root; for the larger it is, the
more is its value and efficacy: Which is too much Money here to try the
Experiment. You have it mention'd in _Cleyer_'s _Medicina Sinica_ No.
84. under the Name of _Ho-xcu-u_, according to the _Portugal_ Spelling:
It's likewise painted in the 27th Table of those Plants Mr. _Petiver_
had of me. If you'll have the Story of its Discovery, which I will not
warrant for Gospel, it runs thus. Upon a time a certain Person going
a Simpling among the Mountains, fell by accident into such a steep
Valley that he could by no means get out of it again; whereupon looking
about for something to sustain his Life; in this melancholy condition,
he espy'd this Root, of which he made Tryal; and found that in eating
thereof, it serv'd him both for Provisions and Clothing, by keeping
his Body in such a temperature, that the Injuries of the Weather had
no influence upon him during his stay there, which was some hundreds
of Years; till at last an Earthquake happen'd in that place, whereby
the Mountains were rent, and he found a passage out to his House, from
whence he had been so long absent: But the many alterations that came
to pass there in such a space of time, would not permit them to give
Credit to his Story; till consulting the Annals of their Family, which
gave an Account of one of them lost at that time, they were confirm'd
in the truth of his Relation. And so much for this.
_A Letter from Mr. _John Clayton_ Rector of _Crofton_ at
_Wakefield_ in _Yorkshire_, to the Royal Society, _May 12. 1688._
giving an Account of several Observables in _Virginia_, and in
his Voyage thither, more particularly concerning the Air._
Having oftentimes been urged to give an Account of _Virginia_, by
several of the Worthy Members of the Royal Society, I cannot but, as
far forth as I am able, obey Commands whereby I'm so much honour'd,
and show my Respect by my ready Compliance; tho' I am so sensible
of my own Weakness and Incapacity to answer your Expectations, that
before-hand I must Apologize for my self. And indeed by Sea I lost all
my Books, Chymical Instruments, Glasses and Microscopes, which rendred
me uncapable of making those Remarks and Observations I had designed,
they were all cast away in Captain _Win_'s Ship, as they were to follow
me; and _Virginia_ being a Country where one cannot furnish ones self
again with such things, I was discourag'd from making so diligent a
Scrutiny as otherwise I might have done, so that I took very few
Minutes down in Writing; and therefore, since I have only my Memory
to rely on, which too has the Disadvantage of it's own Weakness, and
of the distance of two Years since now I left the Country, if future
Relations shall in some small Points make out my Mistake, I thought
this requisite to justifie my Candor; for I ever judg'd it villanous
to impose in matters of Fact; but Descriptions of things that depend
on Memory may be liable to Mistakes, and yet the sincerity of the
Person that delivers them intire. But hereof I shall be as cautious
as possible, and shall rather wave some things whereof I have some
Doubts, and am uncapable now of satisfying my self, than in any sort
presume too far. The method I design is, First, to give an Account of
the Air, and all such Observations as refer thereto; then of the Water,
the Earth and Soil; the Birds, the Beasts, the Fishes, the Plants,
the Insects; and lastly, the present state of the Inhabitants: But at
present I shall neither trouble you nor my self with any more than an
Account of what refers to the Air alone, being conscious the Honourable
Society may receive such a Glut with the Imperfection of this, as to
excuse me from a farther Relation.
But before I begin, perhaps it may not be impertinent to acquaint you
with some things that happen'd in our Voyage. We sail'd in the Ship
_Judith_, Captain _Trim_ Commander, 'twas Fly-boat built, about 200 or
250 Tuns; she sprung a considerable Leak. When the Captain had made
long and diligent Search, had tried all methods that Seamen use upon
such occasions, or he could think of, all in vain, and that the Leak
encreased, he came pensively to consult me. Discoursing with him about
it, and understanding that the Ship was Cieled within, so that though
the Leak might possibly be in the fore-part, it would fill the whole
Cavity betwixt the Cieling and the Planks, and so run into the Hold
at all the Crevices of the Cieling up and down: I thereupon conceive,
that where it burst in betwixt the Cieling and the Planks, it must
needs make some Noise. He told me, they had endeavoured to find it out
that way, and according to custom had clapt Cans to their Ears to hear
with; but the working of the Ship, the Tackle and the Sea made such a
Noise, that they could discover nothing thereby. I happily bethought my
self of the Speaking Trumpet; and having one which I had contrived for
some other Conveniences, of a differing shape from the common sorts, I
bid him take it and apply the broad end to the side of the Ship, the
narrow end to his Ear, and it would encrease his Hearing as much as it
augmented the Voice the other way, and would ward the Ear too from the
confusion of foreign Noise. Upon the first application, accordingly
they heard it, tho' it happened to be at a considerable distance;
and when they removed the Trumpet nigher, they heard it as if it had
been the Current of a mighty River, even so distinctly, as to have
Apprehensions of the bigness and figure of the Hole that the Water came
in at; so that cutting there the Sealing of the Ship, they immediately
stopt the Leak.
In the Sea I saw many little things which the Seamen call Carvels; they
are like a Jelly or Starch that is made with a cast of Blue in it; they
Swim like a small Sheep's Bladder above the Water, downwards there
are long Fibrous Strings, some whereof I have found near half a yard
long. This I take to be a sort of Sea-Plant, and the strings its Roots
growing in the Sea, as Duck-weed does in Ponds. It may be reckon'd
among the Potential Cauteries; for when we were one day becalm'd,
getting some to make Observations thereof, the sportful People rub'd it
on one anothers Hands and Faces, and where it touch'd it would make it
look very Red, and make it smart worse than a Nettle. In my return for
_England_ we struck a Hauksbill Turtle, in whose Guts I found many of
these Carvels; so that it's manifest they feed thereon. 'Tis commonly
asserted by the Seamen, that they can smell the Pines at _Virginia_
several Leagues at Sea before they see Land, but I could receive no
Satisfaction as to this Point; I could not discern any such thing when
at a moderate distance, I fear much of this may be attributed to Fancy;
for one Day there came three or four full scent to tell me they were
certain they smelt the Pines; but it afterwards prov'd that we were
at that time 200 Leagues from the Shoar, so that I was satisfied that
was therefore meer Fancy. Indeed we thought, by the general Accounts
of the Ship, that we had been just on the Coast, but all were deceived
by a Current we met with, that at that time set about South-East, or
East South-East, which when once becalmed we tried thus: We hoised out
a Boat, and took one of the Scuttles that cover'd one of the Hatches
of the Ship, tying thereto a great Weight, and a strong long Rope, we
let it sink a considerable depth, and then fastening it to the Boat,
it serv'd as an Anchor, that the Boat could not drive; then with the
Glass and log Line we found the Current set, as I say, Eastward, at
the rate of a Mile and a half an Hour. This Current is of mischievous
Consequence, it does not always run one way, but as it sets sometimes
as we proved Easterly, so does it, as they say, set at other times
Westerly, whereby many Ships have been lost; for then the Ships being
before their Accounts, they fall in with the Land before they are
aware. Thus one Year many Ships were lost on Cape _Hattarasse_, and
thereabouts.
_Of the AIR._
The Cape called _Cape Henry_, lies in 36½ of the Northern Latitude.
The Air and Temperature of the Seasons is much govern'd by Winds in
_Virginia_, both as to Heat and Cold, Dryness and Moisture, whose
Variations being very notable, I the more lamented the loss of my
Barometers and Thermometers, for considerable Observations might be
made thereby, there being often great and suddain Changes. The Nore
and Nore-West are very nitrous and piercing, cold and clear, or else
stormy. The South-East and South hazy and sultry hot: Their Winter
is a fine clear Air, and dry, which renders it very pleasant: Their
Frosts are short, but sometimes very sharp, that it will freeze the
Rivers over three Miles broad; nay, the Secretary of State assured me,
it had frozen clever over _Potomack_ River, over against his House,
where it is near nine Miles over: I have observed it freezes there the
hardest, when from a moist South East, on a sudden the Wind passing
by the Nore, a nitrous sharp Nore-West blows; not with high Gusts,
but with a cutting brisk Air; and those Vails then that seem to be
shelter'd from the Wind, and lie warm, where the Air is most stagnant
and moist, are frozen the hardest, and seized the soonest, and there
the Fruits are more subject to blast than where the Air has a free
Motion. Snow falls sometimes in pretty quantity, but rarely continues
there above a Day or two: Their Spring is about a Month earlier than in
_England_; in _April_ they have frequent Rains, sometimes several short
and suddain Gusts. _May_ and _June_ the Heat encreases, and it is much
like our Summer, being mitigated with gentle Breezes that rise about
9 of the Clock, and decrease and incline as the Sun rises and falls.
_July_ and _August_ those Breezes cease, and the Air becomes stagnant,
that the Heat is violent and troublesome. In _September_ the Weather
usually breaks suddenly, and there falls generally very considerable
Rains. When the Weather breaks many fall Sick, this being the time of
an Endemical Sickness, for Seasonings, Cachexes, Fluxes, Scorbutical
Dropsies, Gripes, or the like, which I have attributed to this Reason.
That by the extraordinary Heat the ferment of the Blood being raised
too high, and the Tone of the Stomach relaxed, when the Weather breaks
the Blood palls, and like over-fermented Liquors is depauperated, or
turns eager and sharp, and there's a crude Digestion, whence the named
Distempers may be supposed to ensue. And for confirmation, I have
observed the Carminative Seeds, such as warm, and whose Oil sheaths
the acid Humors that ever result from crude Digestions. But Decoctions
that retain the Tone of the Stomach, as I suppose, by making the
little Glands in the Tunicles of the Stomach, squeeze out their Juice,
(for what is bitter may be as well offensive to the Stomach, as to
the Palate) and then Chalibiates that raise the decayed Ferment, are
no bad Practice; after which, I conceive, Armoniack Spirits might be
very beneficial. But their Doctors are so Learned, that I never met
with any of them that understood what Armoniack Spirits were: Two or
three of them one time ran me clear down by consent, that they were
Vomitive, and that they never used any thing for that purpose but
Crocus Metallorum, which indeed every House keeps; and if their Finger,
as the Saying is, ake but, they immediatly give three or four Spoonfuls
thereof; if this fail, they give him a second Dose, then perhaps Purge
them with 15 or 20 Grains of the Rosin of Jalap, afterwards Sweat them
with _Venice_ Treacle, Powder of Snake-Root, or _Gascoin_'s Powder;
and when these fail _conclamatum est_. But to return, 'Tis wonderful
what influence the Air has over Mens Bodies, whereof I had my self
sad assurances; for tho' I was in a very close warm Room, where was
a Fire constantly kept, yet there was not the least Alteration or
Change, whereof I was not sensible when I was sick of the Gripes, of
which Distemper I may give a farther account in its proper place. When
a very Ingenious Gentlewoman was visited with the same Distemper, I
had the opportunity of making very considerable Observations. I stood
at the Window, and could view the Clouds arise: For there small black
fleeting Clouds will arise, and be swiftly carry'd cross the whole
Element; and as these Clouds arose, and came nigher, her Torments were
encreased, which were grievous as a labouring Womans; there was not the
least Cloud but lamentably affected her, and that at a considerable
distance; but by her Shrieks it seemed more or less, according to the
bigness and nearness of the Clouds. The Thunder there is attended often
with fatal Circumstances: I was with my Lord _Howard_ of _Effingham_
the Governour, when they brought Word that one Dr. _A._ was killed
therewith, after this manner: He was Smoaking a Pipe of Tobacco, and
looking out at his Window when he was struck dead, and immediately
became so stiff, that he did not fall, but stood leaning in the Window,
with the Pipe in his Mouth, in the same posture he was in when struck:
But this I only deliver as Report, tho' I heard the same Account from
several, without any contradicting it. These things are remarkable,
that it generally breaks in at the Gable end of the Houses, and often
kills Persons in, or near the Chimneys range, darting most fiercely
down the Funnel of the Chimney, more especially if there be a Fire, (I
speak here confusedly of Thunder and Lightning) for when they do any
Mischief, the Crash and Lightning are at the same Instant, which must
be from the nearness of the Cloud. One time when the Thunder split
the Mast of a Boat at _James_ Town, I saw it break from the Cloud,
which it divided in two, and seem'd as if it had shot them immediatly
a Mile asunder, to the Eye: It is dangerous when it Thunders standing
in a narrow Passage, where there's a thorough Passage, or in a Room
betwixt two Windows; tho' several have been kill'd in the open Fields.
'Tis incredible to tell how it will strike large Oaks, shatter and
shiver them, sometimes twisting round a Tree, sometimes as if it struck
the Tree backwards and forwards. I had noted a fine spreading Oak in
_James Town_ Island, in the Morning I saw it fair and flourishing, in
the Evening I observed all the Bark of the Body of the Tree, as if it
had been artificially peel'd off; was orderly spread round the Tree,
in a Ring, whose Semidiameter was four Yards, the Tree in the Center;
all the Body of the Tree was shaken and split, but its Boughs had all
their Bark on; few Leaves were fallen, and those on the Boughs as
fresh as in the Morning, but gradually afterwards withered, as on a
Tree that is fallen. I have seen several vast Oaks and other Timber
Trees twisted, as if it had been a small Willow that a Man had twisted
with his Hand, which I could suppose had been done by nothing but the
Thunder. I have been told by very serious Planters, that 30 or 40
Years since, when the Country was not so open, the Thunder was more
fierce, and that sometimes after violent Thunder and Rain, the Roads
would seem to have perfect casts of Brimstone; and 'tis frequent after
much Thunder and Lightning for the Air to have a perfect Sulphurious
Smell. Durst I offer my weak Reasons when I write to so great Masters
thereof, I should here consider the nature of Thunder, and compare
it with some Sulphurious Spirits which I have drawn from Coals, that
I could no way condense, yet were inflamable; nay, would burn after
they pass'd through Water, and that seemingly fiercer, if they were
not over-power'd therewith. I have kept of this Spirit a considerable
time in Bladders; and tho' it appeared as if they were only blown
with Air, yet if I let it forth, and fired it with a Match or Candle,
it would continue burning till all were spent. It might be worthy
Consideration likewise, whether those frequent Thunders proceeded from
the Air's being more stagnant, the motion of the Winds being impeded
by the Trees, or whether the motion of the Winds being obstructed by
them below, the motion might not be more violent aloft; and how far
that may promote inflammability, for Stacks of Hay or Corn that ferment
with moisture, never burn, unless when brisk Winds blow, that agitate
and fan the little fermenting Sparks, and often kindle them into an
actual Fire. And Observance of the Meteors there might perhaps not be
Impertinent, as both what are more rare, and what are more frequent,
as of _Gosimore_ in great abundance, and of those small Cob-webs in a
Morning, which some have supposed to be Meteors. _Ignes fatui_, tho'
there be many boggy Swamps and Marshes, are seldom, if any are seen
there. There be frequent little sorts of Whirl-winds, whose Diameter
may be sometimes not past two or three Yards, sometimes forty, which
whisking round in a Circle, pass along the Earth, according to the
motion of the Cloud, from whence they issue; and as they pass along
with their gyrous or circular motion, they carry aloft the dry Leaves
into the Air, which fall again often in places far remote. I have
seen them descend in a calm Sun-shine Day, as if they had come from
the Heavens in great Showers thereof, so that all the Elements seem'd
filled therewith. And I could perceive them to descend from on high as
far as I could possibly discern a Leaf. I remember a roguish Expression
of a Seaman, otherwise silly enough, who wondering thereat, cry'd out,
_Sure now 'tis manifest there is a World above!_ and now with them 'tis
the Fall of the Leaf. But to proceed, I thought this made it manifest,
whence many preternatural Showers have happen'd. I remember at Sir
_Richard Atherton_'s in _Lancashire_, some few Years ago, there fell
a great number of the Seeds of Ivy-berries; at first we admir'd what
they were, for they were cover'd with a thin Skin that was red, and
resembled the Figure of a small Wheat Corn; but afterwards they fully
manifested what they were; for many sprouted and took Root. I suppose
they were carry'd aloft by some such Whirl-wind, and let fall there. I
have purposely gone into the place where I perceived this Gust, which
is notorious enough by the Noise it makes, with rattling the Leaves as
it carries them aloft, and have found a fine sharp Breeze of Wind.
_Yours_, &c.
Mr. _Clayton_'s second Letter, containing his farther Observations
on _Virginia_.
Being honour'd with the Thanks of the Society for my last, and
receiving by my worthy Friend Dr. _Moulin_ their Commands to proceed,
I have added here my Observations of the Waters, and part of the Earth
and Soil. I shall wave both Complements and Apologies, since I have
greater Respect and Honour for the Society than I can possibly express,
and have no reason to suspect their Favour, whose Candidness I so
signally proved in my last.
_Of the WATER._
'Twixt the two Capes, the Southern, call'd the _Cape Henry_, the more
Northerly call'd _Cape Charles_, there runs up a great Bay, call'd the
Bay of _Cheesepeak_; nine Leagues over in some places, in most Seven,
lying much West, Nore and South, dividing _Virginia_ into two unequal
Parts. On the East side of this Bay there lies a narrow neck of Land,
which makes the Counties of _Northampton_ and _Accomack_. On the West
side of the Bay there branches forth four great Rivers, _James River_,
_York River_, _Rapahanack_ and _Potomack_, that rise from a ridge of
Mountains, whereof more in the Sequel. These Rivers plentifully water
all the other parts of _Virginia_, emptying themselves into the great
Bay. The Mouth of _James River_, which is the most Southerly of them,
the Mouth of _Potomack_, which is the most Northerly, may be a hundred
Miles distance: But as I have been credibly inform'd that the Falls
of _James River_ are not past thirty Miles from _Potomack_, which is
a vast large River nine Miles over in many places. I have been told
it was Navigable nigh two hundred Miles, much higher than any of the
other Rivers: Whence I conclude in future times, it will be the most
considerable for Trade when the Country comes to be inhabited further
up into the main Land. The other Rivers are much about three Miles over
a piece. And _James River_ is Navigable at least eighty Miles. Within
four or five Miles of _James Town_, _James River_ and _York River_
are not past four or five Miles asunder. Yea, Sloops of considerable
Carriage may Sail up the Branches of the two Rivers, till they come
within a Mile the one of the other; for I take it to be no more from
Col. _Bollards_ to Major _Troop_'s Landing, and I believe they may come
much what as near again as Col. _Coles_, and several other places.
_York_ River is distant from _Rapahanack_ in some places not past
ten or twelve Miles, _Rapahanack_ from _Potomack_ not past seven
Miles in one place, tho' it may be sixty in others. The Heads of the
Branches of the Rivers interfere and lock one within another, which I
think is best expressed after the manner that an _Indian_ explained
himself once to me, when I enquired how nigh the Rivers of _Carolina_,
_Virginia_ and _Maryland_ arose out of the Mountains? from those that
ran Westerly on the other side of the Mountains, he clapt the Fingers
of one Hand 'twixt those of the other, crying, they meet thus; the
Branches of different Rivers rising not past a hundred Paces distant
one from another: So that no Country in the World can be more curiously
watered. But this conveniency, that in future times may make her like
the _Netherlands_, the richest place in all _America_, at the present
I look on the greatest Impediment to the advance of the Country, as it
is the greatest Obstacle to Trade and Commerce. For the great number
of Rivers and the thinness of the Inhabitants distract and disperse a
Trade. So that all Ships in general gather each their Loading up and
down an hundred Miles distant; and the best of Trade that can be driven
is only a sort of _Scotch_ Peddling; for they must carry all sort of
Truck that trade thither, having one Commodity to pass off another.
This (_i. e._) the number of Rivers, is one of the chief Reasons why
they have no Towns; for every one being more sollicitous for a private
Interest and Conveniency, than for a publick, they will either be for
making forty Towns at once, that is, two in every Country, or none at
all, which is the Countries Ruin. But to return, The Tides in these
Rivers regularly ebb and flow about two Foot perpendicular at _James
Town_; there is there, as they call it, a Tide and half Tide, that
is, it flows near two hours along by the Shoar, after that it is ebb
in the Channel, and again it ebbs near two Hours by the Shoar, after
that it is Flood in the Channel. This is great advantage to the Boats
passing up and down the River. I suppose this is caused by many Creeks
and Branches of the Rivers, which being considerable many, tho' only
three or four Miles long, yet as broad as the _Thames_ at _London_;
others ten Miles long, some above twenty, that have little fresh Water
which they carry of their own, but their Current primarily depending
upon the Flux and Re-flux of the Sea. So that after the Tide is made
in the Channel, it flows by the Shoar a considerable time afterwards,
being that those Creeks are still to fill, and therefore as it were
draws up a Source upwards by the Shoar; and likewise when the Tide
returns in the Channel, the Creeks that could not so readily disburse
their Water, being still to empty themselves, they make an ebbing by
the Shoar a considerable time after that it is Flood, as I say, in
the Channel. So far as the Salt Waters reach the Country is deemed
less healthy. In the Freshes they more rarely are troubled with the
Seasonings, and those Endemical Distempers about _September_ and
_October_. This being very remarkable, I refer the Reason to the more
piercing Genius of those most judicious Members of the Society: And
it might perhaps be worthy the Disquisition of the most Learned to
give an Account of the various alterations and fatal effects that the
Air has on humane Bodies, especially when impregnated with a Marine
Salt; more peculiarly when such an Air becomes stagnant: This might
perhaps make several beneficial Discoveries, not only in relation to
those Distempers in _America_, but perhaps take in your _Kentish_
Agues, and many others remarkable enough in our own Nation. I lately
was making some Observations of this nature, on a Lady of a delicate
Constitution, who living in a clear Air, and removing towards the
Sea-Coast, was lamentably afflicted therewith, which both my self and
others attributed to this Cause, she having formerly upon her going
to the same, been seized in the same manner. But to return: There is
one thing more in reference to this very thing very remarkable in
_Virginia_, generally twice in the Year, Spring and Fall, at certain
Spring-Tides, the most of the Cattle will set on gadding, and run, tho'
it be twenty or thirty Miles, to the River to drink the Salt Water, at
which time there's scarce any stopping of them; which the People know
so well, that if about those times their Herds are stray'd from their
Plantations, without more sollicitation they go directly to the Rivers
to fetch them home again. As for the Waters in the Springs in general,
they are, I think, somewhat more eager than those in _England_. In
that I have observed, they require some quantity more of Malt to make
strong Beer than our _English_ Waters, and will not bear Soap. I have
try'd several by infusing of Galls, and found little difference in the
Colours, turning much what the Colour of common Sack in Taverns. I
tried two Wells at Col. _Birds_, by the Falls of _James River_, several
Wells near _James Town_, some Springs in the _Isle of Wight County_:
There's a Spring in the _Isle of Wight_, or _Nanzamond County_, vents
the greatest Source of Water I ever saw, excepting _Holy-well in
Wales_, but I had not opportunity to make Experiments thereof. I tried
likewise some Springs on the Banks of _York River_, in _New Kent_ and
_Gloucester County_, but found them vary very little as to Colour. I
could not try any thing as to their specifick Gravity, having neither
Aquapoise, nor those other Glasses I had contrived peculiarly for
making such Experiments, they being all lost with my other things.
I had Glasses blown would hold about five Ounces, others about ten
Ounces, with Necks so small, that a Drop would make a considerable
Variation; with these I could make much more critical and satisfactory
Observations as to the specifical Gravity of Liquors, having critical
Scales, than by any other way yet by me tried. I used this method to
weigh Urines, which Practice I would recommend to the Inquisitive and
critical Physicians. I had made many Observations hereof, but all Notes
were likewise lost with my other things. Yet I have begun afresh;
for there are more signal Variations in the Weights of Urines than
one would at first imagin; and when the Eye can discover little, but
judge two Urines to be alike, they may be found to differ very much
as to Weight. By Weight I find Observations may be made of Affections
in the Head, which rarely make any visible Alterations in the Urine.
I have found two Urines not much unlike differ two and twenty Grains
in the quantity of about four or five Ounces: But let them that make
these Essays weigh all their Urines when cold, lest they be thereby
deceiv'd. But to return to the Spring Waters in _Virginia_. There's a
Spring at my Lady _Berkley's_, called _Green-Spring_, whereof I have
been often told, so very Cold, that 'tis dangerous drinking thereof in
Summer-time, it having proved of fatal Consequence to several. I never
tried any thing of what Nature it is of.
There be many petrifying Waters; and indeed I believe few of the Waters
but participate of a petrifying Quality, tho' there be few Pebbles or
paving Stones to be found in all the Country. But I have found many
Sticks with crusty Congelations round them in the Ruins of Springs,
and Stones figured like Honey-Combs, with many little Stars as it were
shot in the Holes. And nothing is more common than petrefy'd Shells,
unless you would determine that they are parts of natural Rock shot
in those Figures, which indeed I rather think; but thereof hereafter.
Mr. Secretary _Spencer_ has told me of some Waters participating much
of _Alome_ or _Vitriol_ towards _Potomack_. Up beyond the Falls of
_Rapahanack_ I have heard of Poisonous Waters. But these I only mention
as a hint to further Enquiry of some others, for I can say nothing of
them my self.
_A Continuation of Mr. _John Clayton_'s Account of _Virginia_._
_Of the Earth and Soil._
When you make the Capes of _Virginia_, you may observe it low Land, so
that at some distance the Trees appear as if they grew in the Water;
and as you approach nigher to emerge thence. For a hundred Miles up
into the Country, there are few Stones to be found, only in some
places, Rocks of Iron Oar appear, which made me expect to have found
many Waters turn Purple with Galls, but never met with any. Providence
has supplied the common use of Stones, by making the Roads very good:
so that they ride their Horses without shooing them; which yet are more
rarely beaten on their Feet, than ours are in _England_, the Country
and Clime being dry, their Hoofs are much harder; For I observed, that
take a Horse out of the wet Marshes, and Swamps, as they there call
them, and ride him immediatly, and he'll quickly be tender-footed. In
some places, for several Miles together, the Earth is so intermix'd
with Oyster-shells, that there may seem as many Shells as Earth; and
how deep they lie thus inter-mingled, I think, is not yet known: for
at broken Banks they discover themselves to be continued many Yards
perpendicular. In several places these Shells are much closer, and
being petrefied, seem to make a Vein of a Rock. I have seen in several
places, Veins of these Rocky Shells, three or four Yards thick, at the
foot of a Hill, whose Precipice might be twenty Yards perpendicular,
whose Delf, I suppose, shot under the Hill, pieces of these Rocks
broken off, lie there, which, I suppose, may weigh twenty or thirty
Tuns a piece, and are as difficult to be broken as our Free-stone.
Of these Rocks of Oyster-shells that are not so much petrified, they
burn and make all their Lime; whereof they have that store, that no
Generation will consume. Whether these were formerly Oysters, which
left by the subsiding Seas, (as some suppose, that all that Tract of
Land, now high Ground, was once overflowed by the Sea) were since
petrefied, or truly Stones, _sui Generis_, I leave to the Honourable
Society to determin. But when I consider the constant and distinct
shooting of several Salts, Nature's Curiosity, in every thing, so
far exceeding that of Art, that the most Ingenious, when referr'd
thereto, seem only endued with an Apish fondness, I cannot think any
thing too difficult or wonderful for Nature; and indeed I do not
apprehend, why it may not be as feasible to suppose them to have been
Rocks, at first shot into those Figures, as to conceive the Sea to
have amass'd such a vast number of Oyster-shells one upon another, and
afterwards subsiding, should leave them cover'd with such Mountains
of Earth, under which they should petrify: But not to launch forth
too far into those Disputes, since I must modestly remember to whom
I write. Often, in the looser Banks of Shells and Earth, are found
perfect Teeth petrefied, some whereof I have seen, could not be less
than two or three Inches long, and above an Inch broad: Tho' they
were not Maxillary Teeth, the part that one might suppose grew out of
the Jaw, was polish'd, and black, almost as Jet; the part which had
been fasten'd in the Jaw and Gums, was brown, and not so shiningly
polish'd, or smooth; if they were, as they seemed to be, really Teeth,
I suppose, they must have been of Fishes. The back-Bone of a Whale,
and as I remember, they told me of some of the Ribs, were digg'd out
of the side of a Hill, several Yards deep in the Ground, about four
Miles distant from _James Town_, and the River. Mr. _Banister_, a
Gentleman pretty curious in those things, shew'd me likewise the Joint
of a Whale's back-Bone, and several Teeth, some whereof, he said, were
found in Hills beyond the Falls of _James_ River, at least, a hundred
and fifty Miles up into the Country. The Soil in general is Sandy:
I had designed, and I think it might be worth a critical Remark, to
observe, the difference of Soils seem appropriated to the several
sorts of Tobacco: For there is not only the two distinct sorts of a
sweet-scented, and Aranoko Tobacco, but of each of these be several
sorts much different, the Seeds whereof are known by distinct Names,
they having given them the Names of those Gentlemen most famed for
such sort of Tobacco, as of _Prior_-seed, _&c._ Nay, the same sort
of Seed in different Earths, will produce Tobacco much different,
as to goodness. The richer the Ground, the better it is for Aranoko
Tobacco, whose Scent is not much minded, their only aim being to have
it specious, large, and to procure it a bright Kite's Foot colour.
Had not my Microscopes, _&c._ Tools to grind Glasses, been cast away,
with my other things, I had made some critical Enquiries into their
several Natures, I would have examin'd what proportions of Salts, all
the sorts of Earths had afforded, and how Water impregnated with their
Salts, would have changed with infusing Galls, how with the Syrup of
Violets, and how they would have precipitated Mercury, or the like, and
so far forth as I had been able, examined them by the several Tryals of
Fire. I conceive Tobacco to be a Plant abounding with Nitro-Sulphurious
Particles; for the Planters try the goodness of their Seed, by casting
a little thereof into the Fire; if it be good, it will sparkle after
the manner of Gun-powder: so will the Stalks of Tobacco-leaves, and
perhaps has something analogous to the Narcotick Sulphur of _Venus_,
which the Chymists so industriously labour after. The World knows
little of the efficacy of its Oyl, which has wonderful Effects in the
curing of old inveterate Sores, and Scrophulous Swellings, and some,
otherwise applied and qualified. The goodness of Tobacco I look on
primarily consists in the volatility of its Nitre: And hence the
sandy Grounds that are most impregnated therewith, and whose Nitrous
Salt is most Volatile, for such Grounds are quickliest spent, yield
Tobacco's that have the richest Scent, and that shortly becomes a
pleasant Smoak; whereas, in Tobacco that grows on stiff Ground, the
Salts seem more fix'd, and lock'd up in the Oyl, so that whilst new,
'tis very heady and strong, and requires some time for its Salts to
free themselves, and become Volatile; which it manifests, by its having
an Urinous Smell. The same Reason satisfies, why Tobacco that grows
on low Lands as far as the Salts, tho' the Plant be never overflowed
with Salt Water, yet the Ground that feeds the Plant being impregnated
with Salt Water, that Tobacco Smoaks not pleasantly, and will scarcely
keep Fire, but do all that a Man can, will oft go out, and gives much
trouble in frequent lighting the Pipe, 'till after it has been kept
some considerable time: Which may be assign'd to the fixeder Saline
Particles of the Marine Salt in these Plants, which require more time
e'er they be render'd Volatile. Here it might be worthy an Enquiry
into the Nature of Filtration of Plants, since we may hence gather,
Particles of the Marine Salt are carried along with the _Succus
Nutritius_ of the Plant; concerning which, if it were not too much to
deviate from the Matter in hand, I should offer some Reflections of
my own, which the Learned Society might perhaps improve: For I think
thence might be made many happy Conjectures as to the Virtues of
Plants. So where we see Plants, or Trees, of an open Pore growing low,
we shall find their Juice has subtile Parts: So have all Vines, whether
the Grape Vine, or Briony, or a Smilax, or the like. If a Gummous Plant
or Tree, that grows low, and close Pored, it abounds with acid Spirits,
as _Lignum Vitæ_, &c. if it grow tall, and be open Pored, it abounds
with a subtile Volatile Spirit, as your Firs, and the Turpentine
Tree. But to insist no further herein, than as this may be applicable
to the present Discourse: For I have observed, that that which is
called Pine-wood Land, tho' it be a sandy Soil, even the Sweet-scented
Tobacco that grows thereon, being large and porous, agreeable to
Aranoko Tobacco; it smoaks as coarsely as Aranoko: Wherefore 'tis,
that I believe the Microscope might make notable Discoveries towards
the knowledge of good Tobacco: For the closer the Composition of the
Leaf, the better the Tobacco; and therefore the Planters and Merchants
brag of the Substance of their Tobacco; which word, did they always
take it in a true Sence, for the Solidness, and not mistake it for the
Thickness, it would be more consonant to a true Observation: for as I
said of the Pine-wood Tobacco, some of it is thick and not Solid, and
differs from the best Tobacco, as Buff does from Tann'd Leather; so
that if the Tobacco be sound and not Rotten, you may give a great guess
at the goodness of Tobacco, when you weigh the Hogsheads, before you
see them: For if an equal care be taken in the packing of them the best
Tobacco will weigh the heaviest, and Pack the closest. Now I said,
that the Sweet-scented Tobacco most in vogue, which was most fam'd for
its Scent, was that that grew on sandy Land; which is true, if you
would Smoak it whilst new, or whilst only two or three Years Old; but
if you keep the stiff Land Tobacco, which is generally a Tobacco of
great Substance five or six Years, it will much excel: For tho' the
sandy Land Tobacco abound with a Volatile Nitre at first, yet the stiff
Land Tobacco abounds with a greater quantity of Nitre, only that it is
lock'd up in its Oyl at first, and requires more time to extricate it
self, and become Volatile; but the Pine-wood Land having little of the
Nitro-Sulphurious Particles, neither is, nor ever will make any thing
of a rich Smoak. Discoursing hereof some days since, to a Gentleman
of good Observation, that has been versed with Malting, he assured
me, to back this my Supposition, or Hypothesis, he had observed, that
Barly that grew on stiff Ground, requir'd more time considerably to
Mellow, and come to perfection, than that that grew on light Land.
Having proceeded thus far to speak of Tobacco, I shall add one or two
things more. The Planters differ in their Judgments about the Time of
Planting, or Pitching their Crops: Some are for Pitching their Crops
very early, others late, without any distinction of the Nature of the
Soils; and 'tis from the different Effects that they find, in that,
sometimes early, sometimes the late Planting succeeds: But they have
not the Reason to judge of the Cause, to consider the Accidents of the
Year, and the Difference of the Soils. In sandy Grounds they need not
strive so much for early Planting, the Looseness of the Earth, and the
kind natur'd Soil, yielding all that it can, easily and speedily, and
Sand retaining the Heat, makes the Plants grow faster. But in stiff
Soils, if the Crops be not early pitch'd, so that during the Season
of Rains it have got considerable Roots, and shot them some depth,
if early Droughts come, it so binds the Land, that the Roots never
spread or shoot deeper, or further than the Hill that they are planted
in: For they plant them as we do Cabbages, raising Hills to set every
Plant in, about the bigness of a common Mole-hill: observing this on
the Plantation where I lived, that it was stiff Ground, I advised them
to Plant their Crops as early as possible; and in order thereunto, I
tried several ways to further the Plants; but not to trouble you with
the several Experiments that I made, in reference thereto: What I found
most advantageous was, by taking an infusion of Horse-dung, and putting
thereon Soot, and then my Seeds; this I kept Forty eight Hours in an
ordinary digestive heat, I had two Beds left me to Sow, in the midst of
those the People sow'd, and the quantity of Seed that they generally
allotted to the same quantity of Ground; when I sow'd, I mix'd Ashes
with the Seed, having decanted the Liquor, that the Seed might sow
the evener: The effect was, that my Plants came up much sooner, grew
swifter, and I had five Plants for one more than any of the other Beds
bore; I left the Country shortly after, and so no certainty of the
final Result. There be had various Accidents and Distempers, whereunto
Tobacco is liable, as the Worm, the Fly, Firing to Turn, as they
call them, French-men, and the like. I propos'd several ways to kill
the Worm and Fly, as by Sulphur and the like; but had no opportunity
to experiment it: I shall set down that I had most hopes of, which
perhaps may give a hint to others to try or improve. Tobacco-seed is
very small, and by consequence so is the young Plant at first, that
if gleamy Weather happen at that time, it breeds a small Fly, which
consumes the Plume of the Plant; now it being early in the Year when
they Sow the Seed, _viz._ about the fourteenth of _January_, they cover
the Ground, to secure, as well as they can, their tender Plants, from
the nipping Frosts, that may happen in the Nights; they cover them only
with a few Oak-leaves, or the like; for Straw they find apt to Harbour
and Breed this Fly: I therefore would advise them to smoak Straw
with Brimstone, once in two or three Nights, and so they might cover
them securely, with that which would preserve them infinitely beyond
the Covering with Oak-boughs; indeed, I would advise them to keep
peculiarly so much of their _Indian_ Corn-blades, which they gather
for their Fodder, for this very purpose, being as I conceive, much the
best, there being no Chaff to foul their Beds, and prejudice them when
they should weed them. What they call Firing is this: When Plants are
of small Substance, as when there has been a very Wet and Cold Season,
and very hot Weather suddainly ensues, the Leaves turn Brown, and dry
to dust: the cause I conceive to be hence: The Plant being feeble, and
having a small quantity of Oyl, which makes the more solid part of the
Plant, the Earth being suddainly heated by the Sun's fiercer Beams, the
Roots are rather scorch'd and dried up in the Earth, than nourish'd;
so that the Plant consisting only of watry parts, is consumed, as it
were, by Fire: sometimes hopeful Plants, when by a sudden Gust some
Master Veins are broken, if suddain heat ensues, they likewise Fire:
For being not come to maturity, and being deprived of the Supports of
Life and Vegetation, they likewise perish, are dried up, and fall to
dust. _French-men_ they call those Plants, whose leaves do not spread
and grow large, but rather spire upwards, and grow tall; these Plants
they do not tend, being not worthy their Labour. Were they so Critical,
I believe, they might have great Guess what Plants were most likely to
turn _French-men_, by observing whether the Roots of the Plants run
downwards, as those whose Branches are aptest to spire upwards: For
tho' I have not made positive proof thereof, I have something more
than bare fancy for my conjecture; I have pull'd up some of these
_French-men_, and compar'd them with the Roots of some other Plants,
and found them much longer than others; and 'tis observable, loose
Soils, and sandy Ground, are more subject thereto than the stiff Land.
The Country of it self is one entire Wood, consisting of large Timber
Trees of several sorts, free from Thickets or under Wood, the small
Shrubs growing only on Lands, that have been clear'd, or in Swamps; and
thus it is for several Hundreds of Miles, even as far as has yet been
discover'd. But that shall be reserv'd 'till another opportunity.
_I am_, &c.
_Mr. _John Clayton_, Rector of _Crofton_ at _Wakefield_, his Letter
to the _Royal Society_, giving a farther Account of the Soil, and
other Observables of _Virginia_._
I shall here present you with a continuation of my Remarks on the
River, Soil, and Plants of _Virginia_. And first, as to the River
on the other side the Mountains, said to Ebb and Flow. I have been
assured by Col. _Bird_, who is one of the Intelligentest Gentlemen
in all _Virginia_, and knows more of _Indian_ Affairs than any Man
in the Country, that it was a Mistake; for that it must run into a
Lake, now called _Lake Petite_, which is fresh Water; for since that
time a Colony of the _French_ are come down from _Canada_, and have
seated themselves on the back of _Virginia_, where _Fallam_ and the
rest suppos'd there might be a Bay, but is a Lake, to which they have
given the Name of _Lake Petite_, there being several larger Lakes
'twixt that and _Canada_. The _French_ possessing themselves of these
Lakes, no doubt will in short time be absolute Masters of the Beaver
Trade, the greatest number of Beavers being catch'd there. The Colonel
told me likewise, that the common Notion of the Lake of _Canada_, he
was assured was a Mistake, for the River supposed to come out of it,
had no Communication with any of the Lakes, nor the Lakes one with
another, but were distinct. But not to ramble after hear-say, and
other matters; but to return to the Parts of _Virginia_ inhabited by
the _English_, which in general is a very Fertile Soil, far surpassing
_England_, for there _English_ Wheat (as they call it, to distinguish
it from _Maze_, commonly called _Virginia_ Wheat) yields generally
'twixt Fifteen and Thirty fold, the Ground only once plow'd; whereas
'tis a good Crop in _England_ that yields above Eight fold, after all
their Toil and Labour. And yet in truth 'tis only the barrennest Parts
that they have cultivated, Tilling and Planting only the High-Lands,
leaving the Richer Vales unstirr'd, because they understand not any
thing of Draining. So that the Richest Meadow-Lands, which is one third
of the Country, is Boggy, Marsh, and Swamp, whereof they make little
Advantage, but loose in them abundance of their Cattle, especially at
the first of the Spring, when the Cattle are weak, and venture too far
after young Grass. Whereas vast Improvements might be made thereof; for
the generality of _Virginia_ is a Sandy Land with a shallow Soil. So
that after they have cleared a fresh piece of Ground out of the Woods,
it will not bear Tobacco past two or three Years, unless Cow-pen'd;
for they Manure their Ground by keeping their Cattle, as in the South
you do your Sheep, every Night confining them within Hurdles, which
they remove when they have sufficiently dung'd one spot of Ground;
but alas! they cannot Improve much thus, besides it produces a strong
sort of Tobacco, in which the Smoakers say they can plainly taste the
fulsomeness of the Dung. Therefore every three or four Years they must
be for clearing a new piece of Ground out of Woods, which requires much
Labour and Toil, it being so thick grown all over with Massy Timber.
Thus their Plantations run over vast Tracts of Ground, each ambitioning
to engross as much as they can, that they may be sure to have enough
to Plant, and for their Stocks and Herds of Cattel to Range and Feed
in, that Plantations of 1000, 2000, or 3000 Acres are common, whereby
the Country is thinly inhabited; their Living solitary and unsociable;
Trading confused and dispersed; besides other Inconveniences: Whereas
they might Improve 200 or 300 Acres to more Advantage, and would make
the Country much more Healthy; for those that have 3000 Acres, have
scarce cleared 600 Acres thereof, which is peculiarly term'd the
Plantation, being surrounded with the 2400 Acres of Woods: so that
there can be no free or even motion of the Air, but the Air is kept
either stagnant, or the lofty Sulphurous Particles of the Air, that
are higher than the tops of the Trees, which are above as high again
as the generality of the Woods in _England_, descending when they pass
over the cleared spots of Ground, must needs in the violent heat of
Summer, raise a preternatural Ferment, and produce bad Effects. Nor
is it any advantage to their Stocks, or Crops; for did they but drain
their Swamps, and Low-Lands, they have a very deep Soil, that would
endure Planting twenty or thirty Years, and some would scarce ever
be worn out, but be ever longer better, for they might lay them all
Winter, or when they Pleased in Water, and the product of their Labour
would be double or treble, whether Corn or Tobacco; and that this is no
fond Projection, (though when I have discoursed the same to several,
and in part shewn them how their particular Grounds might be drained
at a very easie rate) they have either been so conceited of their old
way, so sottish as not to apprehend, or so negligent as not to apply
themselves thereto. But on the Plantation where I lived, I drained a
good large Swamp, which fully answered expectation. The Gentlewoman
where I lived, was a very Acute Ingenious Lady; who one day Discoursing
the Overseer of her Servants, about pitching the ensuing Year's Crop.
The Overseer was naming one place where he designed to Plant 30000
Plants, another place for 15000, another for 10000, and so forth the
whole Crop, designed to be about 100000 Plants: Having observed the
Year before he had done the like, and scattered his Crop up and down
the Plantation, at Places a Mile, or a Mile and a half asunder, which
was very Inconvenient, and whereby they lost much time. I interposed,
and asked, why they did not Plant all their Crop together? The Fellow
smiled as it were at my Ignorance, and said, there was very good
Reason for it. I replied, that was it I enquir'd after. He returned,
the Plantation had been an old planted Plantation, and being but a
small Plot of Ground, was almost worn out, so that they had not Ground
altogether that would bring forth Tobacco. I told him then they had
better Ground than ever yet they had planted, and more than their Hands
could manage. He smil'd again, and asked me, where? I then named such a
Swamp. He then said scornfully, he thought what a Planter I was; that
I understood better how to make a Sermon, then managing Tobacco. I
replied with some warmness, tho' I hoped so, that was Impertinence, and
no Answer. He then said, that the Tobacco there would drown, and the
Roots rot. I replied, that the whole Country would drown if the Rivers
were stopt, but it might be laid as dry as any Land on the Plantation.
In short, we discoursed it very warmly, till he told me, he understood
his own Business well enough, and did not desire to learn of me. But
the Gentlewoman attended somewhat better to my Reasoning, and got me
one day to go and shew her how I projected the draining of the Swamp,
and thought it so feasible, that she was resolved to have it done; and
therefore desir'd me I would again Discourse her Overseer, which I did
several times, but he would by no means hearken thereto, and was so
positive, that she was forc'd to turn him away, to have her Servants
set about the Work; and with three Men in thirteen Days I drained the
whole Swamp, it being Sandy Land, soaks and drains admirably well, and
what I little expected, laid a Well dry at a considerable distance.
The Gentlewoman was in _England_ last Year, and I think Dr. _Moulin_
was by when she asked me. Now to teach her how she might make her
Tobacco that grew in the Swamp less, for it produced so very large,
that it was suspected to be of the _Aranoko_ kind: I told her, though
the complaint was rare, yet there was an Excellent Remedy for that, in
letting every Plant bear eight or nine Leaves instead of four or five,
and she would have more Tobacco, and less Leaves. Now you must know
they top their Tobacco, that is, take away the little top-bud, when
the Plant has put forth as many Leaves as they think the Richness of
the Ground will bring to a Substance; but generally when it has shot
forth four or six Leaves. And when the top-bud is gone, it puts forth
no more Leaves, but Side-branches, which they call Suckers, which they
are careful ever to take away, that they may not empoverish the Leaves.
I have been more tedious in the Particulars, the fullier to evince how
resolute they are and conceitedly bent to follow their old Practice
and Custom, rather than to receive Directions from others, tho' plain,
easie, and advantageous. There are many other Places as easie to drain
as this, tho' of larger extent, and richer Soil, for some of which I
have given directions, and have only had the return perhaps of a flout
afterwards: Even in _James Town Island_, which is much what of an Oval
Figure, there's a Swamp runs Diagonal-wise over the Island, whereby is
lost at least 150 Acres of Land, which would be Meadow, which would
turn to as good Account as if it were in _England_: Besides it is
the great annoyance of the Town, and no doubt but makes it much more
unhealthy. If therefore they but scour'd the Channel, and made a pretty
ordinary Trench all along the middle of the Swamp, plac'd a Sluice at
the Mouth, where it opens into the back Creek; for the Mouth of the
Channel there is narrow, has a good hard bottom, and is not past two
Yards deep when the Flood is out; as if Nature had designed it before
hand: They might thus drain all the Swamp absolutely dry, or lay it
under Water at their Pleasure. I have talked several times hereof to
Mr. _Sherwood_, the owner of the Swamp, yet nothing is essayed in Order
thereto. And now since we are speaking of _James Town_ give me leave to
adjoin some Reflections as to the Situation and Fortifications of the
Place. The Natural Situation of the place is such, as perhaps the World
has not a more commodious Place for a Town, where all things conspire
for Advantage thereof.
_James Town Island_ is rather a _Peninsula_, being joined to the
Continent by a small Neck of Land, not past Twenty or Thirty Yards
over, and which at Spring-Tides is overflow'd, and is then an absolute
Island. Now they have built a silly sort of a Fort, that is, a Brick
Wall in the shape of a Half-Moon, at the beginning of the Swamp,
because the Channel of the River lies very nigh the Shoar; but it is
the same as if a Fort were built at _Chelsey_ to secure _London_ from
being taken by Shipping. Besides Ships passing up the River are secured
from the Guns of the Fort, till they come directly over-against the
Fort, by reason the Fort stands in a Vale, and all the Guns directed
down the River, that should play on the Ships, as they are coming up
the River, will lodge their Shot within Ten, Twenty, or Forty Yards in
the rising Bank, which is much above the Level of the Fort; so that if
a Ship gave but a good Broad-side, just when she comes to bear upon
the Fort, she might put the Fort into that confusion, as to have free
Passage enough. There was indeed an old Fort of Earth in the Town,
being a sort of _Tetragone_, with something like Bastions at the four
Corners, as I remember; but the Channel lying further off to the middle
of the River there, they let it be demolished, and built that new one
spoke of, of Brick, which seems little better than a blind Wall, to
shoot Wild Ducks or Geese.
If they would build a Fort for the Security of the Town and Country, I
conceive it should be on _Archer_'s _Hope Point_, for that would stop
the Ships from passing up the River, before they came to the Town,
and would secure the Town from being block'd up by Sea. The Channel
at _Archer_'s _Hope Point_ lies close by the Shoar, and makes such an
Angle there by reason of _Hog Island_, that going up or down the River,
let the Wind be where it will, they must there bring the contrary Tack
on Board, and generally when they About the Ship as they call it, they
are so near the Shoar, that a Man may almost fling a Finger-stone on
Board. How much this hinders the motion of a Ship, and what Confusion
it must be to them to bring a contrary Tack on Board, whilst they
have all the Guns of a Fort playing so nigh upon them, may readily be
conceived. _Archer_'s _Hope_ is a Neck of Land, that runs down three
Miles long, not much past half a Mile broad betwixt the Main River and
_Archer_'s _Hope Creek_, which has large Marshes and Swamps; so that
a Citadel built upon the Point, would almost be Impregnable, being it
could be attack'd no way but one, which is so narrow a slender Neck
of Land, that it would be difficult to take it that way: And it would
secure _James Town_ from being block'd, being it would not be past a
Mile by Water, to the Point of _James Town Island_. The Island is so
surrounded with Water and Marshy Land, that the Town could never be
Bomb'd by Land. But now to return to the Reflections of Improving, and
Manuring of Land in _Virginia_; hitherto, as I have said, they have
used none but that of Cow-penning; yet I suppose they might find very
good Marle in many places, I have seen both the red and blew Marle at
some breaks of Hills: This would be the properest Manure for their
Sandy Land, if they spread it not too thick, theirs being, as I have
said, a shallow, Sandy Soil, which was the Reason I never advised any
to use Lime, tho' they have very good Lime of Oyster-shells; but
that's the properest Manure for cold Clay Land, and not for a Sandy
Soil. But as most Lands have one Swamp or another bordering on them,
they may certainly get admirable Slitch, wherewith to Manure all their
uplands. But this, say they, will not improve Ground, but clods and
grows hard; 'tis true, it will do so for some time, a Year or two at
the first; but did they cast it in heaps, and let it lie for two or
three Years after a Frost or two had seized it, and it had been well
pierced therewith, I doubt not it would turn to good Account: And for
this too I have something more than bare conjecture; for Discoursing
it once with a good notable Planter, we went to view a heap thereof,
that casually he had cast up 'twixt three and four Years before, and we
found it not very binding, but rather a fine Natural Mold, whereupon
he did confess, he then remembred that out of a ridge of the like Mold
he had very large Plants, which must have been of the like Slime or
Slitch cast up before: But said, that himself and others despaired of
this Manure, because they had taken of this Slitch fresh and moist
out of the Swamp, and fill'd Tobacco Hills with it, and in the midst
of it planted their Plants, which so bound the Roots of their Plants,
that they never came to any thing. But he said, he then saw his Error,
yet I have not heard he has remembred to Correct it. But 'tis strange
in how many things besides they are remiss, which one would think
_English_ Men should not be guilty of. They neither House nor Milk any
of their Cows in Winter, having a Notion that it would kill them; yet
I perswaded the afore-mentioned Lady where I lived, to Milk four Cows
the last Winter that I staid in the Country, whereof she found so good
Effect, that she assured me she would keep to my Advice for the future;
and also as I had further urged, House them too, for which they have
mighty Conveniencies, their Tobacco Houses being empty ever at that
time of the Year, and may easily be fitted in two or three days time
without any Prejudice; whereby their Cattle would be much sheltered
from those Pinching sharp Frosts that some Nights on a sudden become
very severe. I had another Project for the Preservation of their Cattle
proved very successful; I urged the Lady to sow her Wheat as early as
possibly she could, so that before Winter it might be well rooted,
to be early and flourishing at the first of the Spring: So that she
might turn thereon her weak Cattle, and such as should at any time be
swamp'd, whereby they might be recruited and saved, and it would do the
Wheat good also. I advised her likewise to save, and carefully gather
her _Indian_ Corn-tops, and blades, and all her Straw, whatever could
be made Fodder, for her Cattle; for they get no Hay, tho' I was urging
her to that too, and to sow _Saintfoin_; for being a Sandy Soil, I am
confident it would turn to very good Account. They have little or no
Grass in Winter, so that their Cattle are pined and starved, and many
that are brought low and weak, when the Spring begins, venture too far
into the Swamps after the fresh Grass, where they perish; so that
several Persons lose ten, twenty or thirty Head of Cattle in a Year: I
observed this was much owing to their Inadvertency and Error in their
way of Managing and Feeding them; for they get little Fodder, but as
they think Corn being more Nourishing, feed them with their _Indian_
Corn, which they give them Morning and Evening; they spend thus a
great quantity of Corn, and when all's done, what signifies two or
three Heads of Corn to a Beast in a Morning? It makes them only linger
about the Houses for more? and after that sweet Food they are not so
prompt to browse on the Trees, and the course Grass which the Country
affords. So that thus their Guts shrink up, and they become Belly-shot
as they call it. I advised therefore never to give them any thing in a
Morning, whereby as soon as they were set forth of the Cow-pens, they
would fall a feeding, and tho' they filled their Bellies only with such
course stuff as had little Nourishment in it, yet it would keep out
their Bellies, and they would have a better Digestion; and then when
they were come home at Nights, to Fodder them, beginning with Straw and
their coarsest Fodder, which they would learn to eat by degrees, before
they tasted that that was more delicate, and whilst their digestion was
strong, would yield them Nourishment to keep them still so; afterwards
when the Winter pinched, their fine Fodder then would stand them in
stead; and hereby they might preserve their weakest Cattle. By these
Methods, and the help of the Wheat-patch, she, the Gentlewoman where
I lived, saved all her Cattle, and lost not one in Two Winters after,
that I staid there; besides she saved above Twenty Barrels of Corn, as
I remember that she told me she used to spend upon her Stock; and a
Barrel of Corn is commonly worth Ten Shillings. Nay further, The last
Spring she fed Two Beasts, a Bullock and a Cow, Fat, upon her Wheat,
with the addition only of a little boil'd Corn, and yet the Wheat was
scarce eat down enough. But to return again to the Nature of the Earth,
which may be pretty well gather'd from what I have already said. I
have observed, that at Five or Six yards deep, at the breaks of some
banks, I have found veins of Clay, admirable good to make Pots, Pipes,
or the like of, and whereof I suppose the _Indians_ make their Pipes,
and Pots, to boil their Meat in, which they make very handsomly, and
will endure the Fire better than most Crucibles: I took of this Clay,
dryed, powder'd, and sifted it; powdered and sifted Potsherds, and
Glass; Three parts, Two parts and One part as I remember, and therewith
made a large Crucible, which was the best I yet ever tried in my Life;
I took it once red hot out of the Fire, and clapt it immediately into
Water, and it started not at all. The Country abounds mightily with
Iron Oar, that as I have been assured by some upon tryal, has been
found very good. There are Rocks thereof appear at the precipice of
Hills, at the foot whereof there runs a River fit for a Forge, and
there's Wood enough to supply it with Charcoal; as I have heard there
was formerly some Persons undertook the Work, and when they had made
but a small quantity of Iron, which proved very good, the _Indian_
Massacre happened, and they being higher seated than the then Inhabited
part of the Country, were all cut off, and the Works demolished; so
that it has frighted others I think from the like attempt; besides,
such a work requires a greater Fund, and Bank of Mony to carry it on,
than any there are able to lay out; and for Persons in _England_ to
meddle therewith, is certainly to be cheated at such a distance; some
_Indians_ brought Col. _Bird_ some Black Lead, whereof he told me
there was great store. There's very curious Chalk towards the falls of
_Rapahanock_ River, which they burn and make a delicate white Wash of
it. The Secretary of State Col. _Spencer_, has assured me, there were
Vitriolick or Alluminous Earth on the Banks of _Potomack_. And thus
far of what my Memory supplies me, referring to the Earth; in the next
place I shall give a short account of the Birds.
_Of the BIRDS_
I had indeed begun once whilst I was in that Country to have made a
Collection of the Birds, but falling sick of the Griping of the Guts,
some of them for want of care corrupted, which made them fling others
away that I had thoroughly cured; for I was past taking care of them
my self, there remaining but small hopes of my Life.
There are Three sorts of Eagles, the largest I take to be that they
call the Grey Eagle, being much of the colour of our Kite or Glead.
The Second is the Bald Eagle, for the Body and part of the Neck being
of a dark brown, the upper part of the Neck and Head is covered with a
white sort of Down, whereby it looks very bald, whence it is so named.
The Third is the Black Eagle, resembling most the _English_ Eagle;
they build their Nests much after the manner that Dr. _Willoughby_
describes, and generally at the top of some tall old Tree, naked of
Bows and nigh the River side, and the People fall the Tree generally
when they take the young; they are most frequently sitting on some tall
Tree by the River side, whence they may have a prospect up and down the
River, as I suppose to observe the Fishing Hauks; for when they see the
Fishing Hauk has struck a Fish, immediately they take Wing, and 'tis
sometimes very pleasant to behold the Flight, for when the Fishing Hauk
perceives her self pursued, she will scream and make a terrible noise,
till at length she lets fall the Fish to make her own escape, which
the Eagle frequently catches before it reach the Earth or Water. These
Eagles kill young Lambs, Pigs, _&c._
The Fishing Hauk is an absolute Species of a Kings-fisher, but full
as large, or larger than our Jay, much of the Colour and Shape of a
Kings-fisher, tho' not altogether so curiously Feather'd; it has a
large Crop, as I remember, there is a little Kings-fisher much the same
in every respect with ours.
If I much mistake not, I have seen both Goss Hauk and Falcon; besides
there are several sorts of the lesser Kind of Stannels.
There is likewise the Kite and the Ringtail.
I never heard the Cuckow there to my remembrance.
There's both a brown Owl and white Owl, much what as large as a Goose,
which often kills their Hens and Poultry in the Night; the white Owl is
a very delicate Feather'd Bird, all the Feathers upon her Breast and
Back being Snow-white, and tipp'd with a Punctal of Jet-black: besides
there is a Barn Owl much like ours; and a little sort of Scritch Owl.
There's both the Raven, and the Carrion-Crow; I do not remember I
ever saw any Rooks there. Dr. _Moulin_ and my self, when we made our
Anatomies together, when I was at _London_, we shew'd to the _Royal
Society_, that all Flat-bill'd Birds that groped for their Meat, had
three Pair of Nerves, that came down into their Bills; whereby as we
conceived they had that accuracy to distinguish what was proper for
Food, and what to be rejected by their Taste when they did not see it;
and as this was most evident in a Duck's Bill and Head, I draw'd a Cut
thereof, and left it in your Custody: A Duck has larger Nerves that
come into their Bills than Geese or any other Bird that I have seen
and therefore quaffer and grope out their Meat the most: But I had then
discover'd none of these Nerves in Round-bill'd Birds: But since in my
Anatomies in the Country, in a Rook I first observed two Nerves came
down betwixt the Eyes into the upper Bill, but considerably smaller
than any or the three Pair of Nerves in the Bills of Ducks, but larger
than the Nerves in any other Round-bill'd Birds; and 'tis remarkable
these Birds more than any other Round-bill'd Birds seem to grope for
their Meat in Cow-dung and the like: Since I have found in several
Round-bill'd Birds the like Nerves coming down betwixt the Eyes, but
so very small that had I not seen them first in a Rook I should scarce
have made the discovery; in the lower Bill there are Nerves have much
the same situation with the Flat-bill'd Birds, but very small, and
scarce discernable, unless to the Cautious and Curious.
The Night Raven, which some call the _Virginia_ Bat, is about the
bigness of a Cuckow, feather'd like them but very short, and short
Leg'd, not discernable when it flies, which is only in the Evening
scudding like our Night Raven.
There's a great sort of ravenous Bird that feeds upon Carrion, as big
very nigh as an Eagle, which they call a Turky Bustard, its Feathers
are of a Duskish black, it has red Gills, resembling those of a Turky,
whence it has its Name; it is nothing of the same sort of Bird with our
_English_ Turky Bustard, but is rather a Species of the Kites, for it
will hover on the Wing something like them, and is carnivorous; the
Fat thereof dissolved into an Oil, is recommended mightily against old
Aches and Sciatica Pains.
I think there are no Jackdaws, nor any Magpys; they there prize a
Magpye as much as we do their Red Bird.
The _Pica Glandaria_, or Jay, is much less than our _English_ Jay, and
of another colour, for it is all blue where ours is brown, the Wings
marbled as curiously as ours are, it has both the same Cry, and sudden
jetting Motion.
There are great Variety and Curiosity in the Wood-peckers, there's
one as big as our Magpye, with blackish brown Feathers, and a large
Scarlet Tuft on the top of the Head: There are four or five sorts of
Wood-peckers more, variegated with Green, Yellow and Red Heads, others
spotted black and white, most lovely to behold. There's a Tradition
amongst them, that the Tongue of one of these Wood-peckers dryed will
make the Teeth drop out if pick'd therewith, and cure the Tooth-ach
(tho' I believe little of it, but look on it as ridiculous) yet I
thought fit to hint as much that others may try; for sometimes such old
Stories refer to some peculiar Virtues, tho' not to all that is said of
them.
There be wild Turkies extream large; they talk of Turkies that have
been kill'd, that have weigh'd betwixt 50 and 60 Pound weight; the
largest that ever I saw, weigh'd something better than 38 Pound; they
have very long Legs, and will run prodigiously fast. I remember not
that ever I saw any of them on the Wing, except it were once: Their
Feathers are of a blackish shining Colour, that in the Sun shine like a
Dove's Neck, very specious.
Hens and Cocks are for the most part without Tails and Rumps; and as
some have assured me our _English_ Hens after some time being kept
there have their Rumps Rot off; which I'm the apter to believe, being
all their Hens are certainly of _English_ breed. I'm sorry I made no
Anatomical Observations thereof, and Remarks about the Use of the Rumps
in Birds, which at present I take to be a couple of Glands, containing
a sort of Juice for the Varnishing the Feathers; having observed all
Birds have much recourse with their Bills to the Rumps when they dress
their Plumes, whereby they scud thro' the Air more nimbly in their
Flight.
Partridges there are much smaller than ours, and resort in Covies as
ours do; their Flesh is very white, and much excels ours in my mind,
_Sed de gustibus non est disputandum_.
Their Turtle-Doves are of a duskish blue colour, much less than our
common Pidgeon, the whole Train is longer much than the Tails of our
Pidgeons, the middle Feather being the longest. There's the strangest
Story of a vast number of these Pidgeons that came in a Flock a few
Years before I came thither; they say they came thro' _New England_,
_New York_ and _Virginia_, and were so prodigious in number as to
darken the Sky for several Hours in the place over which they flew, and
brake massie Bows where they light; and many like things which I have
had asserted to me by many Eye-witnesses of Credit, that to me it was
without doubt, the Relaters being very sober Persons, and all agreeing
in a Story: nothing of the like ever happen'd since, nor did I ever see
past Ten in a Flock together that I remember. I am not fond of such
Stories, and had suppressed the relating of it, but that I have heard
the same from very many.
The Thrush and Feldefire are much like ours, and are only seen in
Winter there, accordingly as they are here.
Their Mocking Birds may be compared to our Singing Thrushes, being much
of the same bigness; there are two sorts, the Gray and the Red, the
gray has Feathers much of the colour of our gray Plovers with white
in the Wings like a Magpye; this has the much softer Note, and will
imitate, in its singing, the Notes of all Birds that it hears, and
is accounted much the finest Singing Bird in the World. Dr. _Moulin_
and I made in our Anatomy many Observations of Singing Birds to this
effect: The Ears of Birds differ much from those of Men or Beasts,
there's almost a direct passage from one Ear to the other of Birds,
so that prick but the small Membrane call'd the Drum on either Ear,
and Water poured in at one Ear will run out at the other: But this
is not all, but what is much more remarkable, they have no Coclea,
but instead thereof there's a small Cocleous or twisting Passage that
opens into a large Cavity, that runs betwixt two Sculls, and passes
all round the Head, the upper Scull is supported by many hundreds of
small Thred-like Pillars or Fibers, which as we supposed had another
use also, to break the Sound from making any confused Echo, and to
make it one and distinct; this passage we observed betwixt the two
Skulls was much larger in Singing Birds than in others that do not
sing, so very remarkable that any Person that has been but show'd
this may easily judge by the Head what Bird is a Singing Bird, or has
aptitude thereto, tho' he never saw the Bird before, nor knew what
Bird it were: This has often made me reflect how much the Modification
of Voices depends upon the accuracy of the Ear, and how deaf Persons
become Dumb: And since I have observed that many Children that have
an acute Wit enough that are slow of Speech, that is long before they
speak are much longer before they can pronounce those Letters that
are sharps, as _g._ _h._ _r._ and never have an aptitude to learn to
sing. Hence I judge that Songs that have many Sharps in them are the
difficultest to sing well, and discover any Persons skill upon the
trial of Musick most. This I suppose only, having no Skill in Musick
my self, nor having ever discoursed any Person about it. As I remember
we show'd some of these things to the _Royal Society_, and I drew some
Cuts thereof, and gave the Doctor upon promise that he would put these
and many other our joint Observations in Print, but I hear he is since
dead. I have Anatomized most sorts of Creatures, and never found any
Four-footed Creature with an Ear like a Bird, unless a Mole; and a Mole
has an Ear much like them, with a very thin double Scull, and great
Cavity like a Bird, and is very acute of hearing, the Scull by reason
of the large Cavity is very slender and easily crush'd, so that a Mole
is quickly kill'd with a bruise on the Scull like a Lark, and upon the
bruise the Membranes of the Scull turn black; whence _Segerus_ mistake
_Membranæ Cerebri in superficie exteriori omnino nigræ visæ_. But when
I have taken care not to bruise the Skull the Membranes were not black
at all, both _Segerus_ and _Severinus_ I think had some perceptions
of the different Structure of a Mole's Ear, but not any thing of its
Analogy to a Bird's Ear; they speak of a Bone _Egregie pumicosum_:
And _Segerus_ says there's a _Ductus ad ossis usque petrosi cavitatem
protensus, plurimis fibrillis Membraneis annectabatur_. But to return,
this Mocking Bird having its Name from _Mimicking_, all other Birds in
singing is a wonderful mettled Bird, bold and brisk, and yet seems to
be of a very tender Constitution, neither singing in Winter, nor in the
midst of Summer, and with much difficulty are any of them brought to
live in _England_.
The Red Mocking is of a duskish red, or rather brown; it sings very
well, but has not so soft a Note as the gray Mocking Bird.
Of _Virginia_ Nightingale, or red Bird, there are two sorts, the Cocks
of both sorts are of a pure Scarlet, the Hens of a Duskish red; I
distinguish them into two sorts, for the one has a tufted Cops on the
Head, the other is smooth-feather'd. I never saw a tufted Cock with a
smooth-headed Hen, or on the contrary; they generally resorting a Cock
and Hen together, and play in a Thicket of Thorns or Bryars in the
Winter, nigh to which the Boys set their Traps, and so catch them and
sell them to the Merchants for about Six Pence apiece; by whom they are
brought for _England_; they are something less than a Thrush.
There's a Bird very injurious to Corn, they call a Blackbird; I look
on it a sort of Starling, for they cry something like them but do not
sing, are much what of the same bigness, have Flesh blackish like
theirs; they resort in great Flocks together, they are as black as
a Crow all over their Bills and all, only some of them have scarlet
Feathers in the Pinions of their Wings. _Quæry_, Whether a distinct
Species?
They have a Lark nothing differing from our common Lark; they have
another Bird which they call a Lark that is much larger, as big as a
Starling, it has a soft Note, feeds on the Ground; and as I remember
has the Specifical Character of a long Heel, it is more inclined to
yellow, and has a large half Moon on its Breast of yellow; if it have
not a long Heel, _Quære_, Whether a Species of the Yellow-hammer?
They have a Martin very like, only larger than ours, that builds after
the same manner. The honourable Col. _Bacon_ has remarked for several
Years, that they constantly come thither upon the Tenth of _March_
one or two of them appearing before, being seen hovering in the Air
for a Day or two then go away, and as he supposed return'd with the
great Flock. The Colonel delighted much in this Bird, and made like
Pidgeon-holes at the end of his House with Boards purposely for them.
Their Swallow differs but little from ours.
They have a Bird they call a Blue-bird, of a curious azure colour about
the bigness of a Chaffinch.
There be other sorts of Goldfinches variegated with Orange and Yellow
Feathers, very specious and beautiful.
Sparrows not much different from the _English_, but build not in the
Eaves of Houses that ever I saw.
The Snow-bird which I take to be much the same with our Hedge-Sparrow;
this is so called because it seldom appears about Houses but against
Snow or very cold Weather.
The Humming Bird that feeds upon the Honey of Flowers: I have been told
by some Persons, that they have kept of these Humming Birds alive, and
fed them with Water and Sugar: they are much the smallest of all Birds,
have long Bills and curious coloured Feathers, but differ much in
colour.
Herons three or four several sorts, one larger than the _English_,
feather'd much like a _Spanish_ Goose.
Another sort that only comes in Summer Milk white, with red Legs very
lovely to behold.
The Bittern is there less than in _England_, and does not make that
sounding Noise that ever I heard.
Curlews something less than our _English_, tho' bigger than a Wimbrel.
The Sandpiper much resembling the _English_.
The Snipe, two sorts, one resembling ours, the other much less.
The Tewits are smaller than the _English_, and have no long Toppins,
but just like a young one that begins to fly.
There are a great number of wild Swans.
Wild-geese and Brent-geese all Winter in mighty Flocks, Wild-ducks
innumerable, Teal, Wigeon, Sheldrakes, Virginia-didapers, the
Black-diver, _&c._
In my return home for _England_, _May 1686._, off of the Banks of
_Newfoundland_, when we were, according to account, a hundred Leagues
from the Shoar, we saw several prodigious floating Islands of the Ice,
no less to our Wonder than Terror, for they were very dangerous: I got
the Master to sail one day as nigh one of them as we securely durst,
which we judged to be full a League in length, and was higher above
Water than the top of our Main-mast; the Snow drove to and fro upon it
as upon a large Plane. There was a great Flock of small Black-divers,
that were not much bigger than a Fieldfare, came to us a little before,
but all of them then left and betook themselves to this Island of Ice.
They dived the constantly'st, and the longest at a time of any Bird
that I ever saw. We saw, as I remember, nigh Thirty of these Islands
of Ice. Captain _Rider_ being some fews days later in his Passage, and
bearing more to the _Nore_, told me, he saw many more of these Islands
of Ice, and some much larger.
There are in _Virginia_ a great many Cormorants; several sorts of
Gulls, and in about the Bay many Bannets. Thus much for the Birds.
_Yours_, &c.
_A Continuation of Mr. _Clayton_'s Account of _Virginia_._
_Of the Beasts of _Virginia_._
There were neither Horses, Bulls, Cows, Sheep, or Swine, in all the
Country, before the coming of the _English_, as I have heard, and have
much reason to believe. But now among the _English_ Inhabitants there
are good store of Horses, though they are very negligent and careless
about the Breed: It is true, there is a Law, that no Horse shall be
kept stoned under a certain size, but it is not put in execution.
Such as they are, there are good store, and as cheap or cheaper than
in _England_, worth about Five Pounds apiece. They never Shoe them,
nor Stable them in general; some few Gentlemen may be something more
Curious, but it is very rare; yet they Ride pretty sharply, a Planter's
Pace is a Proverb, which is a good sharp Hand-Gallop. The _Indians_
have not yet learned to Ride, only the King of _Pomonkie_ had got three
or four Horses for his own Saddle, and an Attendant, which I think
should in no wise be indulged, for I look on the allowing them Horses
much more dangerous than even Guns and Powder.
_Wild Bulls_ and _Cows_ there are now in the uninhabited Parts, but
such only as have been bred from some that have strayed, and become
Wild, and have propagated their kind, and are difficult to be shot,
having a great Acuteness of Smelling. The common rate of a Cow and
Calf is 50_s._ sight unseen, be she big or little, they are never very
curious to examine that Point.
Their _Sheep_ are of a middling size, pretty fine fleeced in general,
and most Persons of Estate begin to keep Flocks, which hitherto has not
been much regarded, because of the Wolves that destroy them; so that
a piece of Mutton is a finer Treat, than either Venison, Wild-Goose,
Duck, Wigeon, or Teal.
_Elke_, I have heard of them beyond the Inhabitants, and that there was
one presented to Sir _William Berkley_, which he sometime kept.
_Deer_, there are abundance of brave Red Deer, so that a good Woodsman,
as they call them, will keep a House with Venison; the _Indians_, they
say, make Artificial sorts of Heads of Boughs of Trees, which they
Consecrate to their Gods, and these they put on to deceive the Deer
when they go a Shooting, or Hunting, as they call it, and by mimicking
the Feeding of the Deer, they by degrees get within Shot.
_Swine_, they have now in great abundance, Shoats or Porkrels are their
general Food; and I believe as good as any _Westphalia_, certainly far
exceeding our _English_.
_Rackoone_, I take it to be a Species of a Monkey, something less
than a Fox gray-hair'd, its Feet formed like a Hand, and the Face too
has likewise the resemblance of a Monkeys, besides being kept tame
they are very Apish: They are very prejudicial to their Poultry, as I
remember.
An _Opossum_, as big, and something shaped like our Badgers, but of a
lighter Dun colour, with a long Tail something like a Rat, but as thick
as a Man's Thumb; the Skin of its Belly is very large, and folded so
as to meet like a Purse, wherein they secure their Young whilst little
and tender, which will as naturally run thither, as Chickens to a Hen;
in these False Bellies they will carry their Young; these also feed on,
and devour Corn.
_Hares_, many will have them to be a Hedge-Rabbet, but I know not
what they mean thereby. I take them to be a perfect Species of Hares,
because I have seen Leverets there with the white spot in the Head
which the Old ones have not, so it is in _England_; and the Down is
perfectly of the colour of our Hares, they sit as our Hares do, and
make no Holes and Burrows in the Earth; true, they are but about the
bigness of an _English_ Rabbet, and run no faster; they generally take
into some hollow Tree within a little space, which then the People
catch by gathering the withered Leaves, and setting them on fire within
the hollow of the Tree, and smoaking of them so till they fall down.
Sometimes they take long Bryars, and twist them in the Down and Skin,
and so pull them forth.
_Squirrels_, there are three sorts. The first is the great Fox
Squirrel, much larger than the _English_, and gray, almost as a common
Rabbet. These are very common, I have eaten of them at the best
Gentlemen's Tables, and they are as good as a Rabbet. The Second is
the Flying Squirrel, of a lighter Dun colour, and much less than the
_English_ Squirrel; the Skin on either side the Belly extended is very
large betwixt the fore-leg and hind-leg, which helps them much in their
skipping from one Bough to another, that they will leap farther than
the Fox-Squirrel, though much less, yet this is still rather skipping
than flying, though the distinction be well enough. The Third is the
Ground-Squirrel, I never saw any of this sort, only I have been told
of them, and have had them thus described to me, to be little bigger
than a Mouse, finely spotted like a young Fawn; by what I further
apprehended, they are an absolute sort of Dor-Mouse, only different in
colour.
_Musk-Rats_, in all things shaped like our Water-Rats, only something
larger, and is an absolute Species of Water-Rats, only having a curious
Musky scent: I kept one for a certain time in a wooden Chest; two
days before it died it was extraordinary Odoriferous, and scented the
Room very much; but the day that it died, and a day after the scent
was very small, yet afterwards the Skin was very fragrant; the Stones
also smelt very well. They build Houses as Beavers do, in the Marshes
and Swamps (as they there call them) by the Water-sides, with two or
three ways into them, and they are finely daubed within. I pulled one
in pieces purposely to see the contrivance: There were three different
Lodging-Rooms, very neat, one higher than another, as I conceive
purposely made for Retirement, when the Water rises higher than
ordinary; they are considerably large, having much Trash and Lumber to
make their Houses withal; I suppose they live mostly on Fish.
_Batts_, as I remember at least two sorts; one a large sort with long
Ears, and particularly long straggling Hairs. The other much like the
_English_, something larger I think, very common.
I never heard of any _Lions_; they told me of a Creature killed whilst
I was there, in _Glocester_ County, which I conceived to be a sort of
Pard, or Tyger.
_Bears_ there are, and yet but few in the Inhabited part of _Virginia_;
towards _Carolina_ there are many more. There was a small Bear killed
within three Miles of _James City_ the Year that I left the Country,
but it was supposed to have strayed, and swam over _James River_. They
are not very fierce, their Flesh is commended for a very rich sort of
Pork; but the lying side of the Bear, as I remember, is but half the
value of the other, weight for weight.
There are several sorts of _Wild-Cats_ and _Poll-Cats_.
_Beavers_ build their Houses in like manner as the Musk-Rats do, only
much larger, and with pieces of Timber make Dams over Rivers; as I
suppose either to preserve their Furs dry in their passage over the
Rivers, otherwise to catch Fish by standing to watch them thereon, and
jumping upon them on a sudden; they are very subtil Creatures, and
if half the Stories be true that I have been told, they have a very
orderly Government among them; in their Works each knows his proper
Work and Station, and the Overseers beat those Young Ones that loiter
in their Business, and will make them cry, and work stoutly.
_Wolves_ there are great store; you may hear a Company Hunting in
an Evening, and yelping like a pack of Beagles; but they are very
cowardly, and dare scarce venture on any thing that faces them; yet if
Hungry, will pull down a good large Sheep that flies from them. I never
heard that any of them adventured to set on Man or Child.
_Foxes_, they are very much like ours, only their Fur is much more
grisled, or gray; neither do I remember ever to have seen any
Fox-holes, but of this I am not positive.
Every House keeps three or four Mungrel _Dogs_ to destroy Vermin, such
as _Wolves_, _Foxes_, _Rackoons_, _Opossums_, &c. But they never Hunt
with Hounds, I suppose, because there are so many Branches of Rivers,
that they cannot follow them. Neither do they keep Grey-Hounds, because
they say, that they are subject to break their Necks by running against
Trees, and any Cur will serve to run their Hares into a hollow Tree,
where after the aforesaid manner they catch them.
They have great store both of Land and Water _Tortoises_, but they are
very small, I think I never saw any in that Country to exceed a Foot in
length; there is also another sort of Land-Tortoise, different from the
common sort, with a higher ridged Back, and speckled with red sort of
Spots.
_Frogs_ they have of several sorts, one of a prodigious largeness,
eight or ten times as big as any in _England_, and it makes a strange
noise, something like the Bellowing of a Bull, or betwixt that and the
hollow sounding noise that the English Bittern makes.
Another very common sort, which they call _Toads_, because black, but
I think differs nothing from our black Frog. They have Toads also like
ours in _England_; and another small sort of Frog, which makes a noise
like Pack-horse Bells all the Spring long. Another little green Frog,
that will leap prodigiously, which they therefore call the Flying Frog.
There is frequently heard in the Woods a shrill sort of noise, much
like that which our Shrew-Mouse makes, but much sharper; I could never
learn the certainty what it was that made this noise, it is generally
in a Tree, and some have asserted to me, that it was made by the green
Frog, yet I scarcely believe it. Mr. _Banister_ assured me it was made
by a sort of _Scarabeus_ Beetle, that is I think full as big as the
Humming-Bird; but neither do I believe that, and for this Reason, for I
never saw that Beetle so low as the Salts, but always as high up in the
Country as the Freshes, and that noise is frequent all over the Country.
_Lizards_, that are gray, and very common, the Snakes feed much on
them, for I have taken several of them out of the Bellies of Snakes.
_Snakes_, about seven several sorts. The Rattle-Snake, so called from
certain Rattles at the end of the Tail: These Rattles seem like so
many perished Joints, being a dry Husk over certain Joints, and the
common Opinion is, that there are as many Rattles or Joints, as the
Snake is years old. I kill'd four or five, and they had each eleven,
twelve, or thirteen Joints each; but the young Ones have no Rattles
of a year or two, but they may be known notwithstanding, being very
regularly diced or checker'd, black and gray on the backs. The Old
shake and shiver these Rattles with wonderful nimbleness when they
are any ways disturbed; their bite is very deadly, yet not always of
the same force, but more or less Mortal, accordingly as the Snake is
in force or vigour, and therefore in _June_ or _July_ much worse,
and more Mortal, than in _March_ and _April_. This Snake is a very
Majestick sort of Creature, and will scarce meddle with any thing
unless provok'd, but if any thing offend it, it makes directly at
them. I was told a pleasant Story of an Old Gentlemen, Col. _Cleyborn_
as I remember was his Name, the same that sent the Rattle-Snakes to
the _Royal Society_ some Years since. He had an odd Fancy of keeping
some of these Snakes always in Barrels in the House, and one time an
_Indian_ pretending to Charm them so as to take them by the Neck in his
Hand without biting of him; the Old Gentleman caused a Rattle-Snake
to be brought forth, the _Indian_ began his Charm with a little Wand,
whisking it round and round the Rattle-Snake's Head, bringing it by
degrees nigher and nigher, and at length flung the Switch away, and
whisked his Hand about in like manner, bringing his Hand nigher still
and nigher, by taking less Circles, when the old Gentleman immediately
hit the Snake with his Crutch, and the Snake snap'd the _Indian_ by
the Hand, and bit him very sharply betwixt the Fingers, which put
his Charm to an end, and he roared out; but stretch'd his Arm out as
high as he could, calling for a string, wherewith he bound his Arm as
hard as possibly he could, and clapt a hot burning Coal thereon, and
singed it stoutly, whereby he was cured, but looked pale a long while
after. And I believe this truly one of the best ways in the World of
Curing the Bite either of Viper or Mad Dog. I was with the Honourable
Esquire _Boyle_, when he made certain Experiments of Curing the Bite
of Vipers with certain _East-India_ Snake-stones, that were sent him
by King _James_ the Second, the Queen, and some of the Nobility,
purposely to have him try their Vertue and Efficacy: For that end
he got some brisk Vipers, and made them bite the Thighs of certain
Pullets, and the Breasts of others: He applied nothing to one of the
Pullets, and it died within three Minutes and a half, as I remember;
but I think they all recovered to which he applied the Snake-stones,
tho' they turned wonderful pale, their Combs, _&c._ immediately, and
they became extream sick, and purged within half an hour, and the next
morning all their Flesh was turned green to a wonder, nevertheless
they recovered by degrees. The manner of the Application was only
by laying on the Stone, and by two cross-bits of a very sticking
_Diaculum_ Plaister binding it on, which he let not lie on past an
hour or two, but I think not so long, took the Stone off, and put it
into Milk for some time; some Stones were of much stronger Vertue than
others. I proposed a piece of unquench'd Lime-stone to be apply'd
to see whether it might not prove as powerful, but know not whether
ever it was tried. But here one telling Mr. _Boyle_ the Story of this
_Indian_, he approved the method of Cure, and said, an actual Cautery
was the most certain Cure. The Poison, both of Viper and Mad-Dog (as I
conceive) kill by thickning of the Blood, after the manner that Runnet
congeals Milk when they make Cheese. Vipers, and all the Viperous
Brood, as Rattle-Snakes, _&c._ that are deadly, have I believe their
Poisonous Teeth Fistulous, for so I have observed that Vipers Teeth
are, and the Rattle-Snakes very remarkable, and therefore they kill so
very speedily by injecting the Poison through those Fistulous Teeth
into the very Mass of Blood; but the bite of Mad-Dogs is oft of long
continuance before it get into and corrupt the Mass of Blood, being
it sticks only to the out-sides of the Teeth, and therefore when they
bite thro' any thickness of Cloaths, it rarely proves Mortal, the
Cloaths wiping the Poison off before it come to the Flesh. A Girl that
was bit about _New-Years Day_, continued well till _Whitsontide_, when
coming to see certain Friends in our Parts, she fell very ill, and
being a Poor Girl, they came to me; it pleased God I recovered her.
Sometime after she returned to give me thanks for saving her Life,
being two Persons that were bit with the same Dog, were dead, whilst
she remained under Cure, and therefore she was the fullier convinc'd
she owed her life to me; but of this I shall give a more particular
Instance by and by. But the Poisons of Vipers seems to be like the
injecting of Liquors into the Veins of Creatures; Dr. _Moulin_ and I
made many Experiments of this Nature together, and I have made many
more by my self. We once, I remember, injected half a Dram of Allom
into the Jugalar-Vein of a Dog before the _Royal Society_, (the Allom
being only dissolved in a little Water) which within something less
than one Minutes time was so absolutely dead, as not to have the least
Convulsive Motion; and I have done the like with many other things
besides Allom, but with some things it is more curdled and broken, than
with others; and will differ much both as to colour and consistence.
Salt-Petre kills much as quickly as Allom, but then the Blood in the
Heart looks very florid, smooth, and even. I wish some Person of
Observation and Leisure would prosecute these sort of Experiments,
and make Injections of the several things most used in Physick into
the Veins of Creatures, both in quantities, and into different Veins,
as into the Thigh-veins of some Dogs, and Jugalars of some others,
and in much lesser quantities of such things as kill suddenly; for in
the little time I have spent in these sort of Experiments, I easily
perceive notable discoveries might be made thereby: One Dog that
lived became Lame and Gouty; another with Quick-Silver died in about
Sixteen Weeks time, Consumptive, and I discovered Quick-Silver in the
Impostumated parts of his Lungs. _Query_, Whether some Persons that
have been Flux'd, or used Quick-silver Oyntments, and the like, and
afterwards become consumptive, owe not their Distemper to the abusive
use of a most excellent Remedy? Much after the same manner, the subtile
Quick-Silver getting into the Mass of Blood by degrees, through its
ponderosity settles in the Lobes of the Lungs, and causes Ulcers
there. But to return: The Poison of Vipers and Mad Dogs I suppose kill
by thickning of the Blood, as many Malignant Fevers, also do; in all
which Cases, I look on Volatil Salts to be the properest Physick, as
keeping the Blood from congealing. I had a singular Instance hereof in
a Gentleman of _Yorkshire_, bit with a Grey-Hound on the _Thursday_,
not three Minutes before the Dog died Mad; he bit him in several places
of the Hands, as he was giving him a Remedy: The _Monday_ following
the Gentleman was very ill, and came to our Town to an Apothecary
his Acquaintance, who knowing not what to do, desired my Assistance.
When I came, the Gentleman could talk, but every two or three Minutes
he had violent Fits, and would tell us when they were over, that his
Brains worked like Birm in an Ale-Fat, and seemed to Froth up at every
Fit. The Apothecary had no Volatile Salt of Vipers; so I took the
Volatile Salt of Amber, and ordered him Ten Grains in Treacle-Water
every half hour: He told me every Dose seemed to clear his Brain, and
cool it as perfectly, as if a Bason of Cold Water were poured on his
Head, but it returned by degrees again: Having then a Volatile Salt
by me that Vomits very well, I gave him a Dose thereof, it worked
very well, and he was very much better after it: I then ordered him
to continue the Volatile Salt of Amber once every four hours, and at
each two hours end, that is betwixt, _Spec. Pleres Archonticon and Rue
pouder'd ana gr._ 15. whereby he was so well recovered, that within
two days he would needs go home, to look after some urgent Affairs,
and afterwards found himself so well, that he forgot to return, and
perfect the course; and I heard no more of him for half a Year, when
I was fetch'd one Morning to him in great hast. He had been abroad,
play'd the Good-Fellow, and in his return home, having rode a great
days Journey, being weary, and I suppose finding himself indisposed,
he staid all Night in our Town, it being fortunately in his way. In
the Morning when he should have got up, he could not stand, whereupon
the Apothecary was sent for, and a Surgeon to Blood him, which was
accordingly done, but he grew worse; for in this Case I look upon
Bleeding to be very prejudicial, as well as in most Malignant Fevers,
for thereby the Spirits are diminished, and the Blood congeal'd the
sooner. When they had done all they could, and the Symptoms still
increased, they at length sent for me. I never saw Man or Creature in
that Agony in all my life, that I found him in, Senseless, and Mad,
when at best, but every Minute the fiercest shiverings ran through him,
his Eyes would first roll and then set, as if ready to start out of his
Head, but above all, the Swelling and Luctation at his Breast, was as
if he would burst, which went off with a prodigious sigh: All this I
judge the Effects of the Heart labouring to discharge it self of the
stagnating Blood, and the Nervous Convulsions as consequences thereof.
And I am the more confirm'd in this, from what I saw in a Woman that
was bit also with a Mad-Dog in the Leg, and fell ill the very day that
she had paid the Chirurgeon for her Cure; and notwithstanding all that
could be done, growing worse, they sent for me; I went, and found her
with what is called a _Hydrophobia_: She would look earnestly after
Drink or Water, and seem to desire it, but as soon as she began to
drink, away it went, be it what it would, with the greatest Violence
she could possibly fling it. I gave her the Vomit hereafter and also
before mentioned, but she got but little of it down, and I had no
more with me; nevertheless it so brought her to her self, that she
could answer Questions, and I asked her, whether she was afraid of
the Drink and Water, when she flung the Cups in that violent manner
from her? She said No; but when she offered to drink, her Breast and
Heart would not let her. I asked, whether through any Aversion or
Fear? She said, No, she was very Thirsty; but when she offered to
drink, it struck to her Heart, and stopped her Breath. That is, as I
apprehend, the cold Drink passing down the Throat struck a chillness
in the Blood, and made it readier to stagnate: Besides the very act of
Drinking, hindering the free breathing, conduced also much thereto;
and therefore the Heart was so suddenly oppress'd, that she could not
forbear flinging away whatever she had in her Hand. She complained also
of a great rigour and stiffness or straitness of the Muscles of her
Breast, so that possibly the Spiritous Liquor that flows in the _Genus
Nervosum_ may be congeal'd as well as the Blood; or the same Effects
may be supposed notwithstanding to be the result of the condensed
Blood clogging both the Heart and Lungs, so that the Breast may seem
to be straitened therewith. The same I judge to be the cause of all
the violent Luxations in this Gentleman, whose Fingers I looked on,
and found the places where he had formerly been bit, turned blackish,
and much inflamed about them, which confirmed me in my sentiment, that
it was a relapse of his former Distemper, that is, of the Bite of the
Mad-Dog. I told them, if any thing in the World would save his Life, I
judged it must be the former Vomit of Volatile Salts; they could not
tell what to do, nevertheless such is the Malignancy of the World,
that as soon as it was given, they ran away and left me, saying, he
was now certainly a dead Man, to have a Vomit given in that condition.
Nevertheless it pleased God that he shortly after cried, _This Fellow
in the Black has done me good_, and after the first Vomit, came so to
himself, as to know us all. I vomited him every other day with this
Vomit for three times, and made him in the Interim to take Volatile
Salt of Amber, and the aforesaid Powders, and to wash his Hands, and
Sores in a strong Salt Brine: to drink Posset-drink with Sage and
Rue, and by this course, and the Blessing of God, his Life was saved,
and he perfectly cured, for it is now four Years since, and he had
had no Relapse. I have cured several others by the same Method. Coll.
_Spencer_, the Secretary of State in _Virginia_, a very Serious and
Ingenious Gentleman, told me, that his Servant brought him word once
that a Sow having farrow'd, a Rattle-Snake was got into the Den, and
had kill'd the Piggs. The Colonel went to see the Snake, which they
said was still coyl'd in the Den; there followed them two or three
Mungrel Curs, and they sat one of the Dogs at the Snake, which was
too quick for the Dog, and snapt him by the Nose, whereupon he set a
howling, and run immediately into the adjacent River, and died very
shortly after. Another of the Dogs upon the like attempt was bit by the
Snake also, and fell a howling, and frothing, and tumbling; but being
he died not so soon as the other Dog did, they fetched some of the Herb
which they call Dittany, as having a great Traditionary Vertue for the
Cure of Poisons; they pounded it, and adding a little Water, express'd
the Juice, and gave the Dog frequently thereof, nevertheless he died
within a day or two. The howling of the Dogs he supposed gave notice
to the Sow, and made her come furiously bristling, and run immediately
into her Den; but being likewise bit by the Snake, she set up a
terrible Squeak, and ran also into the River, and there died.
A Gentlewoman, that was a notable Female Doctress, told me, that a
Neighbour being bit by a Rattle-Snake, swelled excessively; some days
afterwards she was sent for, who found him swell'd beyond what she
thought it had been possible for the Skin to contain, and very Thirsty.
She gave him _Oriental Bezoar_ shaved, with a strong Decoction of the
aforesaid Dittany, whereby she recovered the Person: To the best of my
Remembrance, it was he that told me, asking him afterwards, what he
felt when the Snake first bit him? He said, it seemed as if a flash of
Fire had ran through his Veins.
Besides the Rattle-Snake, there is the Blowing-Snake, an absolute
Species of a Viper, but larger than any that I have seen in _Europe_;
it is so called, because it seems to blow, and spread its Head, and
swell very much before it bite, which is very deadly. It is Remarkable
there is none of their Snakes there, make any of that hissing noise
that ours in _England_ make, but only shoot out their Tongues, shaking
them as ours do, without any noise at all; this is a short thick
sort of Snake. There is another sort of deadly Snake, called the
_Red-Snake_; I once narrowly escaped treading on the back of one of
them: They are of an ugly dark brown colour, inclining to red; their
Bellies are of a more dusky white, with a large streak of Vermillion
Red on either side; this too is of the Viper kind, but is not so short,
but its Tail is more taper and small. The _Horn-Snake_ is, as they
say, another sort of deadly Snake; I never saw any of them, unless
once, shortly after my Arrival in that Country, which I cannot attest
to be the Horn-Snake, for I could not distinctly view it, being in
a Thicket of _Sumach_, it was perch'd up about two Foot high in a
_Sumach_ Branch, its Tail twisted about the Shrub, and about a quarter
of a Yard stood bolt forward, leaning over the forked branch thereof: I
could not see the Horn, which they say it has in its front, wherewith
it strikes, and if it wounds, is as deadly as the Rattle-Snake's bite.
The Gentleman that was with me, told me it was a Horn-Snake, but being
in hast, and on Horse-back, and the Snake in a Thicket, I could not see
the Horn; but had I thought I should never have seen more of them, I
should have took a little pains to have been better satisfied. This I
think may not improperly be referr'd to the _Dart-Snakes_.
The _Black-Snake_, is the largest I think of all others, but I am sure
the most common; I have kill'd several of them full six Foot long,
their Bite is not deemed Mortal, but it swells, and turns to a Running
Sore; they feed upon Lizards, Mice, Rats, Frogs, and Toads, which I
have taken out of their Bellies. I was once a Simpling in the woods,
on a fair Sun-shine day, when I saw a Snake crawling on a Tree that
was fallen, and licking with its forked Tongue as it moved; I stood
still to observe it, and saw it lick up small Insects and Flies with
wonderful nimbleness, catching them betwixt the Forks of its Tongue.
The _Corn-Snake_, most like the Rattle-Snake of all others in colour,
but the Checkers are not so regular, neither has it any Rattles: They
are most frequent in the Corn-Fields, and thence I suppose so called;
the Bite is not so venomous as the Black-Snakes.
The _Water-Snake_, a small Snake, I never saw any of them above a Yard
long, though I have sometimes seen Forty or Fifty at once; they are of
an ugly dark blackish colour: They say, they are the least Venomous of
any.
_Part of Two Letters from Mr. _J. Hillier_, dated _Cape Corse_,
_Jan. 3. 1687/8._ and _Apr. 25. 1688._ Wrote to the Reverend Dr.
_Bathurst_, President of _Trinity Colledge, Oxon_; giving an
Account of the Customs of the Inhabitants, the Air, _&c._ of that
Place, together with an Account of the Weather there from _Nov.
24. 1686._ to the same Day 1687._
_Cape Corse, Jan. 3. 1687/8._
I Thought the Custom of destroying Slaves at the Death of great People
had been abolish'd, and I was so inform'd; but we have seen that it
is not; for _Oct. 3._ this Year, died _Ahen Penin Ashrive_, King
of _Feton_, here at _Cape Corse_, where he had been long sick; the
Fetishers had done all they could to save his Life, which was nothing
at all to purpose; their Physick scarce extends to any thing but the
Flux, and what we call the French Disease; his was a Consumption and
an Asthma (if I mistake not the Word) of a great continuance: so they
fled to the Aid of their Religion, and according it seems to the Rules
of that, they made several Pellets of Clay, which they set in his
Room, in Rank and File, all sprinkled with blood; besides the several
Muttons which they eat to his good Health. But that was of too little
Force; so the Man died, having delivered his Sword to the Dy, who in
the _Interregnum_ was to be the principal Man, for the Kingdom is
Elective, contrary to what we wrote before, and commanding him to be
constant to the _English_, of whom himself had been a great Favourer,
with a Threat, if he was not, of haunting him after his Death; he also
appointed one of his Wives, whom he thought worthy of that unlucky
Honour, to accompany him to the other World; the next Day he was
carried to _Feton_, and buried there, _Nov. 2._ with the poor Woman we
spoke of. Presently after, they that were considerable, or had a mind
to seem so, sent in them that they had a mind to Murder in Honour of
the King: how many there were 'tis hard to say, the highest Account
gives 90, the lowest 50, the middle 70; the Blacks do not understand
Arithmetick, so the Numbers they give in all Cases are very uncertain.
I think there were about Eight from this Town, which will not hold
Proportion to the highest rate; but 'tis like near _Feton_ there might
be more. They say also, that many more will follow at half a Years
distance from his Death. The manner of the Execution of these poor
Creatures I have not yet learnt, only that they make them drink and
dance, with a great deal of Bravery all the begining of the Day, and
towards Night cut off their Heads, but whether by that they mean the
common way of their Executions I am yet to seek.
After the Kings Funeral, the next thing was to chuse a Successor; so
the People was called together at _Feton_, (I suppose by the Authority
of the Dy) without inquiring any thing of their Freehold; they pitched
upon Mr. _Dy_, though he was not of the Blood-Royal; the Reason was, as
they said, because he had Power enough to do what he pleas'd, and they
could do nothing against him; but he refused the Honour because of the
Charge 'twould put him to, and propos'd the Brother of the deceased
King: So the Business stuck some time, but at last 'twas accorded, and
he [King _Ashrive_'s Brother] declared King, _Nov. 18._ his Name is
_Ahenaco_.
'Tis Wonder how they could dispatch such a Business, with so little
Disturbance; but I suppose there was no considerable Number that
dissented; otherwise it would scarce have been determined without
Blood-shed; for it would scarce have been possible for them to have
taken any Pole.
I said it was doubt whether these Sacrifices died after the rate of
their ordinary Executions; if you would know that, thus it is, the
Creature that is condemn'd, is made to drink abundance of Palm-Wine,
and to dance, every Body that will, in the mean time striking or
pushing him, when that is over, as is said, he is thrown down, his Face
into the Sand, which whether it stifle him or not, I can't tell, then
his Legs are cut off below the Knees, and his Arms below the Elbow,
afterward his Thigh and his Arms below the Shoulder, lastly his Head.
A Man would not expect any thing more barbarous than this; yet there
is a Custom which has something worse; when any one has new Drums or
Trumpets, 'tis necessary that they be consecrated with Humane Blood: I
have known but one happen of this Kind, that was _Jan. 7. 1686/7._ when
after the Man had been executed after the former rate, about Eight in
the Morning; at one in the Afternoon, they drank Palm-Wine out of the
upper part of his Skull, and this in the sight of all the Factors at
_Cape Corse_.
I remember for the Unhealthiness of the Place, you proposed to inquire
if it were Woody, and if any good might be done to it by cutting down
the Woods, as has happen'd in many _American_ Plantations; of that
Matter this is what I can say.
The Shore lies almost East and West, expos'd to the Sea wholly upon
the South, the Country is Hilly, the Hills not very high, but thick,
clustering together, the Valleys between extream narrow, the whole
in a manner cover'd with certain Shrubs, low, but very thick; what
the People Till, comes not to above a Tenth part of their Ground; and
where they do Till, it hinders not that within half a Year the Ground
is over-grown as before, for they do not root up the Shrubs, but only
cut, or sometimes burn them somewhat close to the Earth, so they spring
again in a very little time; this is sufficient for their planting the
Corn, which they do by making little Holes in the Earth at a competent
Distance, and putting Seeds into them.
It may be that if those Shrubs were destroyed, the Matter might be
mended, which yet is not to be hop'd for, but by bringing the People to
some kind of Industry, and that will not be easie; they are so wholly
given to Laziness, and so intirely bred up in it, that there must be
the greatest Change imaginable, before they become any whit tolerable;
a Man may see their Temper by this, that though their Tillage be very
easie, and the Earth yields many Hundreds for One, yet so little is
the use they make of it, that One scarce Year brings them to danger of
Starving, and though there be People enough, and every Man has Power of
choosing what he will, that is not already Till'd by some other, yet
not the Tenth Part, as we have said, is employed: So that a Man would
wonder what came in the French Man's Head to fancy them Industrious;
but subtile they are, and diligent to Cheat any Man that is not
cautious enough to avoid it.
So that the Fault of the Wood is (by the Laziness of the People)
without any Remedy. But there may be something in the Earth it self;
the Water which they have here in Pits (Rain-Water for the most
part, but yet strain'd through the Earth) has a kind of Taste mixt
of Sweet and Subacid, if I understand what I say, I am told 'tis of
Vitriol, whether that be mischievous, you know better than I do. But
I take this for certain, since I have had it from good Hands, that at
_Widdah_, which is one of the most unhealthy Places in _Guiney_, but
'tis not upon the Gold-coast, he that opens the Ground, though it be
but to dig a Grave, runs the Hazard of his Life: So mischievous are the
Steams from thence arising. It's possible there may be some such Steams
here, only not so violent; though in _England_ I think, a Gravel or a
Sand (which here are always uppermost for as much as I have seen) are
esteem'd very wholesom Soils; under them is a kind of whitish Marle
almost like Fullers-Earth.
For the Air, except what I have said before, I do not know what Fault
it has; 'tis extream hot, 'tis also subtile and piercing, and I believe
enters a Man's Body easier than that in _England_. It has been clearer
than that uses to be one day with another, even this last Year, which
has been the wettest and most cloudy which has happen'd a long time;
I think to give you an Account of the Weather in it as soon as I have
time to transcribe.
For the Age of the Inhabitants, 'tis very uncertain, because none of
them keep an Account of it; there are some of them very Grey, but if
the Country be to them unhealthy, Grey Hairs may come early: I think
there be many more Funerals here than at _Oxford_, though that be a
much larger Place, especially in the Rain-times, which to us are always
healthful.
I think that much of the Mortality (not all) that happens among
Strangers, is the Effect of their ill Diet, and ill Government of
themselves; for they eat but little, having neither Stomach nor Mony
to buy what they want; but they drink excessively, being for that more
readily trusted, and of Liquors very hot and Spirituous; and if any
chuse the cold rather, his Stomach is chil'd, and he is in danger of a
Flux or an extream Looseness, and that immediately.
There is another thing, Men guard themselves less from the Air than
in any other Places trusting to the Heat of the Climate, and receive
the cool of the Evening with only a Shirt. Now I think that the Air,
tho' not so cold, is much more subtle and piercing here, than in our
Country, it corrodes Iron much more, not by the Moisture, for it is not
so moist, and besides it does it in the dry Weather too. Perhaps there
are some other Effects to evidence the same thing; besides that, the
Diet which most Men procure, is not extraordinary, and the passing by
Canoes from one Place to another has a Danger in it beside that of the
Sea.
* * * * *
_Cape Corse, Apr. 25. 1688._
I Promised in my last to give you an Account of the Weather at _Cape
Corse_ for the last Year, which Account I have inclosed in this; it
is as exact as I could give; 'tis a thing which has been very little
observed, whether it deserves to be more, I do not know. That Year has
had the most Rain of any that can be here remember'd; yet the Mortality
was much less than the Years before; so that perhaps Wet is not that
which makes the Country unhealthy; though we had very many Sick,
especially in _June_ and _July_, whose Diseases were not Mortal.
If you give your self the Trouble to read the inclosed, you will find
often mention of a Tornada, which is a violent Storm of Wind, followed
commonly by Rain, but not always; the Wind ceases not presently upon
the Rain, but after sometimes it does: In this Place it comes (as
does an Hermitan) most frequently from the North, taking in the next
Points, whether to the East or West, but chiefly the East, though I
have seen both that and an Hermitan from other Points; so the Account
is not without Exception; there are in it short, uncertain Blasts from
all Quarters, which I believe reach not many Yards, but the general
Wind (for ought that I see) is not so unconstant; Vessels that go to
Windward are help'd by them, when they are not over strong, for they
are opposite to the Sea Breze, and they can steer by them a regular
Course; which sure they could not do, if they were very irregular.
They never fail to give warning before hand, though sometimes after
that warning they do not follow; there is a very black Cloud appears
afar, in which if there be a kind of white Spot, the Wind will be
moist, if not the Rain; this the Sailors say. Sometimes there is that
Mark, sometimes not, though I doubt the Prediction from it is not very
certain; as neither are any perhaps of that kind.
_An Account of the Weather at _Cape Corse_ in _Guiney_, from Nov.
24. 1686. to the same Day, 1687._
Lat. N. 4_d._ 49_m._ _Nov. 1686._
24. And 25. Clear and Hot.
26. About 2. _a. m._ a Storm of Rain with Thunder for ½ Hour.
27. At the same Hour, Rain which lasted somewhat longer.
28. About 5. _a. m._ Some Rain, afterward Misty, about 10. extream hot.
29. About 2. _a. m._ a great storm of Rain, slacking often but renewing
again, it lasted about an Hour; the Day after clear.
_December, 1686._
Thence to _Dec. 7._ clear; then cloudy in the Morning; between 12. and
1. _p. m._ a Shower lasting about ½ Hour. Thence clear and hot.
10. A little Mist in the Morning, otherwise very clear and hot; so till
15.
15. And some Days after somewhat thick, especially in the Morning.
19, And 20. We had a dry North, and North-Easterly Wind, call'd an
Hermitan, and it overcame the Sea-Breeze; found very ill for the Eyes,
and most Men complained of a Feverish Temper; it was parching, but
rather colder than ordinary.
21. It ceased; a clear Air and very hot.
23. We had the Hermitan again; but the Morrow it ceased; then and
25. Some Clouds, but no Rain.
Thence to 29. clear and hot; 29. the Hermitan returned, but did not
continue.
Thence Clouds sometimes, but no Rain till _Jan. 2._
This Month we had Three Funerals, one being Sick of the Flux laid
violent Hands upon himself, through impatience of the Pain, the 3d Day.
The Second upon the 25th died convulsively, not having been Sick above
one Day.
The Third, _Dec. 27._ died of a Dropsy, which had succeeded a tedious
Flux.
_January, 1686/7._
2. About 5. _a. m._ Rain for ½ Hour between 7. and 9. an Hour; from ½
Hour past 9. to 1. _p. m._ the rest cloudy.
5. At 2. _a. m._ about ½ Hour.
8. At 1. in the Morning about an Hour, the Days between somewhat
cloudy. Thence to 12. extream hot.
12, And 14. somewhat cloudy otherwise the Heat continued.
17. At 7. _p. m._ a Tornada for above ½ Hour, and about 12. at Night
another; but the Heat very little abated.
22. Between 5. and 6. _p. m._ began a Tornada, which lasted above an
Hour very violent, with great Claps of Thunder and Lightning. Tank
fill'd 1 Foot.
23. In the Morning a great Mist, after 8. clear and extream hot.
The latter end of _January_, and the begining of _February_ commonly
Misty in the Morning; after extream hot.
I find no Funeral this Month.
_February, 1686/7._
Beginning of _February_, as before.
10. Somewhat Cloudy and cool, till then we were troubled with Coughs,
for the most part; about this time they ceased.
So the 11th, toward Night, Thunder afar off, and expectation of a
Tornada: but it fail'd.
12. Extream hot.
13. A stronger Wind than ordinary from Seaward.
14. Something like an Hermitan, but not from its usual Quarter. Clear
and hot till about 2. _p. m._ then cloudy but no Rain.
Thence to 22. extream hot and clear.
From 22. to _March 1._ some flying clouds without Rain; sultry hot and
unwholesom.
24. Some shew of a Tornada, but it past away.
This Month we had two Funerals, but their Diseases I find not.
_March, 1686/7._
The beginning of _March_ as the latter end of _February_.
5. From 6. _a. m._ for an Hour and ½. a violent Tornada; the Day after
cloudy. 6. Clear.
7. At Night Lightning and Clouds afar off; but nothing followed.
Thence to 11. clear and hot.
11. About 5. _a. m._ a violent Rain for almost ½ Hour.
12, And 13. cloudy.
14. About 4. _a. m._ a gentle Shower but lasted not long.
15. Between 6. and 7. _a. m._ a few Drops, and likelyhood of more, but
nothing followed; both Days cloudy.
16. Extream hot.
17. Somewhat cloudy.
Thence to 20. extream hot.
20. Cloudy; about 10. _a. m._ some few Drops.
21. Very hot.
22. In the Morning hot; about 12. a violent Rain for a Quarter of an
Hour.
23. Clear.
24. About 2. _a. m._ Rain for about ½ Hour; the Day after clear.
Thence to _April 3._ clear and extream hot.
No Funeral.
_April, 1687._
3. At 3. _p. m._ a violent Tornada, but only some few Drops of Rain; at
5. _p. m._ a little more Rain.
4. Cloudy by Fits, otherwise very hot.
5. Hot and clear.
6. In the Morning hot, about 2. _p. m._ cloudy; about 3. some Drops of
Rain, in the Evening the Clouds dispersed.
7. Clear and hot.
8. Between 12. and 1. in the Morning, a violent Rain for near an Hour;
after 2. one somewhat longer; the Day after there appeared to have been
much Rain; Tank fill'd Two Foot and somewhat more.
9. About 7. _a. m._ some Drops; cloudy all Day.
10. Cloudy about 11. _a. m._ a small Mist.
11. Presently after Midnight it began to Rain and lasted till 6. _a.
m._ a great part of the time very violently, it began with a strong
Tornada; Tank above Three Feet. The Day after some Clouds; otherwise
extream hot.
So also 12, and 13.
14. About 5. _a. m._ a Shower for ½ Hour, between 6. and 7. _p. m._
another of the same continuance, the Day between extream hot.
So 15. 16. A Shower for ½ Hour, it began with a violent Tornada, the
Rain not much, afterward cloudy.
17, And 18. Clear.
19. Clear also, about 7. _p. m._ a considerable Wind and some Drops of
Rain.
20. Clear but Windy.
21. Between 12. and 2. moderate Rain for near an Hour.
22. About 2. _a. m._ moderate Rain almost an Hour; at 11. _p. m._ a
short Shower and gentle; the Day between extream hot.
23. Cloudy about 10. _a. m._ some Drops.
24. Extream hot.
25. About 1. _a. m._ Rain for near an Hour; the Morning after hot;
Afternoon cloudy; most part of the Night, Thunder and Lightning, but no
Rain.
26. At 7. _a. m._ strong Rain for ½ Hour, after that a little Mist;
Afternoon, from 12. to 15. it rain'd unequally, but the most part
moderate.
27. Extream hot.
28. About 12. Somewhat Cloudy, at 3. _p. m._ it began to Rain, and
lasted about an Hour and ½; after cloudy and some Drops; in the Night a
Shower or two.
29. Cloudy. Thence to _May 6._ sometimes cloudy; but for the most part
violent hot.
This Month we had Three Funerals; one the 3d of a Fever, another on the
19th of I know not what Pains in the Guts, another 24. of the Flux.
The 15. and some Days following, there settled upon the Castle Walls,
certain Swarms of wing'd Ants, a little bigger than Bees; they would
bite very severely, and were blown up with Powder.
_May, 1687._
Till the 6. as before.
6. In the Morning cloudy, a little after Noon some Wind, followed by
gentle Rain, which lasted till 3. _p. m._ after cloudy.
7. Hot. 8. Cloudy about 10. _a. m._ a gentle Shower for ¾ Hour; about
8. _p. m._ a very violent Storm of Wind and Rain, but it quickly grew
moderate, and lasted in all not above ½ Hour. 9. Clear.
10. About Noon a violent Shower for ¼ of an Hour; after 8. _p. m._
another as long, but not so violent; past 9. another shorter.
11. Clear. 12. Clear, past 9. _p. m._ a very Violent Tornada with Rain,
which lasted somewhat more than 2 Hours.
13. Between 12. and 1. in the Night, a short Shower; about 9. _a. m._
some Drops; so also in the Afternoon but nothing considerable; cloudy
all Day.
14. Cloudy; at 9. _a. m._ a violent Rain for ¼; after gentle for above
an Hour; about 3. _p. m._ some Drops.
15. About 3. _a. m._ Rain for ½ Hour; between 4. and 5. another; after
foggy and cloudy, with some few Drops; about 7. _p. m._ a violent
Tornada with Rain for near an Hour.
16. About 4. _a. m._ Rain for an Hour; after 8. for ¼ Hour; after 6.
_p. m._ Rain and Wind, but both moderate, for ½ Hour; past 8. about as
much.
17. About 4. _a. m._ a short Shower, after clear; 18. clear.
19. Cloudy, about 10. _a. m._ some Drops.
20. Cloudy between 8. and 10. _a. m._ a Shower; first violent, after
more moderate, till it ended in a kind of Mist; it lasted in all about
1½ Hour; the Day after clear, 21, and 22. clear.
23. In the Afternoon cloudy; about 6. _p. m._ some Drops; the Night
after, a Shower, not considerable.
24. Hot, about 10. _p. m._ a little Shower.
25. Clear; 26. in the Night some little Rain.
27. Held up; 28. at 9. _p. m._ a short Shower.
29. At 5. _a. m._ Rain till near 7. a little past 7. till 9. after
cloudy.
30. Cloudy; the Night after some Rain.
31. About 8. _a. m._ Rain for ½ Hour; from 9. till 12. it rained for
the most part very violently; before 1. another Shower for ½ Hour; from
a little after 2. till 5. with very great Thunder.
One Funeral on the 25th after but Three Days Sickness, of which I can
give no account.
The beginning of this Month, we had an extraordinary Number of Toads,
which after some time were not to be seen.
The 14th we had wing'd Ants, as before.
24. Was the first Corn, the Seed-time having been the middle of _March_.
_June, 1687._
1. About 4. _a. m._ Rain for an Hour; past 1. _p. m._ for ½ Hour; the
rest cloudy and misty.
2. From 2. _a. m._ till 5. continual Rain, 'tis said there was some
before; from 9. _a. m._ till ½ Hour past 6. _p. m._ continual Rain,
sometimes very fierce; from ½ Hour past 9 at Night, Rain till past 10.
3. From 6. to a little past 7. _a. m._ a very gentle Rain, from thence
till 1. _p. m._ most commonly very fierce; thence for a little while
more moderate; but it rain'd hard again till 6. _p. m._ then it drop'd
but slowly, and so continued till about 7. in the Night some little
Rain.
4. About 8. _a. m._ some Drops, thence clear.
6, And 7. clear, except some few flying Clouds.
8. After 3. _a. m._ gentle Rain for near an Hour; then cloudy and some
Drops, after 10. _p. m._ a Shower.
9. At 5. _a. m._ a gentle Shower, lasted till past 7. thence a very
violent Rain till almost 9. some Drops after that; about 3. _p. m._ it
began and rain'd till past 10. somewhat moderately.
10. Clear and hot.
11. Cloudy; about 8. _p. m._ a few Drops.
12. From about 2. _a. m._ till near 5. Rain, but not violent; a little
before 6. a furious Storm of Rain, but little Wind; it lasted till ½
Hour past 7. about 3. _p. m._ a moderate Rain, till a little past 4.
and from thence to 6. somewhat more than a Mist; the Night after it
rained a little.
13. Cloudy; in the Afternoon it drop'd a little.
14. About 8. _a. m._ a few Drops.
15. Somewhat cloudy.
16. Extream hot; toward Night cloudy; about 5. _p. m._ a violent Shower
for ½ Hour; from a little before 8. till past 10. it rained continually.
17. From 4. _a. m._ till almost 6. gentle Rain; so from a little past
6. till past 7. thence till past 3. _p. m._ cloudy, and now and then
some Drops; then a violent Shower for ⅛th of an Hour; half an Hour
after 4. it rain'd again and continued till past 10. for the most part
very furiously; with some little Intermission it rain'd all Night.
18. At 3. _a. m._ it rained very fiercely; about ½ Hour after 6. it
held up, but cloudy still; from 8. _a. m._ till past 3. _p. m._ it
rained, but moderately; then it held up a little, but rained after till
past 6. all Day cloudy, and at Night a great Fog.
19. About 9. _a. m._ some Drops; from 1. till past 3. _p. m._ very
gentle Rain.
Thence to the First of _July_, foggy, Morning, sometimes hot, but for
the most cloudy, and more temperate than could be expected from the
Climate.
Two Funerals, one the 9th of an Asthma; the other 21. of a Fever.
We saw some Sorts of Insects not usual here, whether monstrous or not,
I cannot tell. The most notable, a kind of Spider, about the Bigness of
a Beetle, the Form nearest of a Crab-fish, with an odd kind of Orifice
visible in the Belly, whence the Web proceeded.
_July, 1687._
1. Extream hot.
2. Foggy in the Morning; about 9. _a. m._ a few Drops; after clear.
3. In the Morning a great Fog; about 9. _a. m._ it rained small Rain
for near an Hour; toward night more foggy than ever before; about 6.
_p. m._ small Rain for a little time; from 8. till past 9. somewhat
more brisk Rain, after that it cleared up.
4. From 9. _a. m._ to 3. _p. m._ small Rain, the rest foggy; between
10. and 11. _p. m._ some Rain.
5. From 2. _a. m._ till past 8. constant Rain, sometimes very fierce,
sometimes moderate; about 10. _a. m._ some Rain; between 2. and 3. _p.
m._ it began to Rain, but continued not long; from 8. _p. m._ to 10.
Rain.
6. From about 2. _a. m._ to 6. Rain, after fair.
7. Foggy and cloudy; between 7. and 8. _a. m._ some Drops.
8. Foggy in the Morning, otherwise clear and hot.
9. About 1. _a. m._ a smart Shower, between 3. and 5. some more Rain,
the time of which we know not exactly. The Day after foggy.
10. Very dull and cloudy; from 3. _p. m._ till Night a very great Mist.
11. Tolerably clear, and very hot, yet somewhat foggy Morning and
Evening.
12. Cloudy; thence to 15. in the Morning and Evening foggy; else very
hot.
15. Cloudy; about 10. _a. m._ some Drops; from half an Hour past 2.
till 4. moderate Rain; about 7. some Drops.
16. Cloudy, several times it drop'd a little but nothing considerable.
17. A little before Day, a short Shower; after cloudy; thence to 20.
foggy Morning and Evening, and the most part cloudy.
20. Very clear all Day, and extream hot.
21. Not foggy at all; yet somewhat cloudy, but about Mid-day it cleared
up.
22, And 23. very clear and extream hot.
24. Cloudy in the Morning; after as the Two last.
25. Cloudy but not misty nor foggy, sultry hot.
26. In the Morning cloudy, after extream hot.
27. Hot and clear.
28. Thin Clouds, through which the Sun shone very hot.
29. And 30. cloudy.
31. About 3. _a. m._ Two short Storms of Rain, the Day after clear and
hot.
Two Funerals, one the 17th drowned; the other 21. of a Fever.
_August, 1687._
To 5. clear, for the most part in the Mornings cloudy; but without
Fogs; sometimes very hot.
5. About 5. _a. m._ a Shower near an Hour long, about 7. another for ½
Hour, till 10. some small Rain; thence cloudy till 1. about 7. _p. m._
a few Drops.
6. Cloudy all Day, sometimes it drop'd a little.
7. about 2. _a. m._ violent Rain, with Wind for above ½ Hour. The Day
after cloudy.
8. And 9. cloudy and foggy.
10. More foggy than ordinary; about 10. _a. m._ a great Mist, or small
Rain for most part of the Day after.
11. Foggy as the former and Misty; between 8. and 9. _a. m._ a Shower
of small Rain; after Noon clear.
12. Small Rain in the Morning; after as 11.
13. Clear and hot, the Land Breze very strong.
14. Cloudy all Day, the Land Breze turn'd to a kind of Hermitan, but
not troublesome, nor continued beyond this Day.
15. Cloudy, several times very misty, and some small Rain.
16. Cloudy, but no Mist; after Noon clear.
Thence to 22. clear and hot, but the Nights colder than at other times.
22. At 6. _p. m._ cloudy, a Wind Tornada but moderate, with some few
Drops of Rain very large.
23. Clear and hot.
24. Cloudy and misty at first; about 10. _a. m._ clear and hot.
25. Clear and hot.
26. Very foggy, Morning and Evening; for the rest hot.
27. From 5. to 10. _a. m._ it rain'd smartly; thence cloudy, about 2.
_p. m._ it clear'd up for a while; about 9. _p. m._ a sharp Rain for ½
Hour.
28. Between 12. and 3. _a. m._ it rained about Two Hours; about 7. some
few Drops, after Cloudy, in the middle of the Day, it clear'd a little,
but quickly overcast again.
29. In the Night some Rain; at 7. _a. m._ Rain for ½ Hour; till past
12. a very thick Mist; about 3. _p. m._ clear; at Night a very thick
Mist.
To the end cloudy and Misty.
Three Funerals, 6. one of a Fever, 7. another of a Consumption, 29. a
third of a Fever.
_September, 1687._
1. And 2. as the last.
3. Some few Drops.
Thence to 8. cloudy also and misty.
8. About 6. _p. m._ some small Rain; between 8. and 10. _p. m._ for an
Hour pretty brisk Rain.
9. In the Morning cloudy and misty.
10. About 10. _p. m._ a little Rain.
11. Extream hot and clear; in the Night, considerable Rain for several
Hours.
12. About 10. _a. m._ some small Rain, the Morning very foggy,
Afternoon clear.
13. Clear and hot.
14. And 15. In the Morning extream cloudy, and some Drops of Rain.
16. Clear and extream Hot.
17. Moderate, about 7. _p. m._ some Drops; at Night also some Rain, not
considerable.
18. Cloudy; in the Morning about 12. some Drops; all this Week, Morning
and Evening Foggy and thick.
19, 20, 21. Extream hot, the Fogs ceased.
22. About 1. _a. m._ some Rain, the Day after cloudy.
23, 24, 25. In the Morning cloudy after very hot.
26. At Night also somewhat Misty, with many Flashes of Lightning, but
no Thunder.
The like Flashes most Nights to the end of the Month, also often
cloudy; at other times extream hot.
Two Funerals, one the 19th of a Fever, the other the 26th, whose
Disease I do not know.
_October, 1687._
1. About 3. _a. m._ a very fierce Rain for near an Hour, but milder
toward the end; the Day after some flying Clouds.
2. About 4. _a. m._ a little Rain, the Day after as before; from 8. _p.
m._ till 10. moderate Rain.
3. Cloudy; about 10. _a. m._ Rain for somewhat more than an Hour.
4. Cloudy between 8, and 10. _p. m._ a very smart Rain for above an
Hour.
5. About 9. _a. m._ a little Shower.
6. About 5. _a. m._ a little Shower; another past 6. the Day after, and
7 extream hot.
8. Hot in the Morning; after Noon a shew of a Tornada, with Thunder,
and a considerable Wind, but no Rain.
Thence to 16. some flying Clouds, but generally hot.
16. About 4. _p. m._ a little Rain, the Sun shining then, and the whole
Day very hot; about 8. _p. m._ a very strong Tornada, Wind and Rain for
about ½ Hour, afterward the Rain continued, but more moderate, for near
Two Hours.
17. Clear and hot. 18. So too, except that about 3. _p. m._ there was a
very short Shower.
19. And 20. somewhat cloudy.
21. About 7. _a. m._ a few Drops, after clear and extream hot, but
quickly cloudy again; at 11. _a. m._ a violent Tornada, with very
strong Rain and Thunder for near an Hour; thence all the time till
Night, thick and misty; till 2. _p. m._ Rain.
22. Cloudy. 23. Clear and hot.
24. Somewhat cloudy; at 7. _p. m._ a little Rain.
25. Cloudy; about 11. _a. m._ Expectation of a Tornada, with some
Thunder, but it ended in a few Drops of Rain about 1. _p. m._
26. About 2. _a. m._ a very violent Tornada, and after the Wind, Rain
not very fierce, which lasted till 8. _a. m._ the Day after cloudy.
27. About 10. _p. m._ a violent Wind with Rain, but it lasted not long.
28. About 3. _a. m._ a strong Rain for near an Hour the Day after
extream hot.
29. And 30. hot, yet with some Clouds.
30. Half an Hour after 11. _p. m._ began a very furious Tornada, the
Wind was quickly over, but the Rain lasted with extream violence about
Two Hours.
31. In the Morning very hot; about 2. _p. m._ a violent Tornada, with
Rain and Thunder very near; it ceased sometimes, but beginning again,
lasted till near 4. _p. m._ afterward cloudy.
Three Funerals, all upon the 6th Day, Two of Fevers, the other I know
not.
_November, 1687._
Clear and extream hot till the 6th.
6. About half an Hour past 1. in the Morning a very violent Rain for
more than an Hour.
Thence to 14. except that the 11th at Night there were some few Drops,
very hot.
14. Extream hot, about 9. _p. m._ a little Shower; the same Night about
1. a smart Rain for an Hour and half.
15. Hot; toward Night Cloudy and Foggy.
Thence to 19. very hot.
19. Some likelihood of a Tornada, but nothing followed.
20. About 1. _p. m._ a short Shower; about a quarter past 2. another
not much longer; till Night Cloudy.
Thence to 26. no Rain, but cloudy and somewhat cooler; yet some Days
extream hot.
26. About 10. _p. m._ a short Shower.
27. About 2. another; the rest clear.
30. About 2. _a. m._ fierce Rain for about ½ Hour.
_An Account of the _Moorish_ Way of Dressing their Meat (with other
Remarks) in _West-Barbary_, from Cape _Spartel_ to Cape _de
Geer_. _By Mr._ Jezreel Jones._
The _Mauritanian_ or _Barbarian Moor_, when he rises in the Morning,
washes himself all over, and dresses, then goes to their _Jiama_, or
Church, says his Prayers, and returns home, where his Wife, Concubine,
or Slave, hath his Breakfast provided for him, which is sometimes made
of Barly or Wheat-Gruel; for I have known both. It is made somewhat
thicker than ours, till it be ropy; they put Origan, and other Herbs,
powder'd, into it, which for such uses they keep dry'd all the Year;
some will put a little Pepper, and other Spice. I have often been
treated with warm Bread, fresh Butter, and Honey, in a Morning, which
is not seldom used among themselves, an Hour or two after they have
had Gruel; as also Hasty-Pudding, with Butter, and sometimes Butter
and Honey, (as the Guests are, and according to the Ability of the
Entertainers.) Some again give _Cuscusoo_, with Milk, others with
Flesh, a third with Roots. It is to be observed, when any one hath
a Guest or Guests in his House, the Neighbours bring their Dish to
welcome him or them, on account of the Respect and Love they bear
to their Neighbour, as well as to shew their Readiness to entertain
the Stranger. This Practice is found constantly used throughout the
whole Country among the _Moors_, one towards another, reciprocally.
And I have as often found the like Civility, as I had occasion to
take up my Lodging at any Place, where I was acquainted with any
of the Inhabitants. The _Jews_ likewise shew great Civility to any
_Christian_, and treat him with what they have, as stew'd or bak'd
Hens, Capons, hard Eggs, boil'd or roasted, which they press flat with
Pepper, and Salt, Wine, Brandy, _&c._ They have generally the best
Bread, and every thing else of the kind that they can get. They put
Annis, and two or three other sorts of Seeds, in their Bread; one is
black and angled, tastes almost like Carrot-seeds, and I think I have
seen these sometimes used in Bread in _Spain_; I know not the Names
of the other Seeds in _English_, nor any Language but _Arabick_. They
esteem Honey as a wholsome Breakfast, and the most delicious that which
is in the Comb, with the young Bees in it, before they come out of
their Cases, whilst they still look Milk-white, and resemble (being
taken out) Gentles, such as Fishers use: These I have often eat of, but
they seem'd insipid to my Palate, and sometimes I found they gave me
the Heart-burn.
In _Suse_ I had a Bag of Honey brought by a Friend who made a Present
of it, as being of great Esteem, and such as they present to Men of
greatest Note among them. This, he told me, I was to eat a little of
every Morning, to the quantity of a Walnut; it was thick as _Venice_
Treacle, and full of small Seeds. I used to breakfast on it for several
Days together, taking the said quantity at a time; it always made me
sleepy, but I found my self well, and in very good temper of Body after
it. The Seeds were about the bigness of Mustard, and, according to the
Description of them to me, and the Effects I found by eating the Honey
and them, they must be a large sort of Poppy-seed. The Honey was of
that sort they call in _Suse_, _Izucanee_, or _Origanum_, which (the
Bees feed on) and these Seeds were mixed with.
_Cuscus_, or _Cusksoo_, is the principal Dish among them, as the _Olla_
is in _Spain_: This is made of Flower of Wheat, and when that is
scarce, of Barley, Millet, _Indian_ Corn, _&c._ They shake some Flower
into an earthen Pan, made on Purpose, which is not glazed, sprinkling
a little Water on the bottom of the Pan first, and then working it
with both their open Hands flat, turning them backwards and forwards
to grain it, 'till they make it much resembling _Sago_, which comes
from the _East-Indies_. They stew their Flesh keeping their Pots close
covered, which are made of Earth, put the _Cusksoo_ into an earthen
Cullender, which they call _Caskass_, B. _vid._ Fig. and this Cullender
into the Mouth of the Pot, C. that so all the Steam which arises from
the Meat may be imbibed by the _Cusksoo_, which causes it to swell, and
make it fit to be eaten: When it is enough, for they love every thing
thoroughly done, they put this _Cusksoo_ out into the Dish they serve
it up in, which is somewhat like D. and the _Cusksoo_ being heaped up,
they make (as it were) a Bed or Place for the Meat to lie in, then they
put good store of Spice, as Ginger, Pepper, Saffron, _&c._ This Dish
is set upon a Mat on the Ground, and four Men may easily sit about it,
tho' I have seen six and more at one Dish; they sit with their Buttocks
upon the Calves of their Legs, with the bottom of their Feet on the
Ground. If there are many to eat at this Meal, there are more Dishes.
This Dish they have in use sometimes at Breakfast, as well as Dinner
and Supper, but it is commonly used for the two last Meals. They cover
it with a thing made on purpose, somewhat like E. and it will keep hot
enough two Hours. At a stately Entertainment they will have a Sheep
roasted whole, sometimes a half, or a quarter, on a wooden Spit, or
the most convenient thing they can find. They do not continually keep
turning it, as we do, but leisurely let one side be almost roasted
before they turn the other. The Fire is commonly of Wood burnt to
clear Coal, and made so, that the Heat ascends to the Meat. They baste
it with Oil, and a little Water and Salt incorporated. They let it
be thoroughly roasted; then they say, _Bismiillah_, _In the Name of
God_, after they have washed their Right Hands, and pulling the Meat
in pieces, they fall to eating. It is to be noted, that they never use
but their Right Hand in eating, and one holds whilst the other pulls
it asunder, distributing the pieces to the rest, as he pulls it off.
They seldom use a Knife, and a Fork is a strange thing among them. They
are dextrous at this way of carving, and never flinch at the Heat or
warmth, for that would look mean, and might occasion one more bold to
take his Office upon him to perform. When they have done, they lick
their Fingers, and as often as they have a hot Dish, they wash their
Hands afresh. Then they have _Alfdoush_, or _Virmizzelli_, with some
Meat on it, stew'd Meat, well spiced, with savoury Broth; which after
they have eat the Meat, they dip their Bread in the Sauce, or Broth,
and eat it. They are cleanly in their Cookery, and if a Hair be found
it is a capital Crime, but a Fly not, because it has Wings, and may get
in after it passes from the Cook's Charge or Management; to be well and
strongly season'd is no great Fault; and if one should say it is too
high of Pepper, they'll reply, it is better to be _Ah_ than _Faugh_;
alluding to the Differences between a strong, high, or hot, and savoury
Taste, and an insipid, watry, or unpleasant. _Cubbob_ is small pieces
of Mutton, with the Caul of a Sheep wrapped on them. Some make good
_Cubbob_ of the Liver, Lights, and Heart. They Pepper and Salt them,
and put Sweet Herbs and Saffron into them, and then roast them, and
when they dish them up, squeeze an Orange or two on them. Thus they use
commonly in their stew'd Meats, Lemon and Orange for Roast or Fish.
_Elmorosia_ is another: This is pieces of Beef, of Cow or Camel, stew'd
with Butter, Honey, and Water; some will put _Rob_ of Wine among it;
they add Saffron, Garlick, or Onions, a little Salt, and when 'tis
enough, serve it up. They esteem this a delicious Dish, used mostly in
the Winter, and say it is good against Colds, notwithstanding they say
Beef is cooler than Mutton. They have a piece of good Housewifery for
a ready Dish, which is likewise appropriated to the Winter Season; and
this I will give an Account of before I have done. Then they will treat
you with Hare stew'd, stew'd and roasted Hens and Partridges: These
they disjoint, and let stew in Water, and Oil, or Butter, if they are
not fat enough of themselves. When they are almost enough, they beat
a couple of Eggs, mix them with the Liquor, with Juice of Lemon or
Vinegar, which they usually have very good, and serve it up.
Then you may have more baked and roast, and another Dish of stew'd
Meat, which for its Goodness would be esteem'd among us: They take a
Leg of Mutton, cut off the fleshy part, leave out the Skin and Sinews.
This Flesh they mince very fine (with two Knives, one in each Hand)
by holding them across, which they manage with great Dexterity; they
also mince some Suet, Parsly, Thime, Mint, _&c._ Then they take Pepper,
Salt, and Saffron beaten together, and some Nutmeg; all these they add
to the rest, with about half a handful of Rice; they cut an Onion, of
the best sort, half through, and take off the first Lay, as not so fit
for use, unless it be thick. (They that are curious take out the inner
Skin, saying it is not wholsome, and bad for the Eyes, it being the
worst thing in an Onion, which otherwise would be the best of Roots.)
This Lay they fill with forc'd Meat, then the next, and so on, which
makes them look like so many Onions; some they put up in Vine-leaves
of the best they can find for their purpose. Whilst this is doing, the
Bones and Residue of the Leg of Mutton, being in moderate pieces, are
stewing, with as much Water as will just cover them; then they put on
their forc'd Meat-Balls a top of the Meat, and a green Bunch of Grapes
upon them, cover it, and let it boil till thoroughly enough. This I
think, is one of their best Dishes, which they often use in _Fess_ and
other Cities. _Pillowe_, or _Piloe_, is a Dish very well known, made
with Rice boil'd, with a good Hen, Mutton, and Spice, the Flesh and
Fowl being put on the Rice in a Dish as _Cusksoo_, and so served up.
A Bustard, which they roast and stew, and make an excellent Dish of its
Guts, I eat of it once; to me it seemed very pleasant and savoury, and
very grateful to the Stomach. This Bird is fit for their King's Table,
as likewise the Hedgehog, of which I will give an Account anon. Then
they have _Ragous_, made with Sparrows, Pidgeons, _&c._
Their Drink is plain Water, or Milk, and sometimes _Rob_ of Wine mixed
with Water. I was once treated with this by the Bashaw of _Suse_,
_Abdolmeleck ben Alchotib_, and there was brought to me a great Bowl
which held above three Quarts; he told me there was not above half a
Pint of this _Rob_ in it, and the rest was filled up with Water. It was
very generous and pleasant, and tho' I did not drink a quarter of it,
yet I found the Strength in half an Hour. This they say is a Remedy
against Cold likewise, and pretend to take it medicinally; tho' _Rob_
of Grapes is lawful according to their[20]Law. Under this Pretext, many
_Fessee_ Merchants, to make _Rob_, or Vinegar, press all the Grapes
in their Vineyards, put it up in great Jars, under Ground, and keep
it long, so that it proves excellent Wine. When four or five merry
Companions, with every one his Mistress, appoint to be merry, they go
out to their Vineyard or Garden, have Musick, and all or most of these
Dishes, and there sit and carouse over a great earthen Bowl full of
Wine, of about four or five Gallons, and so drink round in a Cup that
will hold almost a Pint, like a large Tea Dish, till there is none
left; it often happens that they do not part till they have made an end
of the whole Jar, which seldom is less than a Weeks time. I have known
some that have been nine Days successively drunk; those that are known
to drink Wine or Piss standing, their Testimony will not be valid in
Law.
In a Morning, during this time of Merriment, they are for some savoury
Bit, _Pickled Fish_, or _Escaveche_, or _Elcholle_. They are great
Lovers of Fish, and have as great Variety and very good, which they
fry in _Organ Oil_, stew, roast, and bake, with good store of Spice,
Onions, Garlick, Cummin, Parsly, and Coriander. The _Escaveche_, or
fry'd Fish, is cut in thin slices, and put into Vinegar, with the
aforesaid Spices, adding Saffron, and Pepper, _&c._ It will keep above
a Month, and this they have commonly, as also pickled Limes, Olives,
Capers, _&c._ They eat parched _Garavancas_, parched Almonds, and
Beans, which they parch in a Pan with Water and Salt. These, and other
things, they have to relish their Glass of Wine, or give them a fresh
Appetite to drink. They say, to cure the ill Effects of a drunken Bout,
is, to take a swinging Cup of the same Liquor, which invites them to
more, and so on.
But I have left some Dishes, by this Digression, to give an Account of
their extravagant Mirth.
The Hedgehog is a princely Dish among them, and before they kill him
rub his Back against the Ground, by holding its Feet betwixt two, as
Men do a Saw that saws Stones, till it has done Squeaking; then they
cut its Throat, and with a Knife cut off all its Spines and singe it.
They take out its Guts, stuff the Body with some Rice, sweet Herbs,
Garavancas, Spice, and Onions; they put some Butter and Garavancas
into the Water they stew it in, and let it stew in a little Pot, close
stopped, till it is enough, and it proves an excellent Dish. The
_Moors_ do not care to kill Lamb, Veal, nor Kid, saying it is a Pity
to part the Suckling from its Dam. They eat with their boil'd Meat,
many times Carrots, Turnips of two or three sorts, Cabbage, Beans,
and Pease, _&c._ which they have plenty, and very good. I have eat of
Porcupine stewed, which much resembled Camels Flesh in Tast, and that
is the nearest to Beef of any thing I know.
I come now to give an Account of the _Alcholea_: It is made of Beef,
Mutton, or Camel's Flesh, but chiefly Beef, which they cut all in long
slices, salt it well, and let it lie twenty four Hours in the Pickle.
Then they remove out of those Tubs, or Jars, into others with Water,
and when it has lain a Night, they take it out, and put it on Ropes in
the Sun and Air to dry; when it is thoroughly dri'd, and hard, they cut
it into pieces of two or three Inches long, and throw it into a Pan,
or Chauldron, which is ready, with boiling Oil and Suet sufficient to
hold it, where it boils till it be very clear and red, if one cuts it,
which, taken out, they set to drain: When all is thus done, it stands
till cool, and Jars are prepared to pot it up in, pouring the Liquor
they fried it in upon it, and as soon as it is thoroughly cold they
stop it up close. It will keep two Years, it will be hard, and the
hardest they look on to be best done. This they dish up cold, sometimes
fry'd with Eggs and Garlick, sometimes stew'd, and Lemon squeezed on
it. It is very good any way, either hot or cold.
Before I conclude, I willingly give an Account of their
Travelling-Provision, _viz._ Bread, Almonds, Raisons, Figs, hard Eggs,
cold Fowl, _&c._ But what is most used by Travellers, is _Zumeet_,
_Tumeet_, or Flower of parched Barley for _Limereece_. These are not
_Arabian_ but _Shilha_ Names, so I believe it is of a longer standing
than the _Mahometans_ in that Part of _Africk_. They are all three
made of parched Barley Flower, which they carry in a Leather Satchel.
_Zumeet_ is the Flower mixed with Honey, Butter, and Spice; _Tumeet_
is the same Flower done up with _Organ Oil_; and _Limereece_ is only
mixed with Water, and so drank: This quenches Thirst much better than
Water alone, satisfies a hungry Appetite, cools and refreshes tired and
weary'd Spirits, overcoming those ill Effects a hot Sun and fatiguing
Journey might occasion. This among the Mountaineers of _Suse_ is used
for their Diet as well at home as on their Journey. All things taken
in Game, as Hawking, Hunting, and Fowling, are lawful for them to eat,
if they take it before it be dead, so that they can have time to cut
its Throat, and say, _Bismiillahe_; or if he is known to be an expert
Man at the Game, and says those Words before he lets the Hawk take
its Flight, lets slip the Grey-hound, or fires his Gun, it is lawful;
all (I say, but Swine's Flesh, and what dies of its self) they have
Liberty to eat, and may sell it. They tell us there is but one Part
about the Hog or Swine that is unlawful, which they do not know, and
are obliged to abstain from the whole; but if they knew it, they would
let us have but little to our share. They eat Snails boil'd with Salt,
and praise their Wholesomeness. Fish of all sorts, are lawful. In
_Taffilet_ and _Dra_ most of their Food is Dates, there are ten or a
dozen sorts. They have good Capons all the Country over; no Turkeys,
Ducks, nor Geese but wild, and those they have of two sorts; Duck,
Teal, and Mallard, Curlews, Plovers, Snipes, Ox-birds, Pipers, a sort
of a black Crow, with a bald Pate, and long crooked Bill, is good
Meat, and a hundred other sort of Fowl. I have eat Antelope, which we
have kill'd in hunting, and are very good Food. They are as large as
a Goat, of a Chestnut Colour, and white under the Belly; their Horns
are almost quite streight from their Head up, tapering gradually, with
Rings at a distance from one another, till within an Inch and a half of
the top; fine large black Eyes, long and slender Neck, Feet, Legs, and
Body, shaped somewhat like a Deer; they have two Cavities between their
Legs, I think the Male as well as the Female. I have sent of these
Antelopes alive to _England_. There are many in a Herd, when at the
same time they have Scouts, or those who by running give 'em notice of
an approaching Foe. When two lie down together, they lay themselves so,
that their Backs are towards each other, and the Head of one towards
the Tail of the other, that they may see every way. Their Dung is sweet
and pleasant enough. They are taken sometimes by the Hawk, sometimes by
the Shot; for they are too swift for a Grey-hound. Partridges in _Sus_
commonly roost on Trees; there are so many Foxes which would otherwise
destroy them.
And here I should make mention of another Dish: The _Moors_ will eat
Fox, if it be Fat, either stewed or roasted, but they do not care for
it lean, which has occasioned a Proverb among them on that Account, to
wit, _Hellel deeb, harom deeb_; alluding to the Scruple might be made
of its lawfulness. Those Words signifie, a Fox is lawful, and a Fox is
unlawful; _i. e._ Fat, Lawful; Lean, Unlawful.
[Illustration]
[Sidenote: Lat. 30, or thereabouts.]
Fruits and Sweat-Meats they have of many kinds, as of three or four
sorts of Pumpkins, Macaroons, Almonds prepared many ways, Raisins,
Dates, Figs dry and green, excellent Melons of two or three sorts,
and Water-Melons, Pomegranates of several kinds, Apples, Pears,
Apricocks, Peaches, Mulberries white and black, Plumbs, and Damascens,
Cherries,[21]Grapes of many kinds, and very good, and if they would
assist Nature, they might have every thing in Perfection.
* * * * *
Their Salating is Lettuce, Endive, Carduus, Parsley, Apium, and other
sweet Herbs, Onions, Cucumbers of several kinds, some about a Yard in
length, and two or three Inches thick, and hairy, (this is esteemed
the wholesomest) Radishes, _Fumatas_, or Apples of Love, all which
they will cut, and put Oil, Vinegar, and Salt, with some red Pepper:
This Salate they eat with Bread. They have a Fruit called _Baraneen_,
in _Spain_, _Baragenas_; these they stew with their Victuals, and
sometimes cut them in thin slices, and fry them; it makes a pretty
Dish. When the _Moors_ have feasted, every one washes his Hands and
Mouth, thanks God, and blesses the Hosts and Entertainers from whom
they had it; they talk a little, or tell some Story, and then lie down
to rest, where I shall leave them at present, and do beg your Pardon
for so tiresome and frivolous a Discourse.
FOOTNOTES:
[20] _Alcoran._
[21] Grapes in _Messina_ I have known as big as a Pigeon's Egg; but
they do not make Wine.
_A Letter from Mr. _John Monro_ to the Publisher, concerning the
Catacombs of _Rome_ and _Naples_._
_SIR,_
The Catacombs are an obscure Argument. I have seen those of _Rome_,
I have seen those of _Naples_, and as they say there are Catacombs
in the Neighbourhood of all the great Towns of that part of _Italy_,
I had been glad to have seen them where-ever they are. They are an
obscure argument indeed; but perhaps the greatest obscurity about them
is, that a Matter that has so much exercis'd the Pens of the Moderns,
shou'd be totally neglected by the Ancients: Neither the name nor the
thing is found in the latter, whereas among the former, Antiquaries
and Travellers are full of them. All they into whose way they come,
think they do nothing if they do not exhaust them before they leave
them; they take all their dimensions, and measure their height, their
breadth and their length; they survey all the little Rooms, search
every hole and corner, Criticize nicely on the quality, and calculate
the Age of the poor Painting and Inscriptions, and make excursions into
other Arguments, to find out the end for which they were made. The
Catacombs are a narrow Gallery dug and carried a vast way under Ground,
with an infinite number of others going off it on all hands, and an
infinite number of little Rooms going off the Principal, and them too.
Those commonly shew'd Strangers are those of _San Sebastiano_, those of
_San Lorenzo_, those of _San Agnese_, and the others in the Fields a
little off of _Sant Agnese_. They take their Names from the Churches in
their Neighbourhood, and seem to divide the circumference of the City
without the Walls between them, extending their Galleries every where
under, and a vast way from it, so that all the Ground under, and for
many Miles about it, is said to be hollow. Now there are two sorts of
Authors that run into extravagance on this subject; the one will have
them made by the Primitive Christians, adding, that in the times of
Persecution they liv'd, held their Assemblies, and laid up the Bodies
of their Martyrs and Confessors in them. This is the Account that
prevails at _Rome_, and consequent to it there are Men kept constantly
at Work in them. As soon as these Labourers discover a Repository,
with any of the marks of a Saint about it, Intimation is given to the
Cardinal Treasurer, who immediately sends Men of Probity and Reputation
to the place, where they find a Palm painted or ingraven, or the Cypher
XP, which is commonly read _pro Christo_, or a small round projection
in the side of the Gallery, a little below the Repository; what is
within it is carried to the Palace. Many of these Projections we have
seen open, with pieces of the Vials in them; the Glass indeed was
tinctur'd, and 'tis pretended that in these Vials was conserved the
Blood of the Martyrs, which was thus laid up nigh their Bodies, towards
the Head, to distinguish them from those of the others that were not
called to the Honour of laying down their Lives for the Faith of the
Gospel. After the Labourers have survey'd a Gallery, they do up the
entry that leads into it; thus most of them are shut; nor are more left
open than what is necessary to keep up the Trade of shewing them to
Strangers, which they say is done to prevent what has often happen'd,
I mean Peoples losing themselves in these subterraneous Labyrinths; by
this conduct depriving us of the means of knowing whither and how far
they were carried. To this it may be justly excepted, that allowing the
Catacombs to be proper for the end for which they are presum'd to be
made, and that the Christians of that Age were in a capacity of making
that convenience, for themselves to live and assemble in below Ground,
at a time when 'twas so very unsafe to appear above it; yet to suppose
that a work of that Vastness and Importance cou'd be carried on without
the knowledge of the Government, is to suppose the Government asleep,
and that that was actually done under its Nose, that must necessarily
have alarm'd it, had it been attempted on the frontiers of the Empire.
The other sort of Authors give indeed a mighty Idea of the Catacombs,
represent them as a work of that Vastness, that the Christians in the
persecuting times had not number enough to carry it on; but then most
unadvisedly with the same breath they confound them with the _Puticuli
in Festus Pompeius_, where, at the same time that the Ancient _Romans_
us'd to burn the Bodies of their dead, the custom was, to avoid
expence, to throw those of the Slaves to rot.
This is not all, the _Roman_ Christians, say they, observing at length
the great veneration that certain Places gain'd by the presence
of Relicts, resolv'd to provide a stock for themselves; entring
therefore the Catacombs, they made in some of them what Cyphers, what
Inscriptions, what Painting they thought fit, and then shut them up;
intending to open them again upon a Dream, or some other important
incident. The few that were in the secret of this Artifice either
dying, or as the Monks, who were the only Men that seem to have had
Heads adapted to a thought of this quality, were subject to so many
removes, being transported to other Places, the contrivance came to be
forgot, and those Galleries continu'd shut, till Chance, the Parent
often of great discoveries, open'd them at last. Thus they conclude,
the Remains of the vilest part of Mankind are trump'd up in the Church
for the Bodies of the most eminent Confessors and Martyrs.
To leave the latter part of this Tale to shift for it self as well
as it can, either the Catacombs are not that great work they are
represented to be, nor to be found every where about the City, or
'twas very improper in _Festus Pompeius_ to call them by the little
name of _Puticuli_, and so confine them to one place only, that I mean
unknown now without the _Esquilin_-Gate. Indeed the Characters of the
Places are so very unlike, that one wou'd wonder how a common Burying
place, where in holes Bodies were thrown together to rot, came to be
confounded with Repositories cut in the face of a long Gallery, one
over another, sometimes to the number of seven, in which Bodies were
singly laid, and handsomly done up again, so that nothing cou'd offend
the view of those that went in, especially with the little Rooms of
the fashion of Chappels, that have all the Appearances of being the
Sepulchers of People of distinction.
The Remark, _Puticulos Antiquissimum sepulturæ genus appellatos, quod
ibi in puteis sepirentur homines_, is that of an Etymologist, that
would be now thought to speak against all the property of Language,
if he apply'd the name to our Graves or Vaults, to which it may with
more Justice and Reason be apply'd, than to the Galleries of the
Catacombs, and the Rooms that go off them. What the particulars were
is not difficult to define, after what we have seen so often. When the
Persecutors spilt the Blood of so many Martyrs, they us'd to dig holes
perpendicularly in the Ground, and to throw their Bodies promiscuously
in them; of this the Memory is still conserv'd, Churches being built in
the Places where the holes were made, and little Monuments erected over
the holes themselves, to which the name of _Putei_ is continued to this
day.
This is the true notion of the _Puticuli_, holes dug perpendicularly
in the Ground to throw Bodies indifferently and without any decency
in; and according to the Argument this ought to be the conduct of the
Ancient _Romans_, with Respect to their Slaves, as implying simplicity
and the care to avoid a greater expence; but then what's all this
to the Galleries and Chambers of the Catacombs, where decency and
distinction of quality is nicely observ'd; and that, if they were
look'd after, and kept in better repair, would be without dispute the
noblest Burying-place this Day in the World? As often as they fall
under my consideration, I cannot forbear thinking they were made for
this end by the Ancient _Romans_, and made in consequence of these two
Ancient opinions, that the shadows hate the light, and love to hover
about the place where the Bodies are laid, they appear so easie and
decent a resting-place for the one, without the least fear of being
ever disturb'd, and at the same time there is provided a noble and a
vast convenience full of variety for the others, to space themselves
freely and with pleasure in.
I think 'twill not be denied, that laying up the Bodies in Caves
was the original way of disposing of the dead; this was that of the
_Phænicians_, and as they were the Men that with their Colonies peopled
the Western parts of the World, 'tis more than probable they carried
it along with them whither soever they went. Afterwards, as Men grew
great and powerful, they erected noble and magnificent Monuments
for themselves above ground; at length others of inferior degree
imitated them, all leaving room enough and excluding the light: But
then interring as we do now in the open Air, or in Temples, was never
the manner till Christianity brought it in. Of the whole we have many
Instances, and _Il Signior Abbate Bencini_, Bibliothecary of the
_Propaganda_, a Gentleman of good Ancient Learning, assured me in the
conversation I had with him on this Argument, that on the great Roads
in most parts of _Italy_ little Catacombs have been and are still
found under ground, and that 'twas the Custom to build little Houses
over them. This, and the testimony of the Labourers whom I consulted
on the matter, made me abandon an opinion of which I was once fond,
that the Catacombs are of the Nature of our Gravel-pits, as old as the
City itself, and yet out of them was taken the _Puzzolana_, the famous
Ingredient in the _Roman_ Mortar. The same learned Gentleman added,
relating to the marks of a Martyr, that they don't conclude much;
that the so fam'd Cypher XP was in use among the Ancients long before
Christianity begun: And when I ask'd him what the meaning of it might
be among them? return'd, that 'twas compos'd of the two _Greek_ Letters
Χ Ρ, under which something mystical was comprehended, but that he met
with no Author that gave account what the mystery was.
Thus, after a multitude of thoughts about the Catacombs, I'm forced to
take up with this; so natural it is, arising from the sole Theory of
the Place, and falls in so oppositely with the Religion and Practice
of the Ancients, among whom the _Dii Manes_ were the Tutelary Gods of
the Country, and _D. M._ at the head of an Inscription, argues the
Moles, the Sepulchre, the Monument, _&c._ was in the primary intention
made for and dedicated to the Soul. Upon the same Maxims, in Foreign
expeditions, when a Hero died or was kill'd, as the Body was liable
to a quick corruption, and for that Reason unfit to be transported
entire, they fell on the expedient of Burning, in order to bring home
the Ashes, to oblige the _Manes_ to follow, that so the Country might
not be deprived of the Benefit of its tutelage. This I humbly conceive
was the Original of Burning, which by Degrees became more and more
universal, till at last the Pomp and Magnificence of it reconcil'd it
to all that were able to go to the length of the expence.
As for the prejudice of the Silence of the Ancient Authors in this
matter, 'tis easily removed, and to be regretted at the same time
that the Authors of all Ages, too much neglect the customs of their
own time. Writing for the satisfaction of their Cotemporaries, they
think it impertinent to Trouble them with the Account of what they see
Transacted every Day. By this means the Ancient Customs, with the Time,
and Reasons of their disuse, are lost with Respect to us, and ours with
the same Circumstances may come to be so with relation to Posterity.
As the Authors are pleas'd to adopt them for their Children, one wou'd
wonder greater care is not taken not to entail visible occasions of
complaint on them; nay, one wou'd wonder more, to see these Gentlemen
so little ambitious of a future reputation, when they may infallibly
assure it themselves, without resigning the present, by transmitting
the knowledge of things, the knowledge of which may in a small series
of Years become otherwise irretrievable; they cannot but observe every
Day what esteem is placed on those Authors, to whom we are forced to
go, to find in them what cannot be found elsewhere, to compare with the
others, in whom nothing is to be found, but what Men of Reason are able
to find at home.
Upon the whole, the Catacombs I humbly conceive were the Burying-places
of the Ancient _Romans_; at length the manner of Burning, which they
received from the _Græcians_, coming by degrees to prevail universally,
they fell under a total neglect. This is the State in which the
Primitive Christians must be suppos'd to have found them; 'tis not
to be imagin'd they could have made any use of them, at a time when
'twas the daily practice to lay up even the depositions of the Slaves
in them; so that either the Christians made no use of them at all,
or they never were the burying Place of the Slaves. Now as these are
Suppositions that naturally destroy one another, one would count it
more safe to follow the faint light of a glimmering tradition, than
abandon ones self to the Conduct of an _Ignis fatuus_, that for ought
a Man knows is actually misleading him, so I beg leave to call the
Testimony of _Festus Pompeius_, that may rather be apply'd to any other
thing than to the Galleries of the Catacombs, carry'd under ground,
they say 20 Miles from the City in some places, and no Body knows how
far in others, and to that vast number of Chambers that go off them.
Thus therefore the Christians finding them in a state of neglect laid
up the Bodies of their Dead in them; and perhaps when the Persecution
was hot, conceal'd themselves and kept little separate Assemblies in
their Chambers. At last the Empire turning Christians, they fell again
in the old state of neglect, in which they continu'd till upon the
reading of I have forgot what Author that makes mention of them, they
came to be look'd into and search'd. What I have writ relates to the
Catacombs of _Rome_, those of _Naples_ are a quite other thing, of
which _per_ next. I am,
_Sir_,
_Your most humble Servant_,
Marseilles, Aug. 22.
1700.
J. Monro.
_An accurate Description of the _Lake of Geneva_, not long since
made by a Person that had visited it divers times in the
pleasantest season of the Year; and communicated to the Publisher
by one of his Parisian Correspondents: English'd as followeth._
You have reason, _Sir_, to demand of me an Account of the _Lake of
Geneva_, which, in my opinion, about this Season of the Year (in
_June_) is one of the most pleasant Places of the World. This is the
Third time I have visited it, and I am, if I may say so, more charmed
with it than the first.
I shall say nothing of the _Alpes_, nor of mount _Jura_, which do
environ it, which by this Lake as by a large Ditch, are separated
from one another: For that would not give you a sufficiently fair
_Idea_ of the Country. Be pleased therefore to represent unto your
self a Croissant of Water, one extremity whereof is Eighteen Leagues
distant from the other, and the Banks of which are gently raised to
some heights, then to collines, and at length to stupendous Mountains;
which yet are not so linked to one another but that they leave betwixt
them interstices of Fifteen or Twenty Leagues prospects, checkered by
Meadows, Corn-Fields, Orchards, Vines, Forrests of Fir-Trees, Snow
lying on the sides of the Rocks. All these Objects, which at a distance
are confounded, and seem to make but one, have near hand their several
Beauties: So well is the Country intersected by Rivulets, which, after
they have served to make Iron, Paper, &c.; run into the Lake, carrying
with them very many Fountains.
But leaving these Things, I shall now content my self to entertain your
Curiosity by giving you a candid Relation of what I have there observed
in the space of Four Months.
* * * * *
Although I have told you, that this Lake hath the figure of a
_Croissant_, yet that point, where is _Geneva_, is somewhat longer and
more extended than the other. This Croissant where 'tis largest, which
is from _Morges_ to _Thonon_, is about Five good Leagues over. That
which hinders from making an exact estimate of its Largeness in other
places, is, that the Winds by driving the Water toward the Banks have
made certain points, which advance far into the Lake, in such sort
that when one happens to be opposite to the other, the Lake seems to
be narrow: As may be observed in going from _Geneva_ to _Nion_, where
it seems as if the _Pharus_ or watch Tower of _Prangin_, which is in
_Suisse_, did almost touch _Savoy_; whereas yet one is a League distant
from the other. And, what is remarkable, is, that at the coming out
of this Streight, the Lake hath there almost its greatest breadth and
depth.
The Water of this Lake is very good to drink, and ever so limpid, that
even in the rolling of the Waves, which sometimes go high enough, the
Water is not troubled but along the Banks. And if one do attentively
look down from the Castle of _Chilon_ or from any of the neighbouring
heights into the bottom of the Lake, he may see high Mountains under
the Water. And the Water is so Deep before _Veuvay_, that the sounding
Line at the end of four hundred Fathoms seems, because it will not
stay, to Touch upon something slippery. 'Tis held to be 500 Fathoms
deep before _Roole_; and 'tis affirm'd, that near this great Depth
there may be seen a kind of _Isle_ under Water.
The _Rhone_ enters at one of the Points of the Croissant into the Lake,
and issueth out at the other; but with this Difference, that whereas
he comes in Dirty and Miry, he ever goes out so Pure and Clear, that
under the Bridge of _Geneva_, where the Water is deep twenty five Feet
in Summer, you may well discern the smallest Stones at the bottom. And
the same Water, which in this Place appears of a Saphyring Blew in the
shade of the Houses, appears altogether Green, nor is so Transparent,
when the Sun shines on it.
There is a great diversity of Opinions as to the _Current_ of the
_Rhone_ in the Lake; some maintaining, that it may be discerned, others
denying it. Having heard the Sentiments of the Curious of _Lausanne_
and _Geneva_, and the Opinions of the most knowing Fishermen that are
there in great Number, and especially at _Coupet_, I believe with the
latter; that, although the _Rhone_ entring into the Lake loseth its
Violence, yet doth he still keep some sensible Motion in some places,
and every were observable, and that no Trouts are taken any were in
this Lake, but in this Current of the _Rhone_; which is what these
Fishermen call, to go and Fish _sur le mont_.
Others there are, that go further and say, that one may every where
distinguish the Water of the Lake from that of the _Rhone_: But the
Fishermen will not allow this, but assert, that there is no other Mark
than those lately alledged, _viz._ of the Trouts, and the Current;
and that the latter of these is alone sufficient, in calm Weather, to
observe the Current of the _Rhone_ from the place of his entring the
Lake unto that of his going out.
The Water of this Lake commonly begins to Increase about the end of
_January_, or the beginning of _February_, and continues to do so unto
the twentieth of _July_, and often unto the very Month of _August_; and
then it insensibly decreaseth, so that the Water is less high in Winter
than Summer by twelve or fifteen Feet; the Frosts draining the Springs,
or rather Freezing the Waters that issue out of them.
About this Increase of the Water there are also different Opinions.
'Tis true, they all believe in general, that the principal cause of
the Increase of the Water is the melting of the Snow, and of the
Mountainous Ice, that is in the Winter form'd of the Waters of the
Springs and Torrents, which the Frost fixeth. This is so true, that
when there is much Snow in Winter, the Waters are very high the ensuing
Summer. But when great Rains chance to fall in _January_, then the
Snow, not yet being well hardened, melteth on a sudden altogether.
And when this melting is not so violent, all the Snow that will melt,
melts at the end of _May_ or at the beginning of _June_; so that, there
remaining but the stock of Ice for entertaining the Increase of the
Water unto the Month of _August_, some have thence been induced to say,
that this Increase, which amounts, as has been said, to 15 Feet Water
generally all over the Lake, is caused by the Herbs, growing, as they
pretend, at its bottom in great abundance; and that these Herbs, whilst
growing, do force the Water upwards, and dying in Autumn make the Water
to sink lower. Which is not satisfactory to me, because there are no
Herbs seen upon the Lake, and very little within it, and the Banks
being very dry.
Others there are, that will have this Water rarified by the Heat of the
Sun, and thereupon swell'd on the Borders, hot Water not being so high
in the middle as cold.
This is certain, that all the Rivers and Torrents, that fall into this
Lake, carry with them store of Stones and Earth, which may indeed
enlarge and raise it: But such an augmentation or rise cannot be
sensible but from Age to Age; not to mention, that in Winter, whilst
the Water is low, the Stones of the Lakes are carried away for building
or fortifying at _Geneva_.
At the issuing out of the Barres, that form _Geneva_, on the side of
the Lake, are seen in the Water two or three huge Flints, standing out
of the Water; the chief of which they call _Niton_: And the Tradition
is, that it formerly was an Altar consecrated to _Neptune_; there being
also a place cut out in the middle, which they take to have been the
place for the Sacrifice. On this Flint seven or eight Persons can sit;
and sometimes, when the Waters are very low, there are found about it
Knives, and Needles as thick as Bodkins of tweeses, and much longer;
both of Brass, well enough made, and esteemed to have served for the
Sacrifices.
This Lake in serene and calm Weather appears sometimes, and that even
before Sun-rising, as if it were made of divers pieces, differently
coloured; part of it being Browner than the rest, which seems to be
caused by a Breath of Wind passing thorough the Water, coming either
from the bottom of the Lake, or from above; tho' others think this
gentle agitation to proceed from some Springs that are at the bottom,
making the Water shiver above. But that part of the Water, that is not
moved, appears as even and smooth as a Looking-Glass, or like Water
traced by a Ship. And as for the Colours, they are, in my Opinion, an
effect of the neighbouring Mountains, the different Images of which,
being confounded in the Water, make an appearance of very pale Colours.
After that the _Rhone_ is entred into the Lake, he retakes not his
impetuous course before a quarter of a Mile's distance from its coming
forth again, that is, above _Geneva_. And the nearer he comes to that
Town, the more his Bed becomes narrow, and consequently his course
more Rapid. Yet this Rapidness hath been in our times once surmounted
by Wind, and once by Water. To understand which, you may imagine, that
in _Geneva_ there is a streak of Land about an hundred Fathoms long,
which divides the _Rhone_ into two parts, passing under four Bridges,
then covered with Houses. From the Point of this Isle unto several
ranks of Stakes on that side of the Town, there are about a Thousand
common Paces. This whole space of Water, which makes the figure of an
V (whereof the Isle is the Point, and the Town forms the sides, and
the Stakes the empty place of the end) hath been once laid dry by a
violent Wind, after this manner. One Day in the Winter of the Year
1645. there arose in the Morning about 9 a clock so furious a Wind,
that not only it uncovered the Houses, but also laid dry the Bed of the
_Rhone_ above the Bridges, so that many, in the view of all the Town
crossed quite over it dry-foot, and one of the Sons of M. _D. Aubigny_
took up some Medals, which he found in his way. This passage was free
during an Hours time; at the end of which the River retook its course.
At that Season the Water being very low, and a West-Wind, to arrive at
_Geneva_, being pressed by the high Mountains that bring it upon the
Town as by the nose of a pair of Bellows; it came to pass, that that
Wind did violently bear upon the Water near the said Bars keeping
suspended the Water that was beyond, and those Waters, that were
beneath, running away downwards by a declivity, and under the shelter
of the Houses. Whilst I was scrupling at this Relation, they brought
me _Gallasius_ his Commentary upon _Exodus_, Printed 1560. where 'tis
recorded, that the like accident had fallen out at _Geneva_ at the
time when that Minister lived there, a South West Wind having made
the _Rhone_ to recoil into the Lake, and many People having thereupon
passed over dry for an Hours time.
Concerning the other Accident; you may remember, that the River _Arve_,
which is a kind of Torrent falls into the _Rhone_, about a 1000 Paces
beneath _Geneva_. In the Month of _December_ in the Year 1652. the said
_Arve_ did so extraordinarily swell, that not only it over-run its
Banks with impetuosity, but also interrupted the course of the _Rhone_,
and forc'd it to re-enter into the Lake for the space of fourteen
hours; though some do esteem, that the _Arve_ dis-gorged it self for
that time into the Lake, by passing _over_ the Water of the _Rhone_,
which, in their Opinion, continued his course under the Water of the
_Arve_. However the Water was seen at _Geneva_ to re-enter into the
Lake.
But to conclude, this Lake doth very much abound in Fish; but that
which is observable is, that those Fishes have as 'twere cantonized
themselves, and divided the Lake among them. The _Trouts_ are not to
be found there, but, as hath been already mentioned, in the Current of
the _Rhone_: The _Carps_ have taken up their quarter towards _Veuvay_:
The _Pikes_ and _Pearches_ have also their Habitations apart. But some
other Fish, that are but Passengers, not living constantly in the Lake,
spread themselves almost every where indifferently.
The great Trouts pass out of the Lake for four Months of the Summer,
and are taken in Autumn when they are returning thither. The Fishing
is farmed out at _Geneva_; and there are Conservatories where many of
those big Trouts are kept, among which there are some that weigh fifty
pounds. Sometimes they catch Pikes there of eighty pounds weight; and a
pound weight at _Geneva_ you know to be eighteen Ounces.
In the Months of _July_ and _August_ they fish there for the Fry of
Pearches, at a time when they are no bigger than the smallest Taggs.
These are a very delicious Dish, there called _Mille Cantons_.
I shall add no more than put you in mind of that Duke of _Savoy_, who
renounced his Crown and the Pontificat it self, to pass deliciously the
rest of his Days at _Ripialles_, where he made so good cheer to all
that visited him, that to express a very merry Entertainment, they say
still, _faire Ripialles_.
_Part of a Journal kept from _Scotland_ to _New Caledonia_ in
_Darien_, with a short Account of that Country. Communicated by
Dr. _Wallace_, F. R. S._
_September 2._ we weighed at _Maderas_, and were under the Tropic of
_Cancer_ by the 10th of the Month, at which time the usual Ceremony
of Ducking from the Yards-arm was performed on those that could not
pay their Tropick Bottle. All this time we had a brisk and constant
Trade-wind, which lasted three days more, but afterwards we had it more
variable than is usual in that place of the Sea.
The 28th we made _Deseada_, a small high Island, about a league in
length and as much in breadth; it is full of Trees, but whether it
affords Water or not I know not. It is uninhabited. Next morning we
were betwixt _Antego_ and _Montserat_, belonging to the _English_,
both pretty large and mountainous. _Antego_ is Peopled with _English_
for the most part, and _Montserat_ by a mixture of _English_ and
_Irish_. Their Product is Sugar and Tobacco. We were in the afternoon
close by _Redonda_, a small Rock about a mile long, inhabited only by
Noddies and Boobies. When we were some leagues from _Redonda_, we
saw at the same time _Antego_, _Montserat_, _Redonda_, _Nevis_, _St.
Christophers_, and _Statia_. We sailed close by _Nevis_, it bearing
North of us; it is a small well Peopled Island, its Product is Sugar.
They twisted the Flag at the Harbour, and we shew'd them the Company's
Colours. _St. Christophers_ is a large Island, ill Peopled, belongs
half to the _English_, half to the _French_. Night parted us from
these Islands, and next day, which was the 30th, we came in sight of
_Santa Cruz_, belonging to the _Spaniards_. When we were within four
leagues they held a Council. The _Unicorn_ and _Snow_ were sent to St.
_Thomas_, a small Island belonging to the _Danes_; it is a free Port,
and they say is well fortified. We went on to the Southward of the
Island, and next Day, being _October 1._ we were about 12 a clock past
the S. W. corner. It is very level towards the South. That Night we got
a sight of _Crab Island_, and next Day
_October 2._ we came into it, and sent some of our People ashore, and
took possession of it in the Companies name. _October_ the 4th we stood
to the Leeward, hearing there was a Harbour there; when we came we
saw the _Danes_ Colours flying on the Shore, for the Governour of St.
_Thomas_ had sent 14 Men and a Captain to take possession of it in the
King of _Denmark_'s name. Our Councellors sent to know his Business
there, and he told them this, but we found that we had taken possession
of the Place before they came from St. _Thomas_. They gave in their
Protest, yet seem'd to be glad enough of our Neighbourhood. We had
notwithstanding our Flag upon the Shore all the while we stay'd, with
100 Men, and Captain _Melean_ Governour; they stayed till we were gone,
but would certainly March next Day, otherwise the _Spaniards_ of _Porto
Rico_ would not miss to take them off.
The 6th, Captain _Pinkerton_ and the _Snow_ came in from St. _Thomas_,
with old Captain _Alison_ along with them for a Pilot. On the 8th we
left this place, and on the 17th made _Nostra Signiora della Popa_,
we lay aside there along the Coast, until the 3d Day of _November_,
generally losing by Night what we had gain'd all Day.
_Crab Island_ is about 6 Leagues long, and in some places 5 broad,
the Soil is very good. It's all full of Trees; all the South side is
full of Bays, very fit for anchoring in, but the best of all is to the
Leeward, where the _Dane_ hoised his Colours. It would have been worth
our while to possess it, had we not been a coming to a better Country.
It has this Inconvenience, that nothing but strength of Men, or Peace
with every Body, can render it secure. It is called _Crab Island_, from
the multitude of Land-Crabs there.
_November 3._ We anchored before _Golden Island_, and sent in our
Pinnace to the Bay. The Natives had hoised a White Flag in sign of
Peace, and told us a great many Stories of Captain _Swan_, Captain
_Davies_, and others, for they took us for _English_, by reason of our
red Fly; but we took no notice of the Men they nam'd. At last they
ask'd us our Business? we told them we designed to settle among them,
and to be their Friends. They told us we were very welcome, and that
by prediction they had expected us these two Years; for they say that
two Years ago it was foretold them that a People should come and live
among them, that would treat them civilly, and teach them good manners.
We conversed some time with them, and after viewing the Harbour came
aboard.
The 4th we came into the great Harbour of _Caledonia_: It is a most
excellent one, for it is about a League in length from N. W. to S. E.
It is about half a Mile broad at the Mouth, and in some places a Mile
and more farther in. It is large enough to contain 500 sail of Ships.
The greatest part of it is Land-lock'd, so that it is safe, and cannot
be toucht by any Wind that can blow the Harbour, and the Sea makes
the Land that lies betwixt them a Peninsula. There is a Point of the
Peninsula at the Mouth of the Harbour, that may be fortified against
a Navy. This Point secures the Harbour, so that no Ship can enter but
must be within reach of their Guns. It likewise defends half of the
Peninsula, for no Guns from the other side of the Harbour can touch it,
and no Ship carrying Guns dare enter for the Breast-work at the Point.
The other side of the Peninsula is either a Precipice, or defended
against Ships by Shoals and Breaches, so that there remains only the
narrow Neck that is not naturally fortify'd; and if 30 Leagues of a
Wilderness will not do that, it may be artificially fortified 20 ways.
In short, it may be made impregnable, and there is Bounds enough within
it, if it were all cultivated, to afford 10000 Hogsheads of Sugar
every Year. The Soil is rich, the Air good and temperate, the Water is
sweet, and every thing contributes to make it healthful and convenient.
The Product of this Place, I mean in the Harbour and Creeks hereabouts,
is Turtle, Manatee, and a vast variety of very good small Fish, from
the bigness of a Salmon to that of a Perch. The Land affords Monkeys of
different sorts, Wild-Deer, _Indian_ Rabbit, Wild Hog, Parrots of many
kinds, Parakites, Macaws, Pelicans, and a hundred more Birds we have
got no name to. There are moreover Land-Crabs, Souldiers, Land-Turtle,
Lizards, Guanha's, Cock-Lizards, and Scorpions: I had almost forgot
Partridges, Pheasants, and a kind of Turkey. All the Birds in this
Country are beautiful, but none of them that I could observe have any
Notes. We have a Monkey aboard that chirms like a Lark, it will never
be bigger than a Rat. This Place affords legions of monstrous Plants,
enough to confound all the Methods of Botany ever hitherto thought
upon. However, I found a shift to make some Specimens, and that is all
I can do. I say some Specimens, because if I should gather all, 'twould
be enough to load the St. _Andrew_, for some of their Leaves exceed
three Ells in length, and are very broad; besides these Monsters,
reducible to no Tribe, there are here a great many of the _European_
kindred, (but still something odd about them) as _Lingua Cervina_ of
different kinds, _Filix_ of different kinds, _Polypodium_, several
of the _Plantæ Papilonaceæ_, _Musci_, _Fungi_, _Convolvuli_, and a
great many more I cannot now remember. Now come we to their People.
The Men are generally very Civil and Sagacious, have all of them good
Faces, are of low stature, but very well built; they are of a Copper
Colour, and have black Hair; they us'd to go naked, but are now as well
Cloath'd as our selves; they wear a Plate of Gold in their Nose, and a
great many rows of Beads about their Neck and Wrists. They cover their
Yard with a piece of Bark, or sometimes Silver, of the very shape and
bigness of that Paper-case we use to put a dose of Pills in; they seem
to be very ill furnish'd, for I never saw any of them have it half an
Inch long, yet no doubt it's longer, but I fancy they sheath it up,
as Dogs and Horses do. The Women are generally the most pitiful like
things that ever Man saw; their Habit differs from the Men, for they
ordinarily wear a Ring in their Nose; they have Petticoats and a Veil
over their Face. They are under no formal Government, but every Captain
commands his own River, Bay or Island, where he lives; the greatest
of them all is one Captain _Ambrosio_, he commands particularly the
Country about the _Samballoes_ Point, but when he pleases he can Levy
all the Men betwixt that and the Gulf about 20 Leagues. There is
another Captain _Pedro_, that lives in the House with _Ambrosio_, and
is his Nephew and Son in Law; there is a 3d Captain _Andreas_ that
commands the River _Das armas_; a 4th Captain _Brandy_, that commands
about the _Golden Island_; a 5th Captain _Andreas_, that commands the
Country adjoining to our Settlement; and a 6th Captain _Pedro_ his
Consort; a 7th Captain _Pacigo_, who commands at _Carret Bay_, and
Captain _Diego_ that commands the Gulph. _Ambrosio_ seems to be the
greatest, and _Diego_ next, both old Men; they are all very much our
Friends, and fond of us. All have been frequently here except Captain
_Diego_ who is Goutish. Some of these Captains wear the _Scots_ Flag in
their Canoa's. There is no such thing as a King or Emperor of _Darien_,
nor, so far as we can gather from all the chief Men hereabout, has
been these 40 or 50 Years: The old Men remember such a Man, they say
he was a Tyrant, would take as many Wives as he pleased, and allow
them but one, and therefore they cut him off. This derogates much from
the reputation of the _History of the Buccaneers_. If there were such
a Man, he has been an _Indian_ made Emperor by themselves, I mean by
the _Buccaneers_. This Country certainly affords Gold enough, for
besides that the Natives constantly assure us, that they know several
Gold Mines on this side; besides that, I say, the Plates they wear in
their Noses, and the quantity of Gold that is among them, is enough
to perswade any Man of the truth of it. There was one Night aboard
here some _Indians_ that had a hundred Ounces of Gold about them.
We are certainly much bound to Providence in this affair; for as we
were searching for the place we were directed to, we found this, and
though the Privateers had been so often at _Golden Island_, and though
_English_, _Dutch_ and _French_ had been all over this Coast, from
_Portobelo_ to _Cartegena_, yet never one of them made the discovery;
even the _Spaniards_ themselves never knew of this place. Besides,
for as great a secret as we thought the Project, it was known all the
_West Indies_ over, and yet it was not in their power to crush it. At
_Madera_ they seem'd to know it, at St. _Thomas_ I'm sure they knew
it; at _Portobelo_ their Intelligence was so good, that they knew the
names of all our Councellors and Captains of Ships before we landed,
and had that particular observation, that there were four _Roberts_
among them. Our circumstances are in some Respects very good, for we
have advice by the way of _Portobelo_, that there is a great Rebellion
in _Mexico_, and Captain _Diego_ and all the _Indians_ about him are
at present at War with the _Spaniards_. Captain _Ambrosio_ is going
to his assistance, and that will divert them on that side; but which
is better than all, that we are now in a posture of defence against
all the _Spanish_ force in _America_. I have seen already _Dutch_,
_French_, and _English_ all at the same time in our Harbour, and all
of them wonder what the rest of the World have been thinking on, when
we came hither to the best Harbour of _America_, in the best place of
it. Captain _Long_ came in eight days after, and I believe we were a
great Eye-sore to him, tho' he said nothing. He commanded the _Rupert
Prize_, a small _English_ Man of War, fitted out by the King, upon
what design we know not, but he pretends it was to search for a Silver
Wreck; he was on this coast a Month before sounding it; and conversing
with the Natives, he put ashore Men in some places, to take possession
for the King of _Great Britain_, but none of them within 15 Leagues
of us. Hearing by the Natives that we were here, he came in with his
Long-Boat, as he said to see us, but I believe it was only to know the
certainty of what he feared was too true. He had told all the _Indian_
Captains that he came only to try their inclinations, and that there
was a great Fleet coming with a great many People to settle among them,
and defend them against their enemies, he meant _English_ that were
to come by his direction; but our Fleet coming within a Month after,
they all lookt upon us to be the People he spoke of; so that whatever
Presents he made them before that time, was as much for our Advantage
as if our selves had given them. He pretends to be a Conjurer, and to
foretel things; but that was the truest Prophecy ever he spoke, though
he knew not whom he spoke of.
_A DISCOURSE tending to prove at what _Time_ and _Place_, _Julius
Cesar_ made his first Descent upon _Britain_: Read before the
_Royal Society_ by _E. Halley_._
Though _Chronological_ and _Historical_ Matters, may not seem so
properly the Subject of these Tracts, yet there having, in one of
the late Meetings of the _Royal Society_, been some Discourse about
the Place where _Julius Cesar_ Landed in _Britain_, and it having
been required of me to shew the Reason why I concluded it to have
been in the _Downs_; in doing thereof, I have had the good Fortune
so far to please those worthy Patrons of Learning I have the Honour
to serve, that they thought fit to command it to be inserted in the
_Philosophical Transactions_, as an instance of the great Use of
_Astronomical Computation_ for fixing and ascertaining the Times of
memorable Actions, when omitted or not duly delivered by the Historian.
1. The Authors that mention this Expedition with any Circumstances,
are _Cæsar_ in his _Commentaries_ _lib._ 4, and _Dion Cassius_ in
_lib._ 39; _Livy_'s account being lost, in whose 105_th._ Book might
possibly have been found the Story more at large. It is certain that
this Expedition of _Cæsars_, was in the Year of the _Consulate_ of
_Pompey_ and _Crassus_, which was in the Year of _Rome_ 699. or the
55_th_ before the usual Æra of Christ: And as to the time of the Year,
_Cæsar_ says that _Exigua parte æstatis reliqua_, he came over only
with two Legions, _viz._ the 7_th_ and 10_th_ and all Foot, in about 80
Sail of Merchant Ships, 18 Sail that were ordered to carry the Horse
not being able to get out at the same time from another Port, where
they lay Wind-bound. He says that he arrived about the 4th hour of
the Day, _viz._ between Nine and Ten in the Morning, on the Coast of
_Britain_, where he found the Enemy drawn up on the _Cliffs_ ready to
repel him, which place he thus describes. _Loci hæc erat natura, adeo
montibus augustis mare continebatur ut ex locis superioribus in littus
telum adjicit possit_, by which the _Cliffs_ of _Dover_ and the _South
Foreland_ are justly described, and could be no other Land, being he
says in the 5_th_ Book of his Commentaries, _in Britanniam trajectum
esse cognoverit circitur millium passum triginta à continenti_, the
_Cliffs_ of the _North-Foreland_ being at a much greater distance.
Here he says he came to an Anchor, and staid till the 9_th_ hour, or
till about between Three and Four in the Afternoon, expecting till his
whole Fleet was come up; and in the mean time called a Council of War,
and advertised his Officers, after what manner they were to make their
Descent, particularly in relation to the Stuff of the Sea, whose motion
he calls _celerem atq. instabilem_, quick and uneven. Then, _viz._
about Three in the Afternoon he weighed Anchor, and having gotten the
_Wind_ and _Tide_ with him, he Sail'd about Eight Miles from the first
place, and Anchor'd against an open and plain Shore.
2. Here he made his Descent, and having told us the opposition that
was made, and the means he used to get on Shore, he comes to say, that
after he had been _Four Days_ in _Britain_, the 18 Ships with his Horse
put to Sea, and were come in sight of his Camp, when a suddain Tempest
arose, with contrary Wind, so that some of the Ships put back again,
others were driven to the Westwards, not without great danger, and
coming to Anchor, they found they could not ride it out: so when Night
came on, they put off to Sea and returned from whence they came. _That
same Night_ it was _Full-Moon_, which makes the greatest Tides in the
Ocean, and they being ignorant thereof, their Gallies, which were drawn
on Shore, were filled by the Tide, _&c._
3. Then he says that the Day of the Autumnal Equinox being at hand,
after some Days stay, wherein there passed no Action because he kept
close in his Camp by the shore; and not thinking it proper to stay till
the Winter came on, he returned into _Gallia_: The next Year he made a
further Expedition with 5 Legions and a good Body of Horse, but there
is but little in the History thereof serving to our purpose, excepting
that he says he set Sail from the _Portus Icius_ about Sun Set, with a
gentle S. W. Wind, _leni Africo profectus_; that about Midnight it fell
Calm, and being carried away with the Tide, by the time it was Day, he
found he had left _Britain_ on the left hand; but then the Tide turning
they fell to their Oars, and by Noon reached that part of the Island
where he Landed before, and came on Shore without opposition: and then
March'd up into the Country, leaving his Ships at Anchor _in littora
molli & aperto_.
4. This is all in _Cæsar_ that is any thing pertinent, and I find no
where else any thing to guide us farther, except one passage in _Dion
Cassius_, who speaking of the first Landing of _Cæsar_, says οὐ μέντοι
καὶ ᾗ ἔδει προσέσχεν, that is, as I Translate it. But he Landed not
where he intended, for that the _Britains_ hearing of his coming,
had possest all usual Places of Landing Ἄκραν οὖν τινὰ προέχουσαν
περιπλεύσας ἑτέρωσε παρεκομίσθη. Κἀνταῦθα τοὺς προσμίξαντάς οἱ ἐς τὰ
τενάγη ἀποβαίνοντι νικήσας, ἔφθη τῆς γῆς κρατήσας, in my English.
Wherefore doubling a certain head Land, he made to the Shore on the
other side, where he overcame those that Skirmished with him at the
Waters edg, and so got well on Land. Here I make bold to translate the
Words ἐς τὰ τενάγη, _at the water edge_, which in _H. Stephens_ Edition
is interpreted _in paludibus_, but I have the Authority of _Suidas_,
who says τέναγος, πελαγία ἰλὺς, or the Sea Mud, and is therefore
properly the Ouse on the Sea Shore, and by an easie Figure may be put
for the Shore it self, where such Ouse commonly is found.
5. From these _data_, That it was in the Year of the _Consulate_ of
_Pompey_, and _Crassus_; That it was _Exigua parte æstatis reliqua_,
and Four Days before a Full-Moon, which fell out in the Night time.
The time of this Invasion will be determined to a Day: For by the
Eclipse of the Moon, whereof _Drusus_ made so good use to quiet
a Mutiny in the _Pannonian_ Army, upon the News of the Death of
_Augustus_, it follows that _Augustus_ Died _Anno Christi_ 14. which
was reckoned _Anno Vrbis conditæ_ 767. and that this Action was 68
Years before, _viz._ in the 55_th_ Year before Christ Current. In which
Year the Full Moon fell out _August 30._ after Midnight, or 31 in the
Morning before Day; and the preceeding Full-Moon, was _August 1._ soon
after Noon; so that this could not be the Full-Moon mentioned, as
falling in the Day time: nor that in the beginning of _July_, it being
not 10 Days after the Summer solstice, when it would not have been said
_exigua parte æstatis reliqua_. It follows therefore that the Full-Moon
spoken of, was on _August 30._ at Night, and that the Landing on
_Britain_ was _August 26._ in the Afternoon, about a Month before the
Autumnal equinox; which agrees to all the Circumstances of the Story in
point of Time.
6. As to the Place, the high Land and Cliffs described, could be no
other than those of _Dover_, and are allowed to have been so by all, it
remains only to examine whether the Descent was made to the Northward
or Southward of the place where he first Anchored. The _data_ to
determine this are first that it was Four Days before the Full-Moon.
2. That that Day by Three of the Clock in the Afternoon the Tide ran
the same way he Sail'd. 3_dly._ That a S. by E. Moon makes High-Water
on all that Coast, the Flood coming from the Southward: hence it will
follow, that that Day it was High-Water there about Eight in the
Morning, and consequently Low-Water about Two, wherefore by Three the
Tide of Flood was well made up, and it is plain that _Cæsar_ went with
it, and the Flood setting to the Northward shews that the open plain
Shore where he Landed was to the Northward of the Cliffs, and must be
in the _Downs_; and this I take to be little less than Demonstration.
A second Argument is drawn from the Wind wherewith he set out on his
second Expedition, _viz._ S. W. as appears by the Words _leni Africo
profectus_, with which the Navigation of those times would hardly
permit a Ship to Sail nearer the Wind than Eight Points, or a N. W.
Course; which would serve indeed to go into the _Downs_, but would by
no means fetch the Low-land towards _Dengyness_, which is much about
West from _Calais_, and not more than W. N. W. from _Boulogne_, if it
shall be said that that was the _Portus Icius_ from which _Cæsar_ set
out. Whence I take it to be evident that if _Cæsar_ was not bound more
Northerly than the _South-Foreland_, he could not have thought the
_Africus_ or S. W. Wind proper for his passage, which was then intended
for the place where he first Landed the year before.
7. Justly to determine which the _Portus Icius_ was I find no
where sufficient grounds; only _Ptolemy_ calls the Promontory of
_Calais-Cliffs_ by the name of Ἴκιον ἄκρον, whence there is reason to
conjecture, that the _Portus Icius_ was very near thereto, and that
it was either _Ambletuse_ on one side, or _Calais_ on the other. The
same _Ptolemy_ places Γισοῤῥίακον ἐπίνειον in the same Latitude with
the ἴκιον ἄκρον, but something more to the East, which seems to refute
those that have supposed the Ancient Port of _Gessoriacum_ to have
been _Boulogne_, whereas by _Ptolemy_'s position, it must be either
_Dunkirk_ or _Graveling_, but the former most likely, both by the
distance from the Ἴκιον ἄκρον, being about 20 Miles or half a degree
of Longitude to the East, or ⅔ of the whole Coast of _Flanders_,
which he makes but a degree and quarter from the _Acron Icion_ to the
mouth of the _Scheld_ which he calls _Ostia Tabudæ_: As also for that
_Pliny_ l. 4. c. 16. speaking of _Gessoriacum_, says the _Proximus
Trajectus_ into _Britain_ from thence is 50 Miles, which is too much
unless _Gessoriacum_ were something more Easterly than _Calais_. _Dion
Cassius_ makes the distance between _France_ and _Britain_ 450 _stadia_
or 56 Miles, and says likewise 'tis the nearest, τὸ Συντομώτατον. But
this is in part amended by the explication given in the _Itinerary_
of _Antoninus_, where the space between _Gessacorum_ and _Rutupium_
is said to be 450 _stadia_ (for this was the ordinary passage of
the _Romans_ into _Britain_,) _Rutupium_ being more Northerly and
_Gessoriacum_ more Easterly than the _termini_ of _Cæsars_ Voyage,
and consequently the distance greater than 30 Miles which _Cæsar_ had
observ'd; and now lately an accurate Survey has proved the distance
between Land and Land to be 26 _English Miles_ or 28½ _Roman Miles_,
which shews how near _Cæsars_ estimate was to the Truth.
A farther Argument (but not of equal force with the former because
of the modernness of the Author, who writ above 250 Years after)
may be drawn from the words of _Dion Cassius_, where he says ἄκραν
τινὰ προέχουσαν περιπλεύσας ἑτέρωσε παρεκομίσθη, that after his
first Anchoring he Sail'd about a Promontory to the place where he
Landed: Now there are no other Promontories on all that Coast but the
_South-Foreland_ and _Dengyness_; the latter of which it could not be,
because _Cæsar_ says he Sail'd but 8 Miles, and the _Ness_ it self is
about 10 Miles from the South and nearest end of the _Chalk-Cliffs_
by the Town of _Hith_; and to have gone round that Point to the
other side, the distance must have been much greater. So that the
Promontory spoken of by _Dion_, must needs be the _South-Foreland_,
and _Cæsar_ must Anchor near over against _Dover_, from whence Sailing
8 Miles, he would double a Head-land and come to the _Downs_; which
is such a Coast as he describes in one place by _apertum ac planum
littus_, and in his 5_th_ Book by _molle ac apertum littus_. As to
_Dions_ word εἰς τὰ τενάγη, what I have already said about it seems
sufficient to prove that he means no more than the Waters edg; and the
_Etymologists_ derive it from τέγγω _madefacio_, because the wash and
breach of the Sea does always keep it wet. And this word τὰ τενάγη is
used by _Polybius_ for the Sea Ouse; and in another place he speaks of
the difficulty of Landing at the mouth of a River, Διὰ τὴν τεναγώδη
πάροδον, _ob limosum accessum_, so that it is not to be doubted that it
ought to be rendred in this place, _ad vadum maris_ rather than _in
paludibus_. And so this objection against the assertion that _Cæsar_
Landed in the _Downs_, which is known to be a firm Champain Country
without Fenns and Morasses, will be removed; and the whole Argument
will 'tis hoped be admitted by the Curious.
* * * * *
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TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
In the texts of Greek inscriptions, original letter forms have been
normalised as follows:
Lunate epsilon ϵ (the usual form in the inscriptions), curly
epsilon Ɛ (in the plate facing p. 235), and two reversed lunate
epsilons ϶ (both probable misprints) have been replaced by
ordinary epsilon Ε.
Lunate sigma Ϲ (the usual form in the inscriptions) and
rectangular sigma ⊏ (in the inscription on pp. 118 and 149) have
been replaced by Σ.
ω-shaped omega (the usual form in the inscriptions) has been
replaced by Ω.
Inverted mu ꟽ (throughout the inscription on p. 130) has been
replaced by upright mu Μ.
ου-ligature ȣ (in the inscription on pp. 118 and 149) has been
replaced by ΟΥ.
In the illustration facing p. 232 the columns illustrating Chinese
characters in the caption are ordered from top to bottom then from
right to left across the columns.
Silently corrected simple spelling, grammar, and typographical
errors.
Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
Enclosed italics markup in _underscores_.
Enclosed bold markup in =equals=.
Enclosed Greek underline markup in _underscores_.
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