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Title: The Life of General Garibaldi - Translated from his private papers; with the history of - his splendid exploits in Rome, Lombardy, Sicily and to the - present time.
Author: Garibaldi, Giuseppe
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Life of General Garibaldi - Translated from his private papers; with the history of - his splendid exploits in Rome, Lombardy, Sicily and to the - present time." ***
[Illustration:
_ENGRAVED BY T.B. WELCH, (PHIL^A) FROM A DAGUERROTYPE BY M.A. & S.
ROOT._
G. Garibaldi
]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE LIFE
OF
GENERAL GARIBALDI,
TRANSLATED FROM HIS PRIVATE PAPERS;
WITH
THE HISTORY OF HIS SPLENDID EXPLOITS
IN ROME, LOMBARDY, SICILY AND NAPLES,
TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY
THEODORE DWIGHT,
AUTHOR OF "A TOUR IN ITALY IN 1821,"
"THE ROMAN REPUBLIC OF 1849,"
ETC. ETC.
Embellished with a Fine Engraved Portrait on Steel,
AND
AN AUTOGRAPH LETTER TO THE TRANSLATOR.
-------
NEW YORK:
DERBY & JACKSON, 498 BROADWAY.
1861.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
ENTERED according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by
DERBY & JACKSON,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
for the Southern District of New York.
W. H. TINSON, Stereotyper.
GEO. RUSSELL & CO., Printers.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INTRODUCTION.
THE following pages are principally written by the pen of the hero of
our age, that pure-hearted man—that devoted patriot, and noble,
generous, and disinterested philanthropist—that spirited, undaunted, and
indomitable warrior, whose splendid deeds have dazzled the world, and
whose career, according to his own recent declaration, will be brought
to its close by a final triumph, for which he is now preparing, to be
gained early in the present year.
While General Garibaldi resided in New York and its vicinity, in the
years 1850 and '51, the author of this book enjoyed his acquaintance,
and the favor of receiving from him his private memoirs, with permission
to translate and publish them.[1] They had just been prepared for the
press, when Garibaldi requested that they might be withholden from the
public while he remained in this country, probably because he preferred
to be unnoticed, being at that time employed in making candles on Staten
Island, and naturally fond of retirement.
The first part of this volume, to page 210, contains a literal
translation from his original private manuscripts, in which a clear,
unadorned English style was adopted, as nearly corresponding, as the
translator's abilities would allow, to the manly and pure Italian of the
author. No attempt was made to change, by dilating or polishing, as the
translator believed it to be almost as hopeless to improve his style as
to rival him with the sword. That portion of the volume relates to his
early life, and the fourteen years he spent in the service of the
Republican cause in South America.
The succeeding pages are devoted to his services in Italy in the
revolutions of 1849, 1859 and 1860; and a large proportion of their
contents is occupied by his proclamations and other documents of his
own, in translating which the same efforts have been made to render them
correctly.
The author has received assistance from some of the countrymen of
Garibaldi in New York, for information not otherwise to be obtained,
several of whom have been his fellow-soldiers. Many extracts have been
taken from the most authentic and interesting descriptions, by
intelligent eye-witnesses, of scenes in the two last campaigns in Italy.
A personal acquaintance with Italy and Italians has enabled the writer
to select, arrange, and explain the vast amount of materials presented
by those most extraordinary seasons, in a manner perhaps best adapted
for his readers. Some omissions were necessary, in composing a work of
this kind, but nothing of essential importance.
The reader can hardly fail to bear in mind, while here reviewing the
life of this wonderful man, the most formidable of modern times, who is
at the same time one of the most gentle and amiable at heart, that even
now the present pause in his career is a solemn one, as it is speedily
to be followed by a scene of excitement, conflict and consequences,
perhaps unequalled by those which are past. The results none can
foresee: but it is evident that they must be momentous and extensive,
whether prosperous or adverse; and no intelligent American can
anticipate them without deep emotion. Well may we look to heaven for the
protection and success of the noble hero of Italian independence and
liberty, the avowed enemy of the Papal Anti-Christ, whom he unmasks and
denounces, and for the diffusion among his countrymen of that pure and
undefiled Christianity, of which he declares himself a believer, and
which he so earnestly claims for the religion of Italy.
The efforts, sacrifices, and sufferings of thousands of Italians for the
independence, freedom, and happiness of their country, have been such,
in past years, as to present pages worthy of record in history for the
honor of mankind, and lessons for other nations. Many of the purest men
have been suffering the pains and sorrows of exile in our own land, some
of them after long and cruel punishment in the dungeons of Austria,
those of the brutal kings of Naples, or of the Pope of Rome. With a
patience and magnanimity astonishing to witness, they have justly
excited the respect, love, and admiration of Americans who knew them,
and ever showed themselves sincere and cordial friends of our country,
our institutions, and state of society. Unlike too many other
foreigners, they have been content with the protection which they
enjoyed, and never sought for office or power, much less to act as the
servants of European despots, to undermine American liberty. Some of
these noble men, on returning to Italy, left with us records of their
lives, which may, perhaps, hereafter be published, according to their
desire, to promote a warm attachment between our countrymen and their
own, for which those writings are admirably adapted.
The following pages contain the translation of one of the collections of
manuscripts here referred to, and it is most gratifying to the
translator to bring before the American public, at this time, so
appropriate, interesting, and authentic a biography of the admired man
of our age, under his own authority, and from his own pen.
Could there be a character better adapted as a model for American youth,
in training them to just views of the value of what has been called the
humble virtues of common life? The example of Garibaldi displays those
virtues which adorn every pure, honest, and disinterested character, in
happy contrast with the false and selfish principles which are too
generally approved, admired, and recommended to the young. How much the
world owes him, for his disinterested career, his devotion to the good
of others, his refusal of rewards of every kind, and his preference of
simple life in a lonely, rocky island, with only his son and daughter,
and a few true friends, to all the honors, riches, and luxuries of the
European capitals!
And how noble an example, also, have the Italians given us of union!
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION, 3
CHAPTER I.
My Father—My Mother—Her Influence on my Life—Incidents of my
Childhood—My First Schoolmasters, 13
CHAPTER II.
First Impressions of a Young Sailor—My First Voyage—My Accomplished
Captain—My Second Voyage—First Visit to Rome—Impressions—My Prayers—Join
the Secret Society—Sentence of Death—Escape to France—Incidents at
Marseilles, 17
CHAPTER III.
Voyage to Brazil—First Meeting with Rosetti—We Engage in
Trade—Zambeccari's Arrival—The United Provinces—Engage in the Service of
Rio Grande—Sail—My First Prize—Conduct of my Men—My Rule for Treating
Prisoners—Reception at Maldonado—Sudden Departure, 23
CHAPTER IV.
Two Brazilian Vessels—My First Battle—My First Wound—Results—My own
Condition—Burial of my Friend Fiorentino, 29
CHAPTER V.
Arrival at Gualaguay—Reception—My Wound Healed—My Sudden Departure and
Return—Cruel Treatment—Señora Aleman—Tribute to that Noble Lady—Go to
Bajada, 33
CHAPTER VI.
At Montevideo—Incognito—Departure for Rio Grande—March with the Army of
the President, Bento Gonzalez—His Character, Family and
Friends—Agreeable Society, 38
CHAPTER VII.
At the Galpon of Charginada, Repairing the Launches—My Friend, John
Griggs—A Battle—Results—Tribute to a Fair Friend, 44
CHAPTER VIII.
Description of the Lake or Lagoon Dos Patos—The Enemy Command the
Lake—Plan to Enter it—Transportation of Launches Over Land—Results of
the Experiment—Breakers—Shipwreck—Sad Catastrophe, 50
CHAPTER IX.
Treatment Experienced by the Survivors of the Shipwreck—Expedition of
Canabarro to Laguna—Results—Effects on my mind of the Loss of my Old
Friends—My Resolution—Remarkable Meeting with Anna—Our Marriage—New
Launches Built—Leave the Lagoon—Cruise at Sea—Prizes Taken—Fight with a
Brazilian Ship of War—Results, 57
CHAPTER X.
Discontent of the People of St. Catharine's—Revolt at Jamaica—Attack on
that town—Conduct of the Troops—Retreat to the Lagoon—Pursued—The
Imperialists Gaining Strength—Col. Terceira's Expedition Against
Mello—Our Disaster—Rally, 65
CHAPTER XI.
The Enemy still held in Check—Necessity of
Retreat—Preparation—Commencement—Progress—Result—Arrival at the Town of
Lages, 76
CHAPTER XII.
My High Estimate of the "Sons of the Continent"—Defects in Discipline—I
Descend the Serra—Difficulties of the March—Reach Malacara—General
Jorge—Gens. Netto and Canabarro—Two Large Armies Meet at Pineirino, on
the Taguare—Patriotism of the Republicans—A wish for Italy—Result of the
Expedition, 81
CHAPTER XIII.
San Jose Del Norte—Its Capture—Ill Conduct—Its Results—Disasters of the
Republicans—I go to San Simon—Birth of my First Child—My Solitary
Journey to Procure Necessary Clothing for my Little Family—Trials and
Oppressions—Sad Discovery on My Return, 92
CHAPTER XIV.
The River Kapivari—My New Camp—Canoe Voyages to the Lake Dos Patos—State
of the Republican Army Declining—Death of my Bosom Friend,
Rosetti—Retreat—Difficulties and Sufferings—Anna's Exposure—Our
Infant—Kindness of the soldiers, 97
CHAPTER XV.
Hunting Horses—Catching Wild Colts—Enter the Province of
Missiones—Headquarters Established at San Gabriel—Love for my Parents—I
turn Cattle-Drover—Results—Reach Montevideo—Teach Mathematics—Warlike
Preparations—Join the Oriental Squadron, 104
CHAPTER XVI.
Origin of the War between Montevideo and Buenos Ayres—Character and
Conduct of Rosas, Ouribes—The Centralists, called Unitarians, Opposed to
the Republicans, 109
CHAPTER XVII.
Condition of the Italians at Montevideo, and elsewhere—My Wishes and
Designs for their Benefit—In Command of the "Constitucion"—At Martin
Garcia—A Battle with the Enemy—Providential Results—Proceed to Bajada—At
Cerito—Another Fight—Cavallo-Quattia—Low Water—Join the Republican
Flotilla—Labors and Difficulties, 114
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Enemy Appear under General Brown—We Fight—Labors and Fatigue by
Night—Desertion—Preparations to Renew the Battle—Another Fight—Vessels
Burned—Landing in Small Boats—Land Travel—Treatment by the
Inhabitants—Traverse the Province of Corrientes—Reach San
Francisco—Notice of the Battle of Arroyo Grande, Dec. 6, 1842—Sent by
Gen. Aguyar to Versilles with the Vessels—Strange Presentiment—Catching
Horses—Bad News, 122
CHAPTER XIX.
Public Dismay—Enthusiasm of the People Rising—I Return to
Montevideo—Ourives Coming to Besiege it—Preparations for Defence—General
Paz—I am Ordered to Collect a Flotilla—A Fortunate Accident, 134
CHAPTER XX.
The Enemy reach Montevideo—Gen. Rivera's Movement on their Left
Flank—Gen. Paz Commands in the City—Services by the French and Italian
Corps—Treachery—Mismanagement—Gen. Pacheco Corrects it—Attack on the
Besiegers—Italian Legion Distinguished—Anzani—Services of the Flotilla—A
Providential Event—Commodore Purvis—British Intervention—Negotiation,
139
CHAPTER XXI.
Exploits of the Italian Legion during the Siege—Tres Cruces—The Pass of
Bojada—The Quadrado—General Rivera Defeated at India Muerta, but without
Discouraging Efforts, Intervention Continued—An Expedition in the
Uruguay, the Flotilla being under my Command, 148
CHAPTER XXII.
The Expedition Proceeds for the Uruguay—Colonia Taken by It—Burned—Page,
a Suspicious Frenchman—Martin Garcia Taken, 154
CHAPTER XXIII.
First Meeting with a "Martrero"—Description of his Habits and
Character—Another Martrero, Juan de la Cruz—The Rio Negro—Joseph
Mundell—The severity of the Enemy Drive the Martrero and People to us,
157
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Expedition Proceeds—Surprise Gualeguayechu—Reach the
Hervidero—Accompanied by an English and a French Officer—A large
Estancia, and its numerous Horses and other Animals—I leave the Vessels
in Charge of Anzani—Go with the Martreros—La Cruz and Mundell—Attack on
the Hervidero—Battle of Arroyo Grande, 163
CHAPTER XXV.
The Province of Corrientes calls General Paz from Montevideo—Alliance
with Paraguay—I go to Salto with the Flotilla, to relieve it from a
Siege—With La Cruz and Mundell attack Lavalleja—Return to Salto, 171
CHAPTER XXVI.
Urquiza Besieges us in Salto with all his Forces—Our Defences
Incomplete—A sudden Attack—Repulsed Sorties—Bold Operation on the
opposite Bank of the River—Surprising Feats of the Horsemen—Their
Habits, 178
CHAPTER XXVII.
The Siege of Salto Continued—Night Attack on the Enemy's
Camp—Successful—General Medina approaching—Send Gen. Baez and Anzani to
Meet him—A Great Surprise—Almost Overwhelmed by the Enemy—Fight till
Night—Retreat, 184
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Preparations for our Retreat—Attacked on the Way—Bravery of my
Italians—I never Despaired of Italy—The noble Character of Anzani—Reach
Salto—Kindness of French Physicians—Collect and Bury the Dead, 191
CHAPTER XXIX.
Effects of the Revolution in Montevideo—Change of Duties of the Italian
Legion—No Important Military Movements—My Occupation with the
Marine—Diplomatic Negotiations—The Temporizing Policy of Rosas—Change of
English and French Agents and Admirals—Evil Consequences—Rivera in favor
in Montevideo—My Operations at Salto Continued—Surprise Vergara's
Camp—Leave it to Return, 196
CHAPTER XXX.
On the March Back to Salto—Sudden Attack—Desperate Defence—Flight and
Pursuit—The "Bolla"—Excellence of the Horsemen—Incidents, 203
CHAPTER XXXI.
I Return to Montevideo, with the Flotilla—Rosas Gains Strength—The Army
of Corrientes Destroyed by Urquiza—Rivera's Mismanagement—The
Intervention Misdirected—Fall of Salto—Defence again reduced to
Montevideo—High Deserts of its Defenders, Natives and Foreigners, not
yet appreciated—An interval occurs, not marked by important events—The
Revolutions in Europe, 208
OUTLINES OF GENERAL GARIBALDI'S CAREER IN ITALY DURING THE YEARS 1848 &
1849, 211
Principles of the Italian Republicans, in opposition to the claims of
Popery, 213
The Condition of Rome, 216
Official Report of the Repulse of the French advance of 8,000 men, under
General Oudinot, under the Walls of Rome—The First Battle: April 30th,
1849, 221
From an Account of the same Battle of April 30th, by Carlo Rusconi, 227
Spirited Proclamation to the People of Rome, by their Representatives,
the day after the first Battle, 228
Proclamation by the Committee of the Barricades, two days after the
first Battle, 229
The Neapolitan Invasion, 230
Proclamations of the Triumvirate, at the time of the Neapolitan
Invasion, 231
The Battle of Palestrina, 232
General Garibaldi's Account of the Battles of Palestrina and Velletri,
234
The Battle of Velletri, 235
General Garibaldi's Account of the Action of June 3d, 1849, with the
French, at Villas Corsini and Vascello, 238
Official Bulletin of events which took place on the 25th and 26th of
June, 1849, 243
THE BATTLE OF JUNE 30TH, 249
The City to cease her resistance, 250
Roman Republic, 251
The Constitution of the Roman Republic adopted—The Constituent Assembly
Dissolved, 253
Proclamation of the Minister of War, 255
Garibaldi's Departure from Rome with his remaining troops, and his
Celebrated Retreat to the Adriatic, 255
TEN YEARS LATER.
-------
CHAPTER I.
Garibaldi Waiting his Time—The Island of Caprera—His Confidence in the
Approach of Italian Deliverance, expressed in his preceding
Autobiography, and at New York—His Personal Appearance—Injustice Done to
his Character and Style of Writing—M. Dumas' Book—Preparation of the
Italian People for Union and Liberty, by Secret Societies—Changes Of
Policy—The Principles of the Italian Patriots adopted by France and
England—Consequences, 257
CHAPTER II.
Policy of Louis Napoleon since 1849—His Position in 1859—Causes of the
War in Lombardy—Austrian Army Threatens Piedmont—French Troops sent to
the Aid of Victor Emanuel—Garibaldi called into Service—Marches
North—Apprehensions of his Friends—His Brilliant Successes at Varese and
Como, 263
CHAPTER III.
Como—Approach of General Urban with 40,000 Austrians—Garibaldi
Retires—Como Taken—Count Raimondi's Daughter—Garibaldi Returns and
Expels the Austrians—The Battle of Camerlata—The Austrians Demand the
Disbanding of Garibaldi's Troops—Refused—They Advance—The Canals
Opened—They Retire—The Battles of Palestro, Montebello, and Magenta—The
Mincio and its Banks—The Battle of Solferino, 270
CHAPTER IV.
The State of the Contending Parties—Specimen of the Barbarity of some of
the Austrian Officers—The Armistice, 279
CHAPTER V.
The Character of Italian Patriots—How it has been Displayed by Exiles in
the United States—Ignorance of Italy in America—Garibaldi's Appearance
and Character—His Band—His "Englishman," Col. Peard, 287
CHAPTER VI.
Garibaldi with an Army at Rimini—General Lamoricière at Pesaro—Victor
Emanuel Apprehends a Premature Collision—Garibaldi goes to Piedmont—Nice
and Savoy Ceded to France—Garibaldi at Caprera—The Sicilian Revolution
Commenced—Garibaldi's Expedition for Sicily—The Island—The People, 292
CHAPTER VII.
Accounts of the Expedition for Sicily—Voyage—Touch at Talamone, in
Tuscany—Proceed to Marsala—Landing—March—Occurrences on the way to
Palermo, 298
CHAPTER VIII.
Preparations to Attack Palermo—Night March—Attack—Battle—The
Bombardment, 311
CHAPTER IX.
Journal of an Eye-witness Continued—Palermo after the Capture—Garibaldi
in a Dangerous Crisis—The Archbishop of Palermo and many of the Heads of
Convents with Garibaldi—Address of the Corporation—Incidents in
Palermo—Garibaldi's Decree for Poor Soldiers and their Families, 319
CHAPTER X.
Garibaldi Solicited by the Sicilians to Accept the Dictatorship—Demand
for Arms—Garibaldi's Proclamation Establishing a Government, etc.—His
Different ways of Treating Good Priests and Jesuits—Reasons—The King of
Naples' Liberal Decree—Rejected, 326
CHAPTER XI.
Medici's Expedition from Piedmont to Aid Garibaldi—Preparations,
Departure, Voyage, Arrival, etc.—Capitulation of Messina, etc.—Garibaldi
at Messina—His Reception, Manners, and Simple Habits—Difficulties in
Arranging his Government—Letter from Victor Emanuel Forbidding him to
Invade Naples—Garibaldi's Reply, 332
CHAPTER XII.
Garibaldi's Position—A Pause in Hostilities—A Period of
Preparation—Public Anxiety—The Sicilian Fortresses—Catania—Milazzo
—Boats, Men, and Arms Collected at Faro—Landing Attempted at Scylla—A
Small Body Succeed, 340
CHAPTER XIII.
The Uncertainty of the Prospect—Apprehensions—Garibaldi's Mysterious
Disappearance—The Expedition Prepared in Sardinia—His Change of
Plans—Sails from Giardini, and Lands at Reggio, 348
CHAPTER XIV.
The Condition of Naples in past Months—The Government Crisis Royal
Decree—How it was Received—Cruelties Practised—First Movements of the
People, 354
CHAPTER XV.
The Condition of Naples since the Reign of Terror in April—Agitation on
Garibaldi's Approach, 368
CHAPTER XVI.
Garibaldi's Journey through Calabria—Reaches Palermo—Enters
Naples—Enthusiasm and Good Order of the People—The New Government—The
Army and Navy—Various Occurrences, 374
CHAPTER XVII.
The Good Order in Naples—Its Causes—Garibaldi Visits Palermo—Returns—The
King and his Army at Gaeta and Capua—Description and History of Gaeta
and Capua—Present Condition of Gaeta, 396
CHAPTER XVIII.
The Royal Palace and Gardens of Caserta—Change of Times—The River
Volturno—Position of the King's Troops and Garibaldi's—The Battle of
Volturno, 403
CHAPTER XIX.
The Pope urged by France and Sardinia to Dismiss his Foreign
Troops—Inconsistencies of Louis Napoleon—Marked Changes of Times,
Doctrines, and Measures—Victor Emanuel's Demands Pressed on the
Pope—Conspiracies and Insurrections in the Pope's Remaining
Dominions—The Ultimatum Refused—General Cialdini Marches—Battle of
Castelfidaro—Capture of Spoleto, Ancona, Perugia, and other
Places—Victor Enters the Kingdom of Naples, 416
CHAPTER XX.
The Present Position of Things—Doubts Respecting Garibaldi—Descriptions
of the Camp at Capua—England Declares for Victor Emanuel—Garibaldi's
Proclamations—Meeting of Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel, 431
CHAPTER XXI.
Garibaldi's Announcement of Victor Emanuel's Approach to Naples—They
Enter Together—Garibaldi Resigns his Dictatorship—Capitulation and
Surrender of Capua—His Address to the Hungarian Huzzars—His Farewell to
his Troops—He Sails for Caprera—Unexpected Changes—Letters Describing
them, 439
------------------------------------------------------------------------
[Illustration:
_FAC SIMILE OF GARIBALDI'S LETTER TO THEODORE DWIGHT
CONFIDING TO HIM HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY._ (SEE INTRODUCTION.)
_LITH. OF SARONY, MAJOR & KNAPP, 449 BROADWAY. N. Y._]
]
-----
Footnote 1:
(TRANSLATION.)
STATEN ISLAND, _30th October, 1850_.
"DEAR MR. THEODORE DWIGHT:
"According to what I have promised you, I send you the first
biographical sketch; and do not be surprised that it is that of my
wife. She was my constant companion, in good and bad fortune—sharing,
as you will see, my greatest dangers, and surpassing the bravest men.
I wish you to consult Foresti, respecting the manuscripts and
translations, and frankly express to me your opinion.
"YOURS,
G. GARIBALDI."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
LIFE OF
GENERAL GARIBALDI.
CHAPTER I.
MY FATHER—MY MOTHER—HER INFLUENCE ON MY LIFE—INCIDENTS
OF MY CHILDHOOD—MY FIRST SCHOOLMASTERS.
In commencing an account of my life, it would be unpardonable in me to
omit speaking of my kind parents. My father, a sailor, and the son of a
sailor, educated me in the best manner he could in Nice, my native city,
and afterwards trained me to the life of a seaman in a vessel with
himself. He had navigated vessels of his own in his youth; but a change
of fortune had compelled him afterwards to serve in those belonging to
his father. He used often to tell his children that he would gladly have
left them richer; but I am fully convinced that the course which he
adopted in our education was the best he possibly could have taken, and
that he procured for us the best instructors he was able, perhaps
sometimes at the expense of his own convenience. If, therefore, I was
not trained in a gymnasium, it was by no means owing to his want of
desire.
In mentioning my mother—I speak it with pride—she was a model for
mothers; and, in saying this, I have said all that can be said. One of
the greatest sorrows of my life is, that I am not able to brighten the
last days of my good parent, whose path I have strewed with so many
sorrows by my adventurous career. Her tender affection for me has,
perhaps, been excessive; but do I not owe to her love, to her angel-like
character, the little good that belongs to mine? To the piety of my
mother, to her beneficent and charitable nature, do I not, perhaps, owe
that little love of country which has gained for me the sympathy and
affection of my good, but unfortunate fellow-citizens? Although
certainly not superstitious, often, amidst the most arduous scenes of my
tumultuous life, when I have passed unharmed through the breakers of the
ocean, or the hail-storms of battle, she has seemed present with me. I
have in fancy seen her on her knees before the Most High—my dear
mother!—imploring for the life of her son; and I have believed in the
efficacy of her prayers.
I spent my childhood in the joys and sorrows familiar to children,
without the occurrence of anything very remarkable. Being more fond of
play than of study, I learned but little, and made but a poor return for
the kind exertions of my parents for my education. A very simple
accident made a deep impression on my memory. One day, when a very
little boy, I caught a grasshopper, took it into the house, and, in
handling it, broke its leg. Reflecting on the injury I had done to the
harmless insect, I was so much affected with grief, that I retired to my
chamber, mourned over the poor little creature, weeping bitterly for
several hours. On another occasion, while accompanying my cousin in
hunting, I was standing on the side of a deep ditch, by which the fields
were irrigated, when I discovered that a poor woman, while washing
clothes, had fallen from the bank, and was in imminent danger. Although
I was quite young and small, I jumped down and saved her life; and my
success afforded me the highest pleasure. On that occasion, and in
various other circumstances of a similar kind, I never hesitated for a
moment, or thought of my own safety.
Among my teachers, I retain a grateful recollection of Padre Gianone and
Signor Arena. Under the former I made but very little progress, being
bent more on play than on learning; but I have often regretted my loss
in failing to learn English, whenever I have since been thrown in
company with persons speaking that language. To the latter I consider
myself greatly indebted for what little I know. The ignorance in which I
was kept of the language of Italy, and of subjects connected with her
condition and highest interests, was common among the young, and greatly
to be lamented. The defect was especially great in Nice, where few men
knew how to be Italians, in consequence of the vicinity and influence of
France, and still more the neglect of the government to provide a proper
education for the people. To the instructions of Padre Gianone, and the
incitement given me by my elder brother Angelo, who wrote to me from
America to study my native language, I acknowledge my obligations for
what knowledge I possess of that most beautiful of languages. To my
brother's influence, also, I owe it, that I then read Roman and Italian
history with much interest.
This sketch of my early youth I must close, with the narration of a
little expedition which I attempted to carry into effect—my first
adventure. Becoming weary of school in Genoa, and disgusted with the
confinement which I suffered at the desk, I one day proposed to several
of my companions to make our escape, and seek our fortune. No sooner
said than done. We got possession of a boat, put some provisions on
board, with fishing tackle, and sailed for the Levant. But we had not
gone as far as Monaco, when we were pursued and overtaken by a
"corsair," commanded by good father. We were captured without bloodshed,
and taken back to our homes, exceedingly mortified by the failure of our
enterprise, and disgusted with an Abbé who had betrayed our flight. Two
of my companions on that occasion were Cesare Tanoli and Raffaele
Deandreis.
When I recur to the principles which were inculcated at school, and the
motives used to encourage us to study, I am now able to understand their
unsoundness and their evil tendency. We were in danger of growing up
with only selfish and mercenary views: nothing was offered us as a
reward for anything we could do, but money.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER II.
FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF A YOUNG SAILOR—MY FIRST VOYAGE—MY
ACCOMPLISHED CAPTAIN—MY SECOND VOYAGE—FIRST VISIT
TO ROME—IMPRESSIONS—MY PRAYERS—JOIN THE SECRET
SOCIETY—SENTENCE OF DEATH—ESCAPE TO FRANCE—INCIDENTS AT
MARSEILLES.
How everything is embellished by the feelings of youth, and how
beautiful appeared, to my ardent eyes, the bark in which I was to
navigate the Mediterranean, when I stepped on board as a sailor for the
first time! Her lofty sides, her slender masts, rising so gracefully and
so high above, and the bust of Our Lady which adorned the bow, all
remain as distinctly painted on my memory at the present day, as on the
happy hour when I became one of her crew. How gracefully moved the
sailors, who were fine young men from San Remi, and true specimens of
the intrepid Ligurians! With what pleasure I ventured into the
forecastle, to listen to their popular songs, sung by harmonious choirs!
They sang of love, until I was transported; and they endeavored to
excite themselves to patriotism by singing of Italy! But who, in those
days, had ever taught them how to be patriots and Italians? Who, indeed,
had then ever said, on those shores, to those young men, that there was
such a thing as Italy, or that they had a country to be ameliorated and
redeemed?
The commander of the Costanza, the vessel in which I had embarked, was
Angelo Pesante. He was the best sea-captain I ever knew, and ought to
have the command of a ship of war of the first class, as soon as Italy
shall have such a fleet as she deserves,—for a better commander could
not be. He has, indeed, been captain of an armed vessel. Pesante was
able to make or invent every thing that could be wanted in a vessel of
any kind whatsoever, from a fishing-boat to a ship of the line; and, if
he were in the service of the country, she would reap the advantage and
the glory.
My second voyage was made to Rome, in a vessel of my father's. Rome,
once the capital of the world, now the capital of a sect! The Rome which
I had painted in my imagination, no longer existed. The future Rome,
rising to regenerate the nation, has now long been a dominant idea in my
mind, and inspired me with hope and energy. Thoughts, springing from the
past, in short, have had a prevailing influence on me during my life.
Rome, which I had before admired and thought of frequently, I ever since
have loved. It has been dear to me beyond all things. I not only admired
her for her former power and the remains of antiquity, but even the
smallest thing connected with her was precious to me. Even in exile,
these feelings were constantly cherished in my heart; and often, very
often, have I prayed to the Almighty to permit me to see that city once
more. I regarded Rome as the centre of Italy, for the union of which I
ardently longed.
I made several voyages with my father, and afterwards one with Captain
Guiseppe Gervino, to Caglieri, in a brig named the Emma, during which,
on the return passage, I witnessed a melancholy shipwreck, at a
distance, in such a storm that it was impossible to render any
assistance. In that instance I witnessed, for the first time, that
tender sympathy which sailors generally feel for others in distress. We
saw Spaniards, in a Catalan felucca, struggling with the waves, who soon
sank before our eyes, while my honest and warm-hearted shipmates shed
tears over their hard fate. This disaster was caused by a sudden change
of wind when the sea and wind were high. A Libaccio, a south-west wind,
had been blowing furiously for several days, and a number of vessels
were in sight, of all which the felucca seemed to make the best way. We
were all steering for Vado, to make that port for shelter, until the
storm should subside. A horrible surge unexpectedly broke over the
Spanish vessel, and overset it in an instant. We saw the crew clinging
to the side, and heard their cries to us for assistance, while we could
perceive their signals, but could not launch a boat. They all soon
disappeared in the foam of a second surge, more terrible than the first.
We afterwards heard that the nine persons thus lost all belonged to one
family.
From Vado I went to Genoa, and thence to Nice, whence I commenced a
series of voyages to the Levant, in vessels belonging to the house of
Givan. In one of these, in the brig Centesi, Captain Carlo Seneria, I
was left sick in Constantinople. The vessel sailed; and, as my sickness
continued, I found myself in somewhat straitened circumstances. In cases
of difficulty or danger, I have never, in all my life, been
disheartened. I then had the fortune to meet with persons kindly
disposed to assist me, and, among others, I can never forget Signora
Luigia Saiyuraiga, of Nice, whom I have ever since regarded as one of
the most accomplished of women, in the virtues which distinguish the
best and most admirable of her sex.
As mother and wife, she formed the happiness of her husband, who was an
excellent man, and of their young and interesting children, whose
education she conducted with the greatest care and skill. What
contributed to prolong my abode in the capital of Turkey, was the war
which at that time commenced between that power and Russia; and I then,
for the first time, engaged as a teacher of children. That employment
was offered me by Signor Diego, a doctor in medicine, who introduced me
to the widow Temoin, who wanted an instructor for her family. I took up
my residence in the house, and was placed in charge of her three sons,
with a sufficient salary.
I afterwards resumed the nautical life, embarking in the brig Nostra
Signora della Grazia, Captain Casabana; and that vessel was the first I
ever commanded, being made Captain of it on a subsequent voyage to Mahon
and Gibraltar, returning to Constantinople.
Being an ardent lover of Italy from my childhood, I felt a strong desire
to become initiated in the mysteries of her restoration; and I sought
everywhere for books and writings which might enlighten me on the
subject, and for persons animated with feelings corresponding with my
own. On a voyage which I made to Tagangog, in Russia, with a young
Ligurian, I was first made acquainted with a few things connected with
the intentions and plans of the Italian patriots; and surely Columbus
did not enjoy so much satisfaction on the discovery of America, as I
experienced on hearing that the redemption of our country was meditated.
From that time I became entirely devoted to that object, which has since
been appropriately my own element for so long a time.
The speedy consequence of my entire devotion to the cause of Italy was,
that on the fifth of February, 1834, I was passing out of the gate of
Linterna, of Genoa, at seven o'clock in the evening, in the disguise of
a peasant—_a proscript_. At that time my public life commenced; and, a
few days after, I saw my name, for the first time, in a newspaper: but
it was in _a sentence of death_!
I remained in Marseilles, unoccupied, for several months; but at length
embarked, as mate, in a vessel commanded by Captain Francesco Gazan.
While standing on board, towards evening, one day, dressed in my best
suit, and just ready to go on shore, I heard a noise in the water, and,
looking below, discovered that some person had fallen into the sea, and
was then under the stern of the vessel. Springing into the water, I had
the satisfaction to save from drowning a French boy, in the presence of
a large collection of people, who expressed their joy aloud, and warmly
applauded the act. His name was Joseph Rasbaud, and he was fourteen
years of age. His friends soon made their appearance; and I experienced
very peculiar feelings excited in my heart, when the tears of his mother
dropped, one after another, upon my cheek, while I heard the thanks of
the whole family.
Some years before I had a similar good fortune, when I saved the life of
my friend, Claudio Terese.
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CHAPTER III.
VOYAGE TO BRAZIL—FIRST MEETING WITH ROSETTI—WE ENGAGE IN
TRADE—ZAMBECCARI'S ARRIVAL—THE UNITED PROVINCES—ENGAGE
IN THE SERVICE OF RIO GRANDE—SAIL—MY FIRST PRIZE—CONDUCT
OF MY MEN—MY RULE FOR TREATING PRISONERS—RECEPTION AT
MALDONADO—SUDDEN DEPARTURE.
I made another voyage to the Black Sea, in the brig Unione, and
afterwards one to Tunis, in a frigate, built at Merseilles for the Bey.
From the latter port I next sailed for Rio Janeiro, in the Nautonier, a
Nantes brig, Captain Beauregard.
While walking one day in a public place in Rio, I met a man whose
appearance struck me in a very uncommon and very agreeable manner. He
fixed his eyes on me at the same moment, smiled, stopped, and spoke.
Although we found that we had never met before, our acquaintance
immediately commenced, and we became unreserved and cordial friends for
life. He was Rosetti, the most generous among the warm lovers of our
poor country!
I spent several months in Rio, unoccupied and at ease, and then engaged
in commerce, in company with Rosetti: but a short experience convinced
us that neither of us was born for a merchant.
About this time Zambeccari arrived at Rio, having been sent as a
prisoner from Rio Grande, when I became acquainted with the sentiments
and situation of the people of that province. Arrangements were soon
made for Rosetti and myself to proceed on an expedition for their aid,
they having declared their independence. Having obtained the necessary
papers, we engaged a small vessel for a crusier, which I named "_The
Mazzini_." I soon after embarked in a garopera, with twenty companions,
to aid a people in the south, oppressed by a proud and powerful enemy.
The garope is a kind of Brazilian fish, of an exquisite flavor; and
boats employed in taking it are called garoperas. My feelings, at that
epoch of my life, were very peculiar. I was enlisted in a new and
hazardous enterprize, and, for the first time, turned a helm for the
ocean with a warlike flag flying over my head—the flag of a republic—the
Republic of Rio Grande. I was at the head of a resolute band, but it was
a mere handful, and my enemy was the empire of Brazil.
We sailed until we reached the latitude of Grand Island, off which we
met a sumaca, or large coasting boat, named the Luisa, loaded with
coffee. We captured her without opposition, and then resolved to take
her instead of my own vessel, having no pilot for the high sea, and
thinking it necessary to proceed along the coast. I therefore
transferred everything from the Mazzini on board the sumaca, and then
sunk the former. But I soon found that my crew were not all men like
Rosetti, of noble and disinterested character and the purest morals;
and, indeed, I had before felt some apprehensions, when I saw among them
several physiognomies by no means prepossessing. I now found them, when
on board the sumaca, affecting ferocity, to intimidate the poor
Brazilian sailors, whom we had made prisoners. I took immediate steps to
repress all such conduct, and to tranquilize the fears which they had
excited, assuring the crew that they should be uninjured and kindly
treated, and set on shore at the first convenient landing-place, with
all their own personal property. A Brazilian, a passenger in the sumaca,
took the first opportunity, after coming on board, to offer me a casket
containing three valuable diamonds, in a supplicating manner, as if
afraid for his life; but I refused to receive it, and gave peremptory
orders that none of the effects of the crew or passengers should be
taken from them, under any pretext whatever. And this course I pursued
on all subsequent occasions, whenever I took any prizes from the enemy;
and my orders were always strictly obeyed.
The passengers and crew were landed north of Itaparica, the launches of
the Luisa being given to them, with all their movables, and as much
brandy as they chose to take with them. I then went to the south, and
soon arrived in the port of Maldonado, where the favorable reception
given us by the authorities and the people, afforded us a very
flattering prospect.
Rosetti set off for Montevideo, to arrange things connected with the
expedition, leaving us to await his return; and during eight days we
enjoyed one uninterrupted festival among the hospitable inhabitants. The
close of that period of gayety would have been tragical, if the
political chief of the town had been less friendly than he proved
himself to be. I received unexpected notice, quite different from what I
had been led to expect, that the flag of Rio Grande was not recognized,
and that an order had arrived for our immediate arrest. Thus compelled
to depart, although the weather was threatening, I hoisted sail without
delay, and steered up the river Plata, with scarcely any plan or object,
and almost without opportunity to communicate to any one that I should
await, at the Point of Jesus Maria, news of the result of Rosetti's
deliberations with his friends in Montevideo. After a wearisome
navigation, I reached that place, having narrowly escaped shipwreck on
the Point of Piedras Negras, in consequence of a variation of the
compass caused by the muskets placed near it.
I found no news at that place; and our provisions were entirely
consumed. We had no boat to land with: but it was indispensable to
procure food for the men. At length, after some deliberation, having
discovered a house about four miles distant from the shore, I determined
to get to the land, by some means or other, and, at any cost, to procure
provisions and bring them on board. The shore being very difficult of
approach, because the wind was blowing from the pampas, the vast plains
which extend far and wide, it was necessary to throw out two anchors to
draw up a little nearer. I then embarked on the dining table,
accompanied by one of my sailors, named Maurizio Garibaldi, and moved on
towards the land, not navigating, but rolling through the breakers of
that dangerous shore. In spite of the difficulty attending the
enterprise we reached the river's bank in safety, and drew up our
strange craft on the sand. Then, leaving my companion and namesake to
refit, I set off for the house which I had seen from the vessel.
Walking up the bank I reached the level of the pampas, and then, for the
first time in my life, caught a view of one of those vast South American
plains. I was struck with admiration:—such a boundless scene of
fertility, where wild horses and cattle were running free and
unrestrained, feeding, resting, and racing at full speed, at will. My
mind was filled with new, sublime and delightful emotions, as I passed
on towards the solitary habitation to which I was bound. When I reached
it I found a welcome, and easily obtained a promise of an abundant
supply of food for my crew. The daughter of the proprietor of that vast
estate was an educated, refined and agreeable young lady, and even a
poetess; and I spent the remainder of the day very pleasantly, in
company with her and the rest of the family.
The next day I returned to the shore, with the quarters of a fat bullock
which had been killed for me out of the immense herd of cattle, at the
order of the proprietor. Maurizio and I fastened the meat to the legs of
the table, which were in the air, the table itself being placed upside
down on the water, and then we launched out into the river to make our
way to the vessel. But the weight of the cargo and crew proved entirely
too great, and we immediately began to sink until we stood in the water;
and on reaching the breakers, the agitation caused so much rocking that
it was almost impossible to proceed, or even to keep our footing.
Indeed, we were in actual danger of drowning. But, after great
exertions, we reached the Luisa with our load of provisions, and were
hailed by the shouts of our companions, whose only hope for subsistence
depended on our success.
The next day, while passing a small vessel called a Balandra, we thought
of purchasing her launch, which we saw on her deck. We therefore made
sail, boarded her, and made the purchase for thirty dollars. That day
also we spent in sight of Jesus Maria.
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CHAPTER IV.
TWO BRAZILIAN VESSELS—MY FIRST BATTLE—MY FIRST
WOUND—RESULTS—MY OWN CONDITION—BURIAL OF MY FRIEND
FIORENTINO.
The day after, while lying a little south of Jesus Maria, two launches
came in sight and approached us in a friendly manner, with nothing in
their appearance to excite suspicion. I made a signal agreed on with
friends, but it was not answered; and then I hoisted sail, had the arms
taken from the chests, and prepared to meet them as enemies. The
launches held on towards us: the larger showed only three men on deck:
but, when she came nearer, called on us to surrender, in the name of the
Oriental Government. The next instant thirty men suddenly rose, as if by
a miracle, and she ran up on our larboard side. I immediately gave
command to "brace the yards," and then to "fire." An active engagement
then commenced. The launch being then alongside of us, several of the
enemy attempted to board us, but were driven back by a few shots and
sabre-cuts. All this passed in a few moments. But my order to brace the
yards was not obeyed, for my men were new and in confusion, and the few
who began to haul at the weather braces found they had not been let go
to leeward, and were unable to move them. Fiorentino, one of the best of
the crew, who was at the helm, sprang forward to cast them off, when a
musket ball struck him in the head and laid him dead on deck. The helm
was now abandoned; and, as I was standing near, firing at the enemy, I
seized the tiller, but the next moment received a bullet in my neck,
which threw me down senseless, and I knew nothing more until the action
was over. When I came to myself I found that an hour had elapsed, a hard
fight had been maintained against a superior force, and a victory won,
chiefly by the bravery of the Italians, the mate, Luigi Carniglia, the
second mate, Pasquale Lodola, and the sailors Giovanni Lamberti and
Maurizio Garibaldi. Two Maltese and all the Italians, except a Venitian,
fought bravely. The others, with two negroes, sheltered themselves under
the ballast of the vessel.
I found that the enemy had hauled off out of gun-shot. I ordered that
our vessel should proceed up the river, in search of a place of retreat.
When I first began to recover consciousness, I lay helpless, apparently
dead, but felt as if unable to die. I was the only man on board who had
any knowledge of navigation; and, as none of the others had a single
idea of geography, or knew where to go, they at length brought me the
chart. None of us had been in the waters of the Plata before, except
Maurizio, who had sailed on the Uruguay. When I turned my dying eyes on
the chart, I was unable to see distinctly, but made out to perceive that
one place on the river was printed in large letters, and at length
discovered that it was Santa Fé, on the Paraná, and thought we might
there make a temporary harbor. So, pointing at it with my finger, and
signifying as well as I could the direction and distance, I left the
helmsman to himself.
All the sailors, except the Italians, were frightened by seeing my
situation, and the corpse of Fiorentino, and by the apprehension of
being treated as pirates wherever they might go. Every countenance wore
an expression of terror; and at the earliest opportunity they deserted.
In every bird they observed on the water they imagined they saw an
enemy's launch, sent to pursue them. The body of the unfortunate
Fiorentino was buried the next day in the river, with the ceremonies
usually practised by sailors, as we were unable to anchor anywhere near
the land. I was perhaps affected the more by the sad scene, because I
was in so feeble a condition. I had never thought much about death,
although I knew I was liable to it every moment; but I mourned deeply at
the funeral of my lost friend, who was very dear indeed to me. Among the
numerous poetical lines which occurred to my mind, was that beautiful
verse of Ugo Foscolo:
"Un sasso che distingue le mie
Dall' infinite osse, che in terra
E in mar, semina Morte."
[Let a stone distinguish mine from the innumerable
bones which Death sows on land and in the sea.]
My friend had promised me never to bury me in the water: but who can
tell whether he would have been able to keep his promise? I could never
have felt sure that my corpse would not feed the sea-wolves and acaves
of the great river Plata. If it were so, then I should never have seen
Italy again; never fought for her—which was the great wish of my life:
but then, too, I never should have seen her sink into ignominy. Who
would have said to the amiable man that, within a year, Garibaldi would
see him swallowed up in the surges of the ocean, and that he would
search for his corpse, to bury it on a foreign shore, and to mark the
spot with a stone, for the eyes of strangers? He deserved my kind
regard; for he attended me, with the care of a mother, during the whole
voyage from Mayaguay. During all my sufferings, which were very severe,
I had no relief but what he afforded me, by his constant care and kind
services. I wish to express my gratitude to God for sending me such a
friend.
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CHAPTER V.
ARRIVAL AT GUALAGUAY—RECEPTION—MY WOUND HEALED—MY
SUDDEN DEPARTURE AND RETURN—CRUEL TREATMENT—SEÑORA
ALEMAN—TRIBUTE TO THAT NOBLE LADY—GO TO BAJADA.
Our vessel arrived at Gualaguay, where we were very cordially received
and kindly treated by Captain Luca Tartabal, of the schooner Pintoresca,
and his passengers, inhabitants of that town. That vessel had met ours
in the neighborhood of Hiem, and, on being asked for provisions by
Luigi, they had offered to keep company with us to their destination.
They warmly recommended us to the governor of the province, Don Pasquale
Echague, who was pleased, when going away, to leave his own surgeon with
me, Dr. Ramon del Orco, a young Argentine. He soon extracted the ball
from my neck and cured me. I resided in the house of Don Jacinto Andreas
during the six months which I spent in that place, and was under great
obligations to him for his kindness and courtesy, as well as for those
which I received from his family.
But I was not free. With all the friendliness of Echague, and the
sympathy shown me by the inhabitants of the town, I was not permitted to
leave it without the permission of Rosas, the traitor of Buenos Ayres,
who never acted for a good reason. My wound being healed, I was allowed
to take rides on horseback, even to a distance of twelve miles, and was
supplied with a dollar a day for my subsistence, which was a large sum
for that country, where there is but little opportunity to spend money.
But all this was not liberty. I was then given to understand by certain
persons (whether friends or enemies), that it had been ascertained that
the government would not wish to prevent my escape if I should attempt
it. I therefore determined to gain my freedom, believing that it would
be easier than it proved, and that the attempt would not be regarded as
a serious offence.
The commandant of Gualaguay was named Millau. He had not treated me ill,
but it was very doubtful what his feelings towards me really were, as he
had never expressed any interest in me.
Having after a time formed my plan, I began to make preparations. One
evening, while the weather was tempestuous, I left home and went in the
direction of a good old man, whom I was accustomed to visit at his
residence, three miles from Gualaguay. On arriving, I got him to
describe with precision the way which I intended to take, and engaged
him to find me a guide, with horses, to conduct me to Hueng, where I
hoped to find vessels in which I might go, _incognito_, to Buenos Ayres
and Montevideo. Horses and a guide were procured. I had fifty-four miles
to travel, and that distance I _devoured_ in less than half a night,
going almost the whole way on the gallop. When day broke, we were at an
estancia, within about half a mile of the town. My guide then told me to
wait in the bushes where we were, while he went to inquire the news at
the house. I complied, and he left me. I dismounted and tied my horse to
a tree with the bridle, and waited a long time. At length, not seeing
him return, I walked to the edge of the bushes, and looked about in
search of him, when I heard behind me a trampling of horses; and, on
turning round, discovered a band of horsemen, who were rushing upon me
with their sabres drawn. They were already between me and my horse, and
any attempt to escape would have been fruitless—still more any effort at
resistance. I was immediately seized and bound, with my hands behind me,
and then placed upon a miserable horse, and had my feet tied under him.
In that condition I was taken back to Gualaguay, where still worse
treatment awaited me.
Such were the impressions made upon my feelings by the barbarous usage
which I received at that time, that I have never since been able to
recall the circumstances without a peculiar agitation of mind; and I
regard that period as the most painful of my life.
When brought into the presence of Millau, who was waiting for me at the
door of the prison, he asked me who had furnished me with the means of
escape. When he found that he could draw no information from me on that
subject, he began to beat me most brutally with a club which he had in
his hand. He then put a rope over a beam in the prison, and hung me up
in the air by my hands, bound together as they were. For two hours the
wretch kept me suspended in that manner. My whole body was thrown into a
high, feverish heat. I felt as if burning in a furnace. I frequently
swallowed water, which was allowed me, but without being able to quench
my raging thirst. The sufferings which I endured after being unbound
were indescribable: yet I did not complain. I lay like a dead man; and
it is easy to believe that I must have suffered extremely. I had first
travelled fifty-four miles through a marshy country, where the insects
are insufferable at that season of the year, and then I had returned the
same distance, with my hands and feet bound, and entirely exposed to the
terrible stings of the zingara, or mosquito, which assailed me with
vigor; and, after all this, I had to undergo the tortures of Millau, who
had the heart of an assassin.
Andreas, the man who had assisted me, was put into prison; and all the
inhabitants were terrified, so that, had it not been for the generous
spirit of a lady, I probably should have lost my life. That lady was
Señora Aleman, to whom I love to express my gratitude. She is worthy of
the warmest terms of admiration, and deserves the title of "angelo
generoso di bontà" (generous angel of goodness). Spurning every
suggestion of fear, she came forward to the assistance of the tortured
prisoner; and from that time I wanted nothing—thanks to my benefactress!
A few days after, I was removed to Bajada, the capital of the province,
and I remained a prisoner in that city for two months. I was then
informed, by Governor Echague, that I should be allowed to leave the
province. Although I professed different principles from his, and had
fought for a different cause, I have ever been ready to acknowledge my
obligations to that officer, and always desired an opportunity to prove
my gratitude to him for granting me everything that was in his power to
give, and, most of all, my liberty.
I took passage in a Genoese brig, commanded by Captain Ventura, a man of
such a character that he had risen superior to the principles inculcated
in Italian youth by their priestly instructors. From him I received the
most gentlemanly treatment on my passage to Guassu. There I embarked for
Montevideo in a balandra, commanded by Pascuale Corbona, who likewise
treated me with great kindness. Good fortune and misfortune thus often
succeeded each other.
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CHAPTER VI.
AT MONTEVIDEO—INCOGNITO—DEPARTURE FOR RIO GRANDE—MARCH
WITH THE ARMY OF THE PRESIDENT, BENTO GONZALEZ—HIS
CHARACTER, FAMILY, AND FRIENDS—AGREEABLE SOCIETY.
In Montevideo I found a collection of my friends, among whom the chief
were Rosetti, Cuneo, and Castellani. The first was on his return from a
journey to Rio Grande, where he had been received with the greatest
favor by the proud Republicans inhabiting that region. In Montevideo I
found myself still under proscription, on account of my affair with the
launches of that state, and was obliged to remain in concealment in the
house of my friend Pepante, where I spent a month. My retirement was
relieved and enlightened by the company of many Italian acquaintances,
who, at that time, when Montevideo was not suffering from the calamities
it has too often known, and, as is always the case in time of peace,
were distinguished by a refinement and hospitality worthy of all praise.
The war, and chiefly the late siege, have since embittered the lives of
those good-hearted men, and produced great changes in their condition.
After the expiration of a month, I set off for Rio Grande with Rosetti,
on horseback; and that first long journey I ever made in that manner I
highly enjoyed. On reaching Piratimin, we were cordially received by the
Governor of the Republic; and the Minister of War, Almeida, treated us
with great honor. The President, Bento Gonzalez, had marched at the head
of a brigade to fight Silva Tavares, an imperial chief, who was
infesting that part of the province. Piratimin, then the seat of the
Republican government, is a small village, but a peaceful place, in a
rural situation, and the chief town of the department of that name. It
is surrounded by a warlike people, much devoted to the republic.
Being unoccupied in Piratimin, I requested permission to join the column
of operations under S. Gonzalez, near the President, and it was granted.
I was introduced to Bento Gonzalez, and well received; spent some time
in his company, and thought him a man highly favored by nature with some
desirable gifts. But fortune has been almost always favorable to the
Brazilian Empire.
Bento Gonzalez was a specimen of a magnanimous soldier, though he was at
that time nearly sixty years of age. Being tall and active, he rode a
fiery horse with all the ease and dexterity of his young countrymen.
In Camarino, where we had our arsenal, and whence the Republican
flotilla went out, resided the families of Bento Gonzalez; and his
brothers and numerous relations inhabited most of the extensive tracts
of country lying along both sides of the river. And on these beautiful
pastures were fed immense herds of cattle, which had been left
undisturbed by the war, because they were out of the reach of the
troops. The products of agriculture were very abundant; and surely
nowhere, in any country on earth, is found more kind and cordial
hospitality than among the inhabitants of that part of the Province of
Rio Grande. In their houses, in which the beneficent character of the
patriarchal system is everywhere perceived in every family, and where
the greatest sympathy prevails, in consequence of a general uniformity
of opinions, I and my band were received with the warmest welcome. The
estancias, to which we chiefly resorted, on account of their proximity
to the Lagoon, as well as for the conveniences which it offered us, and
the kind reception which always awaited us, were those of Donna Antonia
and Donna Anna, sisters of Bento Gonzalez. The former was situated on
the Camones, and the latter on the Arroyo Grande.
Whether I was under the influence of my imagination, which at that early
age may have been peculiarly sensitive, and inclined me, with my little
knowledge of the world, to receive strong impressions from every thing
agreeable, or whatever else may have affected me, there is no part of my
life on which I look back with greater pleasure, as a period of
enjoyment, than that which I spent in that most agreeable society of
sincere friends. In the house of Donna Anna, especially, I took peculiar
interest. That lady was advanced in years, but possessed a most amiable
disposition, and was a very attractive acquaintance. She had with her a
family which had migrated from Pilotos, the head of which was Don Paolo
Ferreira. Three young ladies, all of them agreeable, formed the
ornaments of that happy home. One of these, named Manuela, I most highly
admired, regarding her with that pleasure which is natural to a young
man, who goes into the world with such a pure and exalted estimate of
female excellence as I had imbibed from my mother, and who, after
enduring great reverses, meets the sympathy of such a person in a remote
land of exile. Signora Manuela, as I well knew, was betrothed to a son
of the President. In a scene of danger that young lover displayed his
attachment to her, in a manner which convinced me of the sincerity of
the love which he professed; and I witnessed it with as much
satisfaction as if I had been her brother. I thenceforth regarded the
President's son as worthy of Manuela, and rejoiced in the conviction
that her happiness was in no danger, in being entrusted to such faithful
hands. The people of that district are distinguished for beauty; and
even the slaves seem to partake of the same characteristic.
It may be supposed that an occasional contrary wind, a storm, or an
expedition, whatever else it might produce, if it threw our vessel on
that friendly shore long enough to allow opportunity to visit their
friendly inhabitants, was not altogether disagreeable. Such an occasion
was always a festival. The Grove of Teviva, (a kind of palm growing on
the Arroyo Grande,) which was the landmark for the entrance of the
stream, was always discovered with lively pleasure, and saluted with
redoubled enthusiasm and the loudest acclamations. When the gentle
hosts, to whose kindness we felt so much indebted, wished to go to
Camacuan to visit Don Antonio and his amiable family, I seized the
opportunity with great pleasure, as it afforded me a way to make some
return for the many kindnesses they had shown us, while it gave new
occasions for the display of their amiable character and refined and
pleasing manners, amidst the varying scenes of the little voyage.
Between Arroyo Grande and Camacuan are several sand-banks, called
Tuntal, which extend from the west shore of the Lagoon, almost at right
angles and nearly across, touching the opposite side, except only the
narrow space occupied by the boat channel, called Dos Barcos. To go
round these bars would greatly prolong the time necessary for the
voyage: but that might be avoided, with some trouble. By throwing
themselves into the water and pushing the launches along by main force,
with their shoulders, the men could get them over the bars, and then
keep along the western side of the Lagoon. This expedient was almost
always adopted by us, and especially on the occasions referred to, when
the boats were honored with the presence of our welcome guests—that
precious freight! Whatever might be the wind, I was usually sure of
getting the launches over the bars; and, so accustomed were my men to
the task, and so prompt in the performance of that laborious service,
that the order to take to the water ["_Al aqua, Tatos!_"] was scarcely
pronounced before they were overboard and at their posts. And so, on all
occasions, the task was performed with alacrity and success, as if the
crews had been engaged in some favorite amusement on a day of jubilee,
whatever might be the hour or the weather. But when pursued by the enemy
in superior force, and suffering in a storm, we were obliged to pass
that way, sometimes in the water a whole night, and without protection
from the waves, which would break over us, while the temperature of the
Lagoon was cooled by the rain, and we were far from land, the exposure,
the labor and the sufferings were sometimes very great, and all the
fervor of youth was necessary to enable us to endure them.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER VII.
AT THE GALPON OF CHARGINADA, REPAIRING THE LAUNCHES—MY
FRIEND, JOHN GRIGGS—A SURPRISE—A BATTLE—RESULTS—TRIBUTE
TO A FAIR FRIEND.
After the capture of the Sumaca, the imperial merchant vessels no longer
set sail without a convoy, but were always accompanied by vessels of
war; and it became a difficult thing to capture them. The expeditions of
the launches were, therefore, limited to a few cruises in the Lagoon,
and with little success, as we were watched by the Imperialists, both by
land and by water. In a surprise made by the chief, Francisco de Abrea,
the whole of my band was near being cut off with its leader.
We were at the mouth of the Camacua, with the launches drawn up on land,
opposite the Galpon of Charginada,—that is, the magazine or depôt of the
estancia, or large estate of that name. We were engaged in salting meat
and collecting Yerba Matté, a species of tea, which grows in those parts
of South America, and is used as their daily beverage by the
inhabitants. The estate belonged to Donna Antonia, sister of the
President. In consequence of the war, meat was not then salted there;
and the Galpon was occupied only with Yerba Matté. We used the spacious
establishment as our arsenal, and had drawn up our launches some
distance from the water, between the magazine and the bank of the river,
in order to repair them. At that spot were the shops of the smiths and
laborers of the establishment, and there was a plentiful supply of
charcoal; for although not then in use, the place retained something of
its former condition and appearance. There were not wanting pieces of
iron and steel, fit for different purposes in our little vessels. We
could easily visit the distant estancias by a galloping ride, where we
were most cheerfully supplied with whatever we found deficient in the
arsenal.
With courage, cheerfulness, and perseverance, no enterprise is
impossible; and, for these I must do justice to my favorite companion
and usual forerunner, John Griggs, who surmounted numerous difficulties,
and patiently endured many disappointments, in the work of building two
new launches.
He was a young man of excellent disposition, unquestionable courage, and
inexhaustible perseverance. Though he belonged to a rich family, he had
devoted himself disinterestedly to the young Republic; and, when letters
from his friends in North America invited him to return home, and
offered him a very large capital, he refused, and remained until he
sacrificed his life for an unhappy, but brave and generous, people. I
had afterwards to contemplate the sad and impressive spectacle,
presented by his death, when the body of my friend was suddenly cut down
by my side.
While the launches were lying drawn up, as before mentioned, and the
repairs were busily going on, some of the sailors were engaged with the
sails, and some at other occupations, near them, while several were
employed in making charcoal, or keeping watch as sentinels, every one
being busy about something,—by some unexpected chance, Francisco de
Albera, commonly called Moringue, determined to surprise us; and,
although he did not succeed in his design, he gave us not a little
trouble. A surprise certainly was effected on that occasion, and in a
masterly manner.
We had been on patrols all night, and all the men had been, a short time
before, assembled in the Galpon, where the arms were loaded and
deposited. It was a beautiful morning, though cloudy; and nothing seemed
to be stirring, but all around was silent and apparently lonely.
Observations, however, were made around the camp, with the greatest
care, without discovering a trace of anything new. About nine o'clock,
most of the people were set at work, in cutting wood; and for this
purpose were scattered about at considerable distances. I had then about
fifty men for the two launches; and it happened that day, by a singular
concurrence of circumstances, our wants being peculiar, that only a very
few remained near the boats. I was sitting by the fire, where breakfast
was cooking, and was just then taking some Matté. Near by was the cook,
and no other person.
All on a sudden, and as if just over my head, I heard a tremendous
volley of firearms, accompanied by a yell, and saw a company of the
enemy's horsemen marching on. I had hardly time to rise and take my
stand at the door of the Galpon, for at that instant one of the enemy's
lances made a hole through my poncho. It was our good fortune to have
our arms all loaded, as I have before mentioned, and placed in the
Galpon, in consequence of our having been in a state of alarm all night.
They were placed inside of the building, against the wall, ready and
convenient for use. I immediately began to seize the muskets and
discharge them in turn, and shot down many of the enemy. Ignacio Bilbao,
a brave Biscayan, and Lorenzo N., a courageous Genoese, were at my side
in a moment; and then Eduardo Mutru, a native of the country, Rafaele
and Procopio, one a mulatto and the other a black, and Francisco. I wish
I could remember the names of all my bold companions, who, to the number
of thirteen, assembled around me, and fought a hundred and fifty
enemies, from nine in the morning until three in the afternoon, killing
and wounding many of them, and finally forcing them to retreat.
Among our assailants were eighty Germans, in the infantry, who were
accustomed to accompany Maringue in such expeditions, and were skilful
soldiers, both on foot and on horseback. When they had reached the spot,
they had dismounted and surrounded the house, taking advantage of the
ground, and of some rough places, from which they poured upon us a
terrible fire from different sides. But, as often happens in surprises,
by not completing their operations and closing, men ordinarily act as
they please. If, instead of taking positions, the enemy had advanced
upon the Galpon, and attacked us resolutely, we should have been
entirely lost, without the power to resist their first attack. And we
were more exposed than we might ordinarily have been in any other
building, because, to allow the frequent passage of carts, the sides of
the magazine were left open.
In vain did they attempt to press us more closely, and assemble against
the end walls. In vain did they get upon the roofs, break them up and
throw upon our heads the fragments and burning thatch. They were driven
away by our muskets and lances. Through loop-holes, which I made through
the walls, many were killed and many wounded. Then, pretending to be a
numerous body in the building, we sang the republican hymn of Rio
Grande, raising our voices as loud as possible, and appeared at the
doors, flourishing our lances, and by every device endeavoring to make
our numbers appear multiplied.
About three o'clock in the afternoon the enemy retired, having many
wounded, among whom was their chief. They left six dead near the Galpon,
and several others at some distance. We had eight wounded, out of
fourteen. Rosetti, and our other comrades, who were separated from us,
had not been able to join us. Some of them were obliged to cross the
river by swimming; others ran into the forest; and one only, found by
the enemy, was killed. That battle, with so many dangers, and with so
brilliant a result, gave much confidence to our troops, and to the
inhabitants of that coast, who had been for a long time exposed to the
inroads of that adroit and enterprising enemy, Maringue.
We celebrated the victory, rejoicing at our deliverance from a tempest
of no small severity. At an estancia, twelve miles distant, when the
news of the engagement was received, a young lady inquired, with a
pallid cheek and evident anxiety, whether Garibaldi was alive. When I
was informed of this, I rejoiced at it more than at the victory itself.
Yes! Beautiful daughter of America! (for she was a native of the
Province of Rio Grande,) I was proud and happy to enjoy your friendship,
though the destined bride of another. Fate reserved for me another
Brazilian female—to me the only one in the world whom I now lament, and
for whom I shall weep all my days. She knew me when I was in misfortune;
and her interest in me, stronger than any merit of my own, conquered her
for me, and united us for ever.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER VIII.
DESCRIPTION OF THE LAKE OR LAGOON DOS PATOS—THE ENEMY
COMMAND THE LAKE—PLAN TO ENTER IT—TRANSPORTATION
OF LAUNCHES OVER LAND—RESULTS OF THE EXPERIMENT
—BREAKERS—SHIPWRECK—SAD CATASTROPHE.
The Lake or Lagoon Dos Patos is about 45 leagues in length, or 135
miles, and from eleven to twenty miles in medium width. Near its mouth,
on the right shore, stands a strong place, called Southern Rio Grande,
while Northern Rio Grande is on the opposite side. Both are fortified
towns, and were then in possession of the Imperialists, as well as Porto
Alegre. The enemy were therefore masters of the lake by water. It was
thought impossible for the Republicans to pass through the outlet which
leads from the lake to the sea, and as that was the only water passage,
we were obliged to prepare to effect a way of communication by land.
This could be done only by transporting the launches on carts over the
intermediate country. In the northern part of the lake is a deep bay,
called Cassibani, which takes its name from a small river that empties
in at its further side. That bay was chosen as the place for landing the
launches; and the operation was performed on the right bank. An
inhabitant of that part of the province, named De Abrea, had prepared
wheels of great solidity, connected two and two by axles, proportioned
to the weight of the vessels. About two hundred domestic oxen were then
collected, with the assistance of the neighboring inhabitants, and, by
their labor, the launches were drawn to the shore and got into the
water, being carried on wheels, placed at proportionate distances from
each other. Care, however, was taken to keep them in such positions that
the centre of gravity should be preserved, by supporting the vessels
laterally, without disturbing the free action of the wheels. Very strong
ropes were, of course, provided, to attach the oxen to the wheels.
Thus the vessels of the Republican squadron started off, navigating
across the fields. The oxen worked well, they being well placed and
prepared for drawing freely in the most convenient manner. They
travelled a distance of fifty-four miles without any difficulty,
presenting a curious and unprecedented spectacle in those regions. On
the shore of Lake Tramandai the launches were taken from the carts and
put into the water, and then loaded with necessaries and rigged for
sailing.
Lake Tramandai, which is formed by the streams falling from the chain of
Espenasso, empties into the Atlantic, but is very shallow, having only
about four feet of water at high tide; besides, on that coast, which is
very open and all alluvial, the sea is never tranquil, even in the most
favorable weather: but the numerous breakers incessantly stun the ear,
and from a distance of many miles their roar sounds like peals of
thunder.
Being ready to sail, we awaited the hour of the tide and then ventured
out, about four o'clock in the afternoon. In those circumstances,
practical skill in guiding vessels among breakers was of great value,
and without it it is hard to say how we could ever have succeeded in
getting through them, for the propitious hour of the tide was passed,
and the water was not deep enough. However, notwithstanding this, at the
beginning of the night our exertions were crowned with entire success,
and we cast anchor in the open sea, outside of the furious breakers. It
should be known here, and borne in mind, that no vessel of any kind had
ever before passed out from the mouth of the Tramandai. At about eight
in the evening we departed from that place, and at three in the
afternoon of the following day were wrecked at the mouth of the
Arevingua, with the loss of sixteen of the company in the Atlantic, and
with the destruction of the launch Rio Pardo, which was under my
command, in the terrible breakers of that coast. The particulars of that
sad disaster were as follows:
Early in the evening the wind threatened from the south, preparing for a
storm, and beginning to blow with violence. We followed the coast. The
launch Rio Pardo, with thirty men on board, a twelve pounder on a pivot,
and some extra rigging, taken for precaution, as I was unacquainted with
that navigation, seemed strong and well-prepared for us to sail towards
the enemy's country. But our vessels lay deep in the water, and
sometimes sank so low into the sea, that they were in danger of
foundering. They would occasionally remain several minutes under the
waves. I determined to approach the land and find out where we were;
but, the winds and waves increasing, we had no choice, and were
compelled to stand off again, and were soon involved in the frightful
breakers. I was at that moment on the top of the mast, hoping to
discover some point of the coast less dangerous to approach. By a sudden
turn the vessel was rolled violently to starboard, and I was thrown some
distance overboard. Although in such a perilous situation, I did not
even think of death; but, knowing I had many companions who were not
seamen and were suffering from sea sickness, I endeavored to collect as
many oars and other buoyant objects as possible, and brought them near
the vessel, advising each man to take one to assist him in reaching the
shore.
The first one who came near to me, holding to a shroud, was Eduardo
Mutru; and to him I gave a dead-light, recommending to him not to let go
of it on any account. Carniglia, the courageous man who was at the helm
at the moment of the catastrophe, remained confined to the vessel on the
windward side, being held down in such a manner, by a Calmuc jacket
which confined his limbs, that he could not free himself. He made me a
sign that he wanted my assistance, and I sprang forward to relieve my
dear friend. I had in the pocket of my trowsers a small knife with a
handle; this I took, and with all the strength I was master of, began to
cut the collar, which was made of velvet. I had just divided it when the
miserable instrument broke,—a surge came over us, and sunk the vessel
and all that it contained.
I struck the bottom of the sea, like a shot; and the waters, which
washed violently around me like whirlpools, half-suffocated me. I rose
again: but my unfortunate friend was gone for ever! A portion of the
crew I found dispersed, and making every exertion to gain the coast by
swimming. I succeeded among the first; and the next thing, after setting
my feet upon the land, was to turn and discover the situation of my
comrades. Eduardo appeared, at a short distance. He had left the
dead-light which I had given him, or, as is more probable, the violence
of the waves had torn it from his grasp, and was struggling alone, with
an appearance that indicated that he was reduced to an extremity. I
loved Eduardo like a brother, and was affected beyond measure at his
condition. Ah! I was sensitive in those days! My heart had never been
hardened; and I was generous. I rushed towards my dear friend, reaching
out to him the piece of wood which had saved me on my way to the shore.
I had got very near him; and, excited by the importance of the
undertaking, should, have saved him: but a surge rolled over us both;
and I was under water for a moment. I rallied, and called out, not
seeing him appear; I called in desperation,—but in vain. The friend dear
to my heart was sunk in the waves of that ocean which he had not feared,
in his desire to join with me in serving the cause of mankind. Another
martyr to Italian liberty, without a stone, in a foreign land!
The bodies of sixteen of my companions, drowned in the sea, were
transported a distance of thirty miles, to the northern coast, and
buried in its immense sands. Several of the remainder were brought to
land. There were seven Italians. I can mention Luigi Carniglia, Eduardo
Mutru, Luigi Stadirini, Giovanni D.,—but three other names I do not
remember. Some were good swimmers. In vain I looked among those who were
saved, to discover any Italian faces. All my countrymen were dead. My
feelings overpowered me. The world appeared to me like a desert. Many of
the company who were neither seamen nor swimmers were saved.
I found a barrel of brandy, which I thought a valuable acquisition, and
told Manuel Rodriguez to open it, and give some to each of the
survivors, to invigorate them. Efforts were made to open the cask: but,
fatigued as we all were, much time was spent in performing the task;
and, in the mean time, the men became so much chilled, that they might
have perished, if the thought had not occurred to me to set them all
running, in order to restore their strength by keeping their blood in
circulation. "Come, let us run!" I said to them; and then, starting off
myself and running as fast as I could towards the north, they would
follow me, until unable to go further. I repeated this until I thought
they no longer required exercise; and am sure that my own life, at
least, was saved by the expedient,—for without the effort, I must have
fallen a victim to fatigue and cold. Thus running along the shore, we
encouraged each other, to go further and further. It made a bend, at
some distance; and on the inner side is the Arasingua, which runs almost
parallel with the sea at that place, to its mouth, half a mile distant.
We then followed the right bank; and, after going about four miles,
found an inhabited house, where we were received with the greatest
hospitality.
The Seival, our other launch, commanded by Griggs, being of a different
construction from the Rio Pardo, was better able to sustain itself,
although but little larger, against the violence of the storm, and had
held on her course.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER IX.
TREATMENT EXPERIENCED BY THE SURVIVORS OF THE
SHIPWRECK—EXPEDITION OF CANABARRO TO LAGUNA—RESULTS
—EFFECTS ON MY MIND OF THE LOSS OF MY OLD FRIENDS—MY
RESOLUTION—REMARKABLE MEETING WITH ANNA—OUR MARRIAGE
—NEW LAUNCHES BUILT—LEAVE THE LAGOON—CRUISE AT
SEA—PRIZES TAKEN—FIGHT WITH A BRAZILIAN SHIP OF
WAR—RESULTS.
That part of the Province of St. Catharine where we had been
shipwrecked, fortunately had risen in insurrection against the empire on
receiving the news of the approach of the Republican forces; and
therefore we were well received, found friends, were feasted, and at
once obtained everything necessary, at least everything which those good
people had to offer. We were soon furnished with what we needed to
enable us to join the vanguard of Canabarro, commanded by Colonel
Terceira, which was setting off on a rapid march, to surprise Laguna.
And, indeed, the enterprise was very successful. The garrison of that
little city, consisting of about four hundred men, took up a forced
march in retreat; and three small vessels of war surrendered after a
short resistance. I went with my shipwrecked sailors on board the sloop
Itaparica, which had seven guns. Fortune smiled so much on the
Republicans in those first days of the revolution, that it seemed as if
Providence was pleased to grant us success. The Imperialists, not
knowing and not believing that such an expedition could be sent so
suddenly to Laguna, but having information that an invasion was
meditated by us, had a supply of arms and ammunition then on the way,
which, with soldiers and everything, fell into our hands. The
inhabitants received us like brothers and liberators: a character which
we well merited, and which we sustained during our stay among those very
kind and good people.
Canabarro, having fixed his head-quarters in the city of Laguna, called
by the Republicans Villa Juliana, (because our entrance was made in
July,) promised to establish a Provincial Representative Government, the
first president of which was a reverend priest, who had great influence
among the people. Rosetti, with the title of Secretary of the
Government, was in fact the soul of it. And Rosetti, in truth, was
formed for such a station.
At that time occurred one of the most important events of my life. I had
never thought of matrimony, but had considered myself incapable of it
from being of too independent a disposition, and too much inclined to
adventure. To have a wife and children appeared to me decidedly
repulsive, as I had devoted my whole life to one principle, which,
however good it might be, could not leave me the quietness necessary to
the father of a family. But my destiny guided me in a different
direction from what I had designed for myself. By the loss of Luigi
Carniglia, Eduardo and my other comrades, I was left in a state of
complete isolation, and felt as if alone in the world. Not one of those
friends of my heart remained. I felt the greatest possible need of them.
All the friends I now had were new ones: good, it is true, but not one
of them really an intimate one. And this change had been made so
unexpectedly, and in so terrible a manner, that it was impossible to
overcome the impressions it had made upon my feelings. I felt the want
of some one to love me, and a desire that such a one might be very soon
supplied, as my present state of mind seemed insupportable.
Rosetti was a brother to me: but he could not live with me, and I could
see him but rarely. I desired a friend of a different character; for,
although still young, I had considerable knowledge of men, and knew
enough to understand what was necessary for me in a true friend. One of
the other sex, I thought must supply the vacant place, for I had always
regarded woman as the most perfect of creatures, and believe it far
easier to find a loving heart among that sex.
I walked the deck of the Itaparica, with my mind revolving these things,
and finally came to the conclusion to seek for some lady possessing the
character which I desired. I one day cast a casual glance at a house in
the Burra, (the eastern part of the entrance of the Jayuna,) and there
observed a young female whose appearance struck me as having something
very extraordinary. So powerful was the impression made upon me at the
moment, though from some cause which I was not able fully to ascertain,
that I gave orders and was transported towards the house. But then I
knew of no one to whom I could apply for an introduction. I soon,
however, met with a person, an inhabitant of the town, who had been
acquainted with me from the time of arrival. I soon received an
invitation to take coffee with his family, and the first person who
entered was the lady whose appearance had so mysteriously but
irresistibly drawn me to the place. I saluted her; we were soon
acquainted; and I found that the hidden treasure which I had discovered
was of rare and inestimable worth. But I have since reproached myself
for removing her from her peaceful native retirement to scenes of
danger, toil and suffering. I felt most deeply self-reproach on that day
when, at the mouth of the Po, having landed, in our retreat from an
Austrian squadron, while still hoping to restore her to life, on taking
her pulse I found her a corpse, and sang the hymn of despair. I prayed
for forgiveness, for I thought of the sin of taking her from her home.
Little or nothing of importance, after this, took place in the Lagoon.
The building of our launches was commenced; and the materials were
obtained from the remains of the prizes, and by the assistance of the
neighboring inhabitants, who were always friendly, and forward in aiding
me. Two launches having been completed and armed, the band were called
to Itaparica, to coöperate with the army, then besieging the capital of
the province, Porto Allegre. The army accomplished nothing; and the band
were unable to effect anything all the time they spent in that part of
the Laguna. An expedition was contemplated in the province of St.
Catherine; I was called to join it, and General Canabarro was to
accompany me. The two smaller launches remained in the lake, under the
command of Zefferino d'Ubrea; and I went with two others, with the
division of Canabarro, which was to appear by land, while I was to
approach by water.
I was accompanied by my inseparable friend, John Griggs, and had with me
a chosen part of my band, who had assisted in building the launches.
The three vessels which were armed, and destined to make an excursion on
the ocean, were the Rio Pardo, which was under my command, and the
Casapava, under Griggs—both schooners—and lastly, the Seival, which had
come from Rio Grande, commanded by the Italian, Lorenzo. The mouth of
the Lagoon was blockaded by Imperial vessels of war; but we went out by
night, without falling in with any of them, and steered north. When we
had reached the latitude of Santos, we met an Imperial corvette, which
chased us two days in vain,—when we approached the Island of Abrigo,
where we captured two Sumacas. This is a kind of vessel, so named by the
Brazilians, being a sort of sloop. We then proceeded on the cruise, and
took several other prizes. After eight days' sailing we returned towards
the Lagoon.
I had conceived a singular presentiment of the state of things in that
region, because, before my departure, the people of St. Catherine's had
begun to show a bad humor, and it was known that a strong corps of
troops was approaching, commanded by General Andrea, who was famous for
precipitation, and his atrocious system of warfare, which made him much
feared. When off St. Catherine's, on our return, we met a Brazilian
patachio, which is a sort of brig-schooner,—the Rio Pardo and the Seival
being together, the Casapava having parted company a few nights before,
when it was very dark.
We were discovered; and there was no escape. We therefore attacked them,
and opening a fire. The enemy replied bravely; but the action could
produce but little effect, because the sea was very rough. The result,
however, was the loss of several of our prizes, the commanders of some
of which, being frightened by the superior force of the enemy, struck
their flags, while others steered for the neighboring coast. Only one of
the prizes was saved, that commanded by the brave Ignacio Bilbao, which
went ashore in the port of Imbituba, and remained in our possession. The
Seival had her gun dismounted in the engagement, and having sprung a
leak, took the same direction, and I was obliged to abandon the prizes.
We entered Imbituba with a northerly wind, which changed to the south in
the night, and thus rendered it impossible to enter the Lagoon. It was
to be presumed that we would be attacked by the Imperial vessels
stationed at the island of St. Catherine's, because information would be
carried to them by that with which we had the engagement. It was
therefore necessary to make preparations; and the Seival's dismounted
gun was placed on a promontory which forms the bay on the eastern side,
and a battery was formed of gabions. At daylight three Imperial vessels
were discovered approaching. The Rio Pardo, which was at anchor at the
bottom of the bay, commenced the action, which was rather a singular
one, the Imperialists being in incomparably superior force. The enemy,
being favored by the wind in manœuvring, kept under sail, and gave a
furious fire, from favorable positions, all of them upon my one poor
little schooner. She, however, maintained the fight with resolution, and
at close quarters,—even carbines being used on both sides.
But the injuries done were in inverse proportion to the forces of the
two parties; for the Republican vessel was soon strewn with dead bodies,
while the hull was riddled and the spars destroyed. We had resolved to
fight to the last; and this resolution was increased by the Brazilian
Amazon on board. My wife not only refused to land, but took an active
part in the engagement. If the crew fought with resolution, they
received no little aid from the brave Manuel Rodriguez, who commanded
the battery, and kept up a well-directed and effective fire. The enemy
were very determined, but operated chiefly against the schooner; and I
several times believed, as they came up, that they were going to board
us,—and was prepared for everything, except to submit.
At length, after several hours spent in active fight, the enemy retired,
on account, as was said, of the death of the commander of the Bella
Americana, one of their vessels. We spent the remainder of the day in
burying our dead and in repairing our greatest damages.
During the following day the enemy remained at a distance, and we made
preparations for fighting, and also for escape by sailing to the Lagoon,
the wind being then more favorable.
[Here occurs a blank in our manuscript.—_Translator._]
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER X.
DISCONTENT OF THE PEOPLE OF ST. CATHERINE'S —REVOLT
AT JAMAICA—ATTACK ON THAT TOWN—CONDUCT OF THE
TROOPS—RETREAT TO THE LAGOON—PURSUED—THE IMPERIALISTS
GAINING STRENGTH—COL. TERCEIRA'S EXPEDITION AGAINST
MELLO—OUR DISASTER—RALLY.
Changes were expected to take place at Laguna on the approach of the
enemy, who were very strong on land; and little good-will shown by St.
Catherine's induced some of the towns to rise against the Republican
authority. Among these was the town of Jamaica, a place situated at the
extremity of the lake. Canabarro gave me a peremptory charge to reduce
it, and, as a punishment, to sack it. The garrison had made preparations
for defence towards the water; but I landed at the distance of three
miles, and attacked them unexpectedly from the mountains. The garrison
being discomfited and put to flight, the troops under my command were
soon in possession of the town. I wish, for myself, and for every other
person who has not forgotten to be a man, to be exempt from the
necessity of witnessing the sack of a town. A long and minute
description would not be sufficient to give a just idea of the baseness
and wickedness of such a deed. May God save me from such a spectacle
hereafter! I never spent a day of such wretchedness and in such
lamentation. I was filled with horror; and the fatigue I endured in
restraining personal violence was excessive. As for preventing robbery,
that was impossible. A terrible state of disorder prevailed. The
authority of a commander availed nothing; nor could all the exertions
made by myself and a few officers control their unbridled cupidity. It
had no effect to threaten them that the enemy would return to the fight
in much greater numbers, and if they should take them by surprise,
disbanded and intoxicated, would make a sacrifice of them,—though that
was true to the letter. Nothing would prevent them from engaging in a
general scene of pillage. The town, though small, unfortunately
contained a vast quantity of spirits; and drunkenness soon became
general. The men who were with me were new levies, whom I did not know,
and wholly undisciplined. I am sure that if even fifty of the enemy had
appeared, in those circumstances, we should have been lost.
After a long time, by threats, blows, and some wounds, those wild beasts
were marched out and embarked; several pipes of spirits were shipped for
the division, and we returned to the Lagoon, while the Republican
vanguard was retiring before the enemy, who were advancing with
celerity, and very strong.
When we reached the Lagoon, we took the baggage across to the right
shore.
That day I had much to do; for, if the men were not very numerous, there
were many embarrassments, and many horses to be taken care of. And
besides, the outlet of the Lagoon was narrow at the entrance, the
current was strong, and when this was not found, the shores were not
distant. I had to labor, therefore, from morning until near noon, to get
the division over, and then stood near the bar to observe the enemy's
vessels, which were advancing in combination with the land forces with a
great number of troops on board. Before ascending the mountain, I had
already sent information to the General that the enemy were preparing to
force the passage of the bar, having been able to discover the enemy's
vessels while I was effecting the transport. Having reached the other
side, I satisfied myself of the fact. The enemy had twenty-two vessels,
all adapted to the entrance. I then repeated the message; but either the
General was doubtful, or his men wanted to eat or to rest. The fact was,
that not a man arrived in time to assist in operating at the point where
our infantry had been posted, and where we might have made great havoc
with the enemy. Resistance was made by the battery situated on the
eastern point, commanded by the brave Captain Capotto; but, in
consequence of the want of practice on the part of the cannoniers, very
little damage was done. The same result was experienced by the three
vessels under my command, the crews of which were very small, many of
the men that day being on land; and thus some would rest, and others
would not expose themselves to the tremendous battle which was
preparing. I was at my post in the Rio Pardo; and my wife, the
incomparable Anita, fired the first shot, putting the match to the gun
with her own hand, and animating with her voice the timid and the
hesitating.
The battle was short, but a murderous one. Not many were killed, because
very few were on board; but I was the only officer in the three vessels
left alive. All the enemy's squadron entered, making a tremendous fire,
favored by the wind and the current flowing in, by which their velocity
was much increased, and anchored at the distance of a cannon-shot from
our vessels, still keeping up their cannonade. I asked Canabarro for men
to continue the battle; but received, in answer, an order to destroy the
vessels and retire, with all the remainder that could be landed. I had
sent Anna with the message, directing her to remain on shore; but she
returned on board with the answer, showing a coolness and courage which
excited my astonishment and highest admiration. To her boldness and
exertions was due the saving of the ammunition, which was safely landed.
When this was effected, I remained alone on board, having yet to perform
the last act of setting the little flotilla on fire. The enemy still
continued their severe cannonade. I had to contemplate a terrible
spectacle on every vessel, as I visited them all in succession, the
decks being strewn with the dead. Captain Enrique, of the Taparica, from
Laguna, was found shot through the breast with a grape shot; Griggs,
commander of the Cassapava, had been cut in two by a shot, and his trunk
was standing against the bulwarks, his face retaining its natural
rubicund look, so that he seemed as if living. A few moments afterwards
their bodies were sunk in the water: those victims of the empire were
lost to human sight.
Night came on, as I collected the survivors, and marched behind the
division, on the retreat for Rio Grande, by the same road which they had
trodden a few months before, with their hearts filled with hope and
confident of victory.
Among the many sufferings of my stormy life, I have not been without
happy moments; and among them, I count that in which, at the head of the
few men remaining to me after numerous conflicts, and who had gained the
character of bravery, I first mounted, and commenced my march, with my
wife at my side, in a career which had always attractions for me, even
greater than that of the sea. It seemed to me of little importance that
my entire property was that which I carried, and that I was in the
service of a poor republic, unable to pay anybody. I had a sabre and a
carbine, which I carried on the front of my saddle. My wife was my
treasure, and no less fervent in the cause of the people than myself;
and she looked upon battles as an amusement, and the inconveniences of a
life in the field as a pastime. Then, whatever might happen, I was
looked upon with smiles; and the more wild the extensive and desert
American plains appeared, the more beautiful and delightful they seemed
to our eyes. I thought myself in the performance of my duty, in
encountering and overcoming the dangers to which I exposed myself, as
the object I had in view was the good of men who needed my aid.
We reached Las Torres, the boundary of the two neighboring provinces,
where we established our camp. The enemy contented themselves with being
masters of the Lagoon, and did not proceed beyond. But, in combination
with the division of Andrea, the division of Acunha advanced by the
Serra, having recently come from the province of St. Paul, and being on
the way for the Cima da Serra, (meaning the top of the mountains,) a
department belonging to Rio Grande. The Serrans, overwhelmed by a
superior force, asked assistance of General Canabarro; and he arranged
an expedition for their aid, under the command of General Terceira. I,
with my companions, formed a part of it; and, having joined the Serrans,
who were under Colonel Acunha, we completely beat that division at Santa
Victoria. The General was lost in the river Pelotas, and the greater
part of his troops were made prisoners.
That victory brought the three provinces of Lages, Vaccaria, and Cima da
Serra, under the republic; and, a few days after, the conquerors entered
Lages in triumph.
In the meantime the invasion by the Imperialists had restored their
party to power in the province of Missiones; and Colonel Mello, the
Imperial General, had increased his corps in that province to about five
hundred men. General Bento Manuel, who was to have fought him, was
unable, because he had retreated; and he contented himself with sending
Lieutenant-Colonel Portinhos in pursuit of Mello, who was marching in
the direction of San Pablo. The position in which I was then placed gave
us an opportunity not only to oppose Mello, but also to exterminate his
force. But such was not the event.
Colonel Terceira being uncertain whether the enemy would come by
Vaccaria, or by the Caritibani, divided his forces into two, sending
Colonel Aranha, with the good cavalry of the Serra, to Vaccaria, and
marching towards the Caritibani with the infantry, and a part of the
cavalry, chiefly composed of prisoners. It was by that point that the
enemy approached. This division of the forces proved fatal. Their recent
victory, the ardent feelings of the corps, and the information received
concerning the enemy, which represented their numbers and spirit as less
than they really were, led to their despising them too much.
After a three days' march we reached Caritibani, and went round by the
pass of Maromba, by which it was supposed the enemy would march. Guards
were placed in the Pass, and at other points, where they were thought
necessary. Towards midnight the guards at the pass were attacked, and
compelled to retreat, so that they had scarcely time to escape after
firing a few shots. From that moment until the break of day, the
Republican troops stood ready for action; and it was not long after that
hour that the enemy appeared, having crossed the river with their whole
force, and drawn up near it ready for action.
Any other officer than Terceira, on seeing their superiority, would have
hastened to effect a junction with the column of Aranha, and would have
occupied the enemy until he could have accomplished it. But the ardent
Republican feared that the enemy might escape him, and deprive him of an
opportunity to fight. He therefore pressed on to the encounter, although
the enemy were in an advantageous position. Of that position they took
advantage, having formed their line of battle on a hill of considerable
height, opposite which was a very deep valley, obstructed with thick
bushes. I had covered our flanks with several platoons of cavalry, which
they did not see. Terceira ordered to attack, with a band of infantry,
taking advantage of the obstacles in the valley. The attack was made,
and the enemy made a feint of retreating; but, while the whole
Republican body, after passing the valley, was pursuing the enemy under
the hill, within musket-shot, it was charged in flank by a squadron
which had been concealed on the right flank of the enemy, obliged to
retreat in disorder, and to concentrate anew. In that encounter fell one
of the bravest of my officers, Manuel N., who was very dear to me. The
troops, being now reinforced, and sent forward with greater impetus and
resolution, the enemy finally retired, and took up their retreat,
leaving one of their men dead on the field.
There were not many wounded on either side, for very few had taken part
in the action. The enemy, however, retreated precipitately, and the
Republicans pursued them to Aube; but the infantry were not able to
overtake them in nine miles, although they did their utmost to
accelerate their march. In the vicinity of the Pass of Maromba, the
commander of the Republican vanguard, Major Jacinto, informed the
Colonel that the enemy were crossing the Ganado and the Cavaladas,[2]
with indications that they would continue their retreat and not recover
from their panic. The brave Terceira did not hesitate for a moment, but
ordered the cavalry to proceed on the gallop, and directed me to follow
with the infantry as fast as possible.
The watchful enemy, however, had only manœuvred to deceive us, and by
the precipitation of their march had got in an advantageous position of
which we were not aware, concealed by the ground. One of our platoons
had been placed far in advance, and two others near it, but the infantry
imprudently left far behind. The enemy suddenly extended their right and
made his appearance on our left, running out from a valley which had a
small declivity. They bore down upon the Republican platoon with their
lances, and gave them this first notice of their error, which there was
not time to repair. Attacked in flank, they were completely discomfited.
The other platoons of cavalry shared the same fate, notwithstanding the
courage and efforts of Terceira and several brave Rio Grande officers.
Being taken in detail, they opposed little resistance; and in a short
time all were scattered, flying and completely broken. To be so far with
the infantry was very painful to me, and the more so because the
materials of which it was composed were not good, the greater part being
men who had been prisoners in Santa Victoria. I therefore hastened on
the infantry as fast as possible to join in the fight, but in vain.
Having reached an elevation, I witnessed the slaughter of my friends,
and knew there was no time to do anything to turn the tide, and
therefore resolved to save as many as possible.
I called to about a dozen of my old companions, whom I saw and
recognized; and, on hearing my voice, they hastened towards me. I left
an officer, to remain in charge of the body of infantry (Major
Peixotto,) and then, with that small band, I took a position, partly
sheltered by a few bushes, on an elevated spot of ground. There we began
to make a stand against the enemy, and to teach them that they were not
victorious everywhere. In an attack upon us, several companies of
cavalry were repulsed, although they made great efforts and displayed
much courage. The infantry at last joined us in our position, and then
the defence became powerful, and to the enemy terrible and murderous.
-----
Footnote 2:
"Ganado" means herds of cattle, and "Cavaladas" herds of horses, which
animals abound in those regions, living in the rich pastures. The
cattle afford the only food for soldiers, and the horses are
indispensable for cavalry—the best troops in South America.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XI.
THE ENEMY STILL HELD IN CHECK—NECESSITY OF
RETREAT—PREPARATION—COMMENCEMENT—PROGRESS—RESULT
—ARRIVAL AT THE TOWN OF LAGES.
In the meantime, strong in my position, and having now a band of
seventy-three, I fought the enemy with advantage. As the Imperialists
were destitute of infantry, they had little desire to engage with troops
of that arm. Notwithstanding the advantageous ground possessed by us,
however, it was necessary to seek a more secure cover, to prevent the
victorious enemy from bringing together all their forces, and to avoid
giving time for the courage of the defenders to cool. I observed a
cappon, or island of trees, which was in sight, at about the distance of
a mile, and undertook a retreat in that direction. The enemy manœuvred
to interrupt us, and every few moments charged with the advantage of the
ground. In such circumstances it proved highly important that my
officers were armed with carbines; and, as they were all good soldiers,
they repelled the enemy's charges with unshaken firmness. Thus the
remains of our conquered party reached the cappon, where the enemy
offered us no further molestation; while we penetrated a little distance
into the wood, chose a cleared spot, and collecting together, with our
arms ready, waited for night. The enemy were heard calling out to us
"Surrender! Surrender!" We kept silence and returned no answer.
Night at length came on; and I made preparations for departure. A few
wounded men, who were of our number, presented the greatest difficulty.
Among them was Major Peixotto, who had received a ball in his foot. Near
ten o'clock in the evening, when the wounded had been accommodated in
the best manner possible, the march was commenced, by proceeding along
the skirts of the cappon, which we left on the right, endeavoring to
find the borders of the Matto, or forest. That forest, perhaps the
largest in the world, extends from the alluvial regions of the Plata to
those of the Amazon, crowning the crest of the Serra de Espinasso, which
forms the backbone of Brazil, over an extent of thirty-four degrees of
latitude. The number of degrees of longitude which it embraces we are
unable to give. In the midst of that immense wilderness are situated the
three departments of Cima da Serra, Vaccaria and Lages, which are
surrounded by the forests. The scene of our dangerous operations was now
Caritibani, in the last named department, a place which derived its name
from Caritiba, a place in the province of Santa Caterina, (St.
Catharine,) from which the inhabitants came.
In order to reach the forest, the troops moved along the side of the
_cappon_, intending to take the course towards Lages, to find the corps
of Aranha, from which they were unfortunately separated. One of those
things occurred on their issuing from the wood, which prove how far man
is the child of circumstances, and what effect may be produced by a
panic, even on the most intrepid soldiers. The Republicans were marching
in silence; and, as may be supposed, prepared for action, in case the
enemy should appear in an attitude of opposing them. A horse, which
happened to be in that part of the wood, on hearing the little noise
made by the cautious soldiers in their march, took to flight, and ran
away. One voice was heard to exclaim: "The enemy!" and, in a moment, all
those seventy-three men, who had so lately most valiantly fought five
hundred, rushed at once into the thickest of the forest; and, so far did
they become separated and scattered, in that moment of fear, that it
would have taken many hours to collect them again; and, as it was
impossible for us to wait long enough, several were left behind and
lost. The others pursued their way with me; and when daybreak appeared,
we found ourselves on the long wished-for border of the forest, and
issuing in the direction of Lages. The next day the enemy approached,
but did not reach us. The day of battle was terrible, for its labors,
dangers and troubles; but we fought, and that idea overpowered every
other; but in the forest, where meat, the accustomed food, was in fact
wanting, and where no other kind could be obtained, we remained four
days without finding anything to eat except the roots of plants. The
fatigue we endured was indescribable, in following a retreat where there
were no paths, and where nature incomparably prolific and robust, had
reared up colossal pines in the immense woods, and the gigantic taquara,
(a kind of cane,) which formed insuperable barriers in many places. Many
of the company were discouraged, some deserted, and it was a great task,
first to collect them, and then to convince them that it was better to
accompany the corps than to desert it, though they might absent
themselves, if they preferred it, as they should be free to do as they
pleased. This manner of proceeding with them proved perfectly
successful. From that moment there was no more desertion; and the hope
of safety began to arise in the hearts of the troops.
On the fifth day after the battle we reached the entrance of the
Piccada, (a narrow path cut through the forest,) where we found a house
and made a halt, killing two oxen. We made two prisoners in the house,
who belonged to the enemy, and who had fought us. We then continued our
way to Lages, which we reached after a day's march through the rain.
The town of Lages, which had made such rejoicing on our arrival as
conquerors, had changed its flag on hearing of our disasters; and some
of the boldest of the inhabitants had established the imperial system.
On our approach they fled; and, as most of them were merchants, numbers
left their stores filled with everything necessary to restore the needy
soldiers; and thus their condition was greatly improved. Terceira wrote
to Aranha, in the mean time, ordering him to concentrate again; as he
had notice at that time of the arrival of Lieutenant Colonel Tartinho,
who had been sent by Bento Manuel in pursuit of the forces of Mello.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XII.
MY HIGH ESTIMATE OF THE "SONS OF THE CONTINENT" —DEFECTS
IN DISCIPLINE—I DESCEND THE SERRA—DIFFICULTIES OF THE
MARCH—REACH MALACARA—GENERAL JORGE—GENS. NETTO AND
CANABARRO—TWO LARGE ARMIES MEET AT PINEIRINO, ON THE
SAGUARE—PATRIOTISM OF THE REPUBLICANS—A WISH FOR
ITALY—RESULT OF THE EXPEDITION.
I have served the cause of the people in America, and served it with
sincerity, as I everywhere fought against absolutism. Being warmly
attached to the system corresponding with my convictions, I was equally
opposed in my feelings to the opposite system. I have always rather
pitied than hated men who have been led to selfishness by misfortune;
and, when now viewing the scenes I passed through, from a far distant
country, and long after their occurrence, the accounts contained in the
succeeding pages may be regarded as impartial, with the care which has
been taken in recording facts, reviewing occurrences, and making
allowances for men and circumstances.
It may be unhesitatingly asserted that "_The Sons of the Continent_"
(the name given to the people of Rio Grande,) were most ardent and
intrepid men. This character I claim for them, after having had many
opportunities to form a correct opinion. The occupation of Lages by our
troops was therefore a very bold step, with the intention of defending
it against an enemy ten times superior and victorious, and divided from
them only by the river Canoas, which could not be defended, and far from
any auxiliaries who might have wished to aid the Republicans. Many days
passed before the junction of Aranha and Portinho; and, during all that
time, the enemy were kept at bay by a small band of men. The
reinforcements had no sooner arrived, than the Republicans marched
resolutely against the enemy: but the Imperialists did not accept the
offer of a battle, but retired when we approached, making a stand in the
Province of San Paolo, where they were to be joined by large
reinforcements of infantry and cavalry. The Republicans then felt the
defect and the evils of being composed chiefly of men brave indeed, but
who did not know the importance of keeping their ranks, except when the
enemy appeared, and relaxed in discipline whenever they were either far
distant, or remained near without showing inclination for a speedy
battle.
That fault was almost their ruin, and a more enterprising enemy would
have known how to take advantage of it. The Serranos, (or people of the
neighboring mountains,) began to leave the files, and throw their lazos,
not only over their own horses, but over those belonging to the
division. Those of Portinho, (the people of the Province of Missions,)
followed their example; and the force was soon so far reduced, that they
were obliged to abandon Lages, and retire to the province of Rio Grande,
fearing an attack from the enemy. The rest of the forces, being thus
weakened, and in want of necessaries, especially clothing, which was
quite indispensable in consequence of the commencement of cold weather
so early in those elevated regions, began to lose their spirits, and
demanded, with a loud voice, to return to their homes. Colonel Terceira
was then obliged to yield to so many necessities, and ordered me to
descend the Serra and rejoin the army, while he prepared to follow me.
That descent was arduous, in consequence of the difficult roads, and the
decided hostility of the inhabitants, who were enemies of the
Republicans. I proceeded by the Piccada de Peluffo. The troops were only
about sixty in number, and they had to confront terrible ambuscades; but
such were their indomitable boldness and perseverance, that they passed
in safety. Although the path was very narrow, and everywhere
overshadowed by a very thick forest, the enemy, being natives of the
country, and therefore perfectly acquainted with every place, chose the
most thorny spots for their ambushes, rushed out with fury and
tremendous cries upon the Republican troops, who in return poured in
their volleys of musketry, and used their sabres. At length, the vigor
and perseverance of the latter so far intimidated the mountaineers, that
they killed but one horse, and only slightly wounded a few men.
We arrived at the head-quarters, in Malacara, distant twelve miles from
Porto Allegre, where was the President, Bento Gonzales, then
General-in-chief.
The Republican army were preparing to march. The enemy's army, after
losing the battle of Rio Pardo, had recruited in Porto Allegre, and gone
out, under command of the old general, Jorge, (George,) and had encamped
on the bank of the Cahi, waiting for General Calderon to join him, who
had left Rio Grande with a strong body of cavalry and was to effect a
junction, by crossing the country. The same defect which has been
mentioned above,—that is, the delusive security of the Republican troops
when there was no enemy in sight,—facilitated those movements of the
enemy: when General Netto, who commanded the country troops, had
collected force enough to fight Calderon, the latter, having now joined
the main body of the Imperial army, at Cahi, which was threatening the
Republicans with superior numbers, while besieging, compelled them to
raise the siege. It was indispensable to the President to join the
division of Netto, in order to be in a condition to fight the enemy's
army; and that junction, being happily effected, greatly honored the
military capacity of Bento Gonzales. They marched with the army from
Malacara, taking the direction of San Leopoldo, passing within two miles
of the enemy's army; and in two days and nights, almost without eating,
arrived in the neighborhood of Taguary, where they found General Netto,
who had come to meet them.
The march had been made, as was just remarked, almost without eating;
and, as soon as the enemy had notice of the movement, they set off, at
forced marches, to fight them. By rare fortune they overtook the
Republicans when they had halted, and were engaged in cooking their
meat,—the only food, as has been remarked, which armies in that country
ever have to subsist upon. They were, therefore, obliged to desist, and
defer their meal until they could effect the junction designed. They
halted again at Pinheirino, six miles from Taguary, and made all the
arrangements for a battle. The Republican army, consisting of five
thousand cavalry and one thousand infantry, occupied the heights of
Pinheirino; the infantry being in the centre, under the command of the
aged Colonel Crescenzio; the right wing under General Netto; and the
left under General Canabarro. Both wings were wholly composed of
cavalry, which, without exaggeration, was the best in the world,
although ill-provided. The infantry was excellent; and the desire for
fighting was strong and general. Colonel João Antonio commanded the
reserve, which was a corps of artillery.
The enemy had four thousand infantry, and, it was said, three thousand
cavalry, with a few pieces of artillery. They had taken positions on the
other side of the bed of a little torrent, which divided the two armies;
and their force and position were not to be despised. They were the best
troops of the empire, and commanded by a very skilful general, although
advanced in years.
The enemy's general had marched in warm pursuit of the Republicans up to
that place, and now made every arrangement for a regular attack. Two
battalions of infantry had crossed the dry bed of the torrent; and two
pieces of artillery, placed on the bank, thundered upon the line of
Republican cavalry. On their side, the brave men of the first brigade,
under the command of Netto, had drawn their sabres, and waited only for
the sound of the trumpet, to launch themselves upon the two battalions
which were crossing over. Those warlike sons of the continent felt the
certainty of victory. Netto and they had never been conquered. The
infantry, échalloned by divisions, on the highest part of the hill, and
covered by its verge, were crying out for battle. The terrible lancers
of Canabarro had already made a movement forward, confusing the right
flank of the enemy, which was therefore obliged to change front in
confusion. The brave freedmen, proud of their force, became more firm
and resolute; and that incomparable corps presented to view a forest of
lances, being composed entirely of slaves liberated by the Republic, and
chosen from the best horse-tamers in the province, and all of them
blacks, even the superior officers. The enemy had never seen the backs
of those true sons of liberty. Their lances, which were longer than the
common measure, their ebony faces and robust limbs, strengthened by
perennial and laborious exercise, and their perfect discipline, struck
terror into the enemy. The animating voice of the General-in-chief had
been heard, as he rode along the lines: "Every one of you must fight for
four men to-day!" These were the few and only words of that
distinguished man, who possessed all the qualities of a great captain,
except good fortune. Every heart seemed to feel the palpitation of war,
and the confidence of victory. A more beautiful day, or a more splendid
scene, was never beheld. The ground was scattered with a few low plants,
and offered no obstacle to the view, so that everything was clearly
visible, even the slightest movement, and, as it were, all under my
feet. In a few minutes was to be decided the fate of the largest part of
the American continent, with the destinies of a numerous people. Those
bodies of men, so compact, so orderly and steady, in a few moments will
be broken up, and some of them thrown into confusion and defeated. Soon,
the blood, the mangled limbs, and the corpses of many of those young men
will disfigure the beautiful fields. Yes: now all are waiting and
panting for the signal of battle.—Yet in vain was all that preparation,
vain the expectation; that field was not to be a field of slaughter.
The enemy's general, intimidated at the strong positions occupied by the
Republicans, and by their proud array, made his appearance, and had the
two battalions recalled from the opposite bank, to which they had
crossed without orders, and placed himself on the defensive. General
Calderon was killed in making a reconnaissance. Was that the cause of
the irresolution of General Jorge? As the Republicans were not attacked,
they ought to have attacked. This was the opinion of many; but would it
have been wise? If they had been attacked in their fine positions, there
would have been every probability of victory; but to descend from them
and meet the enemy on equal ground, it would be necessary to cross the
bed of the torrent, which was somewhat rough and difficult, although
dry, and the superiority in numbers of the enemy's infantry was by no
means small. In fine, there was no battle, and the enemies remained all
day in sight of each other, with only a little skirmishing.
In the camp of the Republicans there was a scarcity of meat, and the
infantry especially were famishing. But, what was still more
insupportable, thirst also prevailed, for there was no water. But that
people are hardened by a life of privations. No lamentations were heard,
except for the want of permission to fight. Oh, Italians! oh, for the
day when you shall be united and enduring like those children of the
desert. The stranger shall not then trample upon your soil; he shall not
contaminate your air. Italy will then take her proper place among the
first nations of the earth.
That night the old general, Jorge, disappeared, and in the morning the
enemy were nowhere to be seen on any side. The early mist remained until
ten o'clock; it then rose, and they were discovered in the strong
positions of Taguary. Soon afterwards news arrived that their cavalry
were crossing the river. The enemy, therefore, were retreating, and it
was necessary to attack them. The Republicans made no hesitation, and
the army marched, resolved on a battle. Only the enemy's cavalry,
however, had crossed the river, assisted in the passage by several
imperial vessels, but the infantry remained on the banks, protected by
the woods, having taken the most advantageous positions. The second
brigade of Republican infantry, composed of the second and third
battalions, was destined to begin the attack. This was performed with
all possible bravery, but the numbers of the enemy were very far
superior, and those courageous soldiers, after performing feats of
valor, were compelled to retire, supported by the first brigade, which
consisted of the first battalion of marines and the artillery, who had
no cannon.
That was a terrible battle between the infantry in the forest, where the
reëchoing of the guns, and the frequent flashes among the thick clouds
of smoke seemed like a raging tempest. Not less than five hundred men
were wounded and killed on both sides; and the dead bodies of the
Republicans were found on the very bank of the river, to which they had
driven their enemies. But all this loss was of no use, for when the
second brigade retired the conflict was suspended; then night came on,
and the enemy were able to complete their passage without interruption.
Among many brilliant qualities, General Bento Gonzales had a kind of
indecision, the effect of the disasters which had successively befallen
him in his enterprises. He would have wished that, because a brigade of
infantry, disproportionately inferior in numbers, had thrown itself upon
the enemy, the action should be closed by making not only all the
infantry take part in it, but also the cavalry on foot.
Such a proceeding might indeed have given him a brilliant victory, if by
making the enemy lose their footing it had thrown them into the river;
and such a result might not have been improbable. But the general was
determined to adventure everything, and even the only infantry which the
Republicans ever possessed. The fact is, that the battle was a real
disaster to them, as they had not the ability to supply the loss of
their brave infantry, while the enemy chiefly abounded in that kind of
forces.
The enemy remained on the right bank of the Taguary, because they were
almost wholly masters of the country. The Republicans repassed the road
to Porto Allegre, to recommence the siege of that town. The condition of
the Republic was now somewhat worse. The army recrossed to San Leopoldo,
and then to Settembrino, and afterwards to Malacara, into the old camp.
From that place, a few days after, they changed their encampment to
Bella Vista; and at the same time the General planned an operation, the
result of which was to restore them to excellent positions.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XIII.
SAN JOSE DEL NORTE—ITS CAPTURE—ILL CONDUCT—ITS
RESULTS—DISASTERS OF THE REPUBLICANS—I GO TO SAN
SIMON—BIRTH OF MY FIRST CHILD—MY SOLITARY JOURNEY TO
PROCURE NECESSARY CLOTHING FOR MY LITTLE FAMILY—TRIALS
AND APPREHENSIONS, SAD DISCOVERY ON MY RETURN.
The enemy, for the purpose of making excursions into the country, had
partly garrisoned with infantry the strong places. San Jose del Norte
was in such a situation. That place, which stands on the north shore of
the outlet of the Lake Dos Patos, was one of its keys; and the
possession of it would have been sufficient to change the face of
things. The town was taken, and the Republican troops gave themselves up
to pillage and riot.
In the meantime the Imperialists, having recovered from their surprise,
assembled in a strong quarter, and made head. The Republicans assaulted
them and were repulsed. The combatants endeavored to renew the attack,
but did not meet, or, if they met, they were unfit for fighting. Some
had damaged their muskets by breaking doors, and others had lost their
flints. The enemy lost no time. A few vessels of war lay in the harbor.
They took positions and raked the streets occupied by the Republicans,
sent to Southern Rio Grande for aid, and occupied the only fort which
they had not taken. The largest fort, called the Emperor's Fort,
situated in the centre of the line of fortifications, and which had cost
them a great assault, was rendered useless by a tremendous explosion,
which killed and wounded a great number. In short, the greatest triumph
was changed, towards noon, to a shameful retreat, almost to a flight.
Good men wept with anger and disappointment. The loss of the Republicans
was comparatively immense. From that time their infantry was a mere
skeleton. A few cavalry belonged to the expedition, and they served as a
protection on the retreat. The division marched to their barracks of
Buena Vista, and I remained at San Simon with the marine, which was
reduced to about fifty individuals, including officers and soldiers.
My object in staying at that place was to prepare some canoes, (boats
made of single trees,) and to open communications with the other parts
of the lake; but, in the months which I spent there, the canoes did not
make their appearance; and for the reason that they had existed only in
idea. Instead of boats, I therefore occupied myself with procuring
horses, there being an abundance of wild ones, which furnished much
occupation to the sailors, who became so many knights, though all of
them did not manage their steeds with superior dexterity. And San Simon
is a very beautiful and spacious place, although at that time destroyed
and abandoned. It was said to belong to an exiled Count San Simon, or
his exiled heirs, who had left home because of opinions different from
those of the Republicans. There being no masters there, we strangers fed
on the cattle and rode the horses.
At that place our first child was born, on the 10th of September, 1840.
The young mother, although so short a time before united to her martial
husband, had already passed through many trials and dangers. After the
terrible affair with the Brazilian men of war, she had accompanied me on
the marches, and even in the battles described in the preceding pages,
and had endured great fatigue and hunger, and had several falls from her
horse. During her stay at the house of an inhabitant of the place, she
received the greatest kindness from the family and their neighbors; and
I shall ever entertain to those who have shown kindness to me, and
especially to my wife, "Sarò reconoscientissimo, a quella buona gente,
tutta la mia vita" (I shall be most thankful to those good people all my
life.) It was of the highest importance that she had the comforts of
that house and those friends at that time, for the miseries suffered by
the army then rose to their height, and I was absolutely destitute of
everything necessary for my wife and little son; and in order to procure
some clothes, I determined to make a journey to Settembrina, where I had
several friends, particularly the kind-hearted Blingini, who would
cheerfully supply me with some things I wished to procure for them. I
accordingly set out to cross the inundated fields of that part of the
province, then all drenched by the rains. I travelled day after day in
water up to my horse's belly, and crossed the Rossa Velha, (an old
cultivated field,) where I met Captain Massimo, of the Free Lancers, who
treated me like a true and good friend, as he was. He was posted for the
guard of the Cavalladas. I arrived at that place at evening, in a heavy
rain, and spent the night; and the next day the storm having increased,
the good Captain determined to detain me at all hazards,—but I was too
much in haste to accomplish my object, to be willing to defer my
journey, and I set off again, in spite of every remonstrance, to brave
the flood. After going a few miles, I heard several musket-shots in the
direction of the place I had left, which raised some suspicion in my
mind, but I could only go on. Having reached Settembrina, I bought some
little articles of clothing, and set out on my return towards San Simon.
When I had recrossed the Rossa Velha, I learned the cause of the firing
I had heard, and the most melancholy accident which happened on the day
of my departure.
Moringue, the man who surprised me at Camacua, had now surprised Captain
Massimo, and notwithstanding a very brave resistance, left him dead,
with almost all his thirty lancers of the garrison. Most of the horses,
including the best of them, had been embarked, the remaining ones were
almost all killed. Moringue executed the operation with vessels of war
and infantry, and then reëmbarked the infantry, going himself by land
towards Rio Grande del Norte, alarming all the little forces, which,
thinking themselves safe, were scattered about that territory. Among
these was my band of sailors, who were obliged to take their clubs and
go into the woods, taking my wife with them, who mounted the saddle, to
avoid the enemy, with her infant, then only twelve days old, although it
was in the midst of the storm.
On my return I could not find any of my men, or any of the friends with
whom I had left my family; but I discovered them at length in the edge
of a wood, where they remained without any certain news of the enemy. We
went back to San Simon, where I remained some time, and then removed my
camp to the left bank of the Capivari.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XIV.
THE RIVER CAPIVARI—MY NEW CAMP—CANOE VOYAGES TO THE LAKE
DOS PATOS—STATE OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY DECLINING—DEATH
OF MY BOSOM FRIEND, ROSETTI—RETREAT —DIFFICULTIES AND
SUFFERINGS—LOSSES—ANNA'S EXPOSURE —OUR INFANT—KINDNESS
OF THE SOLDIERS.
The river Capivari is formed by the confluence of the different outlets
of numerous lakes which garnish the northern border of the Province of
Rio Grande, between the sea-coast and the eastern side of the chain of
Espinasso. It received its name from the Capivari, a species of
amphibious animal, very common in the rivers of South America. We made
two canoes, and in them made several voyages to the western shore of
Lake Patos, transporting both men and provisions. These voyages we
performed from the Capivari and the Sangrador de Abreu, one of the
streams in that vicinity, which is an outlet of a pond, connecting it
with a lake.
In the meantime the situation of the Republican army grew worse and
worse. Every day their necessities became more pressing, while, at the
same time, the difficulty of satisfying them became greater. The two
battles of Taguare and Norte had destroyed the infantry, so that the
battalions had become mere skeletons. Prevailing wants produced
discontent, and that led to desertions. The inhabitants, as usually
happens in long wars, were wearied, and looked with indifference upon
the forces of the two parties. In such a state of things the
Imperialists made proposals for an arrangement which, although
advantageous, considering the circumstances of the Republicans, were not
acceptable and not accepted by the most generous portion of the enemy.
Their rejection much increased the discontent of the extreme and
disgusted party, and finally the abandonment of the siege, and the
retreat were decisive. The Canabarro division, of which the marine
formed a part, was to begin the movement, and climb the passes of the
Serra, occupied by General Labattue. Bento Gonzales, with the rest of
the army, was to march behind, covering the movements.
At that time died Rosetti, an irreparable loss to the army, and
especially to myself. Having been left with the Republican garrison of
Settembrina, which was to march last, he was surprised by the famous
Maringue; and that incomparable Italian perished fighting bravely.
Having fallen from his horse wounded, he was called on to surrender,—but
he sold his life dearly. There is not a spot of ground on earth in which
do not lie the bones of some generous Italian, for whose sake Italy
ought never to cease from the struggle until free herself. She will feel
the want of them in the day when she shall rise to drive the ravens from
the corpses which they devour.
The retreat was commenced in the worst season, among the broken ridges
of the mountain, in an almost unintermitted rain, and was the most
disagreeable and terrible which I had ever seen. We had supplied
ourselves with a few cows, which we brought with us, there being no
animals among the toilsome paths which we were to travel, made
impracticable by the rains. The numerous rivers were extremely swollen,
and much of the baggage was carried away by the torrents. The troops
marched in the rain, and without food; encamped without food in the
rain. Between one river and another, those who were appointed to keep
near the cows, had meat, but the others were in a terrible condition,
especially the poor infantry, for everything failed them except
horse-flesh. There were some dreadful scenes. Many women followed the
army, according to the custom of the country, and many children. But few
of the latter came out of the forest, and some were picked up by the
horsemen, one of whom, here and there, was fortunate enough to save his
horse, and with him a poor little creature, left by its dead or dying
mother, who had fallen a victim to hunger, fatigue, and cold.
Anna was much distressed by the apprehension of losing her little son,
Menotti, who was saved with difficulty, and as if by a miracle. In the
most difficult parts of the road, and in crossing rivers, I carried my
poor little child, then three months old, in a handkerchief tied round
my neck, contriving to keep him warm with my breath. Of about a dozen
animals—horses and mules—with which we entered the woods, some of them
used for the saddle and some for baggage, there remained only two horses
and two mules. The others had tired, and were abandoned. To crown our
misfortunes, the guides had mistaken the road; and that was one of the
reasons which induced us to cross the terrible woods of Las Antas. The
word "Anta" signifies a harmless animal, of the size of an ass, whose
flesh is exquisite, and whose hide serves for making many strong and
many ornamental articles. This animal, however, I never had the fortune
to see. Although the troops continued to proceed, they could not find
the end of the piccada; and I remained in the woods, with two tired
mules, and sent Anna, with her servant and the child, to endeavor to
find a clear place where they might obtain some food for themselves and
the animals. The two remaining horses, which were used alternately, with
the surprising courage of the mother, overcame every difficulty. She
succeeded in getting beyond the piccada, and fortunately found some of
the soldiers with a fire, a very rare thing, and then not always to be
obtained, on account of the continued rain, and the miserable condition
to which we were all reduced. The men warmed some cloths, took the
infant and wrapped him in them, and thus resuscitated him. The poor
mother who had given up almost every hope of his life, took him again
and cherished him with the tenderest care, while the good-hearted
soldiers went to seek for some kind of food to restore the exhausted
strength of the mother. I labored in vain to save the mules. Being left
alone with them, I cut as many as I could of the leaves of the baguara,
a species of cane, and gave them to eat; but it was of no use. I was
obliged to abandon them, and seek to get out of the forest on foot, and
exceedingly fatigued.
Nine days after entering it, the last of the division barely got through
the piccada, and only a very few of the horses of the officers were
saved. The enemy, who had preceded us in their flight, had left some
artillery in the forest of the Antas, which the pursuers were unable to
transport, for the want of means, and they were left buried in certain
caverns—who knows for how long? In that woody region the storms seemed
as if tired out; for, on getting into the open fields of the elevated
plain, called the Cima da Serra (or top of the ridge), the troops found
good weather. Some oxen, which were discovered there, afforded them a
welcome supply of food, and made some amends for the sufferings they had
passed through. They then entered the department of Vaccaria, in which
they remained several days, waiting for the division of Bento Gonzales,
which joined them much broken, and in a miserable state. The
indefatigable Maringue, informed of their retreat, had pursued that
division and harassed it in every way, aided by the mountaineers, who
were always decidedly hostile to the Republicans.
All these things gave Labattue as much time as was required for his
retreat and junction with the Imperial army. They arrived, however,
almost without men, in consequence of desertions occasioned by the
severe and forced march, and privations, and sufferings endured by the
other troops. Beside all these, he had an adventure, which deserves to
be mentioned here on account of its remarkable nature.
Labattue being obliged to pass in his march through the two forests
known by the names of the Mattos or woods of Portugues and Castellano,
met in them several tribes of the Bugre Indians, the most savage in
Brazil. These, knowing of the passage of the Imperialists, assailed
them, laying ambushes in different places in the bushes, and did them
much injury, letting us know, at the same time, that they were friends
of the Republicans. In accordance with this profession, my comrades and
I myself experienced no inconvenience from them on our march; but we saw
the _poge_, or holes, carefully covered with grass, into which the
incautious enemy might fall, when the savages would take advantage of
his misfortune and assault him. But all these were left open where the
Republicans were to pass, that we might not be exposed to the danger.
On one of those days I met a woman, who had been stolen by the savages
in her youth, and profited by the opportunity offered by the
neighborhood of the troops. The poor creature was in a most pitiable
state.
As we had no enemies to fly from or to pursue in those lofty regions, we
proceeded slowly on our march, almost entirely destitute of horses.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XV.
HUNTING HORSES—CATCHING WILD COLTS—ENTER THE PROVINCE OF
MISSIONES—HEAD-QUARTERS ESTABLISHED AT SAN GABRIEL—LOVE
FOR MY PARENTS—I TURN CATTLE-DROVER —RESULTS—REACH
MONTEVIDEO—TEACH MATHEMATICS—WARLIKE PREPARATIONS—JOIN
THE ORIENTAL SQUADRON.
The corps of Free Lancers, being entirely dismounted, were obliged to
supply themselves with wild colts; and it was a fine sight which was
presented almost every day, to see a multitude of those robust young
black men, leaping upon the backs of their wild coursers, and rushing
across the fields like a thunderstorm. The animal used every exertion to
gain his freedom and to throw off his hated rider; while the man, with
admirable dexterity, strength and courage, continued to press him with
his legs, drawing in his feet against his sides like pincers, whip and
drive him, until he at length tired out the superb son of the desert.
In that part of America the colt comes from the field lassoed, and is
saddled, bridled, and rode by the domator, or horse-breaker, and in a
few days obeys the bit. Experienced men obtain many excellent horses in
a short time; but few come out well broken from the hands of soldiers,
especially when they are on a march, where neither the necessary
conveniences can be obtained, nor the necessary care taken to break them
well.
Having passed the Mattos Portuguez and Castellano, we descended into the
province of "Missiones," proceeding towards Cruz Alta, its chief town.
It is a very small place, but well built, situated on a high plain and
in a beautiful position; as fine, indeed, as all that part of the State
of Rio Grande. The troops marched from Cruz Alta to San Gabriel, where
the head-quarters were established and barracks were constructed for the
encampment of the army. I built a cottage, and spent some time in it
with my little family; but six years of a life of dangers and
sufferings, far from the company of old friends, my father and mother,
from whom I had no news, among that people, isolated by the war with the
empire, made me wish to return to some place where I might obtain
information concerning my parents. I now found that although, amidst the
scenes of bustle and trial through which I had passed, I had been able
to banish the recollection of their affection for a time, my love for
them remained lively and warm in my heart. It was necessary to improve
my circumstances, for the benefit of my wife and child, and I determined
to make a journey to Montevideo, even if but for a short time. I asked
and obtained permission from the President, who also allowed me to take
a small herd of young cattle, to pay the expenses of travelling.
And here I took up the business of a cattle-drover, or _trappiere_. In
an Estancia, called the Corral del Piedras, under the authority of the
Minister of Finance, I succeeded in collecting, in about twenty days,
about nine hundred cattle, after indescribable fatigue. With a still
greater degree of labor and weariness they were driven towards
Montevideo. Thither, however, I did not succeed in driving them.
Insuperable obstacles presented themselves on the way, and, more than
all, the Rio Negro, which crossed it, and in which I nearly lost all
this capital. From that river, from the effects of my inexperience and
from the tricks of some of my hired assistants for managing the drove of
animals, I saved about five hundred of the cattle, which, by the long
journey, scarcity of food and accidents in crossing streams, were
thought unfit to go to Montevideo.
I therefore decided to "_cuercer_" or "_leather_" them,—that is, to kill
them for their hides; and this was done. In fact, after having passed
through indescribable fatigue and troubles, for about fifty days, I
arrived at Montevideo with a few hides, the only remains of my nine
hundred oxen. These I sold for only a few hundred dollars, which served
but scantily to clothe my little family.
In Montevideo I spent some of my time in the house of my friend Napoleon
Castellani, to whose kindness, and the courtesy of his wife, I felt much
indebted. I acknowledge my obligations also to my dear friends, Giovanni
Battista Cuneo and Giovanni Risso. Having a family, but my means being
exhausted, I felt it necessary to provide for the subsistence of the
three individuals of whom it consisted. Other people's bread always
seemed to me bitter, whenever in my diversified life I have found it
necessary to partake of it; and I have been so happy as never to be
dependant on any friend. Two occupations, of small profit, it is true,
but which would afford me a subsistence, I assumed for a time. They were
those of a broker and a teacher of mathematics, given in the house and
to the pupils of the estimable instructor, Signor Paolo Semidei. This
manner of life I pursued until I entered the Oriental squadron.
The Rio Grande question was approaching a settlement, and there was
nothing more to be thought on that subject. The Oriental Republic soon
offered me employment, and I accepted it.
I was appointed to proceed on an expedition, the results of which,
through either ignorance or malignity, proved ruinous.
With the sloop Constitucion, of eighteen guns, the brig Terceira, of two
eighteen pounders, and a transport, the schooner Procida, I was ordered
to proceed to Corrientes, an allied province, to assist in their
military operations against the forces of Rosas.
The Oriental Republic of the Uruguay, like the greater part of the
Republics of South America, was a prey to intestine disputes; and the
occasion then was the pretension of two Generals to the Presidency, viz:
Rivera and Ouribes. Rivera, being more successful, succeeded after
several victories, in driving away Ouribes, and gained possession of the
power which he had held. The latter, being expelled, took refuge in
Buenos Ayres, where the Dictator, Rosas, received him, together with
many Oriental emigrants, and employed them against his enemy, who were
then under the command of General Lavalle. Lavalle being conquered, the
ferocious Ex-president of Montevideo undertook to regain his lost power
in his own country. In that Rosas found the object most agreeable to his
wishes; that is, the destruction of the Unitarians, or Centralists, his
mortal enemies, who were supported by the Oriental State; and the ruin
of a neighboring Republic, his rival, which disputed with him the
supremacy of the immense river, by throwing into her bosom the most
terrible elements of civil war.
At the time when I embarked on the river, the Oriental army was at San
Jose de Uruguay, and that of Ouribes at La Bajada, the capital of the
province of Entre Rios, both making preparations for a great conflict.
The army of Corrientes then made arrangements for uniting with the
Oriental. I was to go up the Parana to Corrientes, pass over a distance
of more than six hundred miles, between two banks occupied by the enemy,
where I would be unable to anchor, unless at islands and desert places.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XVI.
ORIGIN OF THE WAR BETWEEN MONTEVIDEO AND BUENOS
AYRES.—CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF ROSAS, OURIBES—THE
CENTRALISTS, CALLED UNITARIANS, OPPOSED TO THE
REPUBLICANS.
As has been said, the war in Montevideo was caused by the personal
ambition of the two generals, Ouribes and Rivera, who were aspirants for
the Presidency of the republic. The former was defeated by the latter,
about the year 1840, and obliged to emigrate to Buenos Ayres.
At that time Rosas, the tyrant of Buenos Ayres, was engaged in war with
the Centralists, or Unitarians, who were the national and liberal party,
and were led by Generals Lavalle and Paz. Rosas received Ouribes and
many of his partizans, and gave them immediate employment in his own
army, while he conferred the supreme command of it upon the emigrant
General. Ouribes, being able to bring many reinforcements to the
tyrant's army, which was already strong, defeated Lavalle, who died in
the upper provinces of the Argentine Republic (I think Mendoza,) in a
surprise. General Paz, by intrigues and dissensions, was obliged to
abandon the struggle, after the brilliant victory of Caguazú, and to
return to Montevideo, where the greater part of the Centralists who had
fought against Rosas had retreated.
The Argentine Republic being pressed by enemies, Ouribes descended
towards Montevideo, and established his camp at Bajada, the capital of
the province of Entre-Rios, having under his command an imposing army,
and meditating with Rosas, the invasion of the State of Montevideo.
Rivera was then on the left bank of the Uruguay, preparing and receiving
all the forces which he could dispose of, and doubtless expecting to be
attacked.
Wise would have been the resolution to await the enemy in his own
positions; but, having much confidence in himself, and strengthened by
the junction with the army of Corrientes, he made arrangements to cross
the river, and seek the enemy. The Oriental and Corrientes armies
amounted to ten thousand men. Ouribes had fourteen thousand, and was
much superior in infantry and artillery.
The battle was short; and the combined armies were entirely defeated on
the Arroyo Grande. Ouribes passed the Uruguay, invaded the territory of
Montevideo, and then laid siege to the capital.
The catastrophe of Arroyo Grande, and the certainty that the implacable
ex-president would come, meditating terrible revenge, stimulated the
population of the State of Montevideo to take up arms _en masse_ and
repel the invasion by force. It should here be observed, that the war
had changed its character, and it was no longer a personal consideration
in favor of Rivera which induced the people to take up arms; but the
fear of becoming subject to the depredations and excesses of a foreign
and barbarous enemy, led them to fight for the independence of the
country.
The beginning of patriotism, which then animated the people, was the
same which led them to so many heroic deeds, and to sustain the most
desperate of struggles, at the cost of unheard of sacrifices. Then began
the glorious contest carried on by the Montevideans, which still
continues, and which will astonish the world, when its events are
exactly known.
General Paz, reduced to Montevideo, after the unfortunate occurrences in
the Argentine State, was received with acclamation by the government and
people, as general of the nascent army; and to him are certainly due the
beginnings of bravery and discipline by which it was distinguished, as
well as the system of defence which was adopted.
Rivera kept the field, made skilful movements, and was defeated by
Ouribes at India Muerta. The errors of Rivera and his conflicts
completed his discredit, and entirely removed him from the scene of
events. He is now an emigrant in Rio Janeiro, and I do not think his
influence can produce any disturbance on the Rio de la Plata.
The question of Montevideo, therefore, reduces itself to the following,
at the present epoch (1850):
Rosas, the tyrant of Buenos Ayres, and chiefly interested in the
humiliation of Montevideo, maintains an army in besieging that city, in
order to destroy it. That army is commanded by a Montevidean, who
wishes, at any cost, to command in his country; and the people of
Montevideo are fighting against that army, because they are not willing
to submit to the hated and abominated domination of Rosas and Ouribes.
Indignant at the sight of such a scene of arrogant and inhuman
oppression as that presented in Buenos Ayres and the Argentine Republic,
I was impelled to present myself in opposition to the Dictator, and to
adopt the cause of the injured as my own. Having mingled with the people
in my own country, and all my experience, short as it was, having taught
me to sympathize with them, against the old and hereditary aristocracy
of Europe, I could not regard with indifference the upstart oppressor,
Rosas, so treacherous to the principles of equality and republicanism,
which he pretended to love, while violating them, in the grossest
manner, for his own insatiable ambition. Notwithstanding the depressed
condition of the true patriot party in Montevideo, on my arrival in that
city, circumstances ere long proved favorable; and on their beginning to
renew their movements, I appeared among them with my native activity and
zeal.
I conceived the idea of performing an important service for my own
country, while devoting myself to that in which I was residing. I soon
perceived that the spirit and character of the Italians needed great
efforts, to raise them from the depressed state in which they existed in
fact, as well as in the opinion of the world; and I was determined to
elevate them, by such a practical training as alone could secure the
end.
By means of Napoleon's treachery to the cause of liberty, which he had
pretended to espouse on entering Italy, that unhappy country had been
led to a ruin more deep and complete than any of the other of his
victims; for she had been, more than any other, reduced to spiritual
slavery, as well as temporal. The allies (with Protestant Prussia and
England among them,) had restored the papacy along with monarchy and
aristocracy; and yet the Italians were vilified as a degenerate race,
and falsely accused of having brought their misfortunes upon themselves,
by their ignorance, fanaticism and pusillanimity.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XVII.
CONDITION OF THE ITALIANS IN MONTEVIDEO, AND
ELSEWHERE—MY WISHES AND DESIGNS FOR THEIR BENEFIT—IN
COMMAND OF THE "CONSTITUCION"—AT MARTIN GARCIA—A BATTLE
WITH THE ENEMY—PROVIDENTIAL RESULTS—PROCEED TO BAJADO—AT
CERITO—ANOTHER FIGHT—CAVALLO-QUATTIA —LOW WATER—JOIN THE
REPUBLICAN FLOTILLA—LABORS AND DIFFICULTIES.
There were many Italians in Montevideo, whose condition and feelings I
soon learned to appreciate. They were regarded with scorn by many of the
other foreign residents, especially the French, who were in much greater
numbers, and seemed to take pleasure in humiliating my poor and injured
countrymen.
This was not the first case, though one of the most marked and
unrighteous, in which the wronged and suffering party were made to bear
the reproach of those very traits of character displayed by their strong
and false-hearted conquerors. In exile and poverty, under the bitter and
hourly personal experience of their national misfortunes, and reproached
by the world with having brought them upon themselves, the Italians in
South America were depressed and disheartened by their gloomy
recollections, their present sorrows and their cloudy future. Many of
them were occupying themselves with such labors and business as they
could find or invent, to obtain the means of subsistence, and laying the
foundations of the fortunes which they have since accumulated by
industry and economy; but few formed any sanguine expectations of
gaining that distinction for military prowess, which the more numerous
and vaunting Frenchmen around them then arrogated to themselves. I,
however, ere long, began to indulge in more daring anticipations; and
the sequel will show the results.
I resolved to find employment for some of them, and to raise the courage
and hopes of all, and at the same time to prepare them for future
service as soldiers in Italy, by bringing them into the service which
was offered to myself. My progress and success will be seen in the
following chapters.
On my entering the service of the Oriental Republic, I received the
command of the sloop of war "Constitucion." The Oriental squadron was
under the command of Colonel Cahe; the enemy under the orders of General
Brown. Several battles had taken place, but with results of but little
consequence. At the same time a man named Vidal was appointed Minister
General of the Republic,—a person of unfortunate and despicable memory.
One of his first and most fatal steps was, to gain the dislike of the
squadron, which proved highly injurious to its condition, which had cost
the Republic immense sums, and which, if it had been cherished as it
might then have been, would have established a marked preëminence in the
Rio de la Plata, but which was completely ruined, by selling the vessels
at shamefully low prices.
I proceeded up the river with the vessels. We had an engagement with the
batteries of Martin Garcia, which are situated near the confluence of
the two great rivers Paraná and Uruguay, near which I had to pass, as
there was no other channel for large vessels. I had several killed and
wounded, and passed on. Among the dead was the brave Italian officer,
Pocaroba, whose head was taken off by a cannon shot.
Three miles beyond Martin Garcia, the Constitucion was careened, but
unfortunately at a time when the tide was falling; and it cost an
immense amount of labor to get her afloat again. It was only due to the
most persevering labor, that the flotilla was saved from being lost in
those dangerous circumstances. While employed in removing heavy articles
on board the Procida, the enemy's squadron appeared on the other side of
the island, approaching under full sail. I was thus placed in a terrible
condition,—the larger of my vessels lying on the sand, and deprived of
her heaviest guns, which were placed in the Procida; the Procida being
in consequence useless; and no vessel remaining except the Terceira,
whose brave commander was near me with the greater part of his crew,
assisting in his work.
In the meantime the enemy moved on proudly, presenting a superb sight,
and hailed by the acclamations of the troops on the island, assured of
victory, with seven strong ships of war. But I felt no despair—a feeling
which I have never known. The cause I have never pretended to give. I
did not think of my life at that moment; that appeared to me of little
value: but it seemed that dying would not save honor, and it was
impossible to fight in my position. Providence extended his hand over my
destiny, and I desired no other. The ship of the Admiral grounded near
the island; his pride was humbled, and the Republicans were safe. The
enemy's misfortune redoubled their alacrity; in a few hours the
Constitucion was afloat, and received her guns and loading. "Misfortunes
never come single," says the proverb. A very thick fog concealed us, and
everything we did, from the eyes of the enemy; and favored us greatly,
by preventing them from knowing which way we went. This was of the
greatest advantage: for, when the Imperialists got their ships under
way, being ignorant of the direction we had taken, they sailed to pursue
us, and went up the Uruguay, which we had not entered, and they
consequently lost many days before they learned our course.
In the meantime I had entered the Paraná, under cover of the fog and
with the favor of the wind. I had the direction of the whole operation,
and must pronounce it one of the most arduous of my life. But certainly,
in that day, the pleasure afforded by the escape from that imminent
danger, and the solicitude caused by reflecting on the greatness of the
enterprise were embittered by the stupor and disaffection of my
companions, who until that moment had believed they were going to the
Uruguay. All declared that they were unacquainted with the Paraná, and
that they refused all responsibility from that moment. Responsibility
was of little importance to me; but something was to be done in some way
or other. After a few inquiries, one man confessed that he knew a little
of the river, but that he was confused by his fears; however, he was
soon able to collect himself, and proved useful. The wind favoring, we
soon arrived near San Nicolas, the first town in the Argentine
territory, which is situated on the right shore of the river. There we
found a few merchant vessels, which were wanted for transports and other
service, and, in a night expedition with launches, both were obtained.
An Austrian, named Antonio, who had been trading for a long time in the
Paraná, was among the prisoners, and he rendered important services in
the voyage.
Proceeding up the river, we met with no obstacle until we reached
Bajada, where was the army of Ouribes. I operated in the transit. Some
landed to find fresh provisions, which consisted chiefly of oxen, in
which they were opposed by the inhabitants, and some troops of cavalry
stationed there to guard the shore. Several partial engagements took
place on that account—with some advantages and losses, sometimes on one
side and sometimes on the other—in one of which I had the great
affliction of losing the brave Italian officer, Lalberga di Leone, a
youth of surprising valor and of most promising genius. Another
monument, therefore, was demanded for another son of the land of
misfortune, who, like so many more, had hoped to shed his blood for the
redemption of his country.
At Bajada, the capital of Entre Rios, where the army of Ouribes was
stationed, I found the most formidable preparations on my arrival; and a
battle seemed at first inevitable: but the wind being favorable, and we
being able to pass at a considerable distance from the enemy's
batteries, but little effect was produced by the heavy cannonade which
was made by them. At Las Conchas, a few miles above La Bajada, I
effected a landing by night, which procured me fourteen oxen, in spite
of strong opposition made by the enemy. My men fought with great
bravery. The enemy's artillery followed the coast, and profiting by the
contrary wind and the narrowness of the river, cannonaded us whenever
they could. At Cerito, a position on the left bank of the stream, they
established a battery of six guns. The wind was favorable, but light;
and at that point, on account of the crookedness of the river, our
vessels had to sail in face of them, so that it was necessary to go
about two miles under a battery, which was as if suspended over our
heads. A resolute battle was fought at that place. The greater part of
my men seemed unable to rise, and did not show themselves. The others,
at their guns, fought and labored with great alacrity. It should be
remembered that the enemy belonged to a party rendered proud by their
victory, who soon after conquered, at Arroyo Grande, the two combined
armies of Montevideo and Corrientes. Every obstacle was overcome with
very little loss; and after having stopped all the enemy's fire, and
dismounted several pieces of artillery, a number of merchant vessels,
coming from Corrientes and Paraguay, which had been placed under the
protection of the enemy's battery, fell into the power of the
Republicans with very little trouble. Those prizes supplied us with
provisions and means of all kinds.
We then proceeded on our arduous voyage up the river. The enemy watched
us in order to throw obstacles in our way; but we arrived at
Cavallo-quattia, (or the White Horse,) where we joined the Argentine
flotilla, composed of two large launches and a balandra armed as a
war-vessel. We were thus supplied with some fresh provisions, so that
our condition was much improved. We had good and experienced men, but a
reinforcement was agreeable enough, especially in its effects on the
habits of our men. Having thus proceeded as far as the Brava coast, we
were obliged to stop on account of the shallow water, the difference of
which, with the draft of the Constitucion, was four palms. These
difficulties began to excite some suspicions in my mind, concerning the
final result of the expedition. I had no doubt that the enemy would do
their utmost to defeat it; for if it should arrive at Corrientes the
injury would have been very great to the enemy, by the Republicans
having command of an intermediate part of the river, by holding an
intermediate position between the interior provinces, the Paraguay and
the capital of the Argentine confederation. It would have been a kind of
nest of corsairs, to infest and destroy the enemy's commerce.
The enemy accordingly resorted to every measure for our ruin; and they
were greatly favored by the want of water in the river, which was
altogether unexampled for half a century, according to the declaration
of Governor Ferri, of Corrientes. It being impossible to proceed
further, I determined to put the flotilla in the best possible state for
resistance. From the left bank of the Paraná, where the depth of water
was greatest, I drew a line of vessels, beginning with a merchant
_yate_, in which were placed four guns; the Terceira in the middle, and
the Constitucion on the right wing, thus forming a row, at right angles
to the shore, and presenting to the enemy all the force possible.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE ENEMY APPEAR UNDER GENERAL BROWN—WE FIGHT —LABORS
AND FATIGUE BY NIGHT—DESERTION—PREPARATIONS TO RENEW THE
BATTLE—ANOTHER FIGHT—VESSELS BURNED —LANDING IN SMALL
BOATS—LAND TRAVEL—TREATMENT BY THE INHABITANTS—TRAVERSE
THE PROVINCE OF CORRIENTES —REACH SAN FRANCISCO—NOTICE
OF THE BATTLE OF ARROYO GRANDE, DEC. 6, 1842—SENT BY
GEN. AGUYAR TO VESSILLES WITH THE VESSELS—STRANGE
PRESENTIMENT—CATCHING HORSE —BAD NEWS.
This arrangement cost much labor, in consequence of the current, which,
although small, in that open place, required the use of all the chains
and cables to anchor the vessels, especially the Constitucion, the
heaviest of all. These labors were not terminated when the enemy made
their appearance with seven vessels, a superior force, and in a
situation where they could receive reinforcements and supplies of every
kind. The Republican flotilla, on the contrary, was far from Corrientes,
the only part of the country from which they could obtain assistance,
and where it was almost certain no aid would be received, as the result
proved to be too true. It was thought necessary, however, to fight, at
least for the honor of arms; and an engagement ensued.
The enemy, under the command of General Brown, who enjoyed the highest
reputation as a maritime officer in South America, and justly, too,
proceeded in all the confidence of their power. They had a favorable
wind though a light one, keeping along the left bank, the right being
impracticable. As I had command of the left bank, on which rested the
left flank of his line, I landed part of my soldiers and sailors, to
dispute the enemy's advance, inch by inch. The Republicans fought
bravely, and greatly retarded the enemy's advance; but the superior
force of the latter prevailed, and the former were driven under the
protection of their vessels. Major Pedro Rodriguez, who commanded our
force on land, fought that day with all imaginable skill and valor. He
placed the outposts towards evening; and thus they remained through the
whole night, both parties preparing for battle on the following day.
The sun had not risen on the 16th of June, when the enemy began a
cannonade, with all the force which they had been laboring to bring to
the front in the night. The battle was then commenced; and it continued
without interruption till nightfall, being sustained on both sides with
great resolution. The first victim on board the Constitucion was again
an Italian officer, of great bravery and of the highest promise,
Guiseppe Barzone; and I regretted that I could not take charge of his
remains, in consequence of the fury of the contest. Much damage was done
on both sides. The Republican vessels were riddled and shattered. The
corvette, in consequence of not having her shot-holes accurately
stopped, leaked so much that she could not be kept afloat without great
difficulty, the pumps being at work without cessation. The commandant of
the Terceira had been killed in a most daring enterprise by land against
the enemy's vessels. In him I lost my best and bravest companion. The
killed were numerous, and still more the wounded. The remaining time I
was constantly occupied on account of the sinking condition of the
vessels. However, there were still powder and shot on board, and we must
fight—not for victory, not to save ourselves, but for honor. Some men
laugh at the honors of a soldier; but Italians have given strong proof
of the existence and power of such a principle in their breasts,
particularly in other places and at a later period than that to which we
are now attending, especially when Rome was surrounded by the armies of
four nations, in 1849, and long defended herself. Those who scoff at the
idea of honor in an honest soldier who fights for his friends and
country, can too often show base respect for men who abuse and
assassinate their fellow-beings, or who claim to be the supporters of
their political or religious opinions, though they may be monsters in
cruelty or infamous in vice, especially if surrounded with the power of
the great or the splendor of courts.
We fought for honor, although six hundred miles distant from Montevideo,
with enemies from all quarters, after a series of battles, privations
and misfortunes, and almost sure of losing everything. In the meantime
Vidal, the minister of war of the Republic, squandered doubloons to
support his splendid banquets, in the first capitals of Europe. Such is
the honor of the world! It is thus that the lives of generous Italians
are despised and sacrificed, and they are buried in a land of exile, in
the continent of their countryman, Columbus, or in other regions of the
earth. Such was Castelli, who was beheaded at Buenos Ayres; Borso di
Carminati, shot in Spain;—and this, although they were superior men, and
had rendered great services to ungrateful foreigners.
Their sympathy those foreigners have shown for thee, O Italy! when thy
aged and venerable head was raised for a moment in Rome, from the
lethargy of opprobrium in which thy oppressors had conspired to hold
thee, thou Mother, Instructress and Mistress of Nations! When thou once
more shalt rouse thyself, they will tremble at the defeat of their
united powers, combined in the league of Hell, to oppress and degrade
thee. Be great, then, once more, O Italy! and then the powerful voice of
the Almighty will be heard by all thy sons; and the hungry and cowardly
vultures which destroy thee, will be stunned by its thundering sound.
On the night of the 16th all my men were occupied in preparing
cartridges, which were almost entirely exhausted, and in cutting up
chains to supply the want of balls, and in the incessant pumping of the
leaky vessels. Manuel Rodriguez, the same Catalonian officer who had
been saved with me from shipwreck on the coast of Santa Caterina, was
occupied, with a few of the best, in fitting up several merchant vessels
as fireships, with the greatest possible quantity of combustibles, and
directing them towards the enemy. That expedient incommoded them during
the night, but did not produce the effect desired; the chief defect of
the Republicans being the extreme scarcity of men. Between the various
mishaps of that dreadful night, that which most afflicted me was the
defection of the little squadron of Corrientes. Villegas, the
commandant, like many others whom I have seen bold in a calm, became so
much terrified by approaching danger, that it was impossible to make him
useful in any way to the allied vessels, although they were manned with
good sailors, and fitted for any kind of service on the river, by their
swiftness. Seeing Villegas not quite self-possessed, I ordered him to
take his place behind the line of battle, where I had placed the
hospital—a small vessel destined to that use. Towards evening he sent me
word that he had changed his position to a short distance, for what
motive I could not imagine. Needing his coöperation in the work of the
fireships, I sent for Villegas in the night, and received the alarming
news that he was nowhere to be found. Not being willing to think him
capable of so much treachery, I went myself in a light palischermo, to
satisfy myself of the truth. Not finding him, I proceeded several miles
towards Corrientes, but in vain; and I returned, in bitterness of soul.
My fears were unhappily too well founded, for most of the little vessels
were destroyed in the service before the engagement began. I had counted
on the Correntine vessels to receive the wounded and to contain the
provisions necessary for all, as we were still far distant from the
inhabited frontier of Corrientes. My last hope was now lost, by a
cowardly retreat, which is the greatest of crimes when committed in the
moment of danger.
I returned on board my vessel a short time before daybreak. A fight was
inevitable, but I saw nothing around me but men lying down overcome with
fatigue, and heard no sound except the lamentations of the unfortunate
wounded, who had not yet been transported to the hospital. Being now
unable to wait any longer, I gave the signal and ordered the men to
their stations. I gave the orders and spoke a few words of comfort and
encouragement, which were not in vain, as I found my companions,
although spent with fatigue, with spirit remaining which could yet be
excited. They replied with a general cry for battle, and every man was
immediately at his post. The engagement was recommenced when it was
hardly light; but, if the advantage appeared to be on our side in the
previous affair, we now decidedly had the worst. The new cartridges had
been made of bad powder; we had used all the balls of proper size for
the calibre of the guns, and those we now had were smaller, and,
therefore, in going out, did much injury to the pieces, which had before
done such service against the enemy. The latter observed the weakness of
our fire, and being then informed of our condition by some deserters,
showed great joy, while their vessels, which were unable the day
preceding to form a line, now effected it in security. Thus the
condition and prospects of the Republicans were growing worse and worse,
while those of their enemies every moment improved. At length a retreat
became necessary, not with the vessels, for it was impossible to move
them from their positions, in consequence of their broken condition, the
want of water, and the miserable state of the crews. Nothing could be
hoped for but the saving of their lives. I therefore gave orders for
landing, in a few small boats which remained, the wounded, the arms, the
little ammunition left, and all the provisions which they were able to
take. In the meantime the fight continued; although on our part but very
feebly, but with redoubled vigor by the victorious enemy.
The matches were then prepared, and the firemen stood ready to burn the
vessels. All was ready; and, with the few men remaining with me, I got
into the boats. The enemy, on discovering our preparations for
debarking, naturally inferred our design of retreating, and put all
their infantry on the march, to attack us. I was not disposed to meet
them, with such inequality of numbers and arms, and in the condition of
the enemy's infantry. Besides, an open river was to be crossed. But the
burning of the vessels, by the Santa Barbara operation, blowing-up, was
performed in a terrible manner, and gave the enemy clear notice of our
movements.
The scene presented by the burning flotilla was very striking. The river
lay as clear as crystal; and the burning cinders fell on both its banks,
while a terrible noise of explosions was continually heard.
Towards evening, in our little boats, we approached the River Espinillo,
and encamped on its right bank. During the voyage to Esquina, the first
town in Corrientes, we spent three days, proceeding very painfully among
islands and ponds, and reduced to one ration a day, consisting of a
single biscuit, without anything else to eat. On reaching Esquina, our
condition was considerably improved; the wounded were placed under
shelter; and the men had meat in abundance. The inhabitants, who were
good Republicans, showed us the greatest hospitality.
We spent some months in the Province of Corrientes, without the
occurrence of anything important. At length the Governor formed a plan
to arm a flotilla of small vessels; but succeeded in nothing but losing
time. I then received orders from Montevideo to march to the scene of
revolution in San Francisco, in Uruguay, and place myself and my forces
at the disposition of General Rivera, who was stationed with an army in
that neighborhood.
I then traversed the entire territory of Corrientes, from Santa Lucia to
the Pass of Higos, on the Uruguay. Going through the Pass, we arrived at
San Francisco, partly by the river and partly by land. At the Falls I
had the pleasure of meeting Anzani, then transformed into a merchant.
Having reached San Francisco, I there found several vessels of war, of
which I took the command. General Rivera had gone into Entre Rios, with
the army, where the army of Corrientes was to meet him, and go to attack
that of Ouribes. On the 6th of December, 1842, occurred, at Arroyo
Grande, the celebrated battle in which the nation fought for their
sacred rights; but the power of a tyrant triumphed. Different
circumstances led to this result, which would require much time to give
in detail: but the chief cause was the discord fomented by the ambition
of a few, which plunged all into disaster, and exposed them to
extermination by an implacable conqueror. Oh, virtuous and generous
people! The same fortune befel Italy at a later day, which was suffered
by the provinces of La Plata, and brought about by the same cause, which
was sent by Heaven in wrath.
At San Francisco, where I found General Aguiar staying on account of his
health, I remained only a short time, when I received orders from him to
collect all the disposable forces, and a few hundred militia, called
Aguerridos, commanded by Colonel Guerra, and march to the Pass of
Vessilles, to coöperate actively with the enemy. I reached that place
with the vessels, and there found the remains of the army's residence,
but not a single person. I sent scouts, to search the surrounding
country; but discovered nothing! That day was the fatal sixth of
December; and every man had been called to the field of battle, which
was decided at the distance of eighteen miles from the spot, on the bank
of the Arroyo Grande. There sometimes seems to be something in the
depths of our minds superior to understanding; at least so it seemed to
me on that occasion. Without pretending to explain it, I thought I felt
its effects; which, although in a confused manner, seemed something like
looking into the future.
On that day I felt a solemn impression on my heart, mingled with
bitterness, like the feelings of warriors left languishing on a field of
battle, and trampled on by the insolent soldier, by the hoof of the
war-horse of the cruel, the implacable conqueror. Very few were saved
from that terrible battle; and the whole band, with me, experienced
feelings difficult to describe, indeed, quite unspeakable. Sadness was
mingled with a prevailing presentiment of disaster. Not being able to
find any living being who could give information of the army, and having
no orders from General Aguiar, I resolved to land all the troops,
leaving only a small number in the boats, and to march in search of the
army. It should be remarked, that I always pursued my favorite system of
the Rio Grande, and never marched without a contingent of cavalry, taken
from my amphibious companions in misfortune, men who had been thrown out
of the cavalry of the army, for some fault or perhaps some crime, but
who fought well, and whom I severely punished when they deserved it.
Although no human beings were to be found in that region, we caught a
number of horses which had been abandoned, and obtained a sufficient
supply for the service. The abundance of horses in those countries
greatly facilitates such an operation. All things were soon ready; and I
was on the point of giving the order for marching, when, well for me, an
order was received from General Aguiar, recalling me to San Francisco.
But for this, I and my troops would doubtless have fallen victims: for
the army was so completely broken up on that day, that it would have
been impossible to find anything but the mere wreck of it, while we must
have met the victorious enemy, from whom escape would have been very
difficult, if not impossible.
The troops, therefore, reëmbarked, without the object being known even
to their commander, and without obtaining any news whatever of the
events of the day. On reaching San Francisco, I received a note from
Colonel Esteves, beginning with the following terrible words:
"_Our army has suffered a reverse!_"
General Aguiar had marched along the left bank of the Uruguay, to
collect the fugitives, and requested me to stay in San Francisco, to
guard the great quantity of materials of every kind remaining there.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XIX.
PUBLIC DISMAY—ENTHUSIASM OF THE PEOPLE RISING —I RETURN
TO MONTEVIDEO—OURIVES COMING TO BESIEGE IT—PREPARATIONS
FOR DEFENCE—GENERAL PAZ—I AM ORDERED TO COLLECT A
FLOTILLA—A FORTUNATE ACCIDENT.
In the period which elapsed between the battle of Arroyo Grande and the
beginning of the siege of Montevideo, that confusion prevailed which is
common in such cases, when plans are by turns formed, rejected, and
again adopted. Fear, desertion, and irresolution existed; but they were
found only in rare and individual cases. The people stood firm and
heroic, at the voice of noble-hearted men, who proclaimed that the
Republic was in danger, and called upon all to rise in its defence. In a
short time there was a new army, which, although neither so large nor so
well disciplined as the former, was, at least, more full of energy and
enthusiasm, and more strongly impressed with the sacred cause which
impelled them. It was no longer the cause of a single man which
stimulated the multitude: the star of that man had sunk in the late
battle, and in vain endeavored again to rise. It was the cause of the
nation, in the presence of which personal hatred and dissention were
silenced. Foreigners were preparing to invade the territory of the
Republic; and every citizen came out with arms and horses, to range
himself under the banner, to repel him. The danger increased, and with
it the zeal and devotion of that generous people. Not a single voice was
heard to utter the word "submission," or "accommodation." Since the
battle of Novara, in Piedmont, I could never compare my countrymen with
the Montevideans without blushing. However, all Italy desired not to
submit to foreign dominion, but panted for battle; and I am convinced
that Italians, like Montevideans, possess constancy and generous
devotion to liberty. But they have so many and such powerful influences
to keep them enslaved!
I had then orders to sink the small vessels in the channel of the river,
by which the enemy's fleet could come up. The larger vessels of the
patriot flotilla were then not to be sunk, but to be burned; I was
therefore soon engaged in burning a third fleet, but this was not to be
done, as on the two former occasions, while fighting, my sailors having,
consequently, once more been transformed into foot soldiers. I remained
with them a few days in San Francisco, to allow time to ship for
Montevideo the remaining materials of the army; and we then set off on
the march for the capital, in the neighborhood of which all the forces
were to be collected. Little or nothing of importance occurred on the
journey, except my acquaintance with General Pacheco, then a Colonel in
Mercedes. That illustrious Oriental commenced, at that dangerous crisis,
to display a noble superiority in energy, courage, and capacity. He,
beyond all question, was the principal champion of the gigantic struggle
sustained by his country against foreign invasion; a struggle which will
serve as an example to future generations, and to all nations who are
not willing to submit to force; and may God protect the Oriental people!
Montevideo presented, at that time, a surprising spectacle. Ourives had
conquered, and was advancing at the head of an army, which had passed
through the Argentine provinces like a tempest, or rather like a
thunderbolt. At the Coriolano of Montevideo, neither the prostrations of
the priests would have availed, nor the tears of wives or mothers, to
soften the hearts of the soldiers. The idea of chastising that city,
which had driven him away, and seen him fly, gratified the soul of that
atrocious man. The army of Montevideo had been destroyed, and nothing of
it remained except small and disheartened fragments of forces, scattered
over the territory of the Republic. The squadrons were cut in pieces,
arms and ammunition were very scarce, or entirely wanting, and the
treasury! It is only necessary to imagine it in the hands of such men as
Vidal, intent on nothing but on getting doubloons, as the most portable
kind of money for a meditated flight. He was Minister General.
It was, however, necessary to defend themselves. There were many men
belonging to Rivera's party for whom there was no escape after the
arrival of the others, and for whom the defence was an indispensable
condition. But they were powerless and trembling, being bound to their
employments and property. Yet the nation, the people, did not regard
Ourives as the antagonist of Rivera, but as the head of a foreign army,
which he led on for invasion, slavery and death; and they ran to the
defence with a feeling of their rights. In a short time the army, in
companies of cavalry, was made new. An army, chiefly consisting of
infantry, was organized in Montevideo, to support the capital, and under
the auspices of that man of victories, General Paz. That General Paz,
whom envy, but no good cause at all, had driven from the command,
replied to the call of his country in a time of danger, appeared at the
head of the forces of the capital, and organized, with recruits and
freemen, then emancipated by the Republic, that army which, for seven
years, was the bulwark of the country, and still maintains itself in the
presence of the most powerful enemy in South America.
Many leaders, forgotten and not fond of wars in which only individual
interests were engaged, made their appearance in the files of the
defenders, and increased the enthusiasm and confidence of the troops. A
line of fortifications was to be drawn around the city towards the
accessible part from the country, and they labored with alacrity until
it was completed. Before the enemy's approach, manufactories of arms and
ammunition, foundries of cannon, shops for making clothes and
accoutrements for soldiers, all sprang up at once, as if by a miracle.
Cannons, which, from the days of the Spaniards, had been judged useless,
and placed as guards at the borders of the sidewalks in the streets,
were dug out and mounted for defence.
I was appointed to organize a flotilla, for which several small vessels
were chosen. A favorable incident proved very valuable to me, by
enabling me to commence that armament. The enemy's brig Oscar, in
sailing at night in the neighborhood of the coast, ran upon the point of
the Cerro. That is the name of a mountain west of Montevideo, which
forms, with its base, the western side of the harbor. In spite of every
effort made by the enemy to get the vessel afloat, they were obliged to
abandon her. We profited much by that shipwreck. From the first the
enemy endeavored to prevent our saving her, and sent the sloop of war
Palmar to cannonade us; but not obtaining much advantage from this, and
the Republicans showing much obstinacy in seizing their prey, they soon
left them at liberty to pursue their work.
Among the numerous objects removed from the wreck, were five cannons,
which served to arm three small vessels, the first in the new flotilla,
and which were immediately put to use in covering the left flank of the
line of fortifications. I regarded the loss of the Oscar as a good
augury of the terrible defeat which was preparing.
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CHAPTER XX.
THE ENEMY REACH MONTEVIDEO—GEN. RIVERA'S MOVEMENT ON
THEIR LEFT FLANK—GEN. PAZ COMMANDS IN THE
CITY—SERVICES BY THE FRENCH AND ITALIAN CORPS
—TREACHERY—MISMANAGEMENT—GEN. PACHECO CORRECTS
IT—ATTACK ON THE BESIEGERS—ITALIAN LEGION
DISTINGUISHED—ANZANI—SERVICES OF THE FLOTILLA—A
PROVIDENTIAL EVENT—COMMODORE PURVIS—BRITISH
INTERVENTION—NEGOTIATION.
It was now the 16th of February, 1843. The fortifications of the city
had hardly had time to be completed, and to allow a few cannons to be
placed, when the enemy's army made its appearance on the surrounding
heights. General Rivera, at the head of the cavalry, although not strong
enough to be able to fight them, had gone out and taken the field,
turning the left flank of the enemy, and placing himself in their rear.
That manœuvre, performed in a masterly manner, placed him again in a
state to carry on the war with advantage. General Paz remained in
command of the forces in the capital, which were numerous compared with
the extent of wall which was to be defended. If, however, we regard the
materials of which they were composed, who were raw recruits, and the
pernicious elements at work, they could not be considered powerful. The
constancy of the General, however, was displayed to the utmost, who
sustained with them the first and most dangerous battles of the siege;
and notwithstanding the generous spirit displayed by the people, there
was no want of disturbers, cowards, and traitors. Vidal, then the
Minister-General, had robbed the treasury, and run away. Antuña, colonel
of a corps, and head of the police, deserted to the enemy, with many
other civil and military officers. A corps, called Aguerridos, composed
of foreigners hired by the Republic, in various affairs, had almost
entirely deserted; and one night, when they occupied an advanced post,
by their treachery they greatly exposed the security of the city. Such
examples also were imitated by single individuals, who, from various
motives, abandoned the files of the defenders, to pass over to the
enemy.
Affairs did not go on well at first. I never knew why Ourives, who must
have been well acquainted with occurrences, did not take advantage of
such distrust and the bad state of the fortifications, to make a
vigorous attack upon the place. He did nothing but make reconnaissances
and false attacks by night. In the meantime foreign legions were
organized and armed. In whatever way the spirit of the French and
Italian legions may be viewed, it must not be denied that the first call
to arms was answered by a generous rising, to repel the invasion of
their adopted country: but afterwards individuals were introduced, whose
interested views were quite on the contrary side. The organizing and
arming of those corps, however, certainly availed in securing the safety
of the city. The French, being more numerous and more excited by
military display, soon had two thousand six hundred men under arms. The
Italians assembled, in number five hundred; and, although they might
seem few in proportion to the number in the country, and their
education, I was surprised at seeing so many, considering their habits.
They were afterwards increased, but never exceeded seven hundred.
General Paz, profiting by the increase of forces, established an
exterior line, at the distance of a cannon-shot beyond the walls. From
that time the system of defence was settled, and the enemy were no more
able to approach the city.
While I had charge of the flotilla, with the organizing of which I was
proceeding, Angelo Mancini was placed in command of the legion—a man of
infamous memory; and he was accepted. The flotilla performed its first
service in a sortie; and, as might be supposed, made no favorable
figure. Italian bravery was despised, and I consequently burned with
shame. The Legion was appointed to form part of an expedition to the
Cerro; and I was to accompany it. General Bauza, an experienced and good
soldier, but an old man, had the command. He appeared in the presence of
the enemy, marching and counter-marching, without accomplishing any
effect. It was, perhaps, prudent not to attack an enemy, who, if not
more numerous, were more experienced and warlike. I endeavored to excite
the veteran general, but in vain, when fortune sent General Pacheco from
Montevideo, who was then Minister of War. His appearance gratified me
very much, as I knew him to be an enterprising and brave man. We were
soon acquainted, and I was treated by the new chief with confidence and
familiarity. I requested leave to drive the enemy from a position beyond
a ditch, which then served as a dividing line to the besiegers. He not
only assented, but ordered General Bauza to support the movement of the
Italian Legion. We attacked the left wing of the enemy, who fearlessly
awaited us with a firm front and a terrible volley of musketry. But the
Italian Legion was victorious that day. Although numbers fell wounded,
their comrades pressed on fearlessly, and at length charged with
bayonets, when the enemy fled, and were pursued to a considerable
distance. The centre and right were also victorious, and took forty-two
prisoners, besides killed and wounded.
That action, although of little importance in itself, was of very great
value in its effects,—greatly strengthening the spirit of the Republican
army, and diminishing that of the enemy, while it established, from that
day, the military character of the Italian Legion. It was also the
precursor of many great deeds performed by that corps, which was never
conquered.
The next day the Italian Legion was in the principal square of the
metropolis, in view of the whole population, receiving the praises of
the Minister of War and the acclamations of all the people. The
impressive words of General Pacheco had resounded among the multitude. I
had never heard words more adapted to rouse a nation.
The Italian Legion had now fought for the first time and by itself, and
there was that same Captain Giacomo Minuto who was afterwards captain of
cavalry in Rome, and there received a wound in the breast from a ball,
and died in consequence of loosening the bandages at the news of the
entrance of the French.
Major Pedro Rodriguez also displayed much bravery.
From that day until the appearance of Anzani in the Legion, I absented
myself but little from the corps, although engaged at sea most of the
time. About that period Anzani was at Buenos Ayres, where, receiving an
invitation from me, he came to Montevideo. The acquisition of Anzani to
the Legion was extremely valuable, especially for instruction and
discipline. Although he was much opposed by Manceni and by the second
chief, who could not submit to acknowledge his superior merit, being
perfect in military knowledge and direction, he systematized the corps
on as regular a footing as circumstances would permit.
The flotilla, although of little importance, did not fail to be worth
something to the defence of the place. Posted at the left extremity of
the line of defence, it not only effectually covered it, but threatened
the right flank of the enemy whenever it attempted an attack. It served
as a link between the important position of the Cerro and the Island of
Libertad, by greatly facilitating and coöperating in the attempts which
were continually made upon the right of the enemy, who were besieging
the Cerro. The Island of Libertad had been watched by the enemy, who
laid a plan to get possession of it. Their squadron, under command of
General Brown, was prepared to invade it and gain possession. It was
determined that artillery should be placed upon it, and I transported to
it two cannon, eighteen pounders.
About ten at night, that operation having been performed, I left the
island with a company of my countrymen, and returned towards Montevideo.
Then happened one of those unforeseen and important events which, I love
to say, are evidently brought about by the hand of Providence. The
Island of Libertad, placed in advance of the coast of the Cerro at the
distance of less than a cannon-shot, is less than three miles from
Montevideo. The wind blew from the South, and caused some agitation of
the sea in the bay in proportion to its force, and especially in that
passage between the island and the mole. I had embarked in a launch,
purchased by the government, and had with me sailors enough to perform
the service just executed, and the large lighter in tow, in which the
artillery had been transported. Between the waves rolling in from the
south and the weight of the boat, which was also exactly square in
shape, we proceeded slowly, drifting considerably towards the north end
of the bay, when, all at once, several vessels of war were discovered to
the leeward, and so near that the sentinels were heard calling to the
men, "Keep quiet!" It was doubtless the enemy's squadron.
We wonderfully escaped being captured by them; but the principal cause
of our safety was, that the small vessels and the boats of the enemy had
gone to attack the island, and there was nothing left that could pursue
us. If this had not been the case, we should doubtless have been taken:
but, more than this, the enemy did not fire a shot, though they might
easily have sunk our little vessels, for fear of alarming their troops
who had gone to the island, to surprise it. But what an escape it
appeared to me when I reached the mole, and began to hear a terrible
discharge of musketry on the Island of Libertad! I immediately reported
the proceedings to the government, and then went on board my little
vessels, to prepare them to go in aid of the troops on the island. They
were only about sixty there, not well armed, and with but little
ammunition. I set sail at dawn of day, with only two small vessels,
called _yates_; the third, and only remaining one of the flotilla, not
being fit for use at that time. We proceeded, and soon entered between
the island and the Cerro, uncertain whether the enemy had got possession
or not in their night attack. But the brave Italians, although taken
unexpectedly, had fought with bravery, and had not only repulsed the
enemy, but driven them back with much loss; and the corpses of Rosas'
soldiers floated about in the waters of the harbor several days after.
Having sent a skiff to the island to ascertain its fate, I soon received
welcome intelligence of the successful resistance. I speedily landed the
munitions, and one of my officers with some men to serve the guns; and
this had hardly been accomplished when the enemy opened their fire, and
the island replied with its two cannon. I then, with my two boats, got
to windward of the enemy's vessels, and did all I could against them.
But the combat was unequal in the extreme. I had against me two
brigantines and two schooners, and one of the former had sixteen guns.
The cannons on the island had platforms, and were ill-supplied with
ammunition, and therefore did not fire well, or produce much effect. Had
they been better provided for, they might have done good service.
Although the sea was not very rough, it was sufficiently so to prevent
the guns of my two little vessels from firing with precision; and, in
short, it seemed impossible that the engagement could fail to be to the
enemy successful. But once more God provided for us!
Commodore Purvis, then commander of the British station at Montevideo,
sent a messenger to Brown, on account of which he ceased firing. From
that moment the affairs turned to negotiation. The enemy's squadron left
the harbor, and the island did not again fall into the power of another.
Whatever the reasons of the Commodore may have been, it is undeniable
that some degree of chivalrous generosity towards an unfortunate but
courageous people entered into the sympathies and into the act of the
philanthropic son of Albion. From that moment Montevideo knew that she
had in the English Commodore not only a friend, but a protector.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXI.
EXPLOITS OF THE ITALIAN LEGION DURING THE SIEGE —TRES
CRUCES—THE PASS OF BOJADA—THE QUADRADO—GENERAL RIVERA
DEFEATED AT INDIA MUERTA, BUT WITHOUT DISCOURAGING
EFFORTS, INTERVENTION CONTINUED—AN EXPEDITION IN THE
URUGUAY, THE FLOTILLA BEING UNDER MY COMMAND.
The affair of the island increased the fame and importance of the arms
of the Republic, although its favorable result was more due to fortune
than to anything else, and although nothing more was gained by defending
it. Thus it was, that by insignificant, or at least small but successful
enterprizes, a cause was fostered and raised up, which had been
considered by many as desperate. A patriotic and excellent
administration of the government, at the head of which was Pacheco; the
management of the war by the incomparable General Paz; the fearless and
powerful support given by the people, then purged from their few
traitors and cowards; and the arming of the foreign Legions,—in short,
everything promised a happy result.
The Italian Legion, whose formation was ridiculed by some, and
especially by the French, had now acquired so much fame, that they were
envied by the best troops. They had never been beaten, though they had
shared in the most difficult enterprizes and most arduous battles.
At Tres Cruces, (the Three Crosses,) where the fearless Colonel Neva,
from an excess of courage, had fallen within the enemy's lines, the
Legion sustained one of those Homeric battles described in history,
fighting hand to hand, and driving the troops of Ourives from their
strongest positions, until they brought away the dead body of the chief
of the line. The losses of the Legion on that day were considerable,
compared with their small numbers, but on that account they gained more
honor. That success, which seemed as if it might exhaust it, on the
contrary fostered it exceedingly. It grew in numbers, with new recruits,
soldiers of a day, but who fought like veterans! Such is the Italian
soldier; such are the sons of the despised nation, when struck with the
generous idea of what is noble.
At the Pass of the Bajada, on the 24th of April, was one of the most
serious conflicts. A corps of the army under the command of General Paz,
had marched out from Montevideo, passed by the right wing of the enemy,
proceeded along the shore of the north bend of the bay to Pantanoso,
where, joining the Republican forces of the Cerro, he intended to make a
decisive blow on the enemy's army,—who were thus drawn out of their
strong positions of the Cerrito,—to surprise two battalions, stationed
on the shores of that marshy little stream. As that operation was not
successful in consequence of a want of concert, they were obliged to go
through the Pass, involved in a very sharp action. Of the two divisions
comprising the corps, which were about seven thousand, that which formed
the rearguard was so much pressed by the enemy, that, when recovered
from surprise, they endeavored to regain their ground. This they would
have saved with the greatest possible effort, in consequence of the
extreme difficulty of the place. I commanded the division of the centre;
and the general ordered me to re-pass and support the troops in that
danger. I obeyed, but, to my surprise, found the battle a desperate one.
The Republicans were fighting bravely: but the enemy had surrounded
them, and then occupied a very strong salting establishment, (called
Saladero,) between us and the rearguard, who had exhausted their
ammunition. The head of the Italian column entered the Saladero, just
when the head of one of the enemy's columns had entered. Then commenced
a very warm contest, hand to hand; and finally Italian bravery
triumphed. At that place the ground was encumbered with dead bodies; but
my friends were safe, and the fight proceeded, with advantage to our
side. Other corps came in to support them, and the retreat was effected
in admirable order. The French Legion, on that day, going to operate
simultaneously on the line of the city, was defeated.
The 28th of March, however, was highly honorable to the Republican arms,
and to the Italian Legion. The movement was directed by General Pacheco.
The enemy were besieging the Cerro, under the orders of General Nuñez,
who had shamefully deserted to the enemy's files, in the beginning of
the siege. They showed much boldness, and several times came up under
the heavy ramparts of the fortress, threatening to cut off the
communications with the city and destroying with musket shots the
light-house erected on the upper part of the edifices. General Pacheco
ordered several corps to be transported to the Cerro, among which was
the Italian Legion. That movement took place during the night; and at
the first light it was in ambush in a powder manufactory, half a mile
from the battery. That edifice, although in ruins, had the walls
standing, and afforded sufficient space to contain the entire Italian
Legion, though in a somewhat confined situation. Skirmishing was
commenced, and afterwards something more serious. The enemy stood boldly
against their opponents, and got possession of a strong position called
the _Quadrado_, or the Square, at the distance of a short cannon-shot
from the Powder-house. A number of men had already been wounded among
the Republicans, and, among others, Colonel Cajes and Estivao, in my
opinion the best of the officers. Such was the state of things, when the
signal was given for the Legion to make a sortie, and the conflict
became serious, under the command of Colonel Carceres, who had charge of
the force engaged. I shall always feel proud of having belonged to that
handful of brave men, having always seen them on the high road of
victory.
It was proposed to attack the enemy on an eminence, behind the shelter
of a ditch and parapet. The space which it was necessary to pass, in
order to assault it, was unobstructed by any obstacle, and therefore the
enterprise was by no means an easy one. But the Legion, that day, would
have faced fiends, if they could have been conjured upon the field; and
they marched on against the enemy, without firing a shot and without
hesitating for a moment, except to throw themselves into the Pantanoso,
three miles distant from the field of battle. Nuñez was killed, and many
prisoners were taken. The Oriental corps, in company with the Italians,
fought very bravely; and, though the above-mentioned movement was
somewhat retarded, the order was given to the column on the right to
advance and place itself between the river and the enemy. And certainly
not one of the enemy's infantry was saved.
That battle reflects great honor on the skill of General Pacheco.
During the first years of the siege of Montevideo, the Italian Legion
sustained innumerable conflicts. They suffered the loss of many killed
and wounded; but in no engagement did they disgrace themselves.
General Rivera was defeated at India Muerta; but the capital was not
conquered with him. The corps belonging to it were trained to war by
daily fighting, and also gained moral advantage over the besiegers. The
English and French intervention took place, and then all parties
anticipated a happy result of the war.
A project for operations, combined by the government and the admirals of
the two allied nations, was an expedition in the Uruguay; and it was
placed under my command. In the period now past, the national flotilla
had been increased by the addition of several vessels, some of which
were chartered, like the first, and others sequestrated from certain
enemies of the Republic, and others still were prizes made from the
enemy, who sent their vessels to the Bucco and other places on the coast
in possession of the forces of Ourives. Then, between the acquisition of
the above-mentioned vessels, and of two others of the Argentine
squadron, sequestered by the English and French, and placed at the
disposition of the Oriental government, the expedition for the Uruguay
was composed of about fifteen vessels, the largest of which was the
Cagancha, a brig of sixteen guns, and the smallest were several boats.
The landing corps was thus composed: the Italian Legion of about two
hundred men, about two hundred Nationals, under command of Colonel
Battle, and about a hundred cavalry, with two four pounders and six
horses in all.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXII.
THE EXPEDITION PROCEEDS FOR THE URUGUAY—COLONIA TAKEN BY
IT—BURNED—PAGE, A SUSPICIOUS FRENCHMAN—MARTIN GARCIA
TAKEN.
It was near the close of the year 1845 when the expedition left
Montevideo for the Uruguay, beginning an honorable campaign with
brilliant but fruitless results, for the generous but unfortunate
Oriental nation. We arrived at Colonia, where the English and French
squadrons were awaiting us, to assail the city. It was not a very
arduous enterprise, under the protection of the superfluous guns of the
vessels. I landed with my Legionaries; and the enemy opposed no
resistance under the walls: but, on getting outside of them, they were
found ready for battle. The allies then debarked, and requested their
commanders to support me in driving the enemy away. A force of each of
the two nations accordingly came out for my assistance. But the Italians
had hardly begun to fight, and obtained some advantage, when the allies
retired within the city walls. The reason for this unexpected movement
was never explained to me; but I was compelled to follow their example,
in consequence of the great inferiority of my force compared with that
of the enemy.
When the other party proposed to abandon the city, they obliged the
inhabitants to evacuate it, and then endeavored to give it to the
flames. From that time, therefore, many of the houses presented the sad
spectacle of the effects of conflagration, the furniture having been
broken, and everything lying in confusion. When the Legion landed, and
the Nationals, they had immediately followed the enemy who were
retreating; and the allies, landing afterwards, occupied the empty city,
sending out a part of their forces to support them. Now it was
difficult, between the obstacles presented by the ruins and the fire, to
maintain the discipline necessary to prevent some depredations; and the
English and French soldiers, in spite of the severe injunctions of the
Admirals, did not fail to take the clothes which were scattered about
the streets and in the deserted houses. The Italians followed their
example, and, in spite of every exertion made by me and my officers to
prevent them, some of them persisted in the work for a time; and I have
the mortification of acknowledging that I did not entirely succeed in my
efforts to prevent them. The most important articles taken by the
Italians, however, were eatables; and this afforded some consolation, as
the fact was less discreditable to my countrymen than if they had chosen
objects of lasting pecuniary value. I feel also most confident in
saying, that nothing of that disgraceful conduct would have happened,
but for the beginning made by the allied troops.
A Frenchman, named Page, who then resided in Montevideo, published a
description of the scene of plunder. It was said by his contemporaries,
that Page was a creature of Guizot, sent out as a fiscal, and to take
account of what happened. I could not ascertain whether he was a
diplomatic spy or not. It is certain that, in consequence of the French
sympathy, I was obliged, on landing on the shore of Colonia, to send the
men below, as their ship was thundering, with its cannon well pointed
towards us. We had several men wounded, receiving contusions from
splinters and fragments of rock. Besides, Page's _elegant_ "Narrative of
Facts," as he entitled a report which he published, called the Italian
Legion "Condoltreri," a term of contempt, in his opinion, but which they
were farthest from deserving.
In Colonia I and my troops might have coöperated in an attack on the
city; but they were sent elsewhere, to restore the authority of the
Republic on the banks of the Uruguay. The Island of Martin Garcia, where
I arrived before Anzani with a small force, yielded without resistance.
There I obtained a number of oxen and a few horses.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXIII.
FIRST MEETING WITH A "MARTRERO"—DESCRIPTION OF HIS
HABITS AND CHARACTER—ANOTHER MARTRERO, JUAN DE LA
CRUZ—THE RIO NEGRO—JOSEPH MUNDELL—THE SEVERITY OF THE
ENEMY DROVE THE MARTREROS AND PEOPLE TO US.
At Colonia I met with the first "Martrero" I ever saw. He was named
Sivoriña, and was one of the remarkable men known by that title who
belonged to the patriot party. The services of that class of brave
adventurers were of great value to that expedition.
The "Martrero" is a type of independent man. One of them often rules
over an immense extent of country in that part of South America, with
the authority of a government, yet without laying taxes, or raising
tribute: but he asks and receives from the inhabitants their good will,
and what is needful to his wandering life. He demands nothing but what
is necessary; and his wants are limited. A good horse is the first
element of a Martrero. His arms, usually consisting of a carbine, a
pistol, a sword, and his knife, which are his inseparable companions,
are things without which he would think he could not exist. If it is
considered that from the ox he obtains the furniture of his saddle; the
"_Mancador_," with which to bind his companion to the pasture;
"_Mancas_," to accustom him to remaining bound and not to stray; the
"_Bolas_," which stop the _bagual_, or wild horse, in the midst of his
fury, and throw him down, by entangling his legs: the "_Lazo_," not the
least useful of his auxiliaries, and which hangs perennially on the
right haunch of his steed; and finally the meat, which is the only food
of the Martrero;—if all these are borne in mind, in the forming and use
of which the knife is indispensable, some idea may be conceived of how
much he counts on that instrument, which he also employs, with wonderful
dexterity, in wounding and cutting the throat of his enemy. The Martrero
is the same as the _Gaucho_ of the Pampas, and the _Monarco de la
cuchilla_, (_Monarch of the Knife_,) of the Rio Grande, but more free
and independent. He will obey, when the system of government is
conformed to his own opinions and sympathies. The field and the wood are
his halls; and the ground is his bed. To him little appears sufficient.
When he enters his house, the Martrero there finds one who truly loves
him, and shares with him his toils and dangers, with courage and
fortitude equal to his own. Woman as the more perfect being, appears to
me to be naturally more adventurous and chivalrous than man; and the
servile education to which in that country she is condemned, probably
prevents the examples from being more common.
Vivoriña was the first of the Martreros who joined my troops: but he was
not the best. On the banks of the channel of Inferno, the eastern one,
between the island of Martin Garcia and the continent, he had seized a
boat, and put his pistol to the breast of its master, and compelled him
to transport him to the Island, whither he came and presented himself to
me. Many other Martreros afterwards came in, and rendered much service
in the ulterior operations; but the man on whom I love to bestow a high
title, and who joined to the courage and audacity of a Martrero, the
valor, integrity and coolness of a good captain, was Juan de la Cruz
Ledesma, of whom mention will often be made in this narrative.
Juan de la Cruz, with his black head-dress, his eagle eyes, noble mien,
and beautiful person, was my intrepid and faithful companion in that
Uruguay expedition, which I consider the most brilliant in which I was
ever engaged; and he, and Joseph Mundell, equally brave and better
educated, are impressed upon my mind for life.
In Colonia were assembled Colonel Battle, and the Nationals of the
garrison. In Martin Garcia we had left some men, and raised the
Republican standard. The expedition then continued the voyage along the
river. Anzani had the vanguard, with some of the smaller vessels, and
took possession of a number of merchantmen under the enemy's flag. We
thus reached the Yaguary, a confluent of the Rio Negro with the Uruguay.
The Rio Negro, which empties into the Uruguay at that place, forms
several islands of considerable size, covered with woods and
pasture-grounds in ordinary times; but in winter, when the rivers are
swollen by the rains, they are almost entirely flooded, so that only
animals are able to live there. The troops, however, found enough oxen
and some wild horses. The greatest benefit to the expedition there was
the landing of the horses, and allowing them relief from the evils of
the voyage. Beyond those islands towards the east, and bathed by the Rio
Negro on the south, by the Uruguay on the north, is the _Rincon de las
Gallinas_. This is a part of the main land, of considerable extent,
joined to the neighboring country by an Isthmus; and it abounded with an
immense number of animals, of various kinds, not excepting horses. It
was, therefore, one of the favorite spots of the Martreros. One of my
first cares was to march, with a part of the landing force, and take a
position on the shore of the Rincon, from which I sent out Vivoriña,
with Miranda, one of his companions, on horseback. They soon met with
several of the Martreros of the place, who joined the expedition, and
were soon followed by others; and, from that time, a beginning was made
in forming a body of cavalry, which increased very fast. Meat was
abundant; and in that same night an operation was undertaken against a
party of the enemy, which had the most successful issue. A Lieutenant
Gallegos, who had accompanied the troops from Montevideo, was intrusted
with the command. He surprised the enemy, in number about twenty; but
few were able to escape, and he brought in six prisoners, some of whom
were wounded. The affair gained for us several horses, which were a very
important acquisition in our circumstances.
The system adopted by the enemy was, to send the inhabitants into the
interior, in order to cut off their communications with the troops; and
this induced many of those unfortunate people to join us, among whom
they found a kind reception and a safe retreat, in the largest of the
islands, to which the soldiers carried a great number of animals, and
chiefly sheep, for their subsistence. Thus, in different ways, the
expedition gained strength and was favored by circumstances, especially
by the arrival of Juan de la Cruz, whose discovery deserves to be
mentioned.
The Martreros of the Rincon, who were assembled with me at the time,
informed me that Juan de la Cruz, at the head of a few parties of his
friends, had fought several bands of the enemy on previous days; but,
overcome by numbers, had been obliged to scatter his men, and take to
the woods alone, in the thickest bushes, and even to abandon his horse,
and to set off in a canoe, for the most obscure islands of the Uruguay.
There he was still an object of the chief persecution to the enemy, who,
after the battle of India Muerta, when there were no longer any national
corps in the country, could pursue the Martreros at their pleasure. In
such a painful situation was he found at that time; and I intrusted one
Saldana, an old companion of Juan de la Cruz, with a few Martreros, to
visit his retreat and bring him away. The undertaking was successful;
and after a few days spent in the search, they found him, on an island,
in a tree, and his canoe tied at its root, floating in the water, it
being the time of inundation, and the little island being flooded. He
had so placed himself that he could at once have retreated into the
woods, if enemies had appeared, instead of friends.
The young Italians in the expedition at that time, learned a lesson of
the life they will be called to lead, when they shall see their country
redeemed. Juan de la Cruz was an important acquisition to the
expedition. From that day forward, we had with us all the Martreros of
the surrounding district, and a force of excellent cavalry, without
which little or nothing could have been undertaken in those countries.
The Isla del Biscaino, (or the Island of the Biscayan,) the largest in
the Yaguary, soon became a colony, peopled by the families which fled
from the barbarity of the enemy, and various others, from the capital.
Many animals were sent over to it, a number of horses were left there,
and an officer was entrusted with the care of everything.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE EXPEDITION PROCEEDS—SURPRISE GUALEGUAYECHU— REACH
THE HERVIDERO—ACCOMPANIED BY AN ENGLISH AND A FRENCH
OFFICER—A LARGE ESTANCIA, AND ITS NUMEROUS HORSES AND
OTHER ANIMALS—I LEAVE THE VESSELS IN CHARGE OF ANZANI—GO
WITH THE MARTREROS—LA CRUZ AND MUNDELL—ATTACK ON THE
HERVIDERO—BATTLE OF ARROYO GRANDE.
The expedition then proceeded by the river, and arrived at a place on
its banks named Fray Bento, where the vessels cast anchor. About eight
miles below, on the opposite bank, in the Province of Entre Rios, is the
mouth of the River Gualeguayechu. The place is distant about six miles
from its mouth. That province belonged to the enemy. The expedition was
in want of horses for the operation; and good ones were to be found in
that region, as well as materials needed to make clothing for the
troops, and other necessary articles, with which the province was well
provided. An expedition was therefore formed, to obtain supplies. I went
up the river further, expressly for the purpose of preventing suspicion;
and then, in the night, the small vessels and boats embarked the Italian
Legionaries, and the cavalry with a few horses, and proceeded towards
the landing-place. At the mouth of the little river lived a family, and
it was known that several merchant vessels and a small war-vessel were
there, which it was necessary to surprise; and this was effected. The
troops were so successful, that they reached the very house of the
commandant of Gualeguayechu, while he was asleep in his bed. The Colonel
commandant of the country was named Villagra. All the authorities, with
the National Guards, were soon in our hands; and we garrisoned the
strongest places with Republican troops. The expedition then proceeded
to recruit horses and obtain other things of the most importance.
We obtained many excellent horses in Gualeguayechu, with articles
necessary to clothe the men, harnesses for the cavalry, and some money,
which was distributed among the sailors and soldiers. All the prisoners
were released at our departure. A party of the enemy's cavalry, in
garrison in the town, were found to be absent, on the arrival of the
expedition, and returned during our stay. Being seen by the sentinels, a
few of the best mounted and equipped of the cavalry were sent out, and
an encounter took place, in which the enemy were repulsed. This little
affair greatly encouraged the Republicans, especially as it took place
in view of all. We had one man badly wounded.
At the mouth of the river was a peninsula, formed by it and a small
stream, and there was the residence of the family before mentioned. The
infantry embarked in the small vessels in which they had sailed; the
cavalry marched by land to the peninsula, leading the horses they had
taken; and there they again remained. The labor of embarking and
disembarking horses was not new to them; and in a few days everything
was carried away—some to the island of the Biscaino, and some to the
other island in the upper part of the river, to serve in future
operations.
The expedition then proceeded into the interior, as far as Paysandù,
with the occurrence of little or nothing worthy of notice. In that city
was a large guard, and the enemy had constructed some batteries and sunk
a number of vessels, in different parts of the channel of the river, to
obstruct the passage. All obstacles were overcome; and a few shot in the
vessels, and a few wounded men, were the only consequences of a heavy
cannonade with the batteries. Two officers deserved my particular
notice: one a Frenchman, and the other an Englishman, who commanded two
small vessels of war of their nations, and accompanied me in almost the
whole of that expedition, although their instructions were not to fight.
The English Lieutenant was named Tench; and he remained but a short
time; the French officer was Hypolite Marier, commander of the schooner
L'Eclair. The latter was with me the whole time, and became very dear to
me, being an officer of great merit.
We reached Hervidero, formerly a most beautiful establishment, then
abandoned and deserted, but still very rich in animals, which were
highly valuable to the expedition all the time of our stay. That point
of the Uruguay was named Hervidero, from the Spanish word Hervir, which
means _to boil_; and indeed it looks like a boiling cauldron under all
circumstances, but especially when the river is low, abounding in
whirlpools formed by the numerous rocks lying under water, over which a
very rapid current pours all the year. The passage is very dangerous. A
very spacious house stands on an eminence, built with a terrace on the
roof, called Azotea, and overlooks all the left bank of the river.
Around it was a multitude of _Ranchos_, or barracks, with roofs of
straw, which attested the great number of slaves possessed by the
masters in more quiet times. When I first approached the house, I found
herds of the _Ganado manso_, or domestic oxen, near the deserted
habitations, in search of their exiled masters; and with them a
_majada_, or flock of sheep, amounting to about forty thousand, while
the _ganado cuero_ or _alzado_,—that is, the wild cattle,—of about the
same number, were scattered over the fields. Besides these there were
innumerable horses, ginetes and Poledres, chiefly wild, and many
quadrupeds of various kinds. These few lines may give some idea of the
aspect of that kind of immense estates in South America, called
_Estancias_.
The Hervidero, however, a _Saladero_, or place for salting meat for
exportation, as well as for preparing hides, tallow, and, in short,
everything furnished by the animals slaughtered in their country. The
depth of the river did not permit them to take any other in larger
vessels. Anzani, with the infantry, lodged in the establishment,
occupying it in a military manner. The measures taken were very useful
in repressing an unexpected attack, arranged between the enemies of
Entre Rios, under the command of General Garzon, and those of the
Oriental State, under Colonel Lavalleja. That was undertaken while I was
not at the Hervidero.
And, in the first place, as for the reason of my absence. Among the
cares of Juan de la Cruz, was that of sending some of his martreros to
inform the others, who were scattered along the left bank of the river,
and those of the Gueguay, who were quite numerous. A certain Magellano,
and one José Dominguez were among the most famous of them all. They were
then in the neighborhood of the Gueguay. José Mundell had come to that
country when a child, and had become identified with the inhabitants and
accustomed to their habits. He had a present of an estancia, one of the
best in that part of the country. Mundell was one of those privileged
persons, who seem to have come into the world to govern all around them.
With nothing extraordinary in his physical nature, he was strong and
active, "a free cavalier," and of a most generous disposition; he had
gained the hearts of all, on whom he bestowed benefits whenever they
were in want, thus securing their love and tempering their natures. He
was above all things adventurous. It may be added that Mundell, although
he had spent the most of his life in the desert, had, from his own
taste, cultivated his mind and acquired by study more than an ordinary
share of information. He had never taken any part in political affairs,
beyond those connected with the choice of men for the Presidency, etc.
But when the foreigners, under the orders of Ourives, invaded the
territory of the Republic, he regarded indifference as a crime, and
threw himself into the ranks of the defenders. With the influence which
he had acquired among his brave neighbors, he soon collected several
hundred men, and then sent me word that he was going to join me with
them. The bold fellows, commanded by Juan de la Cruz, had brought in
that news to the Hervidero; and I immediately resolved to meet with
Mundell in the Arroyo Malo, about thirty miles below the Salto, or
Falls. On the first night after my departure the attack was made on the
Hervidero. Hearing the cannon and musketry while I was near Arroyo Malo,
I was thrown into the greatest anxiety, as was very natural; but I
confided much in the capacity of Anzani, whom I had left in charge of
everything.
The attack on the Hervidero had been conceived and planned in such a
manner that, if the execution had corresponded, its results must have
been fatal. Garzon, whose forces were not fewer than two thousand men,
most of them infantry, was to have approached the right bank of the
river, while Lavalleja was to attack the Hervidero. In order that they
might strike at the same moment, they had placed two fireships in the
Yuy, a small river of Entre Rios, a few miles above, intended, if not to
burn the flotilla, at least to occupy the sailors, and render it
impossible for them to give any assistance by land. The courage and
coolness of Anzani, and the bravery of the troops, rendered all the
efforts of the active enemy unavailing. Garzon effected nothing by his
steady fire of musketry, because it was too distant, and the side of the
river's bank was commanded by the cannon of the flotilla, which opened
upon it. The fireships, being abandoned to the current, passed at a
distance from the vessels, and were destroyed by their guns. Lavalleja
pressed his troops against the brave Legionaries in vain, they being
intrenched in the buildings, and terrifying the enemy with their silence
and proud resistance.
Anzani had given orders that not a musket should be fired, until the
enemy were near enough to have their clothes burnt by the powder; and
this plan succeeded well, for, supposing the houses to have been
evacuated, they advanced without apprehension: but a general discharge
of musketry, when close at hand, from all quarters, put them immediately
to flight, making it impossible to rally again.
Having arranged with Mundell about his entering Salto when occupied by
the Republicans, I returned to the Hervidero. I received notice, about
that time, from Colonel Baez, who was making arrangements to join me
with some men. The only vessel of the enemy stationed in the Yuy
deserted to us, with a portion of the crew.
Thus everything smiled on the expedition.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXV.
THE PROVINCE OF CORRIENTES CALLS GENERAL PAZ FROM
MONTEVIDEO—ALLIANCE WITH PARAGUAY—I GO TO SALTO WITH THE
FLOTILLA, TO RELIEVE IT FROM A SIEGE—WITH LA CRUZ AND
MUNDELL, ATTACK LAVALLEJA—RETURN TO SALTO.
The Province of Corrientes, after the battle of Arroyo Grande, had
fallen again under the dominion of Rosas: but the admirable resistance
of Montevideo, and some other favorable circumstances, called the people
again to independence; and Madariaga and the principal authorities in
that revolution had invited General Paz from Montevideo, to take command
of the army. That old and virtuous chief, by his own fame and capacity,
induced Paraguay to make an offensive and defensive alliance; and that
state collected at Corrientes a respectable contingent for the army.
Things thus proceeded wonderfully well for that part of the country; and
not the least important object was the opening of communications with
those interior provinces, to collect in the Department of Salto the
Oriental emigrants who were in Corrientes and Brazil. I then sent from
the Hervidero a _balenera_, on a mission to General Paz: but, being
observed and pursued by the enemy, the men in it were obliged to abandon
the boat, and take refuge in the woods. I was obliged to repeat the same
thing three times; when at length a brave officer of the Italians,
Giacomo Casella, taking advantage of a strong flood in the river,
succeeded in overcoming every obstacle, and arrived in the Province of
Corrientes. During the same flood I arrived at Salto with the flotilla.
The city was governed by Lavalleja, who attacked the Hervidero with a
force of about three hundred men, infantry and cavalry. He had been
engaged for some days in making the inhabitants evacuate the town; and
for them and his troops he formed a camp on the left bank of the Capebi,
at the distance of twenty-one miles from Salto.
The Republicans took the town, without any resistance, and designed to
make some fortifications. That point being occupied, they remained
there, but, of course, besieged on the land-side, as the enemy were
superior in cavalry. One of the principal inconveniences which they
suffered was the want of meat, all the animals having been driven away.
But that evil did not last long.
Mundell, having collected about a hundred and fifty men, drove back a
corps of the enemy who were pressing upon him, and arrived safe at
Salto. From that moment the Republicans began to make sorties, and to
bring in animals enough for the subsistence of the troops. With
Mundell's horsemen, and those of Juan de la Cruz, we were able to take
the field; and one fine day we went to seek Lavalleja in his own camp.
Some deserters from the enemy had given me exact information of his
position and the number of his forces; and I determined to attack him.
One evening I drew out two hundred of the cavalry and a hundred of the
Italian Legionaries, and moved from Salto, intending to surprise the
enemy before daybreak. My guides were the deserters; and, although they
were acquainted with the country, yet, as there were no roads leading in
the direction they took, they got astray, and daylight found us at the
distance of three miles from the camp we were seeking. Perhaps it was
not prudent to attack an enemy at least equal in force, entrenched, and
in their own camp, and which might receive reinforcements, which they
had asked for, at any moment; but to turn back would not only have been
disgraceful, but would have had a very bad effect on the feelings of the
new troops. I was a little troubled by the idea of retreating, and
determined to attack. I reached an eminence where the enemy had an
advance post. They retired on my approach. I could then see their camp,
and observed several groups returning towards it, from various
directions. They were detachments which had been sent out in the night
to different points, to observe the Republicans, the enemy having heard
of our setting out. I then immediately gave orders to Mundell, who had
the vanguard, to press on a strong body of cavalry, to prevent their
concentration.
The enemy did the same, to repel that movement and protect their troops.
Mundell, with great bravery, succeeded, and drove and dispersed several
of their detachments; but he advanced too far, in the warmth of the
pursuit, so that his troops soon found themselves surrounded by the
enemy, who, recovering from their first fright, came upon them with
their lances, threatening to separate them from the main body, which,
although at a distance, was approaching for a battle. In the meantime,
seeing all this, I at first designed to have the whole little force of
the Republicans proceed in a mass, and give a decisive blow. I therefore
hastened the march of the infantry, forming the rear guard and reserve,
with the cavalry of Juan de la Cruz: but seeing the position of Mundell,
which admitted no delay, I left the infantry behind under the command of
Marrocchetti, and pressed forward the reserve of cavalry in échellons.
The first échellon, commanded by Gallegas, pushed on, and somewhat
restored the resistance of the cavalry. The charge of Juan de la Cruz
drove the enemy back; and they retired towards their camp. I had ordered
the échellons of the reserve to charge in a compact mass, so that
Mundell and his men, who had fought bravely, might recover their order
in a moment. Our troops then moved on towards the enemy's camp, in order
of battle,—the infantry in the centre by platoons, and under orders not
to fire a shot; Mundell on the right, and Juan de la Cruz on the left;
while a small échellon of cavalry formed a reserve.
The enemy's cavalry, after the first encounter, had formed again behind
the infantry, who were covered by a line of carts; but the firmness and
resolution of the Republicans, now marching on in a close body and in
silence, intimidated them so much that they made but little resistance.
In a moment the action was over; or, rather, it was not a fight, but a
complete discomfiture and precipitate flight towards the pass of the
river. On reaching that point some of the boldest endeavored to make a
stand; and they might have been able, but it would have been a very
arduous task; although the Republican cavalry had halted: for the
Legionaries, at the command of "Cartridges on the neck!" threw
themselves into the water with the greatest fury, and there was no more
resistance.
The victory was now complete. All the infantry of the enemy were in the
power of the conquerors, and some of the cavalry, with all the families
of the Salto, who had been dragged from their homes, and a train
containing various objects of merchandize, consisting of thirty-four
loaded wagons. Above all, we had captured a great number of horses,
which were the most valuable of all things in our existing
circumstances. A brass cannon, made in Florence, some ages past, by a
certain Cenni, fell into our hands. It was the same piece which had been
fired upon us at the Hervidero; and being dismounted on that occasion,
was undergoing repair in the enemy's camp. After the action, which
lasted only a few hours, we collected everything useful, and set off on
our return. Our progress to Salto was quite a triumphal march. The
population poured blessings on us from their own houses, to which they
had been restored by our means; and the victory acquired for the army a
reputation which was well merited, proving that all the three classes of
troops were able to keep the field.
Our celerity was of much importance; for, as has already been mentioned,
the enemy were in expectation of a strong reinforcement; and that was
the entire force of General Urquiza, which had just before been
victorious at India Muerta, and was then on the march for Corrientes, to
fight the army of that province. Vergara, who had the vanguard of it,
came in sight of Salto the day after our return, and captured a few of
our horses, which were dispersed in the neighboring pastures. Being in
the presence of those forces, which seemed to overwhelm us, we made
every exertion to resist it.
A battery, marked out by Anzani, in the centre of the city, made a
progress that was quite astonishing. Both soldiers and people worked at
it, such houses as were adapted to defence were fortified, and every man
had a post assigned him. Several cannon were levelled from the boats,
and preparations were made to supply the battery. At that time arrived
Colonel Baez, with about sixty cavalry. Urquiza soon after presented
himself, who had assured his friends that he would cross the Uruguay at
Salto, with the assistance of the Republican flotilla, which he expected
to capture. But his prediction was not fulfilled. The attack by the
enemy was simultaneous with his appearance.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXVI.
URQUIZA BESIEGES US IN SALTO, WITH ALL HIS FORCES—OUR
DEFENCES INCOMPLETE—A SUDDEN ATTACK—REPULSED
SORTIES—BOLD OPERATION ON THE OPPOSITE BANK OF THE
RIVER—SURPRISING FEATS OF THE HORSEMEN—THEIR HABITS.
On the east of Salto was a hill, distant a musket shot from the first
houses; and it commanded the whole town. The Republicans had not
fortified it, for the want of sufficient force, as it would be
necessary, if occupied, to establish a line of fortifications
proportioned to the number of disposable troops. As might have been
expected, Urquiza took possession of the hill, and placed on it six
pieces of artillery. At the same time he sent forward his infantry, at
quick step, against the Republican right. Just at that moment two pieces
had been placed in the battery: but there was yet neither platform nor
parapet; and the enemy, after giving their fire, threw themselves upon
the ground, which was not even consolidated. The Republican right was
really the most vulnerable, as the enemy could reach it under cover, in
the hollow of a valley. And this they did; so that the defenders saw
them appear suddenly, and without warning, from that concealment.
Immediately the right wing fled, and those occupying the houses
retreated towards the river.
I was then at the battery; and, in disposing of my troops, had reserved
a company of the Italian Legion at that point. I immediately made
one-half of that company charge the enemy; and after them sent the
second half to do the same. And that duty was executed with so much
courage, that the assailants were, in their turn, put to a precipitate
flight. The company of Italians which performed that service was under
the command of Captain Carone, and its lieutenants were Ramorino and
Zaccarello.
The enemy were discouraged by their unsuccessful attempt, which
prevented them from making any decisive attack, and all their operations
were reduced to a cannonade. In that kind of fighting, although the
enemy had come upon the Republicans when ill-prepared, from the want of
time, yet we were able to maintain a respectable attitude. I had landed
the cannon from the vessels, under the orders of their officers, viz.,
Scozini, Cogliolo, and José Maria, all of them brave and skilful men; so
that the enemy's artillery, although superior in numbers and position,
was pretty well opposed, and obliged to be occasionally brought under
cover of the hill. The enemy left several men dead, while the
Republicans had only a few wounded. The latter, however, lost the
greater part of their oxen, which were in a corral, or inclosure; and,
as they were wild, as soon as the gate was opened, they poured out, like
a torrent, and spread all over the country.
For three days Urquiza continued his attempts; but every day found the
besieged better prepared. Not a moment was lost during the night. Five
pieces of cannon were placed in the battery, the platform was finished,
the parapet, and the "Santa Barbara," or mine for blowing up. A
proclamation was circulated at that time, signed by Colonel Baez and
myself, condemning to death any one who might leave his post; and the
smaller vessels were forbidden to come near the bank of the river, while
all which were there were made to draw off.
At the same time the enemy, seeing that they were gaining nothing,
adopted a system of blockade, and shut up the city on the land side, in
the closest manner. But in that undertaking also they were frustrated;
for we were masters of the river, and could bring in all necessary
supplies of provisions by that water. During the eighteen days which the
siege continued, we were not idle, having to bring in hay for the cattle
and horses continually; and, as the enemy had formed a circular chain of
posts around us, we took advantage of moments of inattention, to attack,
and often with advantage. At length Urquiza became weary, and perhaps
was called away to other parts of the Uruguay, by more pressing affairs.
He withdrew, and marched off, to cross the river above Salto.
The two divisions of Lamas and Vergara now remained to continue the
siege, with about seven hundred cavalry: but from that time the enemy
were unable to keep it closely, for the Republicans made sorties now and
then, sometimes bringing in oxen or wild horses, and that kept our
cavalry in a pretty good condition, who had lost almost all their
horses, in consequence of the strictness of the siege. It is to be
observed, that the horses of that part of the country are not accustomed
to eat anything but grass, being pastured in the open fields; and
therefore but few are fed with hay and grain.
In those days an operation was performed by the Republicans, of a
superior kind. Garzon, who had been at Concordia, opposite Salto, had
marched, to unite with Urquiza, for Corrientes, under the orders of the
latter General; but a cavalry corps of observation remained at
Concordia. The sentinels of that body were visible from Salto, and their
_cavalcade_, or troop of horses, went every day to the river's bank to
feed, (probably finding better pasture,) and at night returned. A plan
was formed to capture those animals; and one day about twenty men
prepared, naked, and with nothing but their sabres; while a company of
Legionaries, divided among the vessels of the flotilla, waited, ready to
embark in the boats. About mid-day, when the sun shone hottest, the
enemy's sentinels were lying on the ground, having made a shelter of
their ponchos, and were fast asleep. The river, at the place where it
was to be crossed, was only about five hundred paces wide, and not
guarded. The appointed signal was given, and the cavalry soldiers
marched from behind their coverts on the shore, and threw themselves
into the water, while the Legionaries leaped into the boats; and, when
the sentinels awoke, they heard the bullets of their active assailants
whistling about their ears; and the amphibious centaurs pursued them
along the hill.
Only the brave South American cavalry are capable of performing such an
enterprise. Being excellent swimmers, both men and horses, they can
cross a river several miles wide, the men holding by the tails of their
animals, or by their manes, and carrying their arms and baggage in their
_pelottas_, which are made of the _curona_, a piece of leather, which
forms a part of the harness.
Some of the cavalry remained on the hill, watching the enemy, while the
others collected their horses which were scattered about the pasture,
and led them to the shore, where they hurried them into the water, and
got most of them over to the other side. Some of the enemy, who
resisted, were bound and carried across by the vessels. In the meantime
the Legionaries exchanged a few shots with the enemy, who were
increasing their numbers, but did not feel strong enough to charge them.
Thus, in a few hours, more than a hundred horses were obtained by the
Republicans, without having a single man wounded.
That affair was a very singular and curious one, and performed in full
view from Salto. The horses of Entre Rios are generally esteemed; and,
for good reasons, that capture excited a desire to attack the besiegers.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE SIEGE OF SALTO CONTINUED—NIGHT ATTACK ON THE ENEMY'S
CAMP—SUCCESSFUL—GENERAL MEDINA APPROACHING—SEND GEN.
BAEZ AND ANZANI TO MEET HIM—A GREAT SURPRISE—ALMOST
OVERWHELMED BY THE ENEMY—FIGHT TILL NIGHT—RETREAT.
Vergara, with his division, was pressing the town very closely, and some
persons acquainted with the country were sent to spy his position, which
thus became known to the defenders. It would have been useless to make
an attack by day, because it was impossible to surprise them, and,
therefore, it was necessary to attack by night. I had given Colonel Baez
the command of the cavalry, and Anzani was with the infantry. They left
Salto after nightfall, and took the direction towards the enemy's camp,
situated about eight miles off. Although the march of the troops was as
silent and as cautious as possible, they were heard by the advanced
sentinels, and therefore Vergara had time to mount his horse. The
assault was made without loss of time, but only the cavalry of the
Republicans were able to fight, as the infantry, in spite of all their
exertions, could not reach the field of battle in season. The enemy
fought with spirit, but at the cry of "The infantry!" which was raised
at a favorable moment, they gave ground, and then broke their ranks and
took to flight. They were pursued several miles, but, on account of the
darkness, little was effected. A few prisoners were made and some horses
taken, while there were a small number of killed and wounded on both
sides. When daylight appeared, it was difficult to find the field of
battle, as the fighting had been done on the march. Several groups of
the enemy appeared, scattered on the distant hills, and Colonel Baez
remained with the cavalry to pursue them and to collect a herd of oxen,
while the other troops returned to Salto.
About that time, which was the beginning of the year 1846, we received
news that General Medina, with a number of emigrants from the Oriental,
was coming from Corrientes for Salto. The discomfiture of Vergara had
given the Republicans an advantage, but had not produced the results
that might have been expected. Lamas, who was not far off, and engaged
in breaking horses, came up on receiving intelligence of the defeat, and
ordered the collecting of men. Both established their camps, and
recommenced the siege, driving away the animals. Their superiority in
cavalry expedited that proceeding. General Medina then came, who had
been appointed head of the army, and it was necessary to secure his
entrance. Colonel Baez, as has been mentioned already, had assumed the
command of the cavalry, and regularly organized it, skilled as he was in
that kind of troops. Being possessed of uncommon activity, he greatly
increased the number of horses, and provided the city and the troops
with cattle. Mundell and Juan de la Cruz were at his orders, and at that
time both were detached, with commissions to catch wild horses. Colonel
Baez, better known than General Medina, was in direct relation with him,
and knew that he was to be in sight of Salto on the 8th of February; and
it was therefore arranged that I should accompany him with the cavalry.
At dawn of day on the 8th of February, 1846, we left Salto, and took the
direction of the little river San Antonio, on the left bank of which
they were to await the approach of General Medina and his army. The
enemy, according to their custom in that region, showed several troops
of cavalry on the heights on the right, which approached at times as if
to observe whether they were collecting animals, and to interrupt them.
Colonel Baez stationed a line of marksmen of the cavalry against those
troops, and employed himself several hours in skirmishing with them. The
infantry had halted near the little stream, at a place called Tapera di
Don Vicenzio. I was separated from the infantry, and observing the
guerrillas, fighting, conducted by Baez. That kind of warfare afforded
the Italians an amusing sight: but the enemy concealed their "wasp's
nest" under that kind of military game, having put forward so feeble a
force only to deceive their opponents, and give their strong body, which
was behind, opportunity to advance.
The country, in all parts of the department of Salto, is hilly, as is
also that of San Antonio. Therefore the large force which was advancing
was able to approach within a short distance without being discovered.
When I had reached the place of observation, and cast my eyes on the
other side of San Antonio, I was overwhelmed with surprise by
discovering, on the west of a neighboring hill, where only a few of the
enemy had before been seen, a multitude of troops, as was shown by a
forest of lances: seven squadrons of cavalry, with banners displayed,
and a corps of infantry, double in size of our own, who, having come up
on horseback, within two musket shots, dismounted, formed in line of
battle, and were marching, at quick step, to charge with the bayonet.
Baez said to me: "Let us retire." But, seeing that to be impossible, I
replied: "There is not time enough; and we must fight."
I then ran to the Italian Legionaries; and, in order to destroy, or at
least to mitigate the impression which might be produced on them by the
appearance of so formidable an enemy, said: "We will fight! The cavalry
we are resolved to conquer. To-day we have them, although we are a small
body of infantry."
At the place where we took position there were numerous wooden posts
standing planted in the ground, which had served in the walls of an old
wooden edifice; and to each beam was assigned a Legionary. The
remainder, forming three small parties, were placed in column behind the
building, and covered by walls of masonry of the northern end of the
same building, which was in form of a room, capable of containing about
thirty men, and covering almost the front of the little column. On the
right of the infantry, Baez was posted, with the cavalry, those being
dismounted, who were armed with carbines, while the lancers remained on
horseback. The whole force comprised about a hundred cavalry, and a
hundred and eighty-six Legionaries. The enemy had nine hundred cavalry,
(some said twelve hundred,) and three hundred infantry. The Republicans,
therefore, had only one thing left that could be done—to defend
themselves—resist, and repel the charge of the enemy's infantry. I then
ran forward, and gave them all the attention in my power. If the enemy,
instead of charging in line of battle, forming an extended line, had
charged in column, or in alternate platoons, they must have destroyed
our force. By the impetus of their column they would certainly have
penetrated into our position, and mingled with the defenders; and then
their cavalry would have completed our ruin and exterminated us. Then
the fields of San Antonio would have been, to this day, whitened with
Italian bones! But, instead of this, the enemy advanced in line, beating
the charge, and bravely withholding their fire until within a few yards.
The Legionaries had orders not to fire until very near. When the enemy
reached the appointed distance, they halted and gave a general
discharge. The moment was decisive. Many of the defenders fell under
that fire: but the assailants were thrown into disorder, being thinned
by shots from the Republicans, who fired from behind the timbers, and
then charged them, not in order, but yet in a body, and forced them to
turn their backs, by falling upon them with bayonets, like mad-men. That
there occurred for the Republicans a moment of disorder and hesitation,
it cannot be denied. There were among us a number of prisoners, who, not
expecting a successful termination to the desperate defence, cast about
their eyes to find some way open for escape. But they were prevented
from doing anything, by some of our brave men, who then, at the cry of
"The enemy run!" threw themselves upon them like lions.
From the moment when I directed my attention upon the enemy's infantry,
I saw nothing more of Colonel Baez and the cavalry. Five or six horsemen
remained with my men, whom I put there under the command of a brave
Oriental officer, Jose Maria.
After the defeat of the enemy's infantry, I had hopes of safety; and,
taking advantage of the momentary calm produced by the stupefaction of
the enemy, I put my men again in order. Among the dead remaining on the
ground, especially those lying where the enemy halted, we found abundant
supplies of cartridges; and the muskets of the killed and wounded served
an important purpose, being taken, to arm those of the soldiers who were
in want, and some of the officers.
The enemy, having failed in their first charge, repeated it several
times, many of their dragoons dismounting; and with them and masses of
cavalry, they attacked us, but succeeded only in increasing their loss.
I was always ready, with some of the bravest of the Legionaries, who
awaited the charge; and, when the enemy had made their attack,
invariably charged them in return. The enemy several times endeavored to
get a position near us; but I then posted the best marksmen among our
soldiers, and made them harrass them, until they took to flight.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXVIII.
PREPARATIONS FOR OUR RETREAT—ATTACKED ON THE WAY
—BRAVERY OF MY ITALIANS—I NEVER DESPAIRED OF ITALY —THE
NOBLE CHARACTER OF ANZANI—REACH SALTO—KINDNESS OF FRENCH
PHYSICIANS—COLLECT AND BURY THE DEAD.
The fighting began about one o'clock in the afternoon, and lasted until
near nine in the evening. Night came on, and found us surrounded by many
corpses and wounded men. About nine o'clock preparations were made for a
retreat. The number of wounded was very large, including almost all the
officers, viz.: Morrochetti, Casana, Sacchi, Ramorino, Rodi, Beruti,
Zaccorello, Amero, and Fereti. Only Carone, Traverse, and a few others,
were unhurt. It was an arduous and painful undertaking to remove them
from the ground where they lay. Some were placed upon horses, which were
numerous, while others, who were able to stand, were helped on, each by
two of his comrades. When the arrangements had been made for the
accommodation of the wounded, the other soldiers were formed in four
platoons; and as fast as they were put in order, they were made to load
themselves with some remaining ammunition, the less to expose themselves
to the continual fire of the enemy. The retreat was then commenced, and
I thought it a fine sight,—though there was but a handful of men, in
close column, with orders not to fire a single shot before making the
edge of the wood which borders the river Uruguay. I had directed the
vanguard to take the wounded, feeling confident that the charges of the
enemy would be made on our rear and flanks. As was natural, those
unfortunate men fell into some disorder, which it was impossible to
prevent; but they yet went on, all, it is believed, except two. The
little column proceeded in the most admirable manner, so that I must
ever speak of their conduct with pride. The soldiers fixed their
bayonets before setting off; and keeping close ranks, they reached the
designed place, though not for want of any exertions, on the part of the
enemy, to hinder them: for every effort was made, by repeated charges
from all quarters, and with their whole force. In vain did their lancers
come up and give wounds to men in the ranks; the only return made was
with the bayonet, while the soldiers pressed themselves more compactly
together. On reaching the verge of the wood, we halted; and the order
was given, "To the right about!" when immediately a general volley
filled the enemy's files with dead, and they were all instantly driven
back.
One of the most severe sufferings endured that day was from thirst,
especially among the wounded.
Having reached the bank of the river, it may be imagined with what
avidity the soldiers ran to the water. Some of them stopped to drink,
while the others kept the enemy at a distance. The success of the first
part of the retreat, now performed, secured the retreating troops less
molestation on the remainder of their way. A chain of sharp-shooters was
formed to protect the left flank, who kept up a continual fire, almost
until they entered the city; and thus we moved along the bank of the
river.
Anzani was waiting for us at the entrance of the city, and could not
satiate himself with embracing me and my companions. He had never
despaired, although the enterprise was so arduous. He had collected the
few remaining men in the fortress, and replied to the enemy's summons to
surrender, which they made during the battle, with a threat to blow up
everything before he would submit. It is to be remarked, that the enemy
not only assured him that all the Italians were killed or prisoners, but
also the greater part of the soldiers with Baez. Still Anzani did not
despair; and I have mentioned him to those of my fellow-citizens who at
different times have despaired of Italy. Ah! there are few like Anzani!
But he that despairs is a coward!
Our retreating troops entered Salto at midnight, and even at that hour
we found all the soldiers and all the inhabitants awake. The latter came
out with alacrity, and gave all possible attention and care to the
wounded, bringing everything necessary for their relief and comfort.
Poor people! Poor people, who suffered so much in the various
vicissitudes of war, I shall never think of you but with a deep sense of
gratitude!
I had several severe losses to lament in that remarkable affair, though
the enemy were much the greater sufferers.
General Servando Gomez, who was the author of the surprise, and who
seemed as if he would annihilate us forever, commenced his retreat on
the 9th, hastily taking with him his shattered division towards
Paisandu, with a great number of wounded men, and leaving the fields of
San Antonio covered with dead. The first day after our arrival was
occupied in giving attention to the wounded; and two French physicians
rendered them the most important services. They were the physicians of
the French ship L'Eclair, whose names have not been obtained, and Dr.
Desroseaux, another young man, then for some time connected with the
Italian Legion. He had fought all the way as a common soldier, and then
devoted himself to the care of his wounded companions. But what most
availed at that painful time were the delicate cares of the ladies of
Salto.
The succeeding days were occupied in collecting and burying our dead.
The battle had been so extraordinary, that I thought it ought to be
commemorated by an unusual mode of interring the victims, and I chose a
spot, on the top of the hill which overlooks Salto, and which had been
the scene of successful battles. There was dug a trench for all, and
then handfuls of earth were thrown in by the soldiers, until a tumulus
rose, to stand as a memorial. A cross was then placed on the top, with
this inscription on one side:
"_Legione Italiana, Marina e Cavalleria Orientale_."
On the other side:
"_8th Febbrajo, 1846_."
(The Italian Legion, and the Oriental Marine and Cavalry.—8th February,
1846.")
The names of those killed and wounded in that brave fight have been
preserved in the journals kept by Anzani.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXIX.
EFFECTS OF THE REVOLUTION IN MONTEVIDEO—CHANGE OF DUTIES
OF THE ITALIAN LEGION—NO IMPORTANT MILITARY MOVEMENTS—MY
OCCUPATION WITH THE MARINE—DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATIONS—THE
TEMPORIZING POLICY OF ROSAS—CHANGE OF ENGLISH AND FRENCH
AGENTS AND ADMIRALS—EVIL CONSEQUENCES—RIVERA IN FAVOR IN
MONTEVIDEO—MY OPERATIONS AT SALTO CONTINUED—SURPRISE
VERGARA'S CAMP—LEAVE IT, TO RETURN.
General Medina was now able freely to enter Salto with his suite; and he
retained the superior command until the revolution made by Rivera's
friends in Montevideo. Nothing important, however, took place in all
that period.
The revolution in Montevideo in favor of Rivera gave a terrible blow to
the affairs of the Republic. The war ceased to be national, and was
directed by miserable factions. About the same time occurred the
revolution in Corrientes, brought about by Madariaga, against General
Paz. Those young chiefs, who had become illustrious by surprising deeds
in delivering their country from the oppressive dominion of Rosas, now,
for jealousy and thirst of power, debased themselves by the meanest
treachery, and thus ruined the cause of their people. General Paz was
obliged to leave the army of Corrientes, and retire to Brazil. Paraguay
recalled her army after his departure; the troops of Madariaga, reduced
by neglect to their own resources alone, were completely beaten by
Urquiza; and Corrientes fell into the power of the Dictator.
The affair of Montevideo also proceeded no better, and few events of
importance occurred. The Italian Legion, so justly esteemed for their
honorable and daring exploits, had continued their accustomed service of
advanced posts, alternating with the other corps of the capital. Anzani
was with them; and, although no very important engagements took place,
they never failed to prove themselves worthy of their fame.
I occupied myself more with the marine, fitting up some of the vessels
which were most needed, and in cruising on the river Plata, in the
schooner "Maypú."
In the meantime the French intervention proceeded every day, and no more
coërcive measure was it proposed to apply to the solution of the
problem; but several diplomatists, whom Rosas deluded and mocked at,
were sent to negotiate, but obtained nothing from him better than
insignificant armistices, which had no effect but to waste the limited
means collected with difficulty in the besieged city. With her change of
policy, France had changed her agents. Such men as Diffandis and Ouseley
for ambassadors, and L'Ainé and Inglefield for admirals, worthy to
sustain a generous policy, and dear to the public, were removed; and
such men were substituted as were devoted to a policy inevitably ruinous
to the people.
The Oriental government, powerless from the want of means, was obliged
to submit to the dictates of the intervention. Deplorable situation!
Rivera, being restored to power by his partisans, removed all others.
Most of those who had engaged in the noble defense from disinterested
love of country, had retired, weary of the enterprise, or were displaced
to make room for devotees of Rivera, and unfit men. I found, however, at
Montevideo, (that city of marvellous changes,) the new elements of
another army, and transported them to Las Vacas, on the left bank of the
Uruguay. The soldiers of Montevideo were made for conquerors; and they
proved it in their first encounters with the enemy in the country. At
Mercedes, especially, they performed prodigies of valor; but the evil
influence which misled Rivera at Arroyo Grande and India Muerta, beset
him at Paisandu, where, after a victory, he saw his army defeated. At
Maldonado he embarked again, to return to Brazil, whether more
unfortunate or more culpable, it is difficult to determine.
The government of Montevideo having fallen into the power of Rivera, I
was left mourning over it, and apprehending public sufferings. The old
General Medina, appointed General-in-chief by the government, with the
consent of the former not only yielded to events, but, the better to
recommend himself to the favor of the new patron, intrigued against my
friend; but they deceived themselves. Both Italians and Orientals loved
him in Salto, and he would have been able, without fear of any one, to
rise independent of the new and illegal power. But the cause of that
unhappy people was too sacred in his eyes. He loved them, and ever
denominated them as good-hearted and generous. To increase their
distresses, by fomenting their internal dissentions, was wholly
incompatible with his views and feelings.
To establish Rivera in power, the public squares of Montevideo were made
scenes of bloodshed. At Salto the same fatal game was planned; but it
proved impracticable. I contented myself with making reprisals,
assuming, as at first, the command of the forces. At that time occurred
the successful battle against the troops of Lamas and Vergara, on the
20th of May, 1846. Those two divisions, after the affair of San Antonio,
where they fought under the command of Servando Gomez, had been reformed
and reinforced; and they again occupied their positions around Salto,
changing their encampments, but always keeping at some leagues'
distance. We did not fail, now and then, to disturb our enemies as much
as we could, especially when they went out to catch animals. One Major
Dominguez, who had been sent for that purpose by General Medina, was
completely discomfited, losing all his horses and some men. I had the
positions of the enemy's camp examined by spies, and in the night of May
19th, I marched to attack him. I had with me about three hundred cavalry
and a hundred legionaries—the remains of a battalion. Poor youths! they
have since been sadly decimated! My object was to surprise the enemy's
camp at early dawn; and we arrived at the spot, for once, exactly at the
desired moment. I had the aid of Captain Pablo, an American Indian, and
a brave soldier. His infantry were mounted, and they marched all night,
and before break of day came in sight of the enemy's forces in the camp
of General Vergara, on the right bank of the Dayman. The infantry then
dismounted, and were ordered to attack. The victory was very easily
obtained. The troops of Vergara immediately took to flight, and were
driven into the river. They left their arms, horses, and a few men, who
were taken prisoners. But the triumph was far from being complete; for
the troops were to return, and we set off as the daylight increased. The
camp of Lamas was separated from that of Vergara by a small stream; and,
at the first alarm, the former had taken position on the top of a hill,
which commanded both camps. Vergara, with the greater part of his men,
had succeeded in joining Lamas. They were warlike and brave soldiers,
made at the opening of the war.
Having collected, in the abandoned camp, all the serviceable horses, I
pursued the enemy, but without success. Most of my cavalry were mounted
on _Rodomones_, that is, horses caught and broken only a few days
before; and the enemy were better supplied. It was therefore necessary
to desist from pursuing them, and be content with the advantages gained,
and take the road to Salto. We were, however, very unexpectedly favored,
and in an important manner. While pursuing our march for Salto, we were
in the following order: a squadron of cavalry in platoons, at the head;
the infantry in column, in the centre; the remaining cavalry for the
rear guard, likewise in column. Two strong lines of cavalry, commanded
by Majors Carvallo and N. Fausto, covered our right flank; and the
_cavallada_, with the horses of the infantry, marched on the left. The
enemy, having reörganized, as has been said, and reconcentrated all
their detachments, amounted to about five hundred men in cavalry. Being
acquainted with my force, the enemy flanked us on the right, at a short
distance, so that he seemed disposed to revenge himself.
I had placed Colonel Celesto Centurion in command of the cavalry,—a very
brave man; while Carone commanded the infantry. The latter was
particularly urged by me to guard against any confusion or disorder in
his ranks, and to prevent it at any sacrifice. He was to preserve their
order, which was that of close column, and never to make a movement by
conversion, but only by flanks and right-about-face. The infantry was to
serve as a point of support to Centurion, and also to re-form in any
event that might happen. The enemy were emboldened, being increased by
detachments.
Our troops proceeded over beautiful hills, for about two miles from the
banks of the Dayman. The grass had but just begun to grow, but was very
green; and the surface of the ground was undulated like the waves of the
ocean, but lay in all the majesty of stillness, while not a tree or a
bush formed any obstacle. It offered indeed a battle-field, and for the
mightiest hosts.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXX.
ON THE MARCH BACK TO SALTO—SUDDEN ATTACK —DESPERATE
DEFENCE—FLIGHT, AND PURSUIT—THE "BOLLA"—EXCELLENCE OF
THE HORSEMEN—INCIDENTS.
Having reached the border of a brook, I thought it better not to cross
it, because our small force might be disordered in the passage, and the
hill on the right concealed the great body of the enemy, who were not
far off, and marching in a direction parallel to our own. I thought we
would be attacked at that point; and the result justified my
expectation. I halted, and, wishing to discover the enemy's condition,
sent orders to Major Carvello, to "charge that line of the enemy quite
to the hill." The charge was made, and with bravery, as far as the
eminence, where the assailants stopped, and an adjutant came galloping
up to me, to inform me that the enemy were marching towards us at a
trot, and with their whole force in order of battle. No time was to be
lost. The cavalry on the wings wheeled to the right, and were reinforced
by the line, suddenly concentrated. The infantry formed on the right
flank and towards the enemy. When the line reached the top of the hill,
the enemy's line was marching upon us within pistol shot.
I must confess that the enemy had made a movement of which my troops
would not have been capable, and which proved that they were brave,
warlike, and well commanded. Seeing this, without taking time for
reflection, I gave the signal for a charge: for as soon as I discovered
them, the enemy were converging, from the centre to the wings,
laterally; and, after having made about half a circle beyond our flanks,
they charged our cavalry by platoons in flank, and so rendered our
infantry useless. I did not hesitate, but ordered my cavalry to close
in, and charge, to avoid losing the advantage of the impetus of the
horses. And indeed they charged well, and fought bravely.
Several charges were made by the cavalry on both sides, and with
different results. It would be difficult to decide which party displayed
most valor. The enemy being superior in numbers, and in the excellence
of their horses, drove back ours upon our infantry, and soon measured
our lances with their bayonets. The latter, having reformed, with the
aid of their numbers, drove them back, fighting them hand to hand. The
young Italians then performed their feats to admiration; and I remember
them, and the 20th of May, with peculiar pleasure. Compact as a redoubt,
exceedingly active, they ran to every point where their assistance was
needed, always putting the assailants to flight. The enemy fired very
few muskets, but those few were deliberate and sure.
At last the enemy, having become disordered by numerous charges, became
only a deranged mass; while, on the contrary, our troops, supported by
the infantry, were always able to reörganize for fighting well. The
engagement had lasted about half an hour, in that manner, when, being no
longer approached by organized forces, we were drawn up anew and made a
decisive charge. The enemy then broke, disbanded, and took to flight. A
cloud of "_bollas_" whirled about in the air, and presented a curious
spectacle.
The _bolla_ is one of the most terrible weapons used by the South
American horsemen. It consists of three balls, covered with leather, and
fastened to three leathern cords, which are connected. One of the balls
is held in the hand, while the other two are flourished in the air over
the head, when the order is given to charge. When a horse is struck in
the leg with one of them, it stops him, and sometimes makes him fall;
and in this way many captures are made. The South American cavalry
soldier is second to none in the world, in any kind of combat; and in a
defeat, they retain their superiority in pursuing their enemy. They are
stopped in their course by no obstacles in the field. If a tree does not
allow them to pass while sitting erect, they throw themselves back upon
the crupper of the half-wild horse, and disappear among the trappings of
the animal. They arrive at a river, and plunge in, with their arms in
their teeth; and sometimes wound their enemy in the middle of the
stream. Besides the bolla, they carry the terrible _Coltelo_, or knife,
which, as before has been mentioned, they keep with them all their
lives, and manage with a dexterity peculiar to themselves. Woe to the
soldier whose horse tires! "Bollado," or struck with the bolla, he
cannot defend himself from the knife of his pursuer, who dismounts to
strike him with it in the throat, and then mounts again, to overtake
others. Such customs prevail among them, that sometimes, when men of
courage meet, even after a victory, scenes occur which would shock a
reader if they were described.
One of those encounters I witnessed. It occurred at a short distance
from a line, between a party of our soldiers and one of the enemy, whose
horse had been killed. Having fallen to the ground, he rose and fought
on foot, first with him who had dismounted him, whom he treated very
roughly. Another then came to his assistance, then another; and at
length he was engaged with six, when I reached the spot, in order to
save the life of the brave man—but too late.
Our enemy was now entirely routed, and the victory complete. The pursuit
was continued several miles. The immediate result, however, was not what
it might have been, for the want of good horses, as many of the enemy
escaped. But, notwithstanding this, during the whole time that the
troops remained at Salto, we had the satisfaction of seeing that
department free from the enemy.
The action of the 20th of May has been described at length, because of
its remarkable success,—the fine, open field on which it was fought, and
the fine climate and sky, which reminded me of Italy. The struggle was
with a practised enemy, superior in number, and better provided with
horses, which are the principal element of that kind of warfare; and
several single combats took place on horseback, with great valor. Our
cavalry performed wonders that day, considering their inferiority. Of
the infantry, it will be sufficient to mention the case of Major
Carvallo, who was my companion at San Antonio and Dayman, and in both
actions fought like a brave man, as he was. In each of them, also, he
had the misfortune to be wounded in the face by a musket-shot. One
struck two inches below his right eye, and the other, in the same spot
on his left cheek, forming a strange symmetry in his face. He was
wounded the second time in the beginning of the battle of Dayman; and
after its close, he asked leave to return to Salto, to have his wounds
dressed. Passing under the battery of the city, he was asked what was
the fate of the day, when he replied, although he was able to speak but
little: "The Italian Infantry are more solid than your battery."
The names of the dead and wounded in the engagement, as has before been
said, are given in Anzani's "Journal of the Italian Legion."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXXI.
I RETURN TO MONTEVIDEO, WITH THE FLOTILLA—ROSAS
GAINS STRENGTH—THE ARMY OF CORRIENTES DESTROYED BY
URQUIZA—RIVERA'S MISMANAGEMENT—THE INTERVENTION
MISDIRECTED—FALL OF SALTO—DEFENCE AGAIN REDUCED TO
MONTEVIDEO—HIGH DESERTS OF ITS DEFENDERS, NATIVES AND
FOREIGNERS, NOT YET APPRECIATED—AN INTERVAL OCCURS, NOT
MARKED BY IMPORTANT EVENTS—THE REVOLUTIONS IN EUROPE.
After the battle of the 20th of May, at Dayman, nothing important
occurred in the campaign of Uruguay. I received orders from the
government to return to Montevideo, with the vessels of the flotilla,
and the detachment of the Italian Legion. A few of the smaller vessels
remained at Salto, and the place was left under the command of
Commandant Artigos, a brave officer, who distinguished himself in the
battle on the 20th of May. A few days after my departure, Colonel Blanco
arrived, and took command of the place at the orders of General Rivera.
In consequence of errors committed at Corrientes and Montevideo, the
cause of Rosas gained strength very rapidly, and that of the people of
the Plata sunk into a desperate condition. The army of Corrientes was
destroyed by Urquiza in a battle; and that unfortunate people, after
swimming in blood, languished under despotism. Rivera, not profiting by
the lessons of misfortune, ended as he had begun, by removing from
office men who had executed their duties with faithfulness, and
substituting his partisans, destroying the materials of an army of
operations, which the courage and constancy of the people had created
and maintained with incorruptible heroism, and expatriating himself
under the contempt and malediction of all. The English and French
intervention was watched by intriguers and faithless men. The positions
in the interior fell, one after another, into the power of the enemy.
Salto, which had been so honorably acquired and maintained, was taken by
assault by Sevando Gomez, and Colonel Gomez perished in the defence—an
old and brave soldier—with a considerable number of men. At length the
defence of the generous Oriental people was once more reduced to
Montevideo; and there were collected all the men who had become bound
together like brothers, by six years of danger, exploits and
misfortunes. There they had again to erect an edifice, which had been
destroyed by mismanagement, almost to its foundations.
Villagran, a veteran of forty years of war, a man of virtue, of the
greatest bravery, and reïnvigorated by fighting; Diaz Bojes, shamefully
banished by Rivera, because he would not serve him, but his country; and
many other young officers, who have been dismissed by him, returned to
their posts, with the conscience and the readiness of good men; and with
them the resolute and the faithful returned to the files of the
defenders.
Orientals, French and Italians marched to the succor of the country with
alacrity; and not a word of discouragement was heard from any one. The
siege of Montevideo, when better known in its details, will be counted
among the noble defences of a people fighting for independence, for
courage, constancy, and sacrifices of all kinds. It will prove the power
of a nation resolved not to submit to the will of a tyrant; and,
whatever their fate may be, they merit the applause and the
commiseration of the world.
From the time of my return to Montevideo, to that of my departure for
Italy, in 1848, a period intervened marked by no important event.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
OUTLINES
OF
GENERAL GARIBALDI'S CAREER IN ITALY
During the Years 1848 & '9;
CHIEFLY GIVEN IN OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS, COLLECTED AND
TRANSLATED BY THEODORE DWIGHT.
The translator of the preceding pages applied to General Garibaldi,
while in New York, to write an account of the Roman Republic; and
afterwards requested several of the most intelligent Italian exiles here
to perform the task. They all declined, partly for the want of leisure,
being all engaged in daily business for their own support. They,
however, furnished valuable communications, some of which were embodied
in "_The Roman Republic of 1849_." The following pages are chiefly
occupied by official documents, which have been collected and translated
for this work, in order to present an authentic documentary history of
the great events in which General Garibaldi performed conspicuous parts,
through the momentous struggle for liberty in Rome, in the year 1849.
GARIBALDI'S RETURN TO ITALY FROM SOUTH AMERICA, IN 1848.
The following brief outline of General Garibaldi's movements, after the
period terminating with the close of his "Autobiography," and previous
to the first French attack on Rome, on the 30th of April, 1849, has been
furnished for publication here by Dr. G. Gajani, now a citizen of New
York, and then a member of the Roman Constituent Assembly, the author of
that highly interesting and instructive work, "The Roman Exile."
In 1848, when the news of the Italian revolution reached Montevideo,
General Garibaldi gathered his Italian friends and sailed for Italy.
They had arrived in sight of Nice (the native city of Garibaldi), when
Colonel Anzani, the most intimate friend of Garibaldi, breathed his
last. Colonel Anzani was consumptive, and the emotion excited by seeing
Italy again proved too powerful for him.
Garibaldi with his friends proceeded to the field of battle in Lombardy,
and offered his services to King Charles Albert, who received him
coolly. A few days after, the king was defeated, and signed an armistice
with the Austrians. Garibaldi was not included in that armistice, and
did not choose to lay down his arms. Pursued by the Austrians, he fought
several skirmishes at Como, Varese, Laveno, and other places; but his
troops, being overwhelmed by numbers, disbanded, and he retired into
Switzerland—and, after much suffering, finally made good his retreat
across the Po, into the Papal State, in October, 1848. General Zucchi,
the Minister of War of the Pope, happened to be at Bologna, and wrote to
Count Rossi, Secretary of State of Pius IX., that Zucchi had ordered two
Swiss regiments (which were at the service of the Pope) to march against
Garibaldi, who was then at Ravenna, and "throw him and his followers
_into the sea_"—meaning, probably, to compel them to embark. But, before
this order was executed, the Pope had fled from Rome, and the popular
government which undertook to govern the State, enrolled Garibaldi and
his followers, and gave him a commission to increase his band, and
protect the eastern boundaries of the Roman State against the King of
Naples.
A short time afterwards the elections for the Roman Constituent Assembly
took place, and Garibaldi was elected at Macerata, and went to Rome to
take his seat in the Assembly, at its opening, on February 9th, 1849.
After that day Garibaldi put himself again at the head of his troops, on
the boundaries of Naples, and returned with them to Rome, when the
French had landed at Civitavecchia.
PRINCIPLES OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICANS, IN OPPOSITION
TO THE CLAIMS OF POPERY.
The Pope at this time published a long and tiresome "_Encyclic_" filled
with true Popish arrogance and subtleties, to which pungent replies were
made,—one entitled, "_The Pope Excommunicated._"
_Brief extracts from "Thoughts addressed to the Archbishops and
Bishops of Italy," "on the Encyclical Letter of Pope Pius IX.,"
by Mazzini._
The divorce between the world and him (Pius IX.), between believing
people, who are the true Church, and the fornicating aristocracy who
usurp its name, is impressed on every syllable of the Pope's letter. For
many years the Pope has lost the power to love and bless. Excited for a
moment by the immense spectacle of the resurrection of a people, Pius
IX., two years ago, murmured a benediction upon Italy; and that accent
of love sounded so new and unusual on the lips of a Pope, that all
Europe imagined a second era for the Papacy, and became intoxicated with
enthusiasm, ignorant of the history of past ages respecting him who had
pronounced it. Now the monarchs have been paid....
The few important points which the Pope's letter contains, are:
1st, _A theory_ on authority: and 2nd, _A doctrine_ respecting the evils
of the poverty and ignorance which afflict the people in Italy, and in a
great degree elsewhere. Both these deny God, the Word of Christ, and
human nature.
... The Israel (of Italy) is the revolutionary party, the national
party, who say to Italians, _You are not a race born to be slaves_ of
the Pope, or of the Austrian whip; _you are twenty-six millions of
people_, created free, equal, brethren, all children of God, and
servants of nothing but his law.
The _theory_ of the Pope's letter is this: "That the poor exist in
consequence of things which cannot and ought not to be changed; that the
Catholic religion preaches to the rich to have charity, which will
obtain from God treasures of grace and eternal rewards; that the poor
should thank the Providence which keeps them in misery, and that they
know how to bear it in peace and a light mind, as an easier way of
salvation in heaven."...
And to this _theory_ is superadded _the other_, respecting authority:
"Every authority comes from God; every government, _de facto_, is a
government of right. Obey, or, resisting, be condemned."
In other words, or comprehending the two theories in one: Earth and
heaven constitute a perpetual antagonism—-Right, equality and truth
reign in heaven; fact, force and inevitable evil reign upon earth. There
are two human races: the race of the rich and powerful, and the race of
the poor and servants. The poor exist for the benefit of the rich, in
order that the latter may obtain heaven by exercising charity; and the
servants, in order that the masters can govern with clemency and the
spirit of love. When this is not done, God will give punishments and
rewards in heaven; but, every attempt at melioration on earth, by the
efforts of the poor and servile race, _is sin_.
And this is the religious doctrine which the church of the Pope teaches
to mankind in the nineteenth century; and she teaches it in the name of
the Gospel of Christ, confronting it to the words—
"Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven:"
the only prayer which Jesus taught to believers; confronting it to the
command, "Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou
serve;" confronting it to, "That all may be one, as thou, Father, art in
me and I in thee."
No—it is not true that heaven and earth are in antagonism; it is not
true, that, while in heaven the truth and justice of God reign,
submission to fact and reverence for brute force are a law of the earth.
It is not true that the salvation of human creatures is secured, as if
by expiation, by means of resignation or indifference. The earth is the
Lord's; the earth, on which, and for which, Jesus, first, and after him
all the holy martyrs of mankind, shed their tears and their blood.
THE CONDITION OF ROME.
The time approached when all eyes were to be opened to the real designs
of the French. A crisis was near, when all the charitable hopes of the
sincerity of their amicable professions were to be dispelled. The city
was to be attacked by a foreign army for the first time since the days
of Charles V., in the period of the Reformation, and for the second time
since that of the Northern invasions. In looking back for preceding
events of the same kind, the mind had but a single step more to make—the
attempt by the Gauls. How different the state of the world since those
times! How different the condition of the city; the mode and means of
warfare; the principles engaged; the effect to be anticipated on the
world!
Never before had the city of Rome been voluntarily deserted by a pope,
and brought to a state of order and tranquility by a mere declaration of
a republic, and become practically and truly a Protestant city. Never
had she been, in the judgment of the world, more certain to be overawed
by a powerful host, and more unable to resist. Deeply interesting must
have been the situation of many a family.
The negotiations which had been carried on with the Triumvirate, by M.
Lesseps, the French agent, had resulted in nothing but the manifest
exposure of the double-dealing of Louis Napoleon, and a display of the
integrity, ability and patriotism of the Romans.
There was a mixed multitude within the walls, but most of them belonging
to the city, or other parts of the Roman States, and many of them
soldiers who had been engaged in one or more battles in other parts of
Italy. The whole number of Polanders and other foreigners was trifling.
Volunteers had been hourly arriving for several weeks, some in regular
corps, or companies, others in small bands, and some alone. Col. Manara
had entered the city, at the head of his legion of Lombards, raised and
paid out of his princely fortune, all which, with his services and his
life, he gave an offering to his country.
The following extract from the Roman _Monitore_, the official journal,
of June 28th, will give a specimen of the style, and the dignity and
intelligence with which the people were daily addressed by the
government. After denying, in such terms, and by such arguments as have
been used in the preceding pages, the calumnious charges against the
character and origin of the defenders of Rome, the _Monitore_ enumerates
the troops in the city, as follows: "The army of the Republic being ten
regiments of infantry, and two of cavalry—_all of them from the Roman
States_; the Medici Legion, of 300 Tuscans; the Foreign Legion, of 250
men, French and Poles; the Italian Legion of Garibaldi, about 2,000,
_all except_ 300 belonging to _the Roman States_; and, finally, several
battalions of the Military Guard Mobile, some of Rome, some of the
provinces.... The pretended _foreign banditti_, then, who _oppress_ the
Roman people, amount to 1,650 men, in a city of 150,000 inhabitants, and
with 14,000 National Guards. These are the men, too, who for a month
have repelled 30,000 French troops, not only from the city, but from the
country-seats around it, and defended a circuit of 40 miles! The most
solemn denial that can be given to the accumulated falsehoods of our
enemies, is to say to all the people of Europe, "Look, and judge!
Assaulted by four armies at once, in the rushing ruin of Italian
misfortunes, the Roman Republic raised her sacred standard on the towers
of the Capitol, and guards the sacred fire of liberty."
Day broke on Rome, on the morning of April 30th, 1849, upon a scene
which no human foresight could have anticipated, even a few weeks
before, and which human ingenuity could scarcely have imagined, even in
its principal features. The whole city was in solemn expectation of the
arrival of a large French force, which was known to be on the march from
Civita Vecchia, and near enough to arrive at the walls in a few hours.
Arrangements had been made, and publicly announced, to apprise the
inhabitants of their first appearance in sight, by the striking of
bells. Preparations for defence had been made, and were still making, by
the erecting of works in various places in the squares and streets, to
oppose the French if they should enter the walls; while the troops were
prepared to fight them from the walls and the ground outside. The
elevated positions and buildings were crowded by spectators, some of
them foreigners, of different classes, and from different countries. The
French had pretended to come as friends and protectors, but persisted in
advancing, even after being assured by the Romans that they neither
needed nor desired their assistance. The French, then assuming a tone of
disdain, had plainly expressed their belief that _the Romans would not
fight_. The world was waiting, with anxiety, the result of that day's
movements; and, probably, very few men believed that the French would
meet with any great obstacle. They expected to dine that day in Rome,
and to remain masters of it as long as they pleased.
Perhaps no news has ever been more unexpected, than that which was that
day sent from Rome to all parts of the world: that the Romans had fought
the French gallantly, with far inferior forces, for several hours, and
driven them twelve miles back towards Civita Vecchia. Such, however, was
the surprising truth; and, had not the Triumvirate peremptorily ordered
Garibaldi to pursue them no further, he would have continued to press
them, with the resolution which he had formed, of driving them into the
sea.
Among the spectators who wrote accounts of what occurred that day, were
several intelligent men of different nations, who described the defence
as conducted with superior skill, and performed with the greatest vigor
and valor by the Roman officers and soldiers. Interesting letters from
some of these witnesses may be found in the newspapers of different
countries, published soon after; and many concurrent accounts in various
other publications, particularly "Italia del Popolo," a monthly
magazine, published by the exiled patriot leaders. We give below the
official reports of the principal events, during the period of Roman
liberty, in all of which Garibaldi was a conspicuous actor.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
OFFICIAL REPORT
OF THE REPULSE OF THE FRENCH ADVANCE OF 8,000 MEN UNDER
GENERAL OUDINOT, UNDER THE WALLS OF ROME—THE FIRST
BATTLE: APRIL 30TH, 1849.
(Translated for the present work.)
ARRANGEMENTS OF THE BATTLE OF THE 30TH OF APRIL.
The Triumvirate, with information furnished by the Minister of War,
Citizen General Avezzana, publishes the following report:
The time necessary to collect, from the different military chiefs, the
particulars relative to the engagement of April 30th, has prevented us
from publishing earlier a precise relation. Now, since such particulars
have been minutely transmitted, we fulfil that duty with such scrupulous
exactness, as is demanded by the truth of history and the just desires
of the public.
From the 29th, the commander in chief of the arms of the Republic,
General Avezzana, who is also the Minister of War, was fully informed of
the enemy's approach by the numerous scouting parties, whose reports
were confirmed by a French prisoner, who, the same day, fell into an
ambush of our advance-posts.
On the morning of the 30th, the telegraph giving notice of the advance
of the enemy's forces, announced at nine o'clock, that they were within
five miles of Rome; and the Minister of War sent a captain of the
general staff to the cupola of St. Peter's, to remain there until the
firing should commence, to observe all the movements of the enemy, and
discover their numbers and their intentions.
In the meantime all measures were taken in the city to repel the
aggression, with such desperate energy as is inspired by the holiness of
right and the justice of the cause. Strong and numerous barricades, at
all the gates and in all the principal streets, especially on the right
side of the Tiber, forbade all access into the city; the bastions,
rising above, crowned with cannon, were prepared to fire upon the enemy;
and the young army, impatient with warlike ardor, placed at the
different points where the attack was expected, was disposed in the
following order: The first brigade, commanded by General Garibaldi, and
composed of the first Italian Legion, the battalion of the University,
the battalion of the Reduced, the Legion of Exiles, and the Mobilized
Finanzieri, occupied, outside of the walls, the whole line from the
Portese Gate to the gate of San Pancrazio; the second brigade, composed
of two battalions of the Mobilized Civic Troops and the First Light,
commanded by Col. Masi, occupied the wall of the Gates Cavalleggieri,
Vatican and Angelica; and finally, the third brigade, commanded by Col.
Savini, and composed of the first and second regiments of Mounted
Dragoons, formed the reserve in Piazza Navona. The fourth brigade,
consisting of the first and second regiments of the line, commanded by
Colonel Galletti, was in reserve at the Chiesa Nuova and Piazza
Cesarini, with all the field cannon not in position. General Giuseppe
Galletti, commander of Carabiniers, and Major Manara, with the Lombard
battalion, forming separate corps, were held ready to proceed wherever
necessity might require.
Everything concurred to indicate that the enemy, who were eight thousand
men, with two squadrons of cavalry and twelve field-pieces, divided in
two columns, intended to make a double and simultaneous attack at the
gates Cavalleggieri and Angelica. In fact, about eleven o'clock in the
morning, proceeding by Villa Pamfili, they occupied two houses, from
which they commenced an active fire of musketry and artillery against
the Cavalleggieri gate. The valiant General Garibaldi moved from the
gate of San Pancrazio, to attack them in flank, with all his troops and
the University battalion; and there commenced a murderous and obstinate
battle, in which a hundred deeds of personal bravery proved, that the
modern Italians are prepared to imitate the ancient glories of their
fathers. The French made a determined resistance to the onset of
Garibaldi; and even repulsed their assailants, favored by their superior
numbers and by their artillery, which they fired briskly. But, being
reinforced by the Legion of Exiles, the Reduced battalion, the Roman
Legion, commanded by Col. Galletti, and two companies of the first
regiment of the line, charging simultaneously, with the bayonet, they
compelled the enemy to retire precipitately, leaving in the hands of our
troops about three hundred prisoners, among whom were six officers, with
the commander of a battalion, and a great number of killed.
While they were fighting thus at San Pancrazio, other attacks were made
on the gardens of the Vatican, and along the entire line, from the
Cavalleggieri gate to that of Santa Marta, where the enemy endeavored,
with all their power, to silence our artillery, and where they made two
furious assaults, but were bravely repulsed by the Masi Brigade and the
Mobilized Civic, assisted in good time by the brave and ardent
Carabiniers. At all those points our troops sustained the attacks of the
enemy with admirable firmness and coolness, and, by fighting with the
bravery of veteran soldiers, compelled them to make a precipitate
retreat. In that encounter the National Artillery deserve special
commemoration, under the command of Colonel Calandrelli, who lost two
distinguished officers, besides wounded; and also the Civic Artillery,
who rivalled the former in zeal and ardor.
Thus repulsed on the whole line, the French retired first to Bravella,
three miles from the city, whence, after a short stop, they continued
their retreat towards Castel di Guido, from which, doubtless, they will
go to Civitavecchia.
This battle, which wonderfully consolidated the foundation of our
Republic, lasted about seven hours, beginning at ten in the morning and
ending at three in the afternoon, without including, as a part of the
contest, the little skirmishes which were continued until evening,
between our ardent soldiers and the bands of the enemy who were pursued
without ceasing. According to facts collected, and the statements made
by the prisoners, it appears that the enemy lost more than fifteen
hundred men, including killed, wounded and prisoners. On our part we
have to lament only fifty killed and two hundred wounded, among whom are
many officers, subaltern and superior.
We have only a sentiment of admiration and a word of praise, equal for
all, officers, soldiers and people, who took part in the combat of the
30th. All fought like heroes; all showed that when the love of country
is living and ardent, the sacrifice of life is sweet. In such a case we
cannot make a better eulogium on the valor of our brave men, than by
repeating an extract of a letter written by General Garibaldi to the
Minister of War:
"All the corps which have fought this day are extremely well-deserving
of the country. A detachment of the line, the first Roman Legion, the
University battalion, the Arcioni Legion, the battalion of the Reduced,
and the first Italian Legion have been rivals in valor. The chief
officers and the soldiers of those corps have merited the gratitude of
Italy and the title of valiant men. Many arms, drums and other articles
of war have remained in our power."
The merits of the sanitary officers of our ambulances ought not to be
forgotten, who were diligent in collecting on the field, the wounded, on
whom were lavished, as is done in the hospitals, by the ladies, services
truly fraternal; and in mourning over losses, it is grateful to say,
that among the French themselves, many declared, before dying, that they
left life with remorse for having fought against brother-republicans;
while those who were saved, imprecating their government, know not how
to thank us for the assiduous cares of which they have been the objects,
but by repeating as often as their countrymen are made prisoners, '_Viva
la Republica Romana!_'
In short, a profound sentiment of gratitude requires us to give to that
most truly Italian General, Avezzana, a word of encomium, though far
inferior to that great love of country which impels him to provide for
every exigency of the onerous ministry entrusted to him, with a
tenacious perseverance, and an indefatigable alacrity, which would have
been prodigious in a young man. From the first approach of the enemy,
followed by a portion of his staff, (for many other officers belonging
to it were appointed to the gates, to direct the corps which defended
them,) General Avezzana visited in succession the places attacked, and
by his voice and his example, raising to the highest degree the
enthusiasm of the people, until they asked for arms, and with the
soldiers who were fighting bravely, secured the triumph of the day and
the honor of the country.
In this aggression, France, sacrificed by a government, the enemy of the
true interests of their country, has suffered immense losses, more moral
than material; she has lost all political influence; she has no right to
our sympathies; and if the justice of our cause has given so much energy
to conquer the most warlike soldier, we have now the profound conviction
of being able to contest, with glory and success, against all the
enemies of the Republic and of Italy.
The Triumvirs,
CARLO ARMELLINI,
GIUSEPPE MAZZINI,
AURELIO SAFFI.
-------
FROM AN ACCOUNT OF THE SAME BATTLE OF APRIL 30TH,
BY CARLO RUSCONI.
General Oudinot, who, with 8,000 men and 12 field pieces, wished to raze
Rome to the ground, ordered a simultaneous attack on Porta Cavalleggieri
and Porta Angelica, and occupied two houses of Villa Pamfili, from which
he opened an active fire of musketry and artillery. He presented himself
against General Garibaldi, one of those men who serve as types in the
creations of art. Beautiful in person, simple in habits, frugal in
living, courageous as the heroes celebrated in chivalry, he exerted a
fascination on all who surrounded him. He had a thousand men about him,
who would have allowed themselves to be killed a thousand times at his
slightest command. Concise in manner, sparing of words, terrible in
wrath, you would have said that Byron must have had this extraordinary
man before his eyes, when he delineated his immortal Conrad;—Garibaldi,
who was not in his element except when balls were whistling round his
head, moved against the French, attacked them in flank, and, supported
by Col. Galleti, discomfited them, after many hours fighting.
Garibaldi, having seen that the engagement with musketry proceeded too
slowly, and impatient at that mode of fighting, made a charge on the
French with the bayonet, in the most destructive manner, and which
secured him the victory. Finding that that method turned out well, he
never abandoned it in the successive conflicts; and this explains the
great number of killed in that obstinate war.
-------
SPIRITED PROCLAMATION TO THE PEOPLE OF ROME, BY THEIR
REPRESENTATIVES, THE DAY AFTER THE FIRST BATTLE.
People! yesterday commenced the entrance of the French into Rome. They
entered by the Porta San Pancrazio—as prisoners! To us, people of Rome,
this does not cause much surprise; but it may excite a curious sensation
in Paris. That also will be well.
People! the attack will be renewed. Let us do as we did yesterday; and
especially do not be alarmed if a few batteries should be silenced by
their cannonade. Reports of cannon startle the ears, and somewhat shake
the houses: but, in fact, when they do not reach united masses of
people, they destroy but very few victims....
We request good shopkeepers to keep at their business constantly: that
will have a good influence and be very convenient at the same time.
To-day we have need to fortify Pincio, (the Pincian Mount;) be there
early, in goodly numbers, and let us labor together.
-------
PROCLAMATION BY THE COMMITTEE OF THE BARRICADES,
TWO DAYS AFTER THE FIRST BATTLE.
People! General Oudinot promised to pay all and all in cash. Well, let
him pay, if he can, for the Tapestries of Raffaele, shot through with
French bullets; let him pay for the losses—no, not the losses, but the
insult cast on Michael Angelo. Napoleon at least carried to Paris our
master-pieces, and in a certain way Italian genius received the
admiration of the foreigner, as a recompense for the conquest. Not so
to-day. The French government invade our territory, and carry their
singular predilection for Rome so far, as to wish to destroy her, rather
than have her exposed to the impatience of the terrible (General)
Zucchi, and the threats of Radetzky and Gioberti, who are both at
several weeks' distance from the Tiber. General Oudinot is more hasty
than our enemies. The Republic is grateful to him. Do you know why?
Because, while the Imperialists occupy Alessandria, without a blow
struck by Charles Albert, it is a great Italian glory, that the People's
Rome honorably repels the Republicans of France, whom a black government
sends against us, after calumniating us as robbers and assassins. And
the Popes? Let us preserve, in memory of them, the cannon-balls which
solemnly celebrated the anniversary of the Pontifical Encyclic. Enough!
Of kingdoms and triple kings let us talk no more. Let us now think of
the Barricades. Let us think of our honor, which we must fully
vindicate. Rome, like Scævola, has still her arm on the burning torch,
and has sworn an oath. The three hundred of Scævola routed Porsenna. The
history of Rome is not yet finished.
The Representatives of the People,
E. CARNESUCHI,
V. CATTABENI,
V. CALDESI.
_Rome_, May 2d.
-------
THE NEAPOLITAN INVASION.
On the same day the following Proclamation was published by the
Triumvirate, announcing the approach of the numerous army of the King of
Naples. Five days later they announced the arrival of the Spanish army,
of 5000 men, on the coast. Both those armies had been raised, in
obedience to the call of the Pope, as well as that of France, which had
just been so manfully driven from the walls of Rome.
-------
PROCLAMATIONS OF THE TRIUMVIRATE,
AT THE TIME OF THE NEAPOLITAN INVASION.
_Rome_, May 2d, 1849.—Romans! A corps of the Neapolitan army, having
covered the frontier, threatens to move against Rome.
Their intent is to restore the Pope, as absolute master in temporal
affairs. Their arms are persecution, ferocity, and pillage. Among their
files lurks their king, to whom Europe has decreed the name of _the
Bombarder of his own subjects_; and around him stand the most inexorable
of the conspirators of Gaeta.
Romans! We have conquered the first assailants: we will conquer the
second. The blood of the best Neapolitans, the blood of our brothers of
Sicily, lies on the head of the traitor-king. God, who blinds the
wicked, and strengthens the defenders of right, chooses you, O Romans,
for avengers. Let the will of the country and of God be done.
In the name of the rights which belong to every country; in the name of
the duties which belong to Rome, in regard to Italy and Europe; in the
name of the Roman mothers, who will bless the defenders of their
children; in the name of our liberty, our honor, and our conscience; in
the name of God and the people; let us resist, soldiers and people,
capital and province. Let Rome be as inviolable as eternal justice. We
have learned that, to conquer, it is enough not to fear death.
THE TRIUMVIRS.
-------
THE BATTLE OF PALESTRINA.
The retreat of the French army back to the seashore, and the armistice
which occurred after the first battle, of April 30th, afforded a
remarkably convenient opportunity to attend to the King of Naples and
his army, which amounted to about twenty thousand men. The following is
a description of their position, and the marching of the Roman army
against them, translated from the beginning of the report of Gen.
Roselli, then commander-in-chief. The report includes the time from his
leaving Rome, May 16th, until the occupation of Velletri, May 20th,
1849.
"The Neapolitan army occupied the position of Albano, Velletri and
Palestrina, and had their line of operations directed towards Rome.
The army of the Republic left Rome, to attack the enemy, on the 16th and
17th, and manœuvred to turn their flanks and cut off their
communications with the Neapolitan State. The point of direction of the
army was Monte Fortino, whence it might menace all the enemy's
communications.
The Neapolitans had no other way but to retreat, or come out and attack
us in the positions we had chosen. The army was composed of five
brigades, and one of cavalry, with twelve pieces of cannon. The first
brigade, with a squadron of lancers and two pieces of artillery,
commenced the march. I left Rome at five o'clock, P.M., and took the
direction of Zagarola, by the road of Campanelle, to expose the right
flank as little as possible. The march was very rapid; we reached
Zagarola at ten before noon. The vanguard passed the town rapidly, and
encamped on the hills which defend the roads of Palestrina and Albano.
According to instructions, the next day it was intended to attack
Palestrina, and then march on Velletri; but we learned, from our patrols
and information, that the enemy were no longer in Palestrina, having
concentrated their forces in Velletri. It was then immediately decided
to occupy Monte Fortino.
The order had been given to put the army in movement before daylight;
but, from misunderstanding, and insufficiency of the means of transport,
the arrival of provisions having been delayed, our brave soldiers were
compelled to lose precious time," &c., &c.
The report of the commander-in-chief being deficient in details, I
sought for more particulars from Gen. Garibaldi, and soon obtained the
following succinct account, written down from his lips, accompanied with
a hasty plan of the battle-ground, drawn by his pen. It now became
evident that the common opinion was correct, which attributed the two
remarkable victories of Palestrina and Velletri to Garibaldi; as the
vanguard, led by him, had all the fighting to do; and the main body of
the Roman army, under Roselli, did not arrive until the result was
mainly secured.
-------
GEN. GARIBALDI'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES
OF PALESTRINA AND VELLETRI.
"My first object," said he, "was to turn the enemy's flank; for I
thought that if the King of Naples once heard that I was in his rear, he
would be frightened; and so it proved."
The following is the substance of his account of the engagements, from
notes taken in 1850:
The Neapolitans occupied the strong positions of Tusculum mountains,
with their head-quarters at Velletri, and their advanced guard at
Albano. Their extreme left was at Castel Gondolfo, and their extreme
right a small village.
The battle of Palestrina was about ten days before that of Velletri. The
troops present at the former were a hundred cavalry, under Col. Massina;
300 Bersaglieri, under Col. Manara; 200 Finanzieri of the Nationals; 200
Students, mobilized; and the Italian Legion, of 1,000—in all, about
1,800 men.
Garibaldi was sent out to harrass and observe the Neapolitans, with his
division, and was at Palestrina, when seven thousand of the enemy were
sent against him, with the intention of attacking him.
Between the Tusculum Mount and Palestrina is a valley, in one of the
projections of the Apennines, in an amphitheatre. When Garibaldi
perceived that the enemy had arrived at Valmontone, he sent a detachment
to observe them. But it was repulsed, with the videttes, and retired
upon the corps. When the Neapolitans reached Palestrina, Garibaldi
prepared to defend himself. The enemy advanced, by two roads, against
Palestrina, when Garibaldi prepared two companies, to protect the
returning soldiers, or to harrass the enemy, if occasion should offer;
while he remained in the centre, with a reserve.
The Neapolitans extended in line, and attacked; but were repulsed on the
left and the centre. The two companies on the right were driven back,
when Garibaldi, being victorious in other parts, proceeded with the
reserve to the right, and the rout of the enemy was then completed. A
strong body of royal Swiss troops, in the pay of Bomba, was present. The
Republicans being destitute of cavalry, and the speedy arrival of night,
saved the wrecks of the troops of Bomba.
From Palestrina, Garibaldi returned to Rome.
-------
THE BATTLE OF VELLETRI.
A few days after, he again left Rome, with the Roman army, and was in
the vanguard, having under his orders the First Italian Legion, of
eleven hundred men; the Third of the line, eight hundred; fifty cavalry,
and two light guns.
At Valmontone he received advices that the Neapolitans were sending back
their baggage and heavy artillery, and he therefore concluded that they
were retreating, and pressed forward, sending notice to the principal
corps. At Monte Fortino he received more positive information, and
continued to advance with haste. About eight o'clock A. M. he was in
sight of Velletri, which was on the road, and two miles distant. He then
discovered the enemy's cavalry, in _échellon_, on the Appian Way, to
protect the retreat of their army, for which they were preparing. The
main body of the Neapolitan army was then at Velletri; and, as soon as
Garibaldi's corps was discovered by them, the Neapolitans moved to
attack it.
He drew up the Third of the line, in _échellon_, by companies, near the
road, which was among hills covered with vineyards, to protect his
retreat in case of necessity, and to act as a reserve in case the enemy
should attack. He placed the First Italian Legion on both sides of the
road, in the best position he could, and thus awaited the assault of the
enemy, leaving two companies in column in the road itself. The cavalry
and artillery he placed in positions adapted to be most serviceable.
The enemy attacked: but all their attempts were fruitless. They had many
killed, and were finally obliged to shut themselves up in the city, on
the defensive.
Garibaldi's corps alone was too weak to prevent the retreat of the
enemy, which was finally effected by night.
The principal corps of the Roman army, of seven thousand men, under
Roselli, arrived late, and tired with their march. An attempt, however,
was made to attack the city in front, by charging, at the head of the
First Roman Legion, with the battalion of artillery placed in a good
position upon the road. The Neapolitans sustained the positions of the
city, in which they remained the rest of the day. The Republicans took
positions, in order to renew the attack the next day: but in the morning
the Neapolitans retreated, and disappeared from Velletri.
These bold and successful operations, so briefly described, were of the
highest importance, in their results, both by driving back the enemy, by
encouraging the Republicans, and by adding to their reputation. The rout
of the Neapolitans was so decisive, that they gave no further annoyance,
and never appeared again during the war.
As for the poor Spanish army, which had landed on the coast, in
obedience to the call of the poor Pope, they did nothing but issue a few
bombastic proclamations, and kept themselves out of harm's way.
The French, in the meantime, were preparing to take decisive measures
against Rome. The wounded, whom they had left behind them on the 30th of
April, had been tenderly nursed by the Roman ladies, who had volunteered
to attend at the hospitals; and three or four hundred prisoners had been
harangued in the Corso, by the commander-in-chief, addressed as
brother-republicans, in the name of the government and people, and
dismissed without exchange or parole, with open gates, to return to
Civitavecchia. On their arrival there, however, full of their praises of
the noble Romans, they were immediately shipped for France, for fear of
their influence among the troops.
The French army soon moved, in great force, for Rome, with heavy
artillery and all preparations for a siege. But their first step was to
violate the amnesty, by suddenly attacking the outposts, the night
before the time limited by the armistice, and while they were almost
unprotected.
-------
(Translated from the Monitore Romano, of June 8, 1849.)
GENERAL GARIBALDI'S ACCOUNT OF THE
ACTION OF JUNE 3d, 1849,
WITH THE FRENCH, AT VILLAS CORSINI AND VASCELLO.
On leaving the Bastion, the ground on the right rises a little in the
direction of the Villa Vascello; and on the left forms, by a gentle
descent, a little valley, which leads towards the French camp.
From the gate of San Pancrazio a street leads directly to the Vascello,
(two hundred and fifty paces,) and then divides. The principal branch
descends on the right along the garden of the Villa Corsini, surrounded
by high walls, and goes on to join the great road to Civitavecchia.
Another, flanked by hedges, leads directly to the Villa Corsini, which
is three hundred paces in front of the Villa Vascello. And the third
road turns to the left, and is prolonged, like the first, by the wall of
the garden of the Villa Corsini.
The Villa Vascello is a large and massive fabric of three stories,
surrounded by gardens and walls. In front of the Villa (fifty paces) is
a small house, from which firing may be made against the windows of the
Villa Corsini.
On the left road, (one hundred paces,) beyond the point of separation of
the streets, are two small houses, one behind the garden of Villa
Corsini, the other twenty paces before, on the left of the street.
The Villa Corsini, placed on the highest part of the ground, commands
all the neighborhood. It is surrounded by a garden and high wall. The
position of the Villa is very strong, and the more so because wishing to
attack it without showing any preparation of approach before hand, it is
necessary, while passing the concello, which is at the foot of the
garden, to bear the concentrated fire which the enemy, defended and
covered by the hedges and vases, or within the Villa itself, make upon
that point at which the garden-walls meet at an acute angle.
The ground is also very descending; and, besides, the Villa Corsini is
very favorable to the enemy, because declining, and being scattered with
groves, and crossed by deep streets, they can concentrate their reserves
in security from our fire, when the cannon oblige them to abandon the
house.
The first attack made by the Italian Legion was against the positions
Corsini and Quattro Venti, which had been abandoned by our troops,
because surprised, betrayed, and overpowered by the great number of the
enemy. The attack was made with the bayonet, without firing a single
shot; the Legion sustained, for about three-quarters of an hour, the
whole weight of the enemy; and Colonels Daverio and Massina, and
Commandant Peralta were killed, and most of the officers wounded.
At that moment arrived the Manara Bersaglieri, who throwing themselves
into the garden, vigorously attacked the enemy, even under the walls of
the Villa. Here fell Captain Dandolo and many soldiers; and many
officers and soldiers were wounded. But from that moment the houses on
the left were ours. The enemy had stopped their progressive work, and
the Vascello, strongly occupied, poured on them a fire of grape shot.
The brave artillerymen very soon disturbed the enemy in the Villa
Corsini.
The Manara Bersaglieri, from the Casini on the left, and the Italian
Legion from the Vascello, drove the French Tiraglieurs from the garden
and hedges. Both parties kept up a very warm fire.
The enemy were no more able, although reinforced and protected by two
pieces of artillery, to take from our troops the position held with so
much valor.
The artillery fired upon the Villa Corsini so vigorously, that the enemy
were compelled to retreat, after setting it on fire; while the cannon in
the right Bastion, and Bersaglieri, thrown forward of the Vascello,
attacked with great ardor the enemy, who were in the Casino Quattro
Venti, and who occupied numerous small adjacent houses, from which they
made a very heavy but useless fire.
On the left, towards the French camp, two companies of the Manara
Bersaglieri were then sent, who went far in advance, to annoy the enemy,
hidden among the vines.
A very severe conflict continued all day, always to the advantage of our
troops, who were able, even a second time, (the Manara Bersaglieri and
Italian Legion,) to charge the enemy beyond the Villa Corsini.
Towards evening several companies of the third regiment of the line were
sent to reinforce our troops in the Vascello; and the Medici Legion was
sent to relieve the Manara Bersaglieri in the Casini on the left.
The cannon reduced almost to dust the Villa Corsini and the Casino
Quattro Venti, being wonderfully well directed—due praise to the brave
Lieut. Col. Ludovico Calandrelli.
The enemy were beaten at all points. Our troops, and especially the
Manara Bersaglieri and the Italian Legion, again and again charged the
enemy breast to breast.
The first company of Manara Bersaglieri threw itself into the Villa
Giraud, and made many French prisoners. The Italian Legion several times
advanced up to Villa Valentini.
At evening the Medici Legion vigorously charged the enemy among the
vineyards on the left.
The night came, leaving to us the field of battle, the enemy admiring
our valor, and our troops desirous of renewing the battle, which had
been so courageously fought on the first day. This they did on the
following morning.
All the officers, and especially the superior and subaltern officers
whom I wish to distinguish, are these here recorded, because martyrs and
dying as brave men.
Cols. Masina, Daverio, and Ramorino; Adj. Major Peralta; Lieuts. Bonnet,
Cavalleri and Grassi; Capts. Dandalo and David, Lieut. Scarani, Col.
Polline, Lieuts. Larete and Gazzaniga.
GARIBALDI,
Commander of the Division.
[The siege and resistance continued: but the particulars must be omitted
here. Passing over three weeks we come to the last great, but
unsuccessful attack on the Vascello.]
Translated from the "Monitore Romano" (Roman Monitor),
of June 26th, 1849.
OFFICIAL BULLETIN OF EVENTS WHICH
TOOK PLACE ON THE 25TH AND 26TH OF
JUNE, 1849.
In the last night the enemy made an attack, to dislodge our troops from
the Casino, outside the gate San Pancrazio, called the Vascello, but
were repulsed with great loss. For the particulars of that action,
glorious to our arms, I publish the following extract from a report sent
to me by the brave general of division, Garibaldi:
GEN. GARIBALDI'S REPORT TO ROSELLI,
THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF.
CITIZEN GENERAL-IN-CHIEF:
One hour after midnight the enemy tried a second attack, and assaulted
our right flank, breaking in towards the Vascello, which is under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Medici, and on the left side of the
Casetta, which is under the command of Major Cenni.
With lively pleasure I communicate to you how heroically our troops
sustained themselves, and powerfully repulsed them.
The very deep mist, which involved everything, rendered the conflict the
more interesting. Our soldiers gave proofs of their diligence and love
for the cause.
Many dead, who still lie unburied on the enemy's ground, bear them
witness. And the highest encomium is due in general to the detachments
Medici and Melara, and to the Manara Bersaglieri, on the right wing, and
on the left to Major Cenni, of the staff of the division; and, of the
Arcioni legion, to Captains Joanny, Baily, Romagnori; 1st Lieutenant
Carlotti; 2d Lieutenant Bellonghi; and to all the soldiers of that
corps. Of the Regiment of the Union, Capt. Colombani and Lieut. Dezzi
distinguished themselves. The soldiers are the same as those who so
lately defended the Casetta, near the Vascello.
And the detachment of the line should not be forgotten, commanded by
Sub-Lieutenant Ferrandi, of the 3d regiment, who showed themselves
openly, and intrepid under fire. When the firing had ceased, in
consequence of the repulse of the enemy, there was an almost perfect
silence, interrupted only by a few exchanges of shot, chiefly harmless.
Nothing important occurred before daybreak, and things still remain as
yesterday.
Salutation and brotherhood!
General Head-quarters, morning of June 26th, 1849.
GARIBALDI.
General commanding the 1st Division.
The following editorial passage follows the preceding report, in the
same paper, the _Monitore Romano_. As it relates to a subject of which
much use was afterwards made by the French and Popish writers, to
justify themselves, and falsely to accuse the Romans, it seems proper to
insert it here, for the information of the reader. In spite of what is
here said (greatly to the disgrace of the French invaders), many of the
statues, buildings, pictures, and other valuable "monuments of the
city," were injured, and some destroyed, by their bullets, grape-shot,
cannon-balls and bomb-shells. They chose their point of attack near St.
Peter's church and the Vatican palace, and sometimes appeared to aim
their artillery for the wanton destruction or injury of those and other
edifices.
From the Monitore Roman of June 26th, 1849.
The Paris _Constitutionnel_, and all the other journals of the (French)
government, make known the reason why General Oudinot has not yet
entered Rome, in the following passage:
"It is wrong to believe that Rome can be, in a few days, rescued from
the state of defence in which it has been placed by the _foreigners who
occupy it_. Even if the possibility of success in an attack by main
force were demonstrated, with the use of all the means authorized by
war, other considerations should prescribe the greatest circumspection
to our general-in-chief. In reality, the order to attack, which was sent
to Gen. Oudinot, contains an express recommendation to adopt the most
complete measures to avoid the exposure of the monuments of the city,
which are now placed under the safeguard of France. Considerations of
humanity are no less in the plans of our generals, who in no case will
confound the Roman population with the bands of adventurers who ruin and
oppress it. For all these reasons, the besieging forces will confine
themselves to the attack of exterior works, and of positions from which
the city and the monuments can not receive any injury."
[Remarks on the preceding extract from the _Constitutionnel_, by the
editors of the _Monitore Romano_.]
"This, it cannot be denied, is an ingenious expedient to justify the
slowness of the _brilliant successes_ of Oudinot under the walls of
Rome. It is not a posthumous expedient, but a witty one, invented _after
the act_. The General had first to think how to let his bomb-shells by
hundreds fall, not upon the _foreigners_ who defend Rome, but upon the
heads of the harmless population whom he has come to _protect_. He must
think first how to ruin the edifices of Raffaelle, the Aurora of Guido,
the temple of Fortuna Virilis, and, only yesterday, the most beautiful
fresco of Poussin, in the palace Costaguli, now irreparably lost,
because it has never been copied or engraved.
"But this does not prevent the Roman monuments from being placed _under
the safeguard_ of the French arms! This did not prevent them from having
within their scope the defence of the liberty of the people, oppressed
by foreigners! Hypocrites and wretches! you do not possess even the
brutal frankness of Austria!"
The following brief notices of events in Paris, published in the same
number of the _Monitore Romano_, convey striking hints of the condition
to which Louis Napoleon was reducing France, while his army was
attempting to overthrow the Roman Republic, and fabricating excuses for
his ill success.
_Paris_, June 15th.—The members of the Legislative Assembly under trial
for revolutionary proceedings exceeds twenty; and the list is not yet
complete, (Ledru Rolin was at the head of these.)
The Moniteur publishes two decrees of the President of the Republic. By
the first, considering that the existing condition of Paris renders
necessary the union in one hand of all the disposable forces of the
national guard and of the army, it is decreed, that General Changarnier
shall unite the superior command of the national guard of the Seine with
the command of the troops of the first military division, until the
public tranquillity shall be restored in the capital. By the second, the
city of Lyons and all the circuit comprised in the sixth military
division are placed in the state of siege.
Arrests continue to-day. The whole number is three hundred.... Letters
and papers seized will lead to other arrests.
By a decree of the Executive the following newspapers are suppressed,
(naming six.)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE BATTLE OF JUNE 30TH.
GENERAL GARIBALDI'S LAST OFFICIAL REPORT IN ROME.
_General Head-quarters, San Pietro in Montorio, July 1, 1849._—Yesterday
was a day fruitful in deeds of arms: losses and advantages. Yesterday
Italy counted new martyrs. Colonel Manara leaves a void in the
Republican files, difficult to be supplied. Young, of surprising merit
and valor, he was struck by an enemy's ball, while courageously
defending the Villa Spada against an enemy very superior. America
yesterday gave, with the blood of a valiant son, Andrea Aghiar, a pledge
of the love of liberal men of all countries for our fair and unfortunate
Italy.
Lieutenant Colonel Medici distinguished himself by skill and courage, in
the defence of the first bastion on the right of the gate of San
Pancrazio, and of the position Savorelli. He was distinguished in the
company of the brave Colonel Ghilardi, commandant of that line.
The Medici Legion and the first of the line fought like lions. They
several times repelled assaults in the breach, and paid with the
precious life of many young men, the hope of the country, the sacred
debt of all.
Part of the Manara Legion fought at the point of the bayonet with their
accustomed courage, in union with the companies of the regiment Massi.
The Italian Legion, under the command of Colonel Manara, showed itself
worthy of its fame in the defence of the Villa Spada. The Third of the
Line, in defending the positions which were confided to it, covered
itself with glory.
GARIBALDI.
-------
THE CITY TO CEASE HER RESISTANCE.
It was now decided that the further defence of Rome was impossible,
without exposing the city to destruction. The enemy were within the
walls, and could not be dislodged. They were indeed so strong, that the
Romans would be obliged at least to abandon their line, and retire to
this side of the Tiber, which General Avezzana and Garibaldi proposed to
defend with obstinacy. But the inhabitants apprehended, from such a
step, the speedy ruin of their houses by the French cannon and shells;
and, after a Council which they held with the Assembly, it was resolved
to cease resistance. Garibaldi saw that his work was done in the
capital; and, with feelings which we may in some degree realize, he
resolved not to witness the disgrace brought upon his noble cause, nor
to leave his gallant companions to be disarmed and remain useless to the
country. He doubtless foresaw that many of them would follow wherever he
would lead; and then certainly, not less than at other times, he felt an
impulse to lead where only courageous men would follow. He thought of
the city of Venice, then besieged by the Austrians, by sea and land, and
indulged the flattering hope of being able to reach her, and join her
brave defenders. The wide space to be passed over, and the far superior
force which the enemy could send to oppose him, were insufficient to
discourage him; and he resolved to go. But one obstacle was in his way.
His wife was urgent to accompany him, which he opposed; but in vain.
The government issued the following proclamations:—
[Translated from the Monitore Romano, of Monday,
July 2, 1849.]
ROMAN REPUBLIC:
The Constituent Assembly, in the name of God and the people, _decrees_:
The Triumvirs, Armellini, Mazzini, and Saffi have deserved well of the
country.
ALLOCALETTI, _President_.
SANTARGES,
COCCHI,
ZAMBIANCH,
PINNACCHI.
_Rome, July 1st, 1849._
The following was published yesterday:—
Romans! The Triumvirate is voluntarily dissolved. The Constituent
Assembly will communicate to you the names of our successors.
The Assembly, deeply affected, after the act of yesterday, performed by
the enemy, with a desire to deliver Rome from extreme dangers, and to
prevent the fruitless sacrifice of any more lives for the defence, have
decreed the cessation of hostilities. The men who were in the right
during the contest, could not well continue to govern in the new times
which are preparing. The mandate sent to them has ceased _de facto_, and
they hasten to resign it to the hands of the Assembly.
Romans! Brothers! you have written a page which will remain in history,
a proof of the power and energy which slept in you, and of your future
deeds, of which no force can deprive you.... Assembled under the
Republican banner, you have redeemed the honor of the common country,
elsewhere contaminated by deeds of evil men, and overthrown by
monarchical impotency. Your Triumvirs, becoming simple citizens among
you, carry with them the highest comfort in their consciousness of pure
intentions, and the honor of having their names associated with your
bravest deeds.
A cloud is rising to-day over your prospects and you. It is the cloud of
an hour. Remain firm in the consciousness of your rectitude, and with
the faith in which many armed apostles among you have died. God, who has
treasured up their blood, is surely for you. God wills that Rome shall
be great; and she will be. Yours is not a defeat; it is a victory of the
martyrs, to whom the tomb is the passage to heaven.... Viva la Republica
Romana!
The Triumvirs,
GIUSEPPE MAZZINI,
CARLO ARMELLINI,
AURELIO SAFFI.
-------
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC
ADOPTED—THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISSOLVED.
The Constituent Roman Assembly, in their session of yesterday,
definitively voted, with unanimity, and _viva voce_, the Constitution of
the Republic.
Having fulfilled, by this act, the essential part of its high mission,
the Assembly decreed, on motion of the Deputy Agostini, that the law be
engraved on two marble tables and placed on the capital, as an eternal
monument of the unanimous will of the people, legitimately represented
by their Deputies. Woe to him who shall touch those tables of the new
civil and political compact which the Roman People form with themselves
before God, in the view of all civilized nations! This compact has been
sealed with the blood of martyrs, with the blood of all those who,
following the voice of their hearts, hastened to Rome, as to the ancient
Mother, to defend the honor and the liberty of Italy, and to lay the
first stone of her future and inevitable independence.
Whatever may be the present results of measures which foreign supremacy
is preparing, the Assembly, the People, the National Guard and the Roman
Army have the consciousness of having fulfilled their duty.
(From the same paper.)
Before dissolving the solemn session, the Assembly decreed a funeral in
the Basilica of St. Peter, to all the heroes who have offered their
lives for the country and for the Republic, under the walls of Rome. As
to the wounded, as no less worthy of honor, and in need of care, the
Assembly voted a Hospital, and appropriated for the purpose one of the
national palaces.
Finally, that nothing might be wanting to the harmony which always
prevails among the people, the Constituent Assembly and the citizens in
whom, in the last moments, they had entrusted the salvation of the
country, the Assembly declared, by a solemn decree, well deserving of
the country, the Triumvirs, Armellini, Mazzini, and Saffi.
(From the same paper.)
We have said it, and we repeat it, and we will repeat it always: The
Republic arose in Rome by universal suffrage; rose on the ruins of the
throne of the Popes, which the cry of all Europe, the maledictions of
all civilized nations, and the spirit of the Gospel, had crumbled into
dust. To-day, when on that throne, stigmatized by civilization, flows
the blood of so many victims, who will dare to raise it again? A
mountain of corpses shuts up, to the Pontiff, the way to that throne;
and to ascend it again, the white stole of the priest must be dyed with
human blood! Can the Pope, like the tyrants, sit upon a seat of
bayonets? But it is not in the power of France, it is not in the power
of Europe conspiring, to restore the Pope to the minds of citizens,
after the enormous events which have occurred. The sceptre of the Popes
is morally broken for ever.
-------
PROCLAMATION OF THE MINISTER OF WAR.
Romans! The last word of the Minister of War is a mark of admiration of
your valor, and an urgent request to you, to persevere in the sacred
enterprise of the redemption of Italy.
Your martyrs died with this name upon their lips.
Difficulties of your condition—adversity of destiny—diplomatic
snares—deceitful words—let them never arrest you.
The legacy of the valiant who have fallen for you on the walls of the
Eternal City, is holy and inviolate! They have reopened Roman history—Do
you continue its fame.
G. AVEZZANA.
-------
GARIBALDI'S DEPARTURE FROM ROME
WITH HIS REMAINING TROOPS, AND HIS
CELEBRATED RETREAT TO THE ADRIATIC.
Garibaldi collected his troops after the government had determined to
cease resistance, and addressed them in his Spartan speech, which has
been so much admired; then proceeding out of the gates, followed by a
considerable portion of his troops, he took his course across the
Campagna, his wife accompanying him on horseback, notwithstanding all
his affectionate remonstrances. He had resolved to make a desperate
effort, to avoid the necessity of submitting to the enemy.
The retreat of Garibaldi from Rome to the little port of Cesenatico, on
the Adriatic, while pursued by an Austrian and a French army, has been
much admired for the boldness, skill and judgment which were displayed,
through a daily change of dangers, discouragements and sufferings, which
would seem too great to be so long endured. His route lay through Forli
and Cantalupo to Terni, then declined to the left to Todi, Capretto and
Orvieto, where the French troops showed themselves; then on to the
frontier of Tuscany, after which they passed Arezzo, and crossing a
mountain, reached Cisterna; then, passing on to Borgo, Santangelo in
Vado, and Montefeltro, he arrived at San Marino, near the close of July,
and left there on the night of the 31st for Cesenatico, where they
embarked in several boats, and sailed for Venice. Several of these were
captured or sunk, and others driven to the shore, among which last was
that which contained Garibaldi, his wife, Bassi, Cicerouacchio, and his
two sons, whose fate has been mentioned in the preceding pages.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TEN YEARS LATER.
CHAPTER I.
"In thy bosom, fair Italia,
Fire is cherish'd warm and bright,
Ling'ring time alone delays it;
Hour expected—day of light!
Three long centuries we've waited;
Lo! it dawns—a glorious sight!"
"_Banks of Dora_"—_an Italian Song of 1846_.
GARIBALDI WAITING HIS TIME—THE ISLAND OF CAPRERA—HIS
CONFIDENCE IN THE APPROACH OF ITALIAN DELIVERANCE,
EXPRESSED IN HIS PRECEDING AUTOBIOGRAPHY, AND AT
NEW YORK—HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE—INJUSTICE DONE
TO HIS CHARACTER AND STYLE OF WRITING—M. DUMAS'
BOOK—PREPARATION OF THE ITALIAN PEOPLE FOR UNION AND
LIBERTY, BY SECRET SOCIETIES—CHANGES OF POLICY—THE
PRINCIPLES OF THE ITALIAN PATRIOTS ADOPTED BY FRANCE AND
ENGLAND—CONSEQUENCES.
The portion of Garibaldi's life recorded in the preceding pages,
interesting and important as it was, now proves to have been but the
prelude and preparation of the mighty and momentous scenes which
Providence had in reserve for an extraordinary man like him, fitted by
such a long, arduous, and perilous training as he had received, under
the supervision of heaven. A war like that of Armageddon, so awfully
depicted in the Book of Revelation, was now preparing; and all the
effects of the persevering labors and pious prayers of Italian patriots,
devoted to the liberation of their country, were now to be seen in the
spirit of harmony and bravery which had been inculcated by the secret
societies, fostered by the experience gained in the revolutions of 1820,
'31, and '46, and many insurrections attempted; and now for the first
time, under a leader long known for his unequalled, noble, pure, and
exalted character, as well as for his incomparable skill and boldness,
and his astonishing success in the field. And what unexpected changes in
the situations of Europe, and especially of Italy, were brought about by
events whose tendency was not discovered by human eyes, until war
commenced between Sardinia and France on the one side, and Austria on
the other.
Only a short time before, peace might have been expected to continue,
and the oppression of Italians to be prolonged by Austria, the Pope, and
the King of Naples. There were no uncommon signs of approaching
disturbance; and Garibaldi, in his favorite island retreat, was quietly
cultivating his farm, and seemed likely to reap in peace the little
field which he was sowing.
THE ISLAND OF CAPRERA.
This little rocky island, near the northeastern coast of Sardinia, has
now a peculiar interest, on account of its connection with Garibaldi.
Its greatest length is five miles, and its greatest breadth three. Its
name intimates the nature of its soil and surface, it being rough,
rocky, and barren, and well fitted for goats.
It belonged to the government, and a portion of it was purchased by
Garibaldi, it is believed, about the year 1856, when he made it his
residence, took a number of his fellow-exiles thither, and founded a
small colony, directing his attention to the cultivation of the ground.
He afterward sent to New York for some American implements, and
prosecuted his design with diligence, until a vessel, which he had
loaded with necessaries, especially a quantity of lime, was lost on the
voyage, and left him without requisite means to proceed with his
buildings and other improvements. He still, however, regarded that
little secluded island as his home, and has returned to it at every
interval of peace and leisure.
There was Garibaldi, waiting for the day to arrive, which he had so many
years anticipated, hoped and prepared for, and which he had endeavored
to make as visible to the eyes of his countrymen as it seemed to be to
his own. Yes, the day was near at hand which he had written down in his
preceding autobiography, pages 112, 115, etc. On page 125 he said: "Be
great, once more, O Italy, and then the powerful voice of the Almighty
will be heard by all thy sons; and the hungry, cowardly vultures which
destroy thee, will be stunned by its thundering sound."
Such, also, was the expectation which he expressed in 1850, in his note
of courteous but decided refusal of the honors of a public reception in
the city of New York, and which we here translate from his refined
Italian original, addressed to the committee:
GARIBALDI'S REPLY TO THE NEW YORK COMMITTEE,
AUGUST 3d, 1850.
"GENTLEMEN: I much regret that my very poor health does
not allow me to take part in the demonstration which you
have appointed for next Saturday. The length of my
convalescence, and the uncertainty of the time of my
recovery, still render it impossible for me to fix a day
when I may be able to yield to the wishes of your
affectionate and flattering invitation. I hope you will
allow me to repeat, more warmly than at first, the
desire which I have often expressed to you, that you
will entirely abandon the proposed demonstration.
"Such a public exhibition is not necessary to secure for
me the sympathy of my countrymen, of the American
people, and of all true republicans, for the misfortunes
which I have suffered, and for the cause which has
occasioned them.
"Although a public manifestation of that affection would
be most grateful to me, exiled from my native land,
separated from my children, and weeping over the fall of
the liberty of my country by foreign intervention; yet
believe me, I would rather avoid it, content that it is
allowed me, tranquilly and humbly, to become a citizen
of this great Republic of free men, to sail under its
flag, to engage in commerce in order to earn my
livelihood, and to wait for a moment more favorable for
the redemption of my country from oppressors, both
domestic and foreign.
"In regard to the cause to which I have consecrated
myself, I esteem nothing more than the approbation of
this great people; and I believe it will be sufficient
for them to know, how I have honestly and faithfully
served the cause of liberty, in which they themselves
have given a great and noble example to the world.
"G. GARIBALDI."
The committee published their reply to this letter, and closed it with
these words:
"We lament the modesty of Gen. Garibaldi, which, more
than his imperfect convalescence, has prevented the
success of our urgent requests."
A small volume has been published by Alexander Dumas, a French
novel-writer, of which different opinions have been expressed. It was
asserted, last summer, by the "Philadelphia Press," that it was pirated
from the first edition of this book, in the French language, and had
been translated into English and sold to an American bookseller for five
hundred dollars. There are many passages in it which might appear to
countenance such an assertion; but there are numerous passages, and even
entire chapters, which are wholly unlike anything in the latter; and a
large part of the volume contains views, sentiments and expressions
quite the opposite of Garibaldi's. Indeed, of the 337 small duodecimo
pages in the English translation, only 203 are claimed by M. Dumas to be
Garibaldi's, other writers being credited for the remaining 134. The 203
pages contain passages which magnify Garibaldi's deeds or spirit much
more than he was ever known to do, (for he is always as modest as
brave,) with some of his most forcible expressions and passages greatly
weakened by useless amplifications. The English translation is in a very
loose and inferior style; and various cases occur in both Dumas and his
translators, in which ignorant blunders are made in interpreting the
standard before them, whatever it may have been. The motto of chapter
6th Dumas gives in his French, "Le Dieu des Bons Gens:" and his English
translator: "_The God of Good People_." And this is afterward repeated,
showing a surprising and laughable mistake in the import of the motto of
the Italian Republicans, "_Dio e Popolo_"—God and the People.
The personal appearance of Garibaldi, his mien, address, and manners,
are so remarkably accordant with his character, that clear impressions
of them seem necessary to a distinct apprehension of the spirit with
which he lays his plans, and commences and accomplishes his great deeds.
A stranger may obtain such impressions, in a considerable degree, by
contemplating the fine steel engraving which forms the frontispiece of
this volume, and reading some of the descriptions written by different
observers on various occasions. That portrait is accurately copied from
a daguerrotype, for which he obligingly sat, at the request of the
author, soon after his arrival in New York in 1850; and has been
pronounced by many of his friends the best likeness they have ever seen.
It certainly is exactly like the daguerrotype, not only in the features,
but in the expression of the face.
Any one who would form a correct opinion of the state of preparation in
which the people of Italy stood waiting for the time of their
emancipation, must recur to the labors of the patriotic leaders who had
been constantly laboring to enlighten and inspirit them during the last
forty years. Their efforts had been principally through secret
societies, formed and conducted somewhat on the plan of freemasonry. The
Carbonari (literally, colliers—the makers of charcoal in the mountains,
where the patriots often found refuge) were dissolved, after their
archives had been seized. The society of Giovane Italia (Young Italy)
was then formed, and directed by Mazzini and his friends, from foreign
countries, safe from the reach of the enemy. One striking case of their
sagacious and successful operations is described in that most
interesting and instructive work on Italy, "The Roman Exile," by G.
Gajani, formerly an eminent Roman jurist, an officer under Garibaldi in
1849, and now a respected citizen of New York. Thousands of other
instances might be mentioned, to prove the powerful influence of those
efforts.
_The union of Italians_ was the great object aimed at, and
_non-interference by foreign powers_ was the principle claimed of
Europe. The Republicans of 1849 declared that monarchy was opposed to
both these ends; but, since Sardinia, England and France have all proved
by their actions that they have adopted these principles, the
Republicans have joined their old opponents, the constitutional
monarchists, and ranged themselves under the banner of Victor Emanuel.
Garibaldi was a Republican in South America, Rome, and everywhere, until
he became convinced of this change of policy; and now he is devoted to
Victor Emanuel—because Victor Emanuel is devoted to Italy. When the
voice of calumny shall have ceased, justice will be done to men who are
now iniquitously stigmatized.
And what men those were, who then, like lions suddenly roused, sprang
from their lairs and rushed to the fight in May, 1859. Those alone who
knew them, can form an adequate conception of their feelings, because
each had passed through trials which none of us have known, or witnessed
among our own happier countrymen. Many of them had been exiles in
America, and a number had been residents in New York, and personally
known, respected and loved.
A large collection of manuscripts now at hand, in various forms, of
various kinds, and of different dates, recall the characters and
histories of their authors; and what may hereafter be published from
them will be strictly true, except some changes of names, which
propriety may require. Among the papers are letters, notices of friends
in need, warnings against plotting enemies—Jesuits in disguise, and long
histories of romantic adventures.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER II.
"Shouting—'Shame on chains and slavery!'
Brothers, rouse and arm for war;
All united: now, Barbarians,
'Tis your retribution hour!"—
_Banks of Dora._
POLICY OF LOUIS NAPOLEON SINCE 1849—HIS POSITION IN
1859—CAUSES OF THE WAR IN LOMBARDY—AUSTRIAN ARMY
THREATENS PIEDMONT—FRENCH TROOPS SENT TO THE AID OF
VICTOR EMANUEL—GARIBALDI CALLED INTO SERVICE—MARCHES
NORTH—APPREHENSIONS OF HIS FRIENDS—HIS BRILLIANT
SUCCESSES AT VARESE AND COMO.
Louis Napoleon, in 1848, when a candidate for the presidency of the
French Republic, solicited the assistance of the clergy, saying that, if
elected, he would reinstate the Pope in Rome. Afterward, in April, 1849,
Louis Napoleon sent an expedition against Rome, under the command of
General Oudinot. That general, on his arrival before Civita Vecchia,
published a proclamation, printed in France, by which it was announced
that France would occupy Rome, in order to prevent Austria from doing
so.
It seems that Louis Napoleon was not so much guided by his promise, or
by religious devotion, as by the shrewd design of securing to himself
the influence of the Pope, which Austria would have turned against him.
The Pope, however, continued to lean toward Austria; and, by her advice,
opposed all the suggestions of Louis Napoleon, and placed him in a false
position.
From 1849 to '59 was a period of secret intrigue and struggles at Rome,
between France and Austria. The Crimean war added a new element of
hostility between the two courts. Napoleon, as a threat to Austria,
invited the king of Sardinia to participate in that war, and afterward
allowed Count Cavour to speak in the name of oppressed Italy, in spite
of the protest of the Austrian minister.
At this, Austria became more active in preparing and countenancing the
ruin of Napoleon in France; and the Pope used his influence with the
clergy and the legitimists of that country. Napoleon was thus laid under
the necessity of striking a blow at Austria, in self-defence. This
explains his league with the king of Sardinia. But Napoleon neither
designed nor foresaw all that happened afterward. The complete
liberation of Italy and the downfall of the papacy were not in his plan;
because he feared that a general convulsion of Europe would be the
consequence of such events. In justice to him, however, we must
acknowledge, that he has countenanced and aided those events, since he
has seen that they were accomplished in a wonderfully quiet manner.
There can be but little doubt that Napoleon prefers to see the political
influence of the Pope dead forever, instead of being compelled to court
it, in competition with Austria.
Early in 1859, the Emperor of Austria began to threaten Sardinia with
100,000 men, demanding that she should disarm, which was refused. The
Emperor of the French showed himself ready to sustain Victor Emanuel in
his position; and then the Emperor of Austria made an effort to gain
time by an artifice, and pressed a powerful army on to the frontiers.
With surprising promptitude, Louis Napoleon sent a very large force into
Piedmont, partly across Mount Cenis and partly by water to Genoa,
availing himself of the facilities offered by the railroads and steam
vessels, and armed with the most improved military weapons and
implements of modern warfare.
Then commenced one of the most important and sanguinary conflicts of
modern times, and one most decisive of results in favor of Italian
liberty. The armies on both sides were very large and powerful, and
included many of the chiefs, officers, and soldiers who had been trained
in Africa and the Crimea, as well as in the European wars ten and twelve
years preceding. The sudden and rapid advance of the Austrians was
checked by the vigorous stand made by the Piedmontese, and the still
more rapid movements of the troops from France. We have not room to give
all the details of the battles which ensued, and with which the public
are acquainted. The service which our hero rendered in it was of the
utmost importance; and not only fully justified the high reputation he
had long enjoyed, but raised him to an eminence proportioned to the
magnitude of the immense military operations in which he acted a
leading, and we might say almost the decisive part.
When Garibaldi was called by the king to engage in the war, he accepted
the office proposed, but, it has been reported, on two conditions: that
he should be allowed to act according to his own judgment, and as far
from the French as possible. We do not pretend to give credence to this
rumor, and can only say, on the one hand, that he showed some symptoms,
while in this country, of retaining a bitter recollection of the siege
and humiliation of Rome; but, on the other hand, that he is charitable,
generous, and forgiving beyond most other men who ever lived on earth.
No sooner was it known that Garibaldi was forming a band to act against
the Austrians, than patriots hastened from all parts of Italy to join
his banner. Such were their numbers and their enthusiasm, that the
authorities in vain attempted to detain them; and even from the Pope's
territories, and from the cruelly oppressed kingdom of Naples,
volunteers poured like torrents on toward Piedmont. Promptly a corps was
formed under Garibaldi's peculiar tactics, denominated, "_I Cacciatori
delle Alpi_" (The Huntsmen of the Alps), and, led by their spirited and
fearless leader, started toward the north, and disappeared among the
mountain passes of the Alps. No sooner was this news received in the
United States, than his friends here foretold that his aim would prove
to be, to turn the right wing of the Austrians, get into their rear, and
raise Lombardy in insurrection. With anxious solicitude the first
inquiries of all seemed to be first for Garibaldi; and the deeds of
daring, labor, fatigue, and skill which he performed were repeated
through that great and bloody campaign with skill and perseverance
equalled only in his uniform success.
Those who have seen enough of Garibaldi to form a just estimate of his
character and powers, can never be at a loss in drawing a picture of him
in their imaginations, when they hear that he has been placed in a new
scene fitted to call forth his energy. So it was when the news was
received that he marched from Turin with 3,700 men, his chosen band, to
Biella and Borgomanero, toward the northeast, and had moved with such
promptitude and rapidity, and by such secluded and difficult paths, that
no certain information could be obtained of his route, plans, or
objects. Those who knew him at once declared that his former practices
compelled them confidently to predict that he had gone among the
mountains to turn the right wing of the Austrians, and raise the country
in insurrection in their rear. Many days passed, however, before the
truth was known, though various reports came through different channels.
At length it was published as certain that he had been successful in a
laborious march, and in the accomplishment of a sudden and bold attack
upon the Austrians at Varese. By ingenious arrangements he had deceived
the enemy, whose spies, as he had expected, carried them true reports of
his past movements, present position, and possible preparations, but
drew false conclusions of his intentions.
THE BATTLE OF VARESE.
The Canton Ticino is a narrow part of Switzerland, lying along a small
river of that name, and extending down far into the north of Italy. The
interesting history of that small and rude territory deserves to be much
better known, especially on account of the devotion of its virtuous
inhabitants to the principles of the Reformation, and the persecutions
which they have at different periods endured for their faith. The river
Ticino is difficult of passage, and, as the Austrians were strong in
their position at Varese, beyond it, it was important to prevent them
from meeting him at that stream. At Borgomanero he prepared his plans,
and put them in harmony with the instructions given him at
head-quarters. The principal object was to cross the Ticino and effect
the passage and invasion without danger to himself or his men. Garibaldi
knew that all these men risked their lives, inasmuch as before becoming
soldiers they were refugees, and by bearing arms they incurred,
according to the Austrian code, the penalty of death. He accordingly
spread the report that he intended to stop at Arona, and he even himself
wrote orders to have stores and lodgings prepared there, and the
churches fitted up for the reception of horses.
No sooner had he sent off these orders by special messengers to Arona,
which is on the Lago Maggiore, than he gave orders to his men, each of
whom carried two muskets, to leave for Castelletto, where they crossed
the Ticino in a ferry-boat to Sesto Calende, and by an astonishing
forced march of two days, proceeded to Varese.
The Austrians, on learning how they had been tricked, assembled at
Camerlata, and intercepted the line of the Ticino at Varese, believing
that they would thereby cut off the retreat of the force and surprise
it. Garibaldi troubled himself little about that proceeding, and induced
the towns and villages to revolt.
A proclamation was issued by the general, inviting the whole of the
Varesotto province to rise against their oppressors. The appeal was
generally listened to, and men of every age and condition hastened to
the official residence of Marquis Visconti, the extraordinary
commissioner sent by Count Cavour as the coadjutor of the Italian
general. In less than two hours the whole of the surrounding country was
in arms. Old men, children, and even women, came to the Town Hall, with
all sorts of weapons, ready to help the small band (3,000) of their
brethren. Varese was soon fortified, barricades erected, means of
defence carefully ordered. Bands of peasants were pouring into the town
from the numberless hamlets, villas, and villages which deck the
picturesque hills of that beautiful country—the finest in Lombardy, and,
perhaps of Europe. Garibaldi, who is always to be found everywhere when
danger is coming, began to array in companies the new comers, and gave
the necessary orders for the defence of the country, as he supposed that
the Austrians posted at Gallarate would attack him the next day.
He was not deceived in his expectation, for on Wednesday morning, at
dawn three hundred Croats and one hundred and thirty Hussars, with a
field battery, marched from Gallarate to Sesto Calende, where the
advance guard of Italian Chasseurs was posted. This advance guard was
commanded by Capt. Decristoforis, a young man of great military ability,
who only two months before was in England, and kept a first-rate
military school at Putney. After a fight, which lasted two hours, the
enemy was completely defeated, leaving some prisoners. The Austrians
were obliged to retire on Somma, and nothing was heard of them till next
morning at four o'clock.
This second attack was of a more serious character. It was effected by a
brigade, five thousand strong, with ten field pieces, and two squadrons
of Uhlans. After a first discharge of their muskets, the Italian
volunteers assaulted the enemy with the bayonet, and with so much
impetuosity that the Austrian centre was obliged to fall back on its
left wing, then engaged by a battalion of the Italian right. Now the
fight became general—a tremendous hand-to-hand fight, in which every
inch of ground was bravely disputed by both armies. The enemy's
artillery was of no more use, because Garibaldi, having none, had
ordered his men to fight hand-to-hand with swords and bayonets. At the
report of the musketry and artillery, the country people hastened to the
scene of action with pitchforks, half-pikes, and cleavers. "It was a
dreadful scene of slaughter," said an eye-witness, "which lasted three
hours." Nothing can give an idea of the impetuosity of those Italians
who could at last revenge so many wrongs, so many cruelties. It was
almost madness. Two brothers Strambio, one captain and the other
lieutenant, were seen to leap into the inside of a hedge of bayonets,
and cut down Croats as if they had been puppets. A Count Montanari, from
Verona, whose brother had been hanged, in 1853, by Radetsky's order, was
running up and down the bloody field, striking right and left with his
powerful sword.
At 7 o'clock, the Austrian general was obliged to give the order for a
retreat, as his men were falling in all directions. Garibaldi was close
at their heels till they reached the strong position of Malnate, where
they stopped to repair their losses.
This is a short but faithful sketch of Garibaldi's exploit. It will
always be recorded as one of the most brilliant actions of the war,
because he had no artillery, and his soldiers were but volunteers,
scarcely drilled, and unaccustomed to camp life.
Garibaldi then went to Como, on the celebrated lake of that name, where
he received a positive ovation from the population. All the country was
in full insurrection. Young men were putting themselves in uniform, and
arming themselves. All classes, without distinction—nobles, peasants,
citizens, men, women, and children—were prepared for resistance.
Garibaldi had taken the precaution of being able to supply the
population with arms and ammunition.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER III.
"Morn is breaking! Rise, Italia!
He whose yoke thou still dost wear,
Soon will shake at sight of danger;
Well his coward heart may fear."
"_The Banks of Dora._" T. D.
COMO—APPROACH OF GENERAL URBAN WITH 40,000
AUSTRIANS—GARIBALDI RETIRES—COMO TAKEN—COUNT RAIMONDI's
DAUGHTER—GARIBALDI RETURNS AND EXPELS THE AUSTRIANS—THE
BATTLE OF CAMERLATA—THE AUSTRIANS DEMAND THE DISBANDING
OF GARIBALDI'S TROOPS—REFUSED —THEY ADVANCE—THE CANALS
OPENED—THEY RETIRE—THE BATTLES OF PALESTRO, MONTEBELLO,
AND MAGENTA—THE MINCIO AND ITS BANKS—THE BATTLE OF
SOLFERINO.
Como is a city beautifully situated on the northern end of Lake Como;
but on the low land near the margin, and overlooked by the mountains,
which rise beyond and around.
The enthusiasm which prevailed on Garibaldi's arrival was extreme; and
the alarm bells were rung in all the communes of the Varesotto,
Tramezzo, Como and Lecco districts. The volunteers were pouring in from
every village and hamlet. In this manner the insurrection gained ground
in Upper Lombardy. At the first appearance of the braves, all the civil
authorities of Como and Lecco recognized the government of King Victor
Emanuel, which in those towns was represented by Count Visconti Venosta,
a young nobleman from Valtellina of great determination. His spirited
proclamations roused the enthusiasm of country folks and citizens, who
hastened to the scene of action with an ardor never witnessed in 1848.
Money, so much wanted, poured into Garibaldi's military treasury,
together with gold necklaces and other valuable trinkets from fair
Lombard ladies. The sum thus collected in two days reached 2,000,000
francs.
Garibaldi had been instructed to move in the direction of Varese by slow
marches, keeping himself in constant communication with Cialdini's
division, which did not follow. By the necessity of strategetical
combinations, Gen. Cialdini was obliged to march to and fro from
Vercelli and Stroppiana, guarding the right bank of the Upper Sesia, as
far as Gattinara. The necessary result of this constant marching and
countermarching was that of retarding the projects of Garibaldi. He
moved slowly for two days, but he could not stand it any longer; and
hastening from Romagnana to the headquarters of the king, he begged him
to observe that he did not and could not understand the scientific
principles of a regular war, and that he wished to be left to his daring
inspiration.
Victor Emanuel saw directly that it was of no use to keep such a bird in
the cage of strategic rules, and, letting him loose, said: "Go where you
like, do what you like. I have only one regret—that of not being able to
follow you."
While occupying the place, amidst the enthusiasm of the inhabitants, he
learned that General Urban was approaching with forty thousand
Austrians. He immediately retired from the city, leaving two hundred
men, with orders to hold the place, with the aid of the inhabitants, to
the last extremity. The enemy came on, attacked, and were bravely
resisted, but succeeded in taking the town. Supposing that Garibaldi had
retreated into Switzerland, without any intention of returning, they
appeared to entertain no apprehensions of danger from that quarter. It
then became highly important that he should be apprised of the condition
of things. Every effort was made to procure a messenger, and high
rewards were offered; but the hazards were so great that no one could be
found willing to run the desperate risk of his life, or rather to go to
certain death, as the Austrians were believed to hold and watch every
avenue to the country.
Garibaldi, who was waiting in the mountains for an opportunity to make a
sudden descent upon the enemy, but cut off from communication, and in
ignorance of their situation, was surprised in his wild retreat by the
arrival of a lady, who had come from Como alone, on horseback, by
pursuing by-paths, and with great skill and boldness, finding her way
between and around the various points which were guarded by the enemy.
Although only twenty-four years of age, brought up in refined society,
and of aristocratic family—a daughter of Count Raimondi—this fair and
youthful stranger appeared before Garibaldi like a vision, and, with an
air corresponding with the spirit which had inspired her through her
wild and perilous expedition, presented to him the dispatches with which
she had been intrusted, at her earnest petition, in Como. Garibaldi
learned from them the position of the enemy, and the readiness of the
people to receive him again. Without a moment's delay, he set out on his
return, and by a forced march, conducted with the greatest skill,
suddenly returned to the Lake of Como, with his resolute band.
Como was occupied after a hard fight of two hours at San Fermo and
Camerlata. This last-mentioned position is to be considered as the key
of the picturesque barrier of Como, for its elevated ground enables a
small body of men to oppose a long resistance even to an army of 15,000
strong. The positions were carried at the point of the bayonet, for the
Cacciatori delle Alpi could not fire their muskets, so much inferior in
range to those of the enemy. It was a hard and bloody fight, which may,
without exaggeration, be compared to the struggles of old, when Roman
and Carthaginian legions met together.
The news of the organizing of a corps by the celebrated Garibaldi, had
induced the Austrians to make their last demand upon Piedmont, which was
a very extraordinary one, and indicated the interesting truth that they
duly appreciated Garibaldi. It was, that, unless his band was
immediately dispersed, they would march forward in three days. This
demand was not complied with, but the King of Sardinia prepared to
receive the threatened invaders. With excellent judgment, however, he
did not attempt to occupy the line of the Mincio; he chose a stronger
one within his own territory, and occupied that extending from
Alessandria to the Apennines, toward Genoa, leaving the road to Turin
open to the enemy. The Austrians moved; but, as soon as they had crossed
the Ticino, the engineer who had charge of the canals which irrigate the
extensive valley, was ordered to open them and make an inundation. The
Austrians soon discovered that the water was rising, and the general
sent word to the engineer in terms like these:
"Your brother is a prisoner in my hands; if you do not
immediately stop the inundation, I will cut off his
head."
The engineer, with the greatest resolution, pressed the work with
redoubled vigor that night; and by employing two hundred more men,
completed it before morning. The Austrians, finding that they were
likely to be caught in a kind of trap, with the inundation rising on
their right, and the Piedmontese army on their left, soon retreated, and
recrossed the Ticino.
THE BATTLE OF PALESTRO.
This action was important, not only on account of its resulting in the
first victory against the Austrians, but also because of the excellence
of the Piedmontese troops, which had been denied, and was certainly
seriously doubted by Louis Napoleon, who had given to Victor Emnanuel
four battalions of French Zouaves for his body-guard. These were the
only French troops in that battle; and they so much admired the conduct
of the King of Sardinia, that they elected him "Corporal" on the field.
This is esteemed the highest military honor which can be in any way
acquired; and it is one which Louis Napoleon himself has never yet
received, even from his own troops.
The battle of Montebello was the first ever decided by a railroad. When
the action commenced, there was only a single regiment to resist the
Austrians. This was a French regiment, which was so soon, so rapidly,
and so greatly reinforced by other French troops, transported on the
railroad, that the day was soon decided in their favor. The importance
and effect of this manner of conveying the troops was acknowledged by
the Austrians, in their official report of the battle.
THE BATTLE OF MAGENTA.
This was fought about twenty miles beyond the last engagement, that of
Montebello; and the chief honor of the day belongs to the French. That
battle was the first in which rifled cannon and electrical telegraphs
were ever brought into use; and both were proved successful in the
highest degree. Louis Napoleon was the inventor of the former; and their
efficiency was strongly doubted and even denied by many scientific and
practical men; but it was established beyond future question by the
experiment of that day. The French had also a corps of electricians
among them, with apparatus prepared for the establishment and change of
lines of telegraphic wires wherever troops were stationed; and these
proved of eminent service in conveying orders and information between
the positions.
THE RIVER MINCIO.
The banks of the Mincio are, as it were, formed for military scenes.
From the source of the river, down almost as far as Pozzolo, the river
winds through a succession of hills, rushing close to their base on one
side, and leaving fine open meadows on the other. At some points the
hills approach on both sides, and form a kind of gorge or neutral
ground, where the river is kept within proper bounds, and not allowed to
encroach on either side. Perhaps the most picturesque spot on the whole
river is here, between Borghetto and Vallegio. Two large semi-circles of
hills are opposed to each other, the direction of them being the bend of
the river on this spot; they intersect each other about their centre,
and a little below this point are the two villages of Borghetto and
Vallegio. The latter is behind the hills on the left bank; only two
mills, a church, and a little mediæval tower, erected on one of the
lower spurs, stand close to the water's edge. Borghetto has, likewise,
only a few detached houses on the banks of the river, the rest of the
village being built on the hill which skirts the right bank. On the
highest point of the Vallegio side rises a most picturesque group of
towers of pure Italian castellated architecture, slender and high like
campaniles, with a gallery on their summit, built on a succession of
small arches springing out of the body of the building. From these
towers, an old wall runs down to the banks of the river, where two other
lower, but more massive, towers stand, with the ruins of a bridge over
the river between them. From the second of these towers, the wall runs
up to the hill where Borghetto stands, and ends there in another square
tower. This castle, as well as the surrounding domain, belongs to the
Visconti family, and the fortifications were evidently intended to close
the passage of the river, which they may have done at one time; now they
form only a picturesque feature in the scenery. The road from Volta to
this place descends along the hillside in a gentle slope, and, after
traversing the river, winds up in a similar but much steeper rise, so
that you can keep in view the whole passage through the valley. On the
right bank of the river extends a fine meadow, through which the road
leads. It was now the camping-ground of the Cavalry of the Guard, and
was, during the passage, a chaos of troops, horses, carts, and mules,
which were huddled together there, waiting for a passage across one of
the four bridges which span the narrow but rapid little stream. It was
like the emigration of one of those nomadic tribes of which history
tells us. It seemed for a moment as if it were impossible to disentangle
that mass, and yet it kept moving, and passed over the river without
accident or delay. As all the bridges which had been broken down on the
river behind had been repaired, the pontoon train of the whole army
became available for the Mincio passage, and there must have been, at
the very least, from 12 to 15 bridges on this short line.
THE BATTLE OF SOLFERINO.
The Austrian army, after occupying the right bank of the Mincio, had
retired across the stream, in order to lead the French and Sardinians to
believe that they were retreating. When the latter had extended their
lines, the Austrians suddenly returned and reoccupied their old
formidable positions on the heights of Solferino, San Cassiano, and
Cavriana, and onward to Volta, all crowned with cannon. Their lines
extended five leagues. This movement was made in the night of June 23d,
and at three o'clock in the morning they were discovered, in large
bodies, marching across the plain to attack the allies.
On the 24th, the emperor, who had arrived just before, ordered the
Sardinian army (which formed the left wing) to occupy Pozzolengo, and
the French to occupy Solferino and Cavriana. The king also sent a
detachment toward Peschiera. The Austrians resisted them powerfully. At
ten o'clock the battle became general, and was continued during a severe
storm. After twelve hours fighting, the Austrians brought up their
reserve of 80,000 men, and the allies theirs of 50,000. After three more
hours of severe fighting, the heights were taken by the allies, and the
Austrians retreated.
In 1796, Solferino was the point most strenuously contested and won by
Augereau. On this occasion that position was taken three times by the
French, and the last time at the point of the bayonet. The Emperor of
Austria commanded in person, and greatly animated his troops, who fought
well. After they had been driven from Solferino, they made a powerful
concentrated attack on the right wing of the allies, but were repulsed
by a dash of cavalry.
Although the allies were victorious, they were unable to pursue the
enemy, who retreated in good order.
THE AUSTRIAN OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF SOLFERINO.
The official journal at Vienna, of June 26, published the following
official dispatch from the seat of war:
"VERONA, _Saturday, June 25_.
"On the 23d inst., the imperial royal army crossed at
four places to the right bank of the Mincio. The right
wing of the army occupied Pozzolengo, Solferino, and
Cavriana. The left wing marched on the 24th inst. to
Guidizzolo and Castel-Goffredo, and repulsed the
advancing enemy on all sides. As the Imperial Royal
army continued its advance toward the Chiese, the
enemy—who had also assumed the offensive with his
whole force—pushed forward such large bodies of
troops, that there was a general engagement between
the two armies at ten o'clock, or thereabouts, in the
morning of the 24th instant.
"The right wing, which was formed by the second army,
under the general of cavalry, Count Schlick, maintained
possession of the place which it had originally occupied
in the first line of battle until 2 o'clock in the
afternoon, and the first army (the left wing), under the
general of artillery, Count Wimpffen, continually gained
ground in the direction of the Chiese. Toward 3 o'clock
the enemy made a vehement attack on Solferino, and after
several hours' hard fighting, obtained possession of the
place, which had been heroically defended by the fifth
_corps d'armée_. An attack was then made on Cavriana,
which place was courageously defended until the evening
by the first and seventh _corps d'armée_, but was
eventually left in the hands of the enemy.
"While the struggle for Solferino and Cavriana was going
on, the eighth _corps d'armée_, which was on the outer
flank of the right wing, advanced and repulsed the
Sardinian troops opposed to it: but this advantage did
not enable the Imperial Royal army to recover the
positions that had been lost in the centre. The third
and ninth corps, which were supported by the eleventh
corps, were engaged on the left wing, and the reserve
cavalry attached to this wing made several brilliant
attacks. Unusually heavy losses, and the fact that the
left wing of the first army was unable to make progress
on the right flank of the enemy, who directed his main
force in the centre against Volta, led to the retreat of
the Imperial Royal army. It began late in the evening,
during a violent storm. Yesterday evening Pozzolengo,
Monzambano, Volta and Goito, were still occupied by our
troops."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER IV.
THE STATE OF THE CONTENDING PARTIES—SPECIMEN OF
THE BARBARITY OF SOME OF THE AUSTRIAN OFFICERS—THE
ARMISTICE.
The Austrian army, with its imposing numbers, high military reputation,
and menacing attitude a few weeks before, when threatening and afterward
invading Piedmont, from the line of the Mincio, had now become vastly
weakened, reduced, and disheartened by the successive conflicts and
defeats which have been briefly described. The causes of its misfortunes
have been accounted for, by an eye-witness, in remarks which we abridge
as follows:
"The Austrian military system has been changed
completely within the last six or seven years; yet the
change in part explains the shortcomings of the past few
weeks. The Austrian army, up to this date, has been an
army of very young soldiers, not long under training.
According to the regulations, a fixed number of corps
has to be maintained throughout the Austrian empire. At
a fixed period of every year the youth of that empire
are drafted into the army, and distributed among the
corps. The arrival of these new drafts liberates an
equal number of men who have already served. The latter,
after one, or two, or three years' service, at the
option of the colonels of regiments, retire to their
homes on a furlough of indefinite duration, and are only
called out again in the event of a war. The Austrian
army at Montebello, Palestro, Magenta, and Cavriana was
thus composed of young soldiers. It would have been
wiser, doubtless, had the Austrians thought of this
matter in time. They were aware that Louis Napoleon
would move, if he moved at all, with the flower of his
army. They knew that he had paid high premiums to induce
old soldiers to remain in the ranks after the expiration
of their usual time, and that the picked men of the
French army, tried under the fierce sun of Africa, and
in the hard campaign of the Crimea, would be opposed to
them, and be assisted besides by an artillery of a novel
and most effective kind. They did not take sufficient
heed of these important facts, any more than they
considered that generals who, ten years ago, fought with
ability and success in the campaigns of Italy might
possibly have lost some of their original vigor. The
result has been such as to open their eyes to the
necessity of supplying defects. The question, as far as
the present war is concerned, is this: Which is best, to
risk all the tried men first, and trust to recruits
after, or employ first the young soldiers, and bring up
reserves after? As far as the present campaign is
concerned, the results favor the first of these
alternatives.
"The advisers of his Imperial Majesty Francis Joseph, at
last made up their minds that it was impossible, under
present circumstances, to defend the line of the Mincio.
Accordingly, the headquarters of the 2d Army, under
Count Schlick, came into Verona from Villafranca; the
headquarters of the 1st Army, under Wimpffen, being
transferred to Mantua. Verona, Mantua, and the other
strongholds of this great military quadrangle are very
much stronger than they were ten years ago. There are
great field works to be taken before any approach can be
made to the main defences, and in the meanwhile Austria
may have brought together again an army capable of
risking another general action. The soldiers had one
moment of enthusiasm; that was when the emperor led them
in person on the 23d to the advanced position from which
he intended to attack the enemy; but the events of the
24th seriously affected the _morale_ of the army.
Instead of attacking, as they were led to expect, they
had to repel the assaults of the Allies, who knowing
what was before them, had halted for a meal at two
o'clock in the morning. The Austrians, whose baggage and
cooking utensils accompany the columns even in the
advance, bivouacked on the night of the 23d, and were
attacked before they could get their breakfast. The
baggage and cooking-carts were obliged to return to the
rear out of the fire of the Allies, and the result was
that the army of the Kaiser had to fight on empty
stomachs. Hunger and hard knocks have a tendency to
discourage even the bravest soldier. I was astonished to
see men from the field of Solferino retiring unwounded,
and lying down exhausted when out of the reach of the
enemy's fire. I am told that many so exhausted laid
themselves down only to die. The mystery is explained
when one considers that these cases arose from want of
ordinary sustenance.
"Lichtenstein's corps (the 2d) which should have taken
part in the action of the day, was halted in consequence
of the approach of some French cavalry in its vicinity,
and Prince Lichtenstein, for reasons which he will
doubtless have to explain, returned to Mantua. Again,
General Zedwitz, commanding the cavalry brigade of the
1st Army, instead of advancing, as he should have done,
fell back on Goito, thus depriving the emperor of six
regiments of horse and a considerable amount of
artillery. Thus, while on the part of the allies all the
available guns that could be brought into action were
used, on the side of the Austrians the artillery was
weak and utterly unable to oppose an effectual fire to
that of the enemy. It is true, on the other hand, that
the French artillery did not commit the havoc which it
might have done had its fire throughout the day been
true to the mark, instead of being over it. Still, the
effect of the inferiority under which the Austrians
suffered in this respect, was disastrous, as it
prevented them from repelling the advance of the
infantry opposed to them. Among the wounded, to the
number of 4,000 or 5,000 in Verona and the surrounding
villages, it is remarkable how few suffered from wounds
inflicted by artillery."
In contrast with the condition of the Austrian army, those of Piedmont
and France were in most respects superior, and still more in the
principles for which they fought. To mention again Napoleon's rifled
cannon, in the words of a late writer:
"The superiority of the French artillery during
the late Italian campaign was obvious to every one
who made himself acquainted with the details of
the great battles. At Solferino the heavy and very
dangerous Austrian cavalry was thrown into disorder and
rendered almost useless at distances to which their own
batteries, more favorably placed, would not carry. The
Austrians never yielded a foot on the hill of Solferino,
till a battery of French rifled cannon was brought to
bear upon them at a distance at which their own balls
fell short. The Tower could not have otherwise been
taken but with an infinitely greater slaughter than that
which occurred. When Niel and McMahon had driven the
Austrians back as far as the large open space known as
the plain of Guidizzolo, there was a fair trial of
artillery, which cost the Austrians dear; it was the
last stand made by the immense left wing of the Austrian
army, and one can well imagine how officers and men grew
dispirited in face of artillery that silenced their own
wherever it showed itself."
The following remarks on the plans and conduct of the war we abridge
from the "London Times," of July 8th, 1860:
"As far as the Allies are concerned, their aim was
driving the Austrians out of Italy. With this aim
clearly and distinctly before them, the difficulties and
chances could be more or less calculated in advance, and
all that vagueness and uncertainty avoided which gives
rise to those useless moves in two armies, neither of
which knows what it is to do next.
"The Austrians were in this latter case when they began
the war, nobody knew why, and while they were allowed to
amuse themselves with their harmless offensive movements
you saw all those insignificant skirmishes occur on the
Sesia, which were put a speedy end to by the advance of
the Allies. Since that time the war has been rolling
along in great waves. The Allies went straight toward
their aim, and the Austrians were so hard pressed, that
they endeavored to oppose to a grand plan, executed with
the most determined will, equally grand operations.
"Thus, when the Austrians found themselves outwitted by
the flank movement on the Ticino, they brought up their
troops in all haste to oppose the advance. They were
beaten, and immediately resolved to withdraw behind the
Mincio. The fight at Malegnano only took place in order
to insure this retreat, but from that time they avoided
opposing the advance of the Allies, by making a stand at
the river lines. On the other hand, the Allies, intent
only on carrying out their own great plans, did not
think for one moment of molesting their retreat.
"After the Allies had crossed the Chiese, and made
preparations for the passage of the Mincio, the
Austrians attempted one great blow; and, collecting all
their forces, tried an offensive movement, which was
speedily checked by the battle of Solferino. The battle
lost, the French, whose preparations were not completed,
did not press the retreating Austrians very hard; while
these latter, instead of trying a desultory defence of
the Mincio, opposed no resistance to the passage of it,
but, without wasting any forces, retired between
Peschiera and Verona, to await there the attack of the
Allies, or perhaps watch their time for another great
offensive movement.
"This avoiding on both sides of those little encounters,
deprives the war considerably of its picturesque element
of its individual features, as it were. This whole
campaign resolves itself into an alternation between
preparations and great decisive blows.
"The Mincio passage was effected without any difficulty,
offering by its good arrangements matter of thought to
the military, but otherwise being a subject rather for a
landscape painter than for a painter of battles.
Although the Austrians had gone back from the river, all
the precautions were taken as if there had been a
constant danger from an attack. The whole had very much
the appearance of a field manœuvre in peaceable times,
with the difference, however, that even the thin line
representing the hostile forces on such occasions, was
entirely wanting. But the movements had to be so
combined, that the army should be in readiness to
receive the enemy in case he came down from his position
between Verona and Peschiera. The enemy's position was
on the left flank of the allied armies, facing the
Mincio, with Peschiera just at the angle formed by the
intersection of the Mincio with his extreme right. The
Allies were thus obliged, while crossing the Mincio, to
change their front and face to the left. For this
purpose the Sardinians, who had kept the position of San
Martino, took up the line from Rivoltella, on the lake,
in the neighborhood of Pozzolengo. The 1st French corps,
which had been next to them in the _ordre de bataille_
of the 27th, marched to Pozzolengo, and, occupying
Ponti, faced against Peschiera. The 2d corps, next to
it, kept its original direction toward the Mincio,
joining the 1st corps at Castellaro, where the road
leads down to Monzambano. To the right of this corps was
the 4th, at Volta, likewise facing the Mincio, and the
3d at Goito. The crossing took place at almost all
points simultaneously, with just sufficient interval
between the corps to allow time for that furthest to the
right to accomplish its change of front, and come into
the same direction with the others. Thus, the 4th corps,
which was furthest, with the exception of the 3d,
detached toward Goito, was the first to cross at
Borghetto and Vallegio, to gain the high road to Verona,
and take up its position toward Villafranca. This was on
the morning of the 29th. Since that time, all the corps
have crossed successively, changing their direction from
west to east, and making front against the Austrian
position.
"While we are discussing the progress of the plot and
speculating as to the nature of the catastrophe, the
curtain falls. Yesterday France and Austria were upon
the point of joining in another desperate battle. The
celebrated fortified Quadrangle had been reached,
Peschiera had been invested, Mantua had been masked,
Verona was upon the point of being summoned, Venice was
threatened, and Garibaldi was manœuvering upon the rear
of the great fortresses. The waves of warfare were
undulating and vibrating to another great burst in foam.
To-day the Spirit of Peace has breathed upon the waters,
and the storm is for the moment at an end. Three months
ago we expected peace and were surprised by war. To-day
Europe was waiting in breathless expectation for a great
battle, fought in the very fortresses of Austria, and is
again surprised by the calm announcement that an
armistice has been concluded, and that the two great
armies are for the moment no longer enemies."
The cruelties practised by Austrians in Italy will be disgraceful to the
memory of their government, its officers and soldiers. A single instance
of the crimes of General Urban, in Lombardy, in 1859, will suffice. By
his order, a whole family were butchered. It consisted of seven persons,
including a grandfather, eighty-two years of age, a boy of fourteen, and
a girl of twelve. Merely for the purpose of striking terror into the
people; it appears, and without any pretext of fault in them, he had
them all put to death, and left their mangled corpses unburied. This
atrocious act has been denied; but the king's government have since
instituted a regular legal investigation, ascertained its truth, and
erected a monument in memory of it.
THE ARMISTICE.
The war, its progress, results, and prospects were not less unexpected
or surprising than the armistice which Louis Napoleon, without any
warning, suddenly concluded, in an interview with the Emperor of
Austria, on the 11th of July. The cause of it still remains a matter of
conjecture. It was followed by a treaty, by which the war was terminated
and harmony restored, but the promise of Louis not fulfilled, of driving
out the foreigners from Italy. Austria was left in possession of the
four great fortresses of Lombardy, as well as of Venetia.
The armistice was first announced to France by the following telegram:
"VALLEGIO, _July 11, 1859._
"THE EMPEROR TO THE EMPRESS.
"Peace has been signed between the Emperor of Austria
and myself.
"The bases agreed to are an Italian confederation, under
the honorary Presidentship of the Pope.
"The Emperor of Austria cedes his rights over Lombardy
to the Emperor of the French, who hands them over to the
King of Sardinia.
"The Emperor of Austria preserves Venetia, but
that country forms an integral part of the Italian
Confederation.
"General armistice."
It was made known to the army on the following day, by this
proclamation:
"SOLDIERS—The bases of peace have been arranged with the
Emperor of Austria; the principal object of the war has
been obtained; Italy is about to become for the first
time a nation. A confederation of all the Italian States
under the honorary Presidency of the Holy Father, will
unite them together as the members of one family.
Venetia, it is true, remains under the sceptre of
Austria. It will, nevertheless, be an Italian province,
constituting a part of the confederation.
"The union of Lombardy with Piedmont creates for us on
this side of the Alps a powerful ally, who will owe to
us his independence. The governments unconnected with
this movement, (_en dehors du mouvement_), or recalled
to their possessions, will comprehend the necessity of
salutary reforms. A general amnesty will cause to
disappear the traces of civil discord. Italy, henceforth
mistress of her destinies, will only have to blame
herself if she do not regularly progress in order and
liberty.
"You will soon return to France. The grateful country
will welcome with transport those soldiers who have
borne so high the glory of our arms at Montebello,
Palestro, Turbigo, Magenta, Mariguan, and Solferino, who
in two months have emancipated Piedmont and Lombardy,
and only paused because the struggle was about to assume
proportions inconsistent with the interests of France in
connection with this formidable war.
"Be also proud of your success, proud of the results
obtained, proud, above all, of being the well beloved
children of that France which will ever continue a great
nation, so long as it shall have a heart to comprehend
noble causes, and men like yourselves to defend them.
"At the Imperial Headquarters of Vallegio, 12th of July,
1859.
"NAPOLEON."
The following considerations are suggested by the peace just concluded:
The cession of Lombardy to Piedmont comprehends that of the two
fortresses, Mantua and Peschiera. The superfices of Lombardy is 8,538
square miles. Its population is 2,800,000 souls. Lombardy has hitherto
been divided, administratively, into nine provinces or delegations,
viz.:—Milan, Pavia, Lodi, Corma, Cremona, Como, Mantua, Sondrio,
Breschia, and Bergamo. The fortified towns of Mantua and Peschiera form
part of the province of Mantua. The fortress of Pezzighettone is
comprised in the province of Cremona. After the annexation of Lombardy
and Piedmont, this kingdom (the island of Sardinia both included) will
contain a superfices of 37,640 square miles, with a population of
7,800,000. As regards territorial extent, it will occupy a tenth rank in
Europe, and will come immediately after the kingdom of the Two Sicilies,
and before Portugal and Bavaria. With respect to population, Sardinia
will stand in the ninth rank, on a level with Naples, and will be above
Sweden and Norway, Belgium, and Bavaria.
The following table completes the comparison as regards Italy:
Area Sq. M. Population.
New kingdom 37,640 7,800,000
Venetia 9,525 2,200,000
Papal States 17,218 2,900,000
Tuscany 8,741 1,750,000
Parma 2,268 500,000
Modena 2,090 410,000
Two Sicilies 42,000 8,400,000
Although disappointed, by the imperfect accomplishment of the work of
securing all Italy to the Italians, there was much reason to rejoice,
that the overflowing fountains of human blood, which had exhibited a
spectacle shocking to humanity, had been stopped. The terms of peace
were settled by the Treaty of Villafranca.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER V.
"A brighter course has never
A hero true display'd;
Unblemish'd in the hour of peace,
In danger undismay'd."—
_Lines to Garibaldi._
THE CHARACTER OF ITALIAN PATRIOTS—HOW IT HAS BEEN
DISPLAYED BY EXILES IN THE UNITED STATES—IGNORANCE OF
ITALY IN AMERICA—GARIBALDI'S APPEARANCE AND CHARACTER
—HIS BAND—HIS "ENGLISHMAN," COL. PEARD.
And now that we have arrived at another peaceful interval in the life of
this extraordinary man, the astonishing effects of his superior skill,
bravery, and success, having broken the arm of Austria in Italy, and
nothing but the shield of Louis Napoleon having sheltered her head, a
sudden suspension of hostilities left the world at leisure to admire the
past, feel astounded at the unexpected present state of things, and look
with interest, but painful uncertainty, for the future. All observers,
who had not before made Italy or Italians their attentive study, were
anxious to know more of the people who had suddenly sprung from a low
general estimation as patriots and soldiers, to the rank due to the
conquerors at Palestro, Montebello, and Solferino, and had furnished the
files of the heroic and irresistible hunters of the Alps, and their
leader, Garibaldi himself. Let us turn a few moments to inquiries of the
same kind; for even at the present time, there is too much reason to
fear, there are few, even of our most intelligent countrymen, who have
paid sufficient attention to the affairs of Italy during the past half
century, to give full and clear replies to these questions.
Few indeed have had the best opportunities to learn the general truths,
and fewer still have had access to many of those details, by which alone
the causes can be well understood, and the effects clearly accounted
for. The published accounts of Italians and their affairs have been
presented to the world in a detached, uncertain and often confused and
even contradictory form, which most readers had neither the disposition,
the time, nor the means to unravel, reconcile and correct. There have
always been, however, intelligent and virtuous patriotic Italians
residing in the United States, and especially in New York, who were able
and ready to communicate real facts and just opinions on every event and
question of importance. And to such are justly due some portion of the
facts contained in this volume, and of the views and spirit under which
they are now laid before the American people. With their assistance, and
at their urgent request also, was done the little which has ever been
effected in this country in past years, to explain and vindicate their
cause, to relieve its exiled victims, to expose the insidious intrigues
of their enemies against American institutions, and to invite and foster
mutual acquaintance, and brotherly affection and coöperation between us
and the noble patriots of Italy.
Americans have but one excuse to give for their neglect of Italy in her
more triumphant struggle against her combined enemies and oppressors.
The intrigues of her enemies and their insidious calumnies were
sufficient to mislead the incautious and the honest. But we have long
since lost the spirit of our Protestant ancestors, who were men of
clearer sight, greater knowledge, stronger judgment, and more
resolution, bravery and perseverance than their descendants. They
distinguished, as we do not, between great truths and great falsehoods;
between great rights and great wrongs; and acted with promptitude and
vigor whenever the time arrived to vindicate or secure the one, and to
expose and counteract the other. And such a spirit was displayed by the
Italian exiles on our soil. They set us examples of similar ways of
thinking, speaking and acting; and well would it have been if we had
rightly appreciated the knowledge which they possessed, the manly views
which they entertained, and the plans which they proposed for our mutual
benefit.
The following description of Garibaldi we translate from the "History of
the Glorious Campaign of the Cacciatori delle Alpi, in the war of 1859,"
by one of his officers, Col. Francesco Corrano:
"Giuseppe Garibaldi is of middle stature, with broad and
square shoulders, herculean limbs, long brownish hair,
and beard slightly grey; a heavy and strong step,
sailor-like air, look, and manner of speaking; his vest
buttoned up to his throat, a hat with a broad brim, in
the Calabrian style, and large trousers. The noises of
the city annoy and disturb him. Commanding mountains
please him, covered with evergreen trees, and the sight
of the vast horizon and the boundless sea.
"His nose is straight and almost vertical, and his
aspect at once vivacious and sweet. Often, under his
very heavy beard, his lips are gently moved by a natural
and fascinating smile. He converses frankly and
unaffectedly, condemns with decision, and praises warmly
but briefly; but he is ever animated, fluent, and even
eloquent, whenever the conversation turns on Italy,
liberty, and deeds of daring and skill; to overcome the
enemy, and to overdo them (_sopraffare_), his favorite
word. Above all things, he prizes faithfulness and valor
in chivalrous warfare, though it be not accompanied by
fame or popular applause. Proud despiser of pay and
money, he loves Italy above all things.
"Cuneo, who is called his friend for life, by Garibaldi
himself, writes of him: 'A man of humanity, he is
laboring to secure in the future the brotherhood of the
people; but at the banquet of nations he will sit only
as an equal, or not sit at all.' He is by nature
tolerant of every suggestion. He has trust and sympathy
in discipline produced by love, more than by the rigor
of laws.
"It would be difficult to find a successor to Garibaldi.
His name is popular in Italy, through all Europe, and in
America also, as no other is in our day; and it was
owing chiefly to his name, that ten thousand Italians,
from every province in the country, and in a short space
of time, hastened to join him, and to write their names
as 'Cacciatori delle Alpi.' But, more than to command
battalions, he is fitted to lead them in fine order;
prepared to fight, and with ten-fold moral force, by his
terrible name, to overcome and scatter the enemy; to
conquer or to fall with signal honor."
The intelligence and respectability of Garibaldi's soldiers were
attested by an English gentleman who visited his camp at Firano, August
5th. He wrote:
"You are already aware that in this singular corps the
soldier generally belongs to the best class of Italian
society. In consequence of this peculiarity, each of
this gallant band is a politician of the first class.
The doings of our ministers are sensibly discussed in
these bivouacs.
"The only Englishman who is among them has become the
lion of this singular corps. In my former letter I had
occasion to speak of Captain Peard, the gentleman in
question. He comes from Cornwall, and belongs to a
militia regiment, whose uniform he wears with a
decidedly martial bearing. He is a man of tall and
colossal frame, nearer sixty than fifty, and is
considered the best shot in the party. Although he has
been attached to Garibaldi's staff, he makes war at his
own expense, and he was always to be found in the thick
of the fray. Whenever he had killed an Austrian, he was
seen to mark him down in his pocket-book. A few days ago
I met Captain Peard at Brescia, and he was kind enough
to show me his book, from which it was apparent that
twenty-five Austrians were killed by him during the
campaign, besides ten who were under the head of
'uncertain.'
"There are also with Garibaldi two rather eccentric
young Frenchmen, dressed in a peculiar costume of their
own, who are members of the Paris Jockey Club. These two
gentlemen have been so charmed by the gallant general,
that I am told they will share his fate, whatever it may
be. _Five American citizens_, and a few Germans, are
going to do the same, together with a Chinese, who, were
I to believe what he told me, is one of the few who
escaped the slaughter of Commissioner Yeh at Canton.
Most of Garibaldi's officers belong to the upper classes
of Lombardy, and have borne arms with him either in
South America or in Rome."
The interval which occurred between the day of Garibaldi's departure
from Turin, with his _Alpine Huntsmen_, and the dispersion of the forty
thousand Austrians at Calatrava, is one of the most interesting and
important in modern history. While the most anxious fears prevailed
among his friends, and the most alarming reports were circulated by his
enemies; while the promise of being supported by the number of troops
which he had thought indispensable was entirely disappointed, by the
inability of Cialdini to cross the rivers, Garibaldi, as we have seen,
undismayed by that and other difficulties, pursued his way with
unfailing resolution and complete success. He raised the country in
insurrection wherever he went; kindled a flame in every heart from the
electric fire which had so long been cherished in his own;
unhesitatingly attacked the opposing hosts of the enemy, and put them
all to flight. Thus he alarmed, weakened, and terrified the invaders,
and animated the Allies, whose precursor he was; gave an impulse to the
war at the commencement, and a most powerful support to it till the
close, which will ever secure to him an indisputable claim to a large, a
very large, share of the victory and its results. This claim, we may
surely foretell, will never be made by himself. It will, however, be
made by the world—by mankind—on whom he has conferred the inestimable
benefits of his great deeds, and his pure and noble example. Such
concurrences and successions of events, such men as have been employed
in the various scenes, and especially such a heroic leader, could have
been devised only by infinite wisdom, and conducted to such results only
by an Almighty hand.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER VI.
"Italia! I thank thee for life, and for pow'r
To fight with the foes of thyself and mankind."
_Lines on the death of Anna._
GARIBALDI WITH AN ARMY AT RIMINI—GENERAL LAMORICIÈRE
AT PESARO—VICTOR EMANUEL APPREHENDS A PREMATURE
COLLISION—GARIBALDI GOES TO PIEDMONT—NICE AND SAVOY
CEDED TO FRANCE—GARIBALDI AT CAPRERA—THE SICILIAN
REVOLUTION COMMENCED—GARIBALDI'S EXPEDITION FOR
SICILY—THE ISLAND—THE PEOPLE.
After the interesting scenes described in the last chapter, Garibaldi
went to Rimini, and took command of an army which had been collected
there, to resist General Lamoricière, who was at Pesaro, 22 miles
distant, that French general, commanding the Pope's troops, being
menaced by Garibaldi's position, who was said to be urgent for
permission to pass at once through the Pope's territory into the
Abruzzo, and raise the Neapolitans in insurrection against their cruel
old king, Bomba.
Victor Emanuel, disapproving such a movement at that time, wrote to
Garibaldi, requesting him to resign his command, with which he complied;
and General Fanti received it in his stead. He then proceeded to
Piedmont, where he published the following manifesto:
"TO MY COMPANIONS IN ARMS IN CENTRAL ITALY.
"Let not my temporary absence cool your ardor for the
holy cause that we defend.
"In separating myself from you, whom I love as the
representatives of a sublime idea—the idea of Italian
deliverance—I am excited and sad; but consolation comes
in the certainty that I shall very soon be among you
again, to aid you in finishing the work so gloriously
begun.
"For you, as for me, the greatest of all possible
misfortunes would be not to be present wherever there is
fighting for Italy. Young men who have sworn to be
faithful to Italy and to the chief who will lead you to
victory, lay not down your arms; remain firm at your
post—continue your exercises—persevere in the soldier's
discipline.
"The truce will not last long; old diplomacy seems but
little disposed to see things as they really are.
Diplomacy still looks upon you as the handful of
malcontents which she had been accustomed to despise.
She does not know that in you there are the elements of
a great nation, and that in your free and independent
hearts there germinate the seeds of a world-wide
revolution if our rights shall not be recognized, and if
people will not allow us to be masters in our own home.
"We desire to invade no foreign soil; let us remain
unmolested on our own. Whosoever attempts to gainsay
this our determination will find that we will never be
slaves, unless they succeed in crushing by force an
entire people ready to die for liberty.
"But, even should we all fall, we shall bequeath to
future generations a legacy of hatred and vengeance
against foreign domination; the inheritance of each of
our sons will be a rifle, and the consciousness of his
rights; and by the blessing of God, the oppressor will
never sleep soundly.
"Italians, I say again, do not lay down your arms; rally
more closely than ever to your chiefs, and maintain the
strictest discipline. Fellow-citizens, let not a man in
Italy omit to contribute his mite to the national
subscription; let not one fail to clean his gun, so as
to be ready, perhaps to-morrow, to obtain by force that
which to-day they hesitate to grant to our just rights.
"GARIBALDI.
"GENOA, _Nov. 23, 1859_."
Garibaldi then proceeded to Turin, and took his seat as a member of the
Sardinian Parliament, to which he had been elected two years before, as
the representative of Nice, his native country.
Louis Napoleon having proposed that Savoy and Nice should be ceded to
France, the subject was brought before the Parliament and discussed at
length, Garibaldi opposing the project with great zeal in several very
animated speeches. The conduct of Napoleon, in 1849, against Rome, may
easily account for his feelings on that occasion. He soon withdrew from
the chamber, and departed for Caprera, where he remained until a new
scene was opened to him in another quarter, where Providence was
preparing for him to make that display of his noble character and
superior powers, which now has gained him the warmest love, as well as
the highest admiration, of the world.
The Sicilians, unable any longer to suppress their discontent under the
cruel government of the king, began, in April, 1860, once more to show
signs of rebellion. An insurrection was made in Palermo, when the people
raised barricades in the streets, and fought the troops with resolution.
The combat was very bloody, but the citizens were soon overcome, and
most of the insurgents perished at the barricades. Several monks of the
convents were seized and imprisoned. Reinforcements had been sent into
Sicily. The commercial steamboats had been put into requisition, and the
army in Sicily was to be augmented to 30,000 men.
Prince Castilcicala had returned to his post as governor of the island.
The panic at Naples on the 6th instant was general, but without
consequence. On the evening of the 6th an immense crowd, estimated to
number 80,000, blocked up the Rue Tolede at Naples, and raised numerous
shouts of "_Viva la Constituzione_" before the residence of the Papal
Nuncio. The street was quickly cleared by the patrols.
Palermo had been placed in a state of siege. The insurgents were said to
number 10,000 well armed men.
The insurrection at Messina broke out on Sunday morning, April 11th. The
popular movement commenced by shots being fired in the strada
Ferdinando. Pieces of furniture were thrown from the windows at the
troops.
Count Cavour had telegraphed to Leghorn, ordering two steam frigates to
proceed at once toward the coast of Sicily, and shelter all fugitives
from political vengeance. The cry at Palermo, as well as at Messina, was
for union with the Italian kingdom.
The disturbances increased, and the Sicilians rose in different places,
fought bravely, and maintained themselves with great resolution.
Garibaldi was urgently called to their assistance, and was soon in
Piedmont collecting men for an expedition. Great enthusiasm was
displayed. Many volunteers pressed forward, and considerable numbers of
soldiers deserted from the king's army to join their favorite leader.
The government and its agents affected not to perceive the movement, and
no impediment was thrown in its way. Vessels were prepared at the little
port of Cagliari, and the volunteers, collected at convenient points not
far distant, marched quietly to the shore, embarked, and sailed in the
night of the 6th of May.
As the events which followed this first step in the last grand drama of
Italian history are fresh in the minds of all, the following brief
review of them, recently published by the Paris "Siècle," may not be out
of place here:
"A man, accompanied by a few volunteers, sails from the
environs of Genoa in the night of the 6th of May, on
board of a vessel which is not even his own property. He
goes to liberate several millions of oppressed people,
and to overthrow a powerful monarchy; he is stigmatized
as a brigand, and all the penalties inflicted on pirates
are invoked on his devoted head; the cry is raised that
both he and his followers might be hanged from the
yard-arms of their vessel. On the 7th of September
this man has almost accomplished the task he had
undertaken; the monarchy he assailed is _de facto_
overthrown. A nation is delivered. Now, which are the
wise counsellors? Those who advise sovereigns to make
concessions to the spirit of the age, or the flatterers
who promise them a protracted reign, if they will but
resist all progress? The answer is easy now. The king of
Naples is a fugitive. Another dynasty has fallen, though
surrounded by soldiers, and well provided with cannon
and gold; another hope of the counter-revolutionists has
fallen away. But the men bent on the ruin of princes
still persist in giving the same pernicious counsels.
'The King of Naples has fallen,' say they, 'but General
de Lamoricière still remains; he will fight, he will; he
is ready, and the revolution will be overcome.' Wretched
counsellors! They are not yet satisfied with their work;
they want more catastrophes. Nevertheless, how easy the
dynasty of Naples might have escaped destruction!
Warnings were not wanting. Four years ago, during the
Conferences of Paris, did not Europe, by the voice of
her diplomatists, unanimously declare to the King of
Naples that he was courting destruction by his bad
government—that he was gathering around him all the
elements of revolution? Was he not, in a manner,
implored to adopt a different policy? Was he not duly
informed of the abyss that lay before him?
"The general success of the Italian leader is thus
summed up: Five marvellous stages—Marsala, Palermo,
Milazzo, Reggio and Naples—performed in the short space
of three months, have been all that Garibaldi required,
supported as he is by the national sentiment, to
overthrow a monarchy deemed immovable; which, not yet
four years since, defied France and England; which, in
the face of the naval preparations of the two greatest
powers in the world, had determined to persevere in its
resistance."
The modern history of Sicily requires a particular study before the
sufferings and the spirit of its inhabitants can be well understood. The
cruelty of the government and its agents have surpassed belief. The
people, although few, compared with the numbers which that large and
fertile island might sustain under a better government, have made
repeated and strenuous efforts to obtain their freedom, and submitted
only to overwhelming and irresistible force. They commenced the Italian
revolution in 1820; and on several subsequent occasions they boldly
commenced insurrections, but always with ill success. The king of the
Two Sicilies would send troops from Naples, and then his immediate
subjects would endeavor to take advantage of the opportunity. Sometimes
the Sicilians rose against the king's troops, in secret concert with
arrangements made in other parts of Italy, and sometimes, as it seemed,
independently. Bloody scenes followed the victories of the king's
troops, but some fugitives were always able to escape, and numbers lived
in New York and other parts of the United States—some ever since 1820 or
1822.
Sicily, as described by recent Italian authorities, contains about two
thirds as many inhabitants as the State of New York, or a little over
two millions, and a territory of 26,582,59 kilometers. A chain of
mountains through the northern part appears to be a continuation of the
Appenines, and the highest peak is the volcano of Etna, otherwise called
Mongibello. The island is the largest in the Mediterranean, extending
from N. latitude 36° to 38° 8´, and E. longitude 10° 5´ to 13° 20´. It
has always been celebrated for the fertility of its soil, and was long
called the granary of Rome. It contains several provinces, named from
their chief cities Palermo, Messina, Catania, Trappani, Syracuse or
Boto, Girgenti and Caltanissetta. The city of Palermo has 483,206
inhabitants; Catania, 56,515; Messina, 93,822; and Syracuse, 16,916. The
land is but little divided, and all the province of Trappani is
possessed by only three proprietors. In consequence of bad government,
Sicily has only 126 persons to a square kilometer, and the rest of the
late kingdom of Naples 87, while Tuscany has 126. In 20 years, under a
free government, it may double its population. There were, last year, in
Sicily, 17,000 secular priests, 7,591 monks, and 8,675 nuns. Total,
33,976 drones in the hive. Many of those joyfully joined the revolution
on Garibaldi's appearance, and gave money from their treasures, and
offered their church bells to melt into cannon, preached, and even
fought for liberty and Victor Emanuel.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER VII.
"Native hills and plains are ringing,
With the sounds of joy once more;
Charming echos send the music,
From Alps to far Sicilla's shore."—
_Banks of Dora._
ACCOUNTS OF THE EXPEDITION FOR SICILY—VOYAGE—TOUCH AT
TALAMONE, IN TUSCANY—PROCEED TO MARSALA—LANDING—MARCH
—OCCURRENCES ON THE WAY TO PALERMO.
For the following interesting accounts of Garibaldi's expedition to
Sicily, its arrival and operations, we copy from some letters published
in English papers. Being written on the spot, by intelligent
eye-witnesses, they are well adapted to our use:
DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION.
"Garibaldi left the neighborhood of Genoa on the night
of the 5th of May. His intention had been to leave the
day before, but owing to the non-arrival of one of the
steamers singled out for the expedition, he had to defer
it to the next day. It is useless to say that the thorny
part of the transaction had been arranged beforehand
with the owners of the steamers, and that Garibaldi
merely consented to take upon himself the responsibility
of carrying off the steamers. The captain, engineers and
crew had received notice to leave them, the gallant
general being himself a good sailor, and having plenty
of men of his own to sail and handle the ships. On the
7th a landing took place on the coast of Tuscany, at
Talamone, and on the 8th, another, at Orbitello, which
detained the expedition the next day. On the evening of
the 9th, the expedition set out for the coast of Sicily
direct. The Neapolitan government was perfectly well
informed, and the fleet was cruising about in all
directions except the right one. Little squadrons of two
or more steamers had been concentrated in the chief
seaport towns of the island, and tried by cruising to
keep a _cordon_ round the island. The south and
southwesterly coasts were, above all, a point of their
attention, for some of their ships reported having seen
the expedition going toward Tunis. Two steamers, the
Capri and Stromboli, were lying at Marsala, and not two
hours before the arrival of the expedition, had gone out
for a cruise."
THE LANDING.
"The place for landing had not been fixed beforehand; an
inspiration of the moment induced Garibaldi to choose
the most frequented part of that side of the island, and
his star led him there just in the interval which
occurred between the going out and returning of the
steamers. Had it not been for this the landing might
have failed. One of the steamers struck on a rock just
at the entrance of the port, while the other went in as
close as possible. The information received, was that
there was a garrison of 600 men at Marsala, and the
orders had already been given to land a small party and
dislodge them from the barracks, when the boats from the
shore came off with the news that no one was there. This
made the landing easy enough; large barges were brought
alongside, and took everything ashore; but when
everything was landed, the Neapolitans made their
appearance, and began firing to their hearts' content,
without doing more than wounding slightly two men.
"The first thing was to cut the telegraph wire, but it
was too late to prevent it from transmitting the news of
the landing to Palermo. The last two messages were: 'Two
steamers in sight making for the port; suspicious, as
they carry no flag;' and then: 'The two steamers having
hoisted the Sardinian flag, have come in and are landing
their men.'"
Another eye-witness, writing from Marsala, May 12th, thus describes the
landing:
"The extraordinary event which happened here yesterday
which still looks more like a dream than a reality
namely, the landing in this harbor of Garibaldi with a
band of about 1,500 as fine looking fellows as you
can well imagine, from two Sardinian steamers. The
landing was effected in gallant style, and with most
extraordinary celerity and order, and part of the time
under the guns of a Neapolitan frigate and two steamers.
One of the Sardinian vessels was run aground and
scuttled by themselves in the harbor, and the other was
taken outside by the Neapolitans; but after the landing
had been fully effected. I believe the brave adventurers
did not lose a man—only two or three wounded. We were
all in a state of alarm during the firing, as the shot
and shell from the frigate went flying about in a most
awkward manner—some into the town, some into Woodhouse's
stores, some into Wood's _baglio_ (factory), and one
actually over our heads here on the _baglio_ terrace,
which fell into the sea beyond the Salinella.
"Our Vice-Consul, with the captains of the Intrepid and
Argus (both here fortunately for us at the time), went
on board the frigate during the firing to inquire into
the meaning of their missiles, so capriciously injuring
our factories, on each of which the English flag was
flying, and to inculcate more caution and accuracy in
their operations. The Neapolitan commanders, wisely
considering that it was their duty to expend a certain
quantity of powder and shot on such an important
occasion, gave the town the benefit of the residuary
dose, after the enemy was snug within the walls, and
laughing at this exhibition of impotent rage. It was,
however, no laughing matter to the poor inhabitants,
who, not accustomed to such phenomena, took to flight in
all directions to avoid the effects of the shell, which
did considerable damage about the Porta di Mare and the
Grazzia Vecchia, but fortunately without loss of life,
as many families were in the country for their spring
trip. A considerable number, high and low, flocked under
the protection of our flag here, and the old _baglio_ is
as crowded as Noah's Ark, only the animals are all
human."
MARCH INTO THE INTERIOR.
"In the morning the whole of Garibaldi's party set off
for Salemi, reinforced by a good many Marsalese
volunteers, and well provided with horses for the
officers, carts for their spare arms and ammunition, and
mules for the few field-pieces they brought with them.
Everything was managed with admirable order, and
apparently to the satisfaction of General Garibaldi;
though under the effect of the bombardment from the
Neapolitan vessels the poor Marsalese did not show an
enthusiastic welcome to their unexpected visitors.
"MAY 14.—At Salemi they were received with open arms,
after having been joined on their march by several
large armed bands under Coppola, of the Monte, Baron
Sant Anna, of Alcamo, etc. Other two bands of armed
countrymen have set off from this place to join the
brave general, and with the reinforcements expected
from Castelvetrano, Santa Ninfa, and other neighboring
towns, they will soon muster a very formidable force.
Even their artillery is increasing, as some light
brass field-pieces, buried since 1849, have been
brought out, and found in good condition. Several
Franciscan monks have put themselves at the head, with
the cross in one hand and the sword in the other."
FIRST EFFECTS OF THE ARRIVAL OF GARIBALDI.
"The arrival of Garibaldi changed the nature of the
insurrection in Sicily completely. Until then the
different _squadre_ (bands) of _picciotti_ (youngsters)
had carried on a kind of desultory guerrilla warfare
without much connection between them. The landowner, if
influential enough, or else some popular man more
energetic than the rest, collected for this purpose
whoever wanted to come and had some sort or other of
arms. Their tactics were to appear and disappear in
different parts of the country, and harass from safe
places the royal troops passing through the interior,
but as for concerting a plan or meeting the royalists in
the open field, no one would ever have dreamed of it.
The mountainous country, and the want of roads, greatly
facilitated this kind of warfare, while the absence of
danger and fatigue was sufficient inducement even for
those who were not driven there by their hatred against
the Neapolitans. The country between Palermo, Trapani,
Marsala, and Corleone was the chief seat of these
_squadre_, not a few of which were collected at the time
in the mountain chain above Palermo.
"Garibaldi's name and prestige, and the succors which he
brought, became a link between these different squadre,
which placed themselves under his orders. Scarce had the
news of his landing spread, when the bands from Trapani,
Corleone, and one or two other places joined. It was to
meet this force, which was every day swelling, that
Brigadier-General Landi was sent in the direction of
Marsala and Trapani. The road to these places is the
same as far as Calata Fimi, situated on the top of an
elevated plateau; from thence it separates. A force,
therefore, stationed at the intersection, shuts off all
communication by regular roads from Palermo to Trapani
and Marsala. It was on the lower slopes of the plateau
that General Landi had taken his position, with four
battalions, one of them riflemen, and four mountain
guns. The road from Marsala, after passing Salemi,
descends one of those long terraced plateaus which are a
characteristic feature of this part of Sicily, and after
crossing a little valley, rises up to the other plateau,
where Calata Fimi is situate. The position was,
therefore, one of the most difficult to carry. Like all
soldiers of the same kind, the Neapolitans, whose
muskets are excellent, rely altogether on their fire,
especially if it can be carried on from afar. The
reception, therefore, of Garibaldi and his troops was so
hot that the _squadre_ soon sought shelter where they
could, leaving all the work to the troops Garibaldi had
brought with him. The Cacciatori delle Alpi justified
their renown, and in spite of the heat of the day,
the advantage of position and numbers, drove the
Neapolitans, at the point of the bayonet, from one
position to another, taking one of the mountain guns.
One of the students from Pavia, a youth certainly not
more than eighteen, was the first to lay hands on it. In
less than two hours, the Neapolitans were driven from
all their positions and flying back toward Palermo. A
letter, written by General Landi, was found in the
village. In it he writes to the commander of Palermo to
send him reinforcements, as he could not hold the place.
He excuses at the same time the loss of the gun, by
saying that the mule which carried it was shot—a
falsehood, for the gun carriage was taken with it, as
well as the two mules, which are in perfect health.
"The retreat of the brigade, which had lost
considerably, was not molested at first, and they passed
Alcamo without being attacked, but at Partenico, where
they had sacked, burned, and murdered promiscuously,
throwing women and children into the fire, the people
were up and had occupied the houses, from which they
fired on the troops, converting their flight into a
regular rout, the eleventh regiment losing its colors.
Garibaldi is not the man to lose much time, but still
the necessity of concerting a common action with the
bands in the neighborhood of Palermo, prevented him from
taking the position of Monreale by surprise."
PALERMO.
"In order to understand the importance of this position,
as well as the rest of the operations, I must say
something about the topography of the basin of Palermo.
Long before you arrive at Palermo by sea, you have
before you a bold limestone mountain, standing there
isolated, and resembling somewhat the rock of Gibraltar,
but not so lofty. This rock forms the northern limit of
the Bay of Palermo and of the Conca d'Oro (Gold Shell),
the fertile plain in which the town lies. The plain
stretches out in a northwesterly and southeasterly
direction, which is likewise followed in a circular
sweep by the mountain chain.
"The plain may be about twelve miles in its greatest
length, and from four to five in its greatest width.
Between the isolated Monte Pellegrino and the rest of
the chain the plain runs up to La Favorita, over which a
carriage road goes to Carini; on the opposite side of
the plain, skirting the sea-shore runs the highroad to
Messina, passing through Bazaria, and close to the ruins
of Solento. These are the two easiest outlets of the
plain. Everywhere else a continued chain of mountains
seems to close all outlet. Nearest to La Favorita a bad
mountain road leads in a straight line by San Martino to
Carini. To the left of this road rises a rugged,
magnificent mountain, looking like the worn side of an
extinct crater; it protrudes somewhat into the plain,
and throws out a high spur in the same direction as the
main chain. This spur is Monreale, and you can see the
famous convent and church, as well as the greatest part
of the village. Over this plateau passes the high road
to Trapani. Behind the spur and plateau of Monreale, the
mountain forms a kind of amphitheatre on a colossal
scale, the terraced cultivation helping to keep up the
illusion. Where it ends, and the mountain begins again
to protrude into the plain, you can see on the slopes
two white villages; they are Parco and Madonna delle
Grazie, over which a carriage road leads to the Piana
del Greci and Corleone, two old Albanian colonies,
established, like a good number in this part of Sicily
by emigration after the death of Skandorbeg. Another
spur runs out into the plain, and forms another
amphitheatre, more rugged and picturesque than that of
Monreale, and dominated by the Gebel Rosso. In the dip a
rugged horse-path ascends, called the Passo della
Mezzagna, leading down to the village of Misilmeri,
situate on the only highroad into the interior and to
Catania. The Gebel Rosso toward the sea and Cape
Zaffarano, and in the lower depression is the highroad
from Palermo to Catania. It runs almost parallel to the
road on the sea-shore as far as Abate, and then cuts
across to the south. From this description you will see
that the Neapolitans, possessing the command of the sea,
had all the advantages of a concentric position,
especially with an enemy who was weak in artillery, and
who was chiefly formidable in the mountains. A general
concentration of their forces in the plain was clearly
indicated, with the single exception of the plateau of
Monreale, which is a position in itself, and commands
the road from the interior for some distance. The
disadvantage of him who attacked was considerably
increased by the difficult nature of the mountains,
which makes all lateral communication between the roads
almost impossible, so that any change of the attack
implied a great circuit. The Neapolitans, who had
studied the thing for years, were fully aware of these
advantages, and concentrated their forces in the plain,
merely occupying the plateau of Monreale.
"Garibaldi could not unite his forces in time to arrive
at Monreale before the Neapolitans had occupied it in
great force, and when he arrived in the neighborhood of
the position, four days after the victory of Calata
Fimi, he saw that the taking of Monreale could only be
effected with great loss. He therefore determined to
change his plans. The first thing was to surround and
watch all the outlets, and for this purpose the
different _squadri_ of the insurgents took up positions
all round the chain of mountains which inclose the bay.
It was one of the finest sights you could see when their
fires blazed up at night, and mingled their red glare
with the pale light of the moon. They were watched by
the inhabitants like the holy fire by the Parsee, and
the sole occupation during the last eight days or so
seemed to be to observe and comment on their meaning.
Now they seemed stronger on one peak, now more spread
and continuous on the slope of another mountain, and on
the hope kindled by these fires the uninitiated lived.
Palermo was in a state of excitement and ferment
impossible to describe, and strong enough to brave the
state of siege which had been proclaimed. The Secret
Committee, which had maintained itself in spite of the
vigilance and suspicion of the police, always found
means to communicate with Garibaldi, in spite of the
military authorities. The committee was known to exist,
and it circulated printed bulletins almost daily, but it
was so organized that the police, although aware of its
existence, could never discover the members. It was
a kind of freemasonry, with different degrees of
initiation. No one not a member knew more than one
member. The houses where the meetings were held were
continually changed, and all obeyed blindly.
"The committee informed Garibaldi that Palermo was ready
to rise, but it imposed the condition that he should
appear before the gates of the town. He accepted this
condition, and made his plans accordingly. Seeing that
he had come too late for Monreale, he left a party of
the native insurgents to keep up the fires and engage
the Neapolitans, while he took off the mass of the
force, and, by an almost incredible march along the
mountain chain, where the guns had to be carried by the
men, he appeared all at once at Parco, on the road to
Piana, on the 23d. As soon as the Neapolitans saw their
mistake, they sent up in hot haste toward Parco
whatever they could muster of forces without exposing
their position in the town. They did not think them
sufficient; for, after some skirmishing on that day,
they withdrew again to their position on two lower
plateaus, the Piana Borazzo and Santa Theresa. The next
day, 24th, they got up some of the troops from Monreale,
and thus strengthened, made another attack—the same I
witnessed from on board ship. The purpose was gained;
they had got another change. Garibaldi withdrew, leaving
just a few of the bands behind. These latter did not
wait long to follow, and the 'Regii,' as the soldiers
are called, entered both Madonna delle Grazie and Parco
the same afternoon, and pillaged and burned the place,
according to time-honored custom, killing a number of
the peaceful inhabitants, and publishing as usual next
day, a splendid bulletin, announcing the defeat of
the bands of Garibaldi, and promising their speedy
subjection. Although Neapolitan bulletins are not much
believed, yet there were many in the town whose hearts
sank when they saw Garibaldi retire a second time.
"They little knew the man with whom they had to do, nor
did the Neapolitans either—although they ought to have
remembered Velletri. It was _reculer pour mieux sauter_.
In order the better to deceive the Neapolitans, he went
back to Piana, and sent his artillery even farther back,
while he himself, with his chosen band, made his way
over the mountains again, and, while the Neapolitans
followed his track to Piana, he had arrived yesterday
morning at Misilmeri, on the highroad to Catania, where
he had given rendezvous to all the chieftains or
captains on that side of the mountain chain.
"I was sick of uncertain rumors, which alone were to be
got at in town, and which would leave your readers in
darkness about the true state of things. Besides knowing
a little of the gallant general's tactics, I had a
strong suspicion that something was impending which
could be better seen from without than from inside the
town, so I determined to see whether I could not get
there. Some English and American officers had been out
in that direction, and had seen one of the captains, a
popular man of this place, called La Maza, so I
determined likewise to have a trial. Some friends in the
town indicated the way, and I set off in the carriage of
one of them. The road to Messina, starting from the
Marina and the Villa Giulia at the end of it, skirts the
sea as far as Abate, where it unites with the highroad
to Misilmeri and Catania. I was advised to take this
last, as the least infested by soldiers. What with their
confidence in their navy, and what with the stratagem of
Garibaldi, the Neapolitans had paid little attention to
this road and the southeasterly side in general. Two
sentries before the corner of the Villa Giulia, and a
post of a score of men a little further, in the _octroi_
building, were all that were in the neighborhood of the
town. Straggling houses continue for some distance up to
a bridge leading over a little stream or torrent called
Orveto, which flows into the sea about a quarter of a
mile further on. All along these houses there is a chain
of sentries, and in the vicinity of the bridge a post of
perhaps eighty men who furnish these sentries.
"I passed them without an inquiry, and was free. There
had been the Neapolitan steamers cruising about every
day all along this coast; no necessity was therefore
felt for any further precaution. I rolled along fast
enough with my two Calabrese horses, and passed some
American officers, probably bound for Solento. At the
very gates of the town the people had joined the
insurrection, but there was a kind of neutral ground
between the two, which ended in a village beyond Abate,
the name of which I cannot recollect. If the Regii were
careless, the insurgents were not, and at the entrance
of the village one of their armed men asked me for
permission to be my guide, a thing which exactly suited
me. As we drove through the village the people rushed
forward, and trying to kiss my hands, asked me for arms.
They were all ready to join, but had no arms, which did
not prevent their raising shouts for Italy, Victor
Emanuel, and Garibaldi. We had to gallop off in order
not to be stopped at every step. A drive of half an hour
or more in a gentle descent, with a lovely valley
beneath, and beautiful mountain scenery in front,
brought me to the town of Misilmeri, a wretched little
place, altogether wanting in character. In the little
square held out on one side the committee, which forms a
kind of provisional government, and on the other, up
some wooden steps fixed outside, was enthroned the chief
of the staff of Garibaldi's expedition in primitive
simplicity. Colonel Sirtori was just giving a pass to
two young American officers from the United State's
steamship Iroquois, without which no one was allowed to
enter the camp. As he had likewise given them an officer
as guide, I joined them, and up we sauntered toward the
heights leading to the Gebel Rosso and the pass the
Mezzagna. We had soon left behind us the few remaining
houses, and the ruins of the feudal castle to the left,
the white limestone walls of which had something in them
which reminded you of a skeleton. The ground all about
is planted with olive-trees, vines, and different sorts
of grain, which all grow luxuriantly in spite of the
stony nature of the place. The general had pitched his
camp on a tolerably extensive plateau just above the
ruins, looking down on one side toward the plain and the
range which ends at Cape Zaffarana, while on the other
the peaks of the Gebel Rosso and the pass of Mezzagna
were visible across a depression in the ground, looking
very much like an extinct crater, and now partially
filled with water, owing to the copious rains which had
fallen during the last few days. It was one of those
panoramas which suggest naturally your pitching your
tent there—that is, if you have one. The word tent is
erased from the military dictionary of Garibaldi.
However, a popular general has to yield at times to his
soldiers, and so he could not prevent them from sticking
into the ground four of the lances with which the
squadron, who have no muskets, are armed, and from
throwing over them a blanket. Under the tent you could
see the guacha saddle arranged as a pillow, and the
black sheepskin covering as a bed. As for every one
else, there were the olive-trees affording shade, plenty
of stones for pillows, and perhaps for every tenth man a
cloak or blanket. All around were picketed the horses,
most of them entire, and behaving accordingly. The
general himself was not there when we arrived; he had
taken one of his morning strolls, but in front of his
tent there were all his trusty followers—Colonel Turr,
the Hungarian, although still suffering from the shot in
his arm, received in last year's campaign, yet always
ready where there is danger; Colonel Bixio, another
trusty follower and well-known officer of the Cacciatori
delle Alpi; Colonel Carini, the bravest of Sicilians,
likewise an officer of that corps, besides a number of
others, all brave like him, among them Garibaldi's young
son, with a shot wound in his wrist, received at Calata
Fimi, and the son of Daniel Manin, wounded in the thigh.
There was the ex-priest Guzmaroli, a Romagnole, who has
vowed the most enthusiastic worship to his hero, and
follows him like his shadow, providing for his comforts,
and watching his person in the moment of danger. There
was a small cluster of guides, most of them of good
Lombard families, meant to serve on horseback, but now
on foot, and the foremost in the battle. Not the least
remarkable among all these figures was the Sicilian
monk, Frate Pantaleone—jolly, like the picture of a monk
of the middle ages, but full of fire and patriotism, and
as brave as any of the others. He had joined the force
at Salemi, and did his best to encourage and comfort
them. Several among the leading men from Palermo and its
vicinity were likewise present among them, with several
priests and monks, who are among the most sincere and
energetic promoters of the movement. They were a strange
sight, indeed, in this by no means very Catholic army;
but I assure you their behavior has been such that the
wildest among these youths honor and respect them, and
in them their order.
"Well, all this motley crowd, increased now by the two
young American naval men, and soon after joined by three
British naval officers, was collected around a common
nucleus—a smoking kettle, with the larger part of a calf
in it, and a liberal allowance of onions, a basket with
heaps of fresh bread, and a barrel containing Marsala.
Every one helped himself in the most communistic manner,
using fingers and knife, and drinking out of the
solitary tin pot. It is only in this irregular warfare
that you see these scenes in their greatest perfection.
The long marches and countermarches, rains, fights, and
sleeping on the ground, had made almost every one worthy
to figure in a picture by Murillo, with all those grand
Sicilian mountains, not unlike those of Greece, forming
a background such as no picture can reproduce."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
GARIBALDI IN COUNCIL.
"Soon after my arrival, Garibaldi made his appearance,
and received his foreign visitors with that charming,
quiet simplicity which characterizes him, lending
himself with great complaisance to the invariably
recurring demands of autographs, and answering the
numerous questions which were naturally put to him. It
was only after the departure of his guests that the
general resumed business. The question debated was
nothing more nor less than to venture on a _coup de
main_ on Palermo the same night. There was no doubt, all
the information went to show, that the Neapolitans had
taken the bait thrown out for them—that they had taken
a feigned retreat for a defeat, and the sending
back of the guns toward the interior as a sign of
discouragement. As to the flank movement to Misilmeri,
they seemed to have no idea of it, for men come from
Piani stated that they were in force in that place.
Another considerable body of men was at Parco, and on
the road beyond it. In Monreale, the reports spoke
likewise of several thousand. In fact, the approaches to
these two last-named places, called the Piana di Borazzo
and the Theresa, both of which are close to the Palazzo
Reale, in the southwest part of the town, were the
points of concentration, while the outlets from the
southerly and the southeasterly parts of the town were
comparatively undefended. Former events had forced the
Neapolitans to pay attention to the topography of the
town, so as to remain masters of it in case of a popular
rising. This was not very easy in such a town as
Palermo, which, like a true southern town, forms a
labyrinth of small and tortuous streets, flanked by
high houses all provided with balconies. This was a
serious drawback for the troops in a street fight. The
Neapolitans did their best to repair the disadvantage.
There are two streets, evidently of Spanish origin,
which form the main arteries of the town. The first,
called Via di Toledo, starting from the Marina at Porta
Felice, traverses the town in a straight line from
northeast to southwest, passing close to the Cathedral
of Santa Rosalia, and ending at the Piazza Reale, the
largest square of Palermo, on the opposite side of the
town from which the roads start to Monreale and Parco.
Besides the royal palace, supposed to be on the site of
the old palace of the Emirs of Sicily, there are several
large public buildings which line the square, the
Archivescovado forming one corner, and the large convent
of St. Elizabetha the other. The ground rises gently
toward this part, which commands the whole town. At
right angles to the Via di Toledo runs another street
equally straight, the Strada Moquerada, which, starting
from the Porto San Antonino, and traversing the whole
town, leads out the road to La Favorita and to the Mole.
The two intersect each other right in the centre of the
town, where the octagonal place is called the Piazzi
Bologni. The lower half of the town, from the sea to
this place, had been almost abandoned, or rather
committed to the tender care of the shipping and the
Castello, which occupies a projecting height on the
seashore, near the northeasterly corner of the town. A
few posts at the gates of the town on this side, rather
points of observation than of action, and a company or
so in the building of the Finanze, situated in this part
of the town, were all that remained of troops on that
side.
"In order to establish and keep up the communication
between the upper half of the town, the real point of
defence, and the sea-shore, two large _stradoni_ have
been opened outside of the town, both of them starting
from the neighborhood of the royal palace, and running
down to the sea, near to the Villa Giulia, a large
public garden adjoining the Marina, and the other
passing through the Quartiere dei Quatri Venti, to the
Mole. This latter _stradone_ has always been considered
as the line of retreat to the place of embarkation, and
is flanked by large buildings, the political prison,
some barracks, the criminal prison, and finally the
works on the Mole itself.
"The plan which Garibaldi conceived from these
dispositions, was to surprise the posts in the lower and
comparatively ill-defended part of the town, to throw
himself into the town, and then gradually work his way
from street to street. The two roads leading to this
part of the town run almost parallel, and not far from
each other. That close to the sea-shore was the least
guarded, containing merely a company or so, altogether
cut off from all communication. The task would have been
easier from this side, had it not been for the fear of
the march of a long column being discovered, and thus an
alarm given. The second, the highroad from the interior,
was therefore chosen as the line of operations. It
crosses, about half a mile from the town, the route Del
Ammiraglio, leads through a large open street to the
_stradone_ on this side of the town, and enters the town
at the Porta di Termini. At this gate the Neapolitans
had made a sandbag barricade, which was occupied by two
companies. The _stradone_ before it was enfiladed by a
couple of mountain guns, placed at the gate of Sant'
Antonino. Beyond the _stradone_ small forts extended all
along the road up to the bridge, and the outposts were
just on the other side of the bridge.
"With that just _coup d'œil_ which Garibaldi certainly
possesses, he had singled out this point as the most
practicable. Having, with the exception of the troops
he had brought with him, but rough, undisciplined
guerrillas at his disposal, he saw that the best
chance was to concentrate all his forces, and surprise
or break through by main force. The operation was to
be assisted by a general rise of the people in the
town.
"Having sketched out his plan, he convoked the different
guerrilla chiefs and informed them of his intention. He
told them that it was not his custom to have councils of
war, but he thought it for once good to consult them, as
upon the resolution taken must depend the fate of
Sicily, and perhaps of Italy. There were only two things
to be done—either to try and get possession of Palermo
by a _coup de main_, or else to withdraw and begin a
regular organization in the interior, and form an army.
He, for his part, was for a _coup de main_, which would
at once settle the fate of the island. He told them to
be brief in their remarks, and not deliberate long. Most
were utterly astonished at the boldness of this plan,
and some made remarks about the want of ammunition for
their men. They were told for the hundredth time, that
it was not long shots which imposed on the well-armed
Neapolitans, but a determined rush in advance—that they
ought not to waste their ammunition and fire off their
guns for sport, and were promised whatever could be
spared. This objection being waived, all expressed more
or less loudly their approbation of the plan, and were
dismissed with the injunction to animate their people
and keep up their courage."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER VIII.
"I saw Garibaldi, and watch'd him nigh;
I saw the lightnings that flash from his eye:
He's not of the dust of which mortals are made,
And what reaches his heart will not be of lead."
_Dall'Ongaro._ T. D.
PREPARATIONS TO ATTACK PALERMO—NIGHT
MARCH—ATTACK—BATTLE—THE BOMBARDMENT.
"The first idea was to make the attack in the middle of
the night—the Neapolitans don't like to stir at night,
and there was every chance of a panic among them; but
there was some danger that way likewise for the Sicilian
insurgents, and it was thought best to make such
arrangements as would bring the force at dawn to the
gates of the town. According to the original and better
plan of the general himself and his adjutant-general,
Colonel Turr, the movement was to have been made along
the main road from Misilmeri, broad enough to admit of
considerable development of the columns, and commodious
in every respect. The native captains, however,
suggested the Pass of Mezzagna, which descends from the
heights behind Gebel Rosso into the plain of Palermo.
According to their statements, it was much shorter and
by no means difficult. Their statements were believed,
and the whole force received orders to be concentrated
by nightfall on the summit of the pass, crowned with a
church.
"According to the first disposition, the troops brought
by the general himself were to lead the way, and the
_squadre_ to follow; but some of the chiefs begged it as
a favor for their corps to have the honor of being first
in the town—a claim which could not be very well
refused. The plan was, therefore, modified. The guides
and three men from each company of the Cacciatori delle
Alpi, were formed into an _avant-garde_, confided to
Major Tüköri, a Hungarian, an officer who distinguished
himself under General Kméty on the 29th of September, at
Kars. Behind this _avant-garde_ followed the Sicilians,
commanded by La Maga, an emigrant, who had come over
with Garibaldi. The second line was led by the riflemen
of Genoa—excellent shots, all armed with the Swiss
carbine. Behind them came the two battalions of
Cacciatori delle Alpi, and in the rear the rest of the
Sicilians.
"The order having been distributed, the different bands
gradually worked their way toward the summit of the
pass. The packing up at headquarters did not take much
time; it soon after broke up its camp and followed the
troops. I was mounted on a regular Rosinante, with a
halter passed round the jaw, and provided with a saddle
which seemed to have been formed to fit on the vertebræ
of my lean black charger. A blanket was, however, found
in due time, and on the whole I cannot complain. The
road up to the pass winds along rows of gigantic cactus
hedges, which give a thoroughly eastern character to the
country. It was just sunset when we arrived on the top,
where, through a gap, we could see the bay and town of
Palermo and the sea beyond, looking more like a fairy
picture than reality. All the mountains, with their
rugged points naturally of a reddish tint, seemed to
have drunk in the rays of the setting sun, and exhibited
that rosy color which I had thought hitherto a special
gift of the plain of Attica. While you had this charming
scene before you, you looked behind, as it were, into
the hearts of the mountains. It was one of the finest
spots I ever saw, and all the country was fragrant with
spring flowers, the perfume of which came out with
redoubled vigor as soon as the sun had set. It proved a
bad road for the expedition, that mountain pass, but it
was lovely to look upon.
"In order to entertain the Neapolitans with the idea
that all was safe on that side, the usual large fires
were kindled on the tops of the mountains, and kept up
long after our departure by men left behind for that
purpose. Garibaldi went up to look at the position
underneath, or, perhaps, to indulge in that kind of
reverie to which he is subject in such solemn moments,
and which ends in a concentration of all his faculties
on the sole aim he has before him.
"The evening gun in the fort had been long reëchoed by
the mountains, and the moon had risen clear and bright
above our heads, giving a new charm to this lovely
scenery, before we stirred."
THE NIGHT MARCH.
"During this interval the _picciotti_ (youngsters), as
the patriots are called, were put into some kind of
order, which, you will believe me, was no easy matter in
the comparative darkness which prevailed; no chief
knowing his men, and the men not recognizing their
chief—every one acting for some one else, and no one
able to give an answer. With the exception of the troops
brought over by Garibaldi, all the rest seemed an
entangled mass almost impossible to unravel. However, by
degrees, those belonging to the same chief found
themselves together, and the march began about ten, P.M.
Either the Sicilian chieftains had never looked at the
Pass of Mezzagna, or else they have curious ideas of a
road; the whole is nothing but a track among big stones,
crossing and recrossing the bed of a mountain torrent,
following not unfrequently the bed of the torrent,
leading over smooth masses of stones and across most
awkward gaps—all this at an angle of twenty-five
degrees, to be passed on horseback at night! Even the
men could only go singly, which made our line a
frightful length, and caused continual delays and
stoppages. The general vowed never to believe another
Sicilian report on the state of a mountain road.
However, in the end, we reached the plain and came in
among the olive-trees below, with few falls among the
sure-footed horses. A halt was made until all the
columns had descended, and during this halt an incident
occurred which did not promise much for the future
behavior of our _picciotti_. The horses in Sicily are
left for the most part entire, hence continual fighting
and considerable neighing, which was so inconvenient in
a night expedition of this kind that several of the most
vicious steeds had to be sent back. One of them still
remained, and began its antics; the rider lost patience,
which made matters worse. Those nearest threw themselves
back in haste, and communicated the movement to those
behind. These, many of whom had sat down and began to
doze, mistook in their dreams, probably, the trees for
Neapolitans, the stars for so many shells, and the moon
for a colossal fireball; at any rate, the majority of
them were, with one bound, in the thickets on both sides
of the road, several fired off their muskets in
their fright, and very little was wanting to cause a
general panic. Every one did what he could to restore
confidence, but the effect was produced and reacted, as
you will see by and by. Another incident occurred, which
might have led to the failure of the whole expedition.
The Sicilian guides who were with the _avant-garde_
missed the road, and instead of taking a by-road which
led into the main road we had to pursue, they continued
on the road near the hill-side, which would have brought
us just where the Neapolitans were in the greatest
strength. The mistake was perceived in time and
repaired, but not without considerable loss of time. At
last the column emerged on to the main road, which is
broad and skirted by high garden walls. As we had lost
considerable time with all these _contretemps_, and as
dawn was approaching, we had to make haste, but whether
from fatigue or the impression of the night panic, the
_picciotti_ could not be brought to move very fast. It
was just the first glimmer of dawn when we passed the
first houses, which extend in this direction a long way
out of the town of Palermo. The _squadre_, who ought to
have known the locality better, began shouting and
'evvivaing,' just as if we had been close to the gates.
Had it not been for this blunder, the _avant-garde_
might have surprised the post on the bridge of the
Ammiragliato, and probably penetrated into the town
without the loss of a man. As it was, the shouting not
only roused those on guard on the bridge, but likewise
gave an opportunity to the Neapolitans to strengthen the
force at the gate of Termini, and to make all their
dispositions for a defence from the flank.
"Instead, therefore, of surprising the post on the
bridge, the _avant-garde_ was received by a
well-sustained fire, not only in front, but from the
houses in their flanks. At the first sound of the
musketry, most of the _picciotti_ were across the garden
walls, but not with the view of firing from behind them,
leaving thus the 30 or 40 men of the _avant-garde_ all
isolated in the large exposed street which leads to the
bridge. The first battalion of the Cacciatori was sent
up, and as it did not carry the position fast enough,
the second was sent after it soon after. While these
were driving back the Neapolitans, every one did his
best to drive the _picciotti_ forward. It was not so
easy, in the beginning especially, when the sound of
cannon was heard in front, although its effects were
scarcely visible. However, the _picciotti_, who remind
me very much of Arnout Bashibazouks, can be led on after
the first unpleasant sensation has passed away,
especially when they see that it is not all shots that
kill or wound—not even the cannon-shots, which make so
formidable a noise. They could see this to perfection
this morning, for although the Neapolitan rifles are
scarcely inferior to the best fire-arms, I never saw so
little damage done by so much shooting. Every one put
himself, therefore, to work to lead and urge on the
_picciotti_, driving them out of the sheltered places by
all kinds of contrivances, and often by blows and main
force. After some trouble, most of them were safely
brought through the open space before the bridge, but
the general tendency was to go under rather than above
the bridge, which is, like all bridges over torrents,
high, and was, in this instance, exposed to a heavy
cross fire from the Piana di Borazzo, where the
Neapolitans had a loopholed wall and some guns mounted,
which threw a few ill-aimed shells. While the general
himself, and many of his staff, did their best to make
them leave this shelter again and proceed, the
_avant-garde_ had chased back the Neapolitans to the
_stradone_ which runs down to the sea just in front of
the Porta di Termini. The Neapolitan fort at the gate,
considerably reinforced, opened a hot fire, which swept
down the long avenue of houses leading to the bridge,
while at the same time the two guns and the troops
posted at the Porta Sant' Antonino, brought a cross fire
to bear on the attackers. But this was no obstacle to
the brave fellows who led the way. They did not lose
time with firing, but rushed on with the bayonet. The
commander of the _avant-garde_, who was a Hungarian
major, and three of the guides, were the first across
the sand-bag barricade in the town, but the leader was
wounded by a shot which shattered his left knee.
Otherwise the loss had been trifling. While the
_avant-garde_ and the Cacciatori chased the Neapolitans
from spot to spot, the Palermitans began likewise to
stir, but, justice compels me to say, only in the parts
which the troops had left.
"The same scene as at the bridge was repeated at the
crossing of the _stradone_ by the _picciotti_, who
followed in a straggling movement. And yet it was
important to get into the town, in order not to be
outflanked or taken in the rear by the Neapolitans
holding the Piana di Borazzo. In order to avert this
danger, the order was given to some of the bands to get
behind the garden walls which line the road by which the
Neapolitans might have come down on our left. These
diversions, and probably the dislike to fight in open
field, were sufficient to parry this danger until the
greatest part of the stragglers had passed. At the same
time a barricade was thrown up in the rear with anything
which could be laid hold of. This work pleased the
_picciotti_ so well, that they began throwing up a
barricade in front likewise. At any rate, they blocked
up a part of the road before they could be prevented.
"But the most critical thing was decidedly the crossing
of the _stradone_, where the cross fire was kept up, and
all kinds of dodges were resorted to to make them risk
this _salto_, which they thought mortal. I and one of
the followers of Garibaldi held out one of the men by
main force exposed to the fire, which soon made him run
across. It was here, above all, that the bad firing of
the Neapolitans told. I was looking on for some time,
and did not see a single man even wounded. In order to
encourage the _picciotti_, one of the Genoese riflemen
took four or five chairs, planted the tricolor on one of
them, and sat down upon it for some time. The thing took
at last decidedly, and you saw the _picciotti_ stopping
on the road to fire off their muskets.
"Close to the Porta di Termini is the Vecchia Fiera—the
old market-place. One must know these Sicilians to have
an idea of the frenzy, screaming, shouting, crying, and
hugging: all would kiss Garibaldi's hand and embrace his
knees. Every moment brought new masses, which debouched
in troops from one of the streets, anxious to have their
turn. As the Cacciatori gradually cleared the lower part
of the town, most of the inhabitants came to have a
look, and give a greeting to the Liberator of Palermo
and Sicily. The entrance was effected about half-past 5
A.M., and by noon more than one-half of the town was
clear of the troops. But two hours before this was
effected, the citadel had opened its fire on the town,
at first moderately enough, but soon after with great
vigor, firing large 13-inch shell, red-hot shot, and
every other projectile calculated to do the greatest
possible damage. About noon or so, the ships in the
harbor opened their fire, and between the two they
contrived to destroy a great number of houses in the
lower part of the town, killing and wounding a great
number of people of all ages and both sexes. Two of the
large shells were sent right into the hospital, and
exploded in one of the wards. Everywhere you perceived
ruins and conflagrations, dead and wounded, not a few of
whom must have perished among the ruins of their houses.
It was especially the part of the town near the Piazzi
Bologni, and some of the adjoining streets which was
ill-treated. If the object of the Neapolitans was to
inspire terror, they certainly succeeded. Whoever could,
took refuge in whatever he thought the most bomb-proof
place, and those who could not, you saw crying, praying,
and wringing their hands in the streets. It was a
pitiable sight, indeed, and it did more harm to
inoffensive people than to those who might have
retaliated. Before opening the fire, the commodore sent
a polite message to all the men-of-war which were in the
way to get out of it, and all the vessels which were
moored inside the Mole had to shift their berths and
take up positions outside."
THE BOMBARDMENT.
"EVENING.
"The bombardment is still kept up, with only short
intervals, especially from the Castle, where the _alter
ego_ of King Bomba II. reigns. There is no doubt that
Admiral Mundy made very strong representations to the
Neapolitan commodore about the bombardment, but they
have not been listened to. Some parts of the town will
have to be entirely rebuilt, the large shells having
passed right through from top to bottom, shaking those
ill-built constructions. Several of the churches have
come in for their share; yet all this useless
bombardment has not prevented the soldiers from being,
by degrees dislodged from all their positions in the
town, with the exception of the parts about the royal
palace and their line of communication with the Mole. In
the lower part of the town they possess only the
Castello Amare and the Finanze, which is held by a
company or so of soldiers. Most of the foreign subjects
have taken refuge on board the men-of-war, and all the
consuls, with the exception of Mr. Goodwin, our own, who
sticks like a true Briton to his consular flag.
According to all accounts, there is no comparison,
between the bombardment in 1848 and the present one.
Then the Neapolitans were satisfied with sending one or
two shells every half hour, while now they take just
time enough to let their guns and mortars cool.
"All those who came in this morning with Garibaldi are
dead beat, having had no sleep last night, and plenty of
work since. The general himself is reposing on the
platform which surrounds the large fountain in the
Piazza del Pretorio, where the committee is sitting
_en permanence_. This committee, the same which
carried on the whole movement from the beginning, has
constituted itself as a provisional government, under
the dictatorship of Garibaldi. It has appointed several
special committees for the different branches of its
operations, and provides as well as possible for the
many wants which occur every moment. Considering the
oppression under which the people have been, very
little preparation could be made for the emergency,
and everything has to be provided now under the
pressure of the moment—arms, as far as possible,
ammunition, provisions for the troops, hospital wants
and arrangements, besides the great fact of satisfying
every one who wants, or thinks he wants, something, and
listening to every one who has something to say, or
thinks he has. There is a great deal of good-will on the
part of the committee, but I must say it is not so
energetically seconded by the Palermitans as one could
have expected from their enthusiasm. There is a
semi-oriental _laissez aller_ about them, which only
produces fits of activity scarcely equal to the moment.
"At our first entrance into the town, there was a good
deal of haste made about the barricades, but as the
extension of the occupation constantly requires new
barricades, there is some difficulty in keeping them up
to the work; a great many _evvivas_, but all preferred
to run about the streets to laying hand to the work.
Even the ringing of the bells, the most demoralizing
sound to an army in a populous town, can, in spite of
all injunctions, be only kept up in fits and starts. It
is the southern indolence, which soon gets the better of
all good dispositions.
"The town is illuminated, and presents, during the
intervals of the bombardment, an animated appearance;
but all the shops are still closed. The illumination,
with the antique-shaped glass lamps suspended from the
balconies, presents a very pretty effect, rather
heightened by the shells flying through the clear sky."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER IX.
"A nun of Sicily said to me:
'He must brother be to Saint Rosalie:
For there's a wild brilliancy beams in his eyes,
Sent down by his sister from Paradise.'"
_Dall'Ongaro's lines on Garibaldi._ T. D.
JOURNAL OF AN EYE-WITNESS CONTINUED—PALERMO AFTER THE
CAPTURE—GARIBALDI IN A DANGEROUS CRISIS—THE ARCHBISHOP
OF PALERMO AND MANY OF THE HEADS OF CONVENTS WITH
GARIBALDI—ADDRESS OF THE CORPORATION—INCIDENTS IN
PALERMO—GARIBALDI'S DECREE FOR POOR SOLDIERS AND THEIR
FAMILIES.
"THE taking of Palermo has had decidedly its effect on
the country around. There is no end of the _squadre_
which are approaching in all directions and hovering
about the Regii. As soon as these latter had left
Monreale, the insurgents in the neighborhood descended
to occupy it as well as San Martino. All about Piana and
Corleone they are swarming and skirmishing, so that the
column of 1,500 or 1,600 men which has been sent in that
direction is rather compromised. They hoped to destroy
Garibaldi and his partisans, and the fate they prepared
for them may await themselves.
"But while thus the general march of events is decidedly
favorable, I must say the Palermitans are scarcely up to
the mark. They are all well-intentioned, but they
are distressingly indolent, and want that general
coöperation which is most calculated to insure success.
There is no initiative or activity on their part, and
their sole occupation seems to be to invent and spread
rumors. Not a quarter of an hour passes without some
fellow or other coming in out of breath and announcing
the advance of the royal troops; now they are from one,
now from the other side. Above all, horses and cavalry
seem to be the nightmare of the Palermitans. They see
the solitary regiment of Neapolitan cavalry everywhere.
It is in vain that their noses are thrust against the
barricades with which the whole town is blocked up, they
_will_ see the cavalry. But, although they are thus
haunted by the royal troops, few seem to think that
they ought to do some thing for themselves—making
preparations for the defence of their houses and
streets, and being always ready to meet an attack. It
never occurs to them, as it did to the Lombards last
year, that it is their duty to think day and night how
to alleviate the sufferings of those who bleed in their
cause. It is not the want of will, but a deficiency in
acting otherwise than by order. The only thing which
they do spontaneously, is to cry "Evviva," and promenade
the streets, eager for news and gossip.
"The irregulars are decidedly improving. They are
getting a taste for barricade and street fighting; they
still blaze away their ammunition in a frantic manner,
but they are beginning to keep to their posts and even
to advance, if not too much exposed. This is our
advantage in these street fights; the longer they last,
the more they increase the confidence of the irregulars,
and destroy the discipline of the regular troops.
"Every hour brings new proofs of this in the shape of
prisoners and deserters from the Neapolitan forces.
With those taken in the hospitals, there must be above
1,000. There is an order from the general to treat
them well, and there is no animosity prevailing
against them, but so much the greater is that against
the _sbirri_ and '_compagni d'armi_,' a kind of local
police, who have committed great horrors. They are
picked out everywhere, and brought up in gangs of five
and six to the committee, trembling for their lives;
but only one of them has been killed hitherto, having
been taken in the act of firing at those who wanted to
arrest him.
"The ceasing of the bombardment, or rather the
diminishing of it, has brought people out into the
streets again."
GARIBALDI IN A DANGEROUS CRISIS.
"_May 29_—6 P.M.
"About 3 P.M. one of those panics suddenly broke out
again which occur every moment, and serve more than
anything else to demoralize the town and the _squadre_.
The steamers which had gone off yesterday came back, and
the rumor was that they were disembarking their troops
before the Porta dei Greci;—great running and movement,
great confusion, all caused by a column of dust on the
road running along the sea-shore. In the afternoon there
was some heavy firing, both toward the Piazza Reale and
on the left of it, where the Neapolitans have a bastion
which flanks the palace and is itself defended from the
Castello. All yesterday and to-day the object on that
side was to get possession of a cluster of houses, so as
to isolate that bastion, and force them out of this, as
from that of Sant' Agata. The town is too large, and
Garibaldi's immediate followers are too few to be sent
everywhere, and too precious to be exposed, except in
the greatest necessity. Thus it is the _squadre_ who
form the mass in most places.
"The Archbishop of Palermo, and many heads of religious
orders, paid a visit to Garibaldi, and returned,
delighted with the simplicity and modesty of his
bearing. Garibaldi finds himself more at home with the
Sicilian clergy than with any other, because it has
never made common cause with tyranny, or lost the manly
virtues of the citizen. 'It was worth while to come to
Sicily,' he said, 'if only to find out that there is
still an Italian clergy.' Garibaldi, on the other
hand, must contrast favorably in their eyes with the
Neapolitan generals who have profaned their churches and
plundered them of their sacred vessels, as General Clary
did at the sack of Catania, in the confident expectation
that the Pope would absolve him as he absolved the
Swiss, who, in sacking Perugia, laid ecclesiastical as
well as lay property under contribution."
ADDRESS OF THE PALERMO CORPORATION TO GARIBALDI.
"A deputation of the municipality of Palermo presented
an address to Garibaldi, expressing its thanks to the
liberator of Sicily. The address contains the resolution
that the Porta Termini, by which the forces of Garibaldi
entered, is to be called henceforth Porta Garibaldi, and
the Piazza Vecchia the Piazza di Vittorio Emmanuell. A
statue has been likewise decreed to Garibaldi. It is to
be erected by subscription.
"Garibaldi answered the deputation by one of those
heart-stirring speeches that he knows how to make,
reminding them that all was not done, and that every
effort must be concentrated to complete the work. He
gave them good advice about their duty to organize the
people; that there was but one choice between the
Neapolitans and a general armament; that Sicily could
only be free as part of Italy. He told them that they
ought to work for this, but that the time for annexation
had not come. It would lead to foreign interference,
which ought to be avoided. When the time came, he would
be the first to lead in this matter, to which he
had devoted his life. Cheering and an enthusiastic
expression of thorough confidence was the answer."
Thus it was that Garibaldi, after a brief career, marked by wonderful
success at every step, entered Palermo by the eastern gates, and between
daybreak and ten o'clock in the morning, had possession of the greater
part of the city.
The Neapolitans were driven into a number of strong positions round the
royal palace, to the southwest of the town, and to the northwest toward
the Mole, their line of retreat, and, not being able to do anything
more, the ships opened their fire, always the last remedy. Almost all
the civilized nations had representatives of their fleets on the spot to
witness and approve by their presence this noble proceeding—English,
French, American, Sardinian, Austrian—none of them were wanting; nay,
they anchored in a way which might not hinder the movements of the brave
Neapolitan fleet.
The young King of Naples, though only twenty-three years old, has shown
so much of the spirit of his father, recently deceased, that he has been
justly named Bomba Junior, or the young Bomb-shell. When the landing of
Garibaldi produced the first fit of terror at Naples, the youthful
Bourbon sent to his brave fleet concentrated in the Bay of Palermo the
order to bombard his faithful Palermitans, and reduce their town to
ashes if they should dare to rise against his paternal authority. The
Palermitans had been treated once already in this paternal manner by the
illustrious father of the present sovereign, who figures in history as
King Bomba, for having given these souvenirs of his love to every large
town of his kingdom.
During the latter part of the fighting between Garibaldi's troops and
those of the king, when the latter were nearly driven from the streets
of Palermo, the ammunition of the _picciotti_ (or little boys, as the
patriot recruits were called) was exhausted at that point, one party of
them fell back in one of the streets, and thus allowed the royalists to
shut in a street of houses in which another party of them was still
holding out.
Garibaldi was at dinner when the news arrived. There had been so many
rumors of an advance of the Neapolitans during the day, that the first
impression was that this was merely another of those wild rumors; but
Captain Niva, who brought it, was one of the Garibaldians, and there
could be no doubt about its truth. Garibaldi jumped up from his chair,
saying, "Well, then, I suppose I must go there myself." He saw it was
one of those moments when the chief must be at the head of his troops to
restore their confidence. He went downstairs, and took with him whatever
troops he found on the road to that exposed point, and proceeded to
retake the lost ground.
"His presence (wrote a person who was in the city at the time), not only
soon checked the advance of the royalists, but made them likewise lose
the advantage they had gained a moment before. With that marvellous
ascendency which he exercises over those around him, he succeeded in a
short time in making the _picciotti_ fight, and even in animating the
population which had remained in the houses."
In spite of the urgent entreaties of his followers not to expose
himself, he remained in the open street, without any shelter, haranguing
and encouraging the men; the enemy seeing this, issued out from the
houses and from behind the barricade. One of the _picciotti_ was shot
through the head just before Garibaldi, who, seeing him falling, held
him up for a moment; and Colonel Turr, at his side, got a ricochet ball
against his leg as he took hold of the general and dragged him by main
force under shelter. But the effect was produced. One rush brought the
party close enough to throw one of Orsini's shells, which prostrated
seven or eight men. The bugler, who is always at Garibaldi's side,
sounded the charge, and the Neapolitans ran. The sound of this bugle
seems to act formidably on the nerves of the Neapolitan troops; they
know they have to do with Garibaldi's men, and at Calata Fimi they ran
before even the charge took place.
Royal troops were disembarked in the night of the 29th of May, went out
of the Castello toward the Mole, and then by a circuit, rejoined the
troops on the other side, anxious to hold their ground in and about the
royal palace, rather than to make an attack on the town.
The news from the country could not have been better. Everywhere the
people were rising and the troops withdrawing. On the evening of the
23d, General Alfan di Heisia abandoned Girgenti. As soon as the troops
left, the population hoisted the Italian flag. A committee was formed,
and a national guard. The cries were, as everywhere else, "_Viva
l'Italia_," "_Viva Vittorio Emmanuele_," and "_Viva Garibaldi_." The
civil authorities were respected, and although the prisoners, two
hundred in number, were let out, no disturbance occurred. The whole
province there, as everywhere else, followed the example, rising,
instituting a committee, and arming itself. The province of Catania
rose, with the exception of the town, which was still held by the
military, as well as that of Trapani. And all this occurred before the
taking of Palermo.
GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATION IN PALERMO, AS DICTATOR, JUNE 2.
"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_
"JOSEPH GARIBALDI,
"Commander-in-Chief of the national forces in Italy,
"In virtue of the power conferred on him, decrees:
"Art. 1.—Whoever shall have fought for the country shall
have a certain quota of land from the communal national
domain, to be divided by law among the citizens of the
commune. In case of the death of a soldier, this right
shall belong to his heirs.
"Art. 2.—The said quota shall be equal to that which
shall be established for all heads of poor families not
proprietors, and said quotas shall be drawn by lot. If,
however, the lands of the commune are more than
sufficient for the wants of the population, the soldiers
and their heirs shall receive a quota double that of
other participants.
"Art. 3.—Where the communes shall not have a domain of
their own, they shall be supplied with lands belonging
to the domain of the state or the crown.
"Art. 4.—The Secretary of State shall be charged with
the execution of this decree.
"The Dictator, GIUSEPPE GARIBALDI.
"Secretary of State—(Signed)—FRANCESCO CRISPI.
"PALERMO, _June 2, 1860_."
This is a characteristic act of Garibaldi, in whom sympathy and
compassion for the poor, weak, and defenceless, form the basis of his
character, and have ever given the impulse to his great enterprises, his
perseverance, dauntless heroism, splendid successes, and disinterested
rejection of honors and rewards. (See these traits, as displayed in
childhood, on pages 14 and 15 of this volume, and recorded by his own
pen.) Oh, when shall we see such principles ruling our legislators and
our citizens? When will they rule in the early education of our
families? When all our mothers and fathers are more like Garibaldi's!
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER X.
"There are some good priests in Italy, but so few,
that we call them _Mosche Bianche_ (White
Flies)."—_Adventures of Rinaldo._
GARIBALDI SOLICITED BY THE SICILIANS TO ACCEPT THE
DICTATORSHIP—DEMAND FOR ARMS—GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS
ESTABLISHING A GOVERNMENT, ETC.—HIS DIFFERENT WAYS OF
TREATING GOOD PRIESTS AND JESUITS—REASONS—THE KING OF
NAPLES' LIBERAL DECREE—REJECTED.
As soon as Garibaldi landed and went a little way into the interior, all
the most influential members of the aristocracy, as well as the free
communities, asked him to assume the dictatorship in the name of Victor
Emanuel, king of Italy, and the command in chief of the national army.
The first thing, of course, was to organize the military forces. Until
then it was an affair of volunteers, who collected round one or another
influential man of their town or district, all independent of each
other, and remaining together or going home, as they pleased. A decree
of the 19th May, from Salemi, instituted a militia, to which all belong
from 17 to 50; those from 17 to 30 for active service in the field all
over the country; those from 30 to 40 in their provinces, and those from
40 to 50 in their communes. The officers for the active army are named
by the commander-in-chief, on the proposal of the commanders of the
battalions; those of the second and third categories, only liable to
local service, are chosen by the men themselves. But it is rather
difficult to act up to this decree under the circumstances. Still, the
thing in and about Palermo made progress. The _squadre_ were now
regularly paid, and probably they could not be kept together if they
were not. They are called "Cacciatori del Etna" (Hunters of Etna).
The Sicilian patriots received pay, while the enthusiastic North
Italians, who came to help, had not received a farthing, and did not
expect to receive anything.
The native militia wore their brown fustian suit, which is generally
worn all over the country, and is so alike that it made a very good
uniform.
Not two months after the last disarmament took place, it was astonishing
what a quantity of guns seemed to be still in the country. They were,
for the most part, short guns, looking rather like old-fashioned
single-barrelled fowling pieces than muskets. Most of them were
percussion, however, and only a few with the old flint-lock. The longing
for arms was extraordinary.
It might be said of Sicily, at that time, as was said of Piedmont in
central Italy about the same time, by a writer in Turin:
"There is no pen able to describe, nor imagination
strong enough to conceive, the nature of the present
Italian movement. It is a nation in the struggles of its
second birth. Half the youth of the towns are under
arms; young boys of 12 or 13 break their parents'
hearts by declaring themselves, every one of them,
irrevocably bent on becoming soldiers. There are
fourteen universities, and at least four times as many
lyceums in the North Italy kingdom, and all of them are
virtually closed, for nearly all the students, and many
of the professors, are under arms. Those scholars whom
mature age unfits for warlike purposes, either sit in
parliament, or go out to Palermo to lend a hand to the
provisional Italian government. They are everywhere
organizing themselves into committees, instituting
clubs, or '_circoli_,' and other political associations,
inundating the country with an evanescent but not
inefficient press. There is a universal migration and
transmigration. Venetia and the Marches pour into the
Emilia and Lombardy. The freed provinces muster up
volunteers for Sicily. From Sicily ghost-like or
corpse-like state prisoners—the victims of Bourbon
tyranny, the remnants of the wholesale batches of 1844
and 1848, the old, long-forgotten companions of the
Bandiera, the friends of Poerio, the adventurers of the
ill-fated Pisacane's expedition—creep forth from
the battered doors of their prison, stretch their
long-numbed limbs in the sun, gasp in their first
inhalations of free air; then they embark for Genoa,
where the warm sympathy of an applauding multitude
awaiting them at their landing greets their ears, still
stunned with the yells and curses of the fellow
galley-slaves they have left behind. Such a sudden and
universal swarming and blending together of the
long-severed tribes of the same race the world never
witnessed. Under the Turin porticoes you hear the pure,
sharp Tuscan, the rich, drawling Roman, the lisping
Venetian, the close ringing Neapolitan, as often as the
harsh, guttural, vernacular Piedmontese."
GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS ESTABLISHING
A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, ETC.
"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_
"JOSEPH GARIBALDI, Commander-in-Chief of the National
forces in Sicily, etc., considering the decree of May
14, on the Dictatorship, decrees:
"ART. 1.—A governor is instituted for each of the 24
districts of Sicily.
"ART. 2.—The governor will reside in the chief place of
the district, and wherever circumstances may require his
presence in the commune that shall be deemed by him best
adapted for serving as a centre of his operations.
"ART. 3.—The governor will reëstablish in every commune
the Council and all the functionaries, such as they were
before the Bourbonic occupation. He will replace by
other individuals such as are deceased, or who from
other causes may not appear.
"ART. 4.—The following will be excluded from the civic
council, and cannot be members of the corporation, or
communal judges, or agents of the public administration:
"(_a._) All such as shall favor, directly or indirectly,
the restoration of the Bourbons.
"(_b._) All such as have filled or do fill public
situations in the name of the Power now tormenting
Sicily.
"(_c._) All such as are notoriously opposed to the
emancipation of the country.
"ART. 5.—The governor will have to decide on the grounds
of incapacity as stated in the foregoing article, and in
case of need will exercise the powers conferred on the
district committees by the decrees of July 22, 1848, and
Feb. 22, 1849.
"ART. 6.—The governor will appoint in each chief place
of the district a quæstor, and in each commune a
delegate for the public safety; in the cities of
Palermo, Messina, and Catania, an assessor for each
quarter.
"The delegates and assessors will be, in the exercise of
their functions, dependent on the quæstor, and the
quæstor on the governor.
"ART. 7.—The governor will preside over all the public
branches of the administration, and direct their
proceedings.
"ART. 8.—The sentences, decisions and public acts will
be headed with the phrase, 'In the name of VICTOR
EMANUEL, King of Italy.'
"ART. 9.—The laws, decrees and regulations, as they
existed down to the 15th of May, 1859, will continue in
force.
"ART. 10.—All regulations contrary to the present one
are cancelled.
"G. GARIBALDI,
"F. CRISPI, Secretary of State.
"ALCAMO, _May 17, 1860_."
-------
"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_
"JOSEPH GARIBALDI, Commander-in-Chief, etc., decrees:
"1. In every free commune of Sicily the municipality
will have to ascertain the state of the local
treasuries, and what small sums are there. A report of
the same, signed by the Municipal Chief, the Treasurer,
and Municipal Chancellor, will have to be drawn up.
"2. The tax on the articles of food, and every kind of
tax imposed by Bourbonic authority since May 15, 1849,
are abolished.
"6. In the communes occupied by the enemy's forces,
every citizen is bound to refuse to the Bourbonic
government payment of the taxes, which taxes from this
day henceforth belong to the nation.
"G. GARIBALDI.
"FRANCESCO CRISPI, Secretary of State.
"ALCAMO, _May 19, 1860_."
To account for the different ways in which Garibaldi treated some of the
ecclesiastics in Sicily, two or three facts should be borne in mind.
Innumerable instances have proved, in our day, as well as in various
past ages, that some of the orders of monks and nuns are naturally
predisposed to be liberal, humane and inoffensive, by the doctrines
which they are taught, their inert state of life, the manner in which
they are brought into partial contact with the world, or the oppression
which they endure from their superiors, while other classes are inclined
in opposite directions by influences of a contrary nature. Luther
probably owed some of his freedom of thought, and his attachment to the
doctrine of justification by faith, to the system to which he was
trained in his convent, and became acquainted with some of the good
traits of common people, by receiving their daily charity when a poor
boy. The mendicant monks in Palermo, because they daily mingled with the
people and received their bounty, took a leading part in the
insurrection, and were forward and faithful aids of Garibaldi. The
Italian patriots know how to discriminate between good and bad priests,
many of whom are their enemies, either open or secret, but some of whom
have always been their staunch friends. Several of the Sicilian exiles
in America have acknowledged their obligations to priests for assistance
or for life.
But the Jesuits! Of them there is never any doubt. They are always
regarded as deadly foes, and are generally treated very summarily.
Exile—immediate expulsion—is the rule toward them; and this short
method, like the suppression of their society, has been forced upon
those whom they operate against by the necessities of the Jesuits' own
creating. While, therefore, Garibaldi treated some of the clergy with
friendliness and confidence, he turned the Jesuits out of Sicily almost
the first day.
The King of Naples, as his father did in the previous revolution, issued
a decree on the 28th of June, promising privileges to his subjects, and
concord with Victor Emanuel: but his word was utterly despised by the
people.
NAPLES.
The following is the text of the royal decree:
"1. General amnesty.
"2. The formation of a new ministry which shall, in
the briefest possible time, draw up a statute on the
basis of the Italian and national representative
constitutions. The formation of this ministry is
confided to Commendatore Spinelli.
"3. Concord shall be established with the king of
Sardinia, for the interest of both crowns and of Italy.
"4. The flag of the kingdom shall be the Italian
tricolor with the royal arms of Naples in the middle.
"5. Sicily shall receive analogous institutions, capable
of satisfying the wants of the populations, and shall
have a prince of the royal house for Viceroy.
"The Commendatore Spinelli is reported to have laid down
the following conditions for his acceptance of the
Presidentship of the ministry: The immediate banishment
of the Queen Mother; impeachment of the displaced
ministry; an immediate publication of the electoral law,
in order to the prompt convocation of parliament;
lastly, an alliance offensive and defensive with
Piedmont, with reciprocal guarantees.
"On receiving the dispatches announcing that the king
had proclaimed a constitution at Naples, Garibaldi
decided that the Sicilian committee should assemble on
the 18th inst. to vote on a _plebiscitum_ (universal
suffrage,) proposing immediate annexation to Piedmont.
"The fundamental point of the programme of the commander
Spinelli, was the formation of an Italian Confederation,
as recommended by the emperor of the French. This
confederation to be essentially of a defensive
character, and the independence of every State to be
maintained, although national unity may be favored."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XI.
"All unfurl the same bright banner,
All one army rush to form,
Pious lips shout one hozanna,
With one fire all hearts are warm."
_The Banks of Dora._
MEDICI'S EXPEDITIONS FROM PIEDMONT TO AID GARIBALDI
—PREPARATIONS, DEPARTURE, VOYAGE, ARRIVAL, ETC.
—CAPITULATION OF MESSINA, ETC.—GARIBALDI AT MESSINA—HIS
RECEPTION, MANNERS, AND SIMPLE HABITS—DIFFICULTIES IN
ARRANGING HIS GOVERNMENT—LETTER FROM VICTOR EMANUEL
FORBIDDING HIM TO INVADE NAPLES—GARIBALDI'S REPLY.
Colonel Medici, who had been an officer of Garibaldi in South America,
and afterward in Rome and Lombardy, raised and directed several corps of
volunteers, who in June enthusiastically enlisted under the country's
standard in Piedmont, and hastened to Sicily at different times. The
following account of the expedition of the 8th of that month, is
abridged from a private letter, written in the form of a journal, by one
of the volunteers. It begins on "Thursday, the 14th of June, on board
the ship Washington, lying off Cagliari," a small port of Piedmont a
little east from Genoa:
"I little thought on Friday night, as I went to
Cornigliano to witness the departure of the 1,200
volunteers, in the clipper Charles and Jane, that on the
following night we ourselves should be _en route_ to
Sicily. Yet so it was. Our intention had been to wait
for the third expedition. On the 8th of June came
dispatches from Garibaldi, quite different from any
previous ones, asking for men; so at 3, P.M., on the
9th, A—— went to Medici, and was at once accepted. I
followed, and with the same success. Our rendezvous was
for 9, P.M., at Cornigliano. Toward evening we learned
from fresh dispatches that the Neapolitan troops had
evacuated Palermo; this made us hesitate, as for a
thousand and one reasons we should prefer the third
expedition: but calculating that if there should be
nothing to do in Sicily, we could return, we took a
carriage at midnight and drove off to Cornigliano. The
gardens of the Villa della Ponsona, where was the
rendezvous for the volunteers, were deserted, and we
could see the two steamers lying at anchor off Sestri. A
little fishing-boat was lying on the shore, so we coaxed
the men to push off, and entered; we found it ankle deep
in water, and in about ten minutes were climbing up the
vessel's side. Medici had furnished us with a letter to
the commander, who gave us a first-rate cabin, and told
us that we were the first on board. Some delay had been
occasioned by the little steamer Oregon jostling against
the Washington in coming out of the port of Genoa; but
with the exception of smashing the woodwork near the
paddle-box, and breaking away a portion of the rails of
the upper deck, no great damage was done. For a while we
sat on deck, watching the volunteers coming up. Genoa
looked more beautiful than ever, the moonlight flooding
her marble palaces and spires; and almost the only
constellation visible between the fleecy clouds was
Cassiopeia, Garibaldi's star, by whose light he wended
his way at night-time across the mountains that divide
Genoa from Nice, when condemned to death by Charles
Albert, in 1834.
"The expedition was composed of—ship Charles and Jane,
of Bath (U.S.), left Genoa at midnight, 8th June, in tow
of steamer L'Utile, with 1,200 men, under command of
Major Corti.
"Steamship Franklin, left Genoa at 10, P.M., 9th June,
for Leghorn, to receive on board 800 men, under command
of Colonel Malenchini.
"Steamer Oregon, left Genoa 10th June, 4, P.M., with 200
men, under command of Major Caldesi.
"Steamship Washington, of New York, flag ship, Captain
Wm. De Rohan, of Philadelphia, with 1,400 men, under
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Baldisseratto, an officer
of the Sardinian navy, left Genoa at half-past three,
A.M., 10th June.
"Total effective force of 3,600 men, well equipped and
armed, the whole under the command of Colonel Medici,
accompanied by a full staff.
"There was plenty of food on board, but no getting
at it. No one murmured; indeed the patience and
cheerfulness of the volunteers are beyond all praise.
Some of them, many of them, are from the first Italian
families, who have never known a hardship in their
lives; here they cannot even lie down to sleep, but
huddle together, rolled up like balls; many have to
stand all night. We had a long chat with twenty of the
famous Carabinieri of Genoa, who are going out to
reinforce their company, of whom, out of thirty-five in
one attack, six were killed and fifteen wounded. These
twenty seem to dream of naught save a like fate.
"'Chi per la patria muoja vissuto ha assai,'
("He who dies for his country has lived long enough,")
they sing. One's faith in humanity increases wonderfully
here.
"On the morning of the 11th, we passed Caprera,
Garibaldi's Island, coasted along Sardinia all the day,
and at 6, A.M., on the 12th, anchored off Cagliari.
Medici hired two brigs, and dividing the volunteers into
three portions, gave them breathing room. They looked
extremely well in their simple uniform, white trousers
and grey or blue blouse, faced with red. It is a
pity, considering the heat of Sicily, they have not
retained the regular Garibaldi hat, which would have
sheltered the face somewhat. By the way, we have the
famous Englishman, Captain Peard, on board; he missed
Garibaldi's expedition, and is now going to join him; he
is captain of the 2d Pavia brigade—a handsome man, with
long hair, beard tinged with grey; blue, English eyes,
and an honest English heart, much amused at the absurd
stories that have been told about him—a true military
man, and a worshipper of Garibaldi, intent on doing his
utmost for Italian independence.
"Captain De Rohan, too, is a character. I am not at
liberty to tell you how much we owe to him for his
exertions and pecuniary sacrifices in this expedition.
If the Neapolitans respect these 3,600 Sicilian exiles
going home, we may thank the stars and stripes under
which we sail.
"Medici would be in trouble, as he has positive orders
from Cavour not to go; and this is natural. Cavour could
not act otherwise since his advice was asked. Medici,
had he wanted to do it, should. Medici is a splendid
soldier and a good patriot.
"Before quitting Milazzo, I must tell you that I visited
the citadel, the field of battle, and other places of
interest, besides making the personal acquaintance of
Garibaldi, and all the persons of note and interest
staying here. Among others, none possess a larger share
of the latter, for our countrymen at least, than Captain
Peard, 'Garibaldi's Englishman,' a fine English
gentleman, and not the melo-dramatic hero that people at
home are fondly led to believe. I saw him for the first
time under circumstances highly contributing to enhance
the interest with which reputation and curiosity have
invested him. He had left the café where he had taken up
his quarters, and was walking quietly toward the shore,
accompanied by his friends, and a few other persons."
Captain Peard was frequently mentioned, as a volunteer in the corps of
Garibaldi, or at least in his company, during his daring and perilous,
but successful career in Lombardy in 1859. The public have never been
informed whether he was actually an officer and soldier of the
Cacciatori delle Alpi, or only accompanied that incomparable band.
Garibaldi's Englishman, Captain J. W. Peard, wrote as follows to a
friend at Florence, from Palermo, June 22d:
"Here we are, all safe, although I hear the papers say the contrary. We
left Genoa with three steamers, one of which ran on to Leghorn, to
embark laborers for the Isthmus of Suez, and after a good passage, got
into Cagliari. Not so the American clipper, wit a battalion on board,
that sailed 24 hours before us. The Neapolitans fell in with her off
Cape Corso, and captured her. She is now, with all her cargo, both alive
and dead, at Naples. Yesterday the American man-of-war on the station
sailed for that port to demand her peremptorily. She was taken on the
high seas, not in Neapolitan waters—therefore her capture is an act of
piracy by the law of nations. Notwithstanding that loss, we landed 2,500
men and large supplies of Enfield rifles and ammunition.
"Palermo is in a frightful state from the bombardment. Accounts vary as
to the number of shells thrown into the city; but the best report I can
get gives them at about 800. The Toledo is in places quite blocked up
with ruins. Near the palace nearly an entire street is burned. In other
parts ruins meet you at every step. At present the people are hard at
work removing the barricades and levelling the Castellamare, from which
the shells were thrown. All the works toward the city are to be razed to
the ground. The people are wild with joy at their deliverance. A friend
of mine asked a man yesterday if it was a festa. 'Yes, signore, every
day is a festa now,' he said, with tears rising to his eyes. Those who
were present tell me never was anything like Garibaldi's entry into the
city. He had not above 600 available men, besides the Sicilian levies,
and the enemy was 20,000 strong. Extraordinary are the ravages of the
royal troops—villas sacked and burned. I was in one yesterday that
belonged to the Neapolitan minister, Cavona. They had destroyed
everything they could not carry away. The floor was strewed with broken
mirrors, chandeliers, marbles, busts, vases, etc. His own room they had
piled up with furniture, and tried to set the building on fire. In
another villa a valuable library was totally destroyed, the torn books
being as high as a man's waist. I saw some Spanish MSS., royal decrees,
etc., which would be invaluable to Sicilian historians, torn to pieces.
After the armistice the royalists sacked upward of a thousand houses,
and committed numberless murders."
Messina, the second city in Sicily, capitulated to General Medici, on
the 28th of June. The commander, Field Marshal De Clary, stated that he
was animated by sentiments of humanity, and wished to avoid the
bloodshed which would have been caused on the one hand by the occupation
of Messina, and on the other by the defence of the town and forts. The
terms were:
"1. That the royal troops shall abandon the town of Messina, without
being disturbed, and the town shall be occupied by the Sicilian troops,
without the latter, on their part, being disturbed by the royal troops.
"2. The royal troops shall evacuate Gonzaga and Castellaccio after a
delay of two days, to commence from the date of the signature of the
present convention. Each of the two contracting parties shall appoint
two officers and a commissioner to make an inventory of the cannon,
stores and provisions; in short, of everything in the above-named forts
at the time of their evacuation.
"3. The embarkation of the royal troops shall take place without
disturbance from the Sicilians.
"4. The royal troops shall remain in possession of the citadel, and the
forts of Don Blasco, Santerna, and San Salvadore, but shalt have no
power to do damage to the town, except in the event of those works being
attacked, or of works of attack being constructed in the town itself.
"5. A strip of ground parallel and contiguous to the military zone shall
be neutralized.
"6. Communication by sea remains completely free to both sides, etc.
"In the last place, the signers of the present convention shall have the
liberty of agreeing on the subject of the inherent necessities of civil
life which will have to be satisfied and provided for in the town of
Messina, in respect of the royal troops.
"Done, read, and concluded at the house of Signor Francesco Fiorentino,
banker, at the Quattro Fontaine.
"TOMMASO DE CLARY.
"G. MEDICI."
Messina and other cities of Italy were all captured or otherwise secured
by the patriots, under various and highly interesting circumstances; but
the particulars cannot be here recounted for want of space. The
following account of Garibaldi's reception in Messina is from the pen of
an eye-witness, and contains a just description of the simple manners
and habits which he retains under all circumstances:
"At the appointed hour we went to the palace, where about forty or fifty
persons were assembled. The banquet passed off very quietly and happily.
Garibaldi, as I had noticed before, is very temperate at his meals,
drinks water only, and very quickly rises immediately after he has
finished, and returning to his office, resumes his business, which he
dispatches with remarkable promptitude and ease—no hurry, no confusion,
no excitement, even in the most pressing emergencies. On the present
occasion he spent a little more time over his dinner, and after dessert
he wrote, and chatted with those present. While at dinner a public band
of music, improvised for the occasion, playing in the street in front,
where a large number of people had assembled, who kept up a round of
cheering when anything occurred, such as an arrival of a detachment of
volunteers or some public favorite, to excite their curiosity and
interest.
"The great event of the evening, however, came off some time later, when
the palace having been illuminated, Garibaldi went on the balcony
leading out of the banqueting room, for the purpose of showing himself
to the people and addressing them. On making his appearance, a
tremendous ovation was offered to the liberator by the Messinians. The
applause, the cheering—genuine cheering—the clapping of hands, and the
manifestations of joy and approbation, were of the most hearty and
enthusiastic character. When this demonstration had quite subsided,
which required great perseverance and some time to effect, Garibaldi
proceeded to address the people. The thousands of upturned faces were
all directed toward him, and amid a silence as still as the grave he
spoke. The substance of his speech was to this effect: He said that he
presented himself to them because they wished it, but that he himself
objected to such exhibitions. He did not play the comedian; he was for
deeds, not words. They had achieved a great triumph, but the time was
come when they must achieve still greater. He thanked the Sicilians for
the courage and enthusiasm they displayed in effecting their own
deliverance, and said if they were true to themselves, not Sicily only,
but with the blessing of Providence, the whole of Italy, would be
liberated. He therefore urged upon them the necessity of still following
up the good work, and invited them to come forward and enroll themselves
in the ranks of their liberators. I need not dwell on the enthusiasm
which this address excited; it was of the most vehement character I ever
witnessed. After acknowledging its cordial reception for a few moments,
Garibaldi withdrew."
Garibaldi had various difficulties in arranging his government, the
causes of which may, perhaps, not yet have been fully explained. We
will, therefore, only mention some of the leading facts. Farina,
Grasselli, and Toti, whom Garibaldi had found very troublesome to him in
Palermo, were sent out of the island, because, according to the official
journal, they were "affiliated to the police of the continent," and had
"conspired against order." The ministry resigned in consequence, and a
new one was formed, including Messrs. Amari, the historian, Emeranti,
and the following members of the old: Logothe, Laporta, and Orsini.
Reports were published, from time to time, in Sicily, as afterward in
Naples, accusing Republicans of efforts to counteract Garibaldi: but as
the enemies of Italy have long showed their malice chiefly against the
Republicans, of whom Garibaldi has been one, and as Mazzini himself had
declared his ardent adhesion to the cause of united Italy under Victor
Emanuel, such accusations are generally suspicious.
The following letter from Victor Emanuel to Garibaldi, and the reply,
brief as they are, are two of the most important documents connected
with the war, and, indeed, with the lives of their two distinguished
writers. It is a most impressive truth, and must ever be regarded as a
proof of Garibaldi's sound judgment, independence, resolution and
impregnable firmness, in a great and glorious cause, at an epoch of his
career when nothing else gave the right turn to the results then
pending. On which side the "statesmanship" then lay, when the king wrote
such a veto, with Cavour sitting at his right hand, and Garibaldi
disobeyed it, standing alone, the world can determine, both now and
hereafter.
LETTER FROM VICTOR EMANUEL TO GARIBALDI.
"DEAR GENERAL: You know that when you started for Sicily you did not
have my approbation. To-day, considering the gravity of existing
circumstances, I decide upon giving you a warning, being aware of the
sincerity of your sentiments for me.
"In order to put an end to a war between Italians and Italians, I
counsel you to renounce the idea of passing with your valorous troops to
the Neapolitan mainland, provided that the King of Naples consents to
evacuate the whole of the island, and to leave the Sicilians free to
deliberate upon and to settle their destinies.
"I would reserve to myself full liberty of action relative to Sicily in
the event of the King of Naples being unable to accept this condition.
General, follow my advice, and you will see that it is useful to Italy,
whose power of augmenting her merits you would facilitate by showing to
Europe that even as she knows how to conquer, so does she know how to
make a good use of her victory."
Garibaldi replied to the king as follows:
SIRE: Your majesty knows the high esteem and the devotion which I feel
toward your majesty; but such is the present state of things in Italy,
that, at the present moment, I cannot obey your majesty's injunctions,
much as I should like it. I am called for and urged on by the people of
Naples. I have tried in vain, with what influence I had, to restrain
them, feeling, as I do, that a more favorable moment would be desirable.
But if I should now hesitate, I should endanger the cause of Italy, and
not fulfill my duty as an Italian. May your majesty, therefore, permit
me this time not to obey! As soon as I shall have done with the task
imposed upon me by the wishes of the people, who groan under the tyranny
of the Neapolitan Bourbon, I shall lay down my sword at your majesty's
feet, and shall obey your majesty for the remainder of my lifetime.
"GARIBALDI."
The letter is dated Milazzo, the 27th of July.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XII.
"And with such care his busy work he plied,
That to naught else his acting thoughts he bent.
In young Rinaldo fierce desires he spied,
And noble heart of rest impatient,
To wealth or sov'reign power he naught applied
His wits, but all to virtue excellent."
_Fairfax's Tasso._
GARIBALDI'S POSITION—A PAUSE IN HOSTILITIES—A
PERIOD OF PREPARATION—PUBLIC ANXIETY—THE SICILIAN
FORTRESSES—CATANIA— MILAZZO—BOATS, MEN AND ARMS
COLLECTED AT FARO—LANDING ATTEMPTED AT SCYLLA—A
SMALL BODY SUCCEED.
Garibaldi had now been forbidden by the king to attempt any further
conquests, and warned not to attempt to dethrone the King of Naples; and
he had declared that he should do both. From that moment Victor Emanuel
was virtually proclaimed "King of Italy," in spite of his own will and
word. What induced Victor to write that letter may easily be imagined;
what induced his prime minister to dictate it, will probably be always a
matter of conjecture. Garibaldi's reply, and the measures which he
subsequently adopted, with the results to which they led, will ever
stand on record, where they can be read by the present and succeeding
generations; and the world will form their own opinions of his character
and capacity, without the aid of many comments or explanations.
Much was said and conjectured respecting the dissension which had
existed before this time, between Garibaldi and Farina, a particular
friend of Count Cavour. Garibaldi had appointed Farina counsellor at
Palermo, and afterward dismissed him. It appears, even from Farina's own
statement, that it did not arise from any disposition in Garibaldi to
establish a republic, or otherwise to prevent the final annexation of
Sicily to the kingdom of Sardinia, but was merely to postpone it for a
time which he thought more favorable. It appears from other evidence,
that Farina wished to have severe measures taken against some of the
Republicans, but that Garibaldi rejected the proposal with noble scorn;
and to prevent his further interference, banished him and two others
from Sicily, by the following decree:
"'Signor La Farina, Grasselli and Toti, are affiliated to the police of
the Continent. The three were expelled for having conspired against
order. The government, which watches over public tranquillity, could not
tolerate the presence of such individuals.'
"The 'Opinione National' of Turin, stated that Farina had full power
from the Sardinian government to assume the title of royal commissioner,
as soon as annexation was declared. Garibaldi, while advocating
annexation, thought it advisable that his dictatorship should continue
till the whole island was subjected, and finding that the presence of
Farina was detrimental to the cause, he ordered him off."
La Farina afterward published the following explanation:
"The causes of my difference with General Garibaldi were as follow: I
believed, and still believe, that the only salvation for Sicily is
immediate annexation to the constitutional kingdom of Victor Emanuel,
the most ardent wish of all the Sicilians, already manifested by the
chiefs of more than three hundred municipal bodies. General Garibaldi
believed that the annexation should be postponed till the liberation of
all Italy, including Venetia and Rome, had been effected. I believed
that it was a great act of imprudence to confide a share of authority
and of the public forces to unpopular ministers, etc."
There was now a general suspension of hostilities. The entire island of
Sicily was quiet, and none of the king's troops remained, except in a
few of the fortresses. The circumstances under which some of these had
been captured, or been forced to cease resistance, are interesting, but
with the exception of Palermo, they have not been given for want of
room.
The strait between Sicily and Calabria has been invested with peculiar
interest to readers of history from early ages. The rocks and quicksands
of Scylla and Charybdis, with the fabulous sirens of which we read in
Virgil in our youth, give us impressions which are never lost. But there
are more modern associations with that arm of the sea and its shores, of
more real importance in the view of persons acquainted with them.
American ships have long visited Palermo, Messina, Catania, and some of
the other ports of Sicily, and oranges are brought to us from that
fruitful island, many of which grow on the opposite coast of Calabria,
or Magna Grecia, as it was formerly called. Hills arise from near the
water, and mountains appear behind them, where scenes of rocky
barrenness are intermingled with valleys of verdure and fertility,
inhabited by a population in a simple state of society, the descendants
of ancient Greeks, mingled with races which at successive periods came
in from different countries. These had been for ages subject to the
degrading influences of Romish spiritual rule, and of the despots of
various countries, especially those of Spain and the Bourbons. But the
seeds of intelligence have been assiduously sown and cherished of late
years by the patriotic societies of Italy, who by their cautious, yet
often daring and hazardous efforts, have long since brought many of the
poor and rude, but brave and faithful Calabrians into the band of
Italian unity. The events of late years had proved that the people of
that part of the peninsula were to some extent connected with the great
union; but the approach of Garibaldi and his reception have since shown
that the influences so long and so secretly at work had not been justly
appreciated. There was no considerable insurrection in Calabria during
the conquest of Sicily, and it might have been presumed, from the
general quietness of the population, that they were unable or unwilling
to join with the patriots against the government of the King of Naples.
Some practised observers of Italian affairs, however, regarded that
general tranquillity as the best evidence of a general concert, and
looked for a general rising of the people when the hour should arrive,
and the signal should be given. Garibaldi, in the whole course of his
proceedings, acted as if he had information not known to others; and a
review of events, since they have passed, and are now fresh in our
memory, is calculated to confirm us in this opinion.
In the long and anxious suspense which occurred before any movement was
made against Calabria, questions were asked, how the flotilla of boats,
which Garibaldi was collecting on the coast of Sicily, could be risked
across the strait without a single ship of war to convoy them, and with
only two small steamers and one larger one to tow them, while a squadron
of the king's steamers was cruising between the shores, and the
landing-place was strongly defended by three forts, with heavy cannon,
and the whole Calabrian coast was occupied by royal troops. The
currents, so terrible to mariners in ancient times, are still violent
and irregular.
It was natural to ask, What is coming? What is about to happen? Are the
apprehensions of Victor to be realized? Has the king a clearer sight
than his gallant precursor, who has hitherto proved his prudence an
equal match with his valor? Is this famous strait to prove its fatal
character, so long ago recorded in fable; and is this passage then, so
dreadful to mariners, to be the destruction of our noble sailor? Will he
pass safely between Scylla and Charybdis, or meet his end on one or the
other? On which and how will he be wrecked; and by what unfortunate
circumstances? Not far distant from this spot, on a point on the coast
of Calabria, the two Bandieras, sons of an Austrian admiral, but true
Italian patriots, were decoyed to their death, by means of letters
violated in the British postoffice. Has Garibaldi been made a dupe, by
any artifice; and has Victor been apprised of danger? Has Louis Napoleon
once more changed his policy, and, after favoring Italy in her "latest
victories," as Garibaldi recently acknowledged, has he prepared, in
consistency with his conduct in 1849, a scheme for something on the
opposite side?
These, and many other questions, naturally disturbed the minds of the
friends of Italy, while standing in reality or in fancy on the shore of
Sicily, and looking in vain for any sign of the fate which awaited him
on the other coast? But, when we turned, even in imagination, to observe
Garibaldi, there was, as ever, something to dispel apprehension, and to
encourage the highest hopes; for, as that patriot priest-poet,
Dall'Ongaro wrote:
"O, well you might say that a saint was his mother,
For there a mild brilliancy beams in his eyes,
Which sure was sent down from Paradise."
But on the morning of the 8th of August, Garibaldi began to collect his
troops near Faro, which amounted to 15,000 or 18,000 men, without
counting the garrison of Messina. The Point of Faro had the appearance
of a vast fortified camp, being covered with cannon of all sizes, from
mountain howitzers to English 68-pounders, ready to be embarked in the
three steamers, which were under steam; while 300 boats were drawn up
ready to receive Garibaldi's troops.
About midnight twenty-five or thirty boats sailed from the coast of
Sicily. They were going to attempt a first landing. In three quarters of
an hour they crossed to the other side. Unfortunately the current did
not permit them to keep the order of their position. Some were driven
toward Faro, others swept under the forts of Scylla; some ran fast on
sandbanks further south, while others again were thrown toward Pizzo.
The soldiers, however, did not lose their courage at this misfortune.
Two or three hundred were landed in all haste, and the flotilla returned
to Faro without accident.
On the morning of the 10th a new attempt was made, under the command of
an old officer of the French marine service, M. Deflotte: but scarcely
had this expedition appeared on the coast, when the enemy rushed upon
them from a thousand ambuscades, vineyards, gardens, ditches, and
houses. A sharp firing ensued: two Garibaldians were wounded, and the
expedition was compelled to return, not, however, without having
vigorously responded to the fire of the Neapolitans.
On the night of the 10th and 11th, another landing was vainly attempted.
The Neapolitan squadron came up nearer to Faro, and watched every
movement of the Garibaldians. The day of the 11th was passed in
embarking the artillery. A desperate attempt was spoken of for the next
night. At seven o'clock in the evening the Garibaldian steamers began to
fire up, and the troops placed themselves in readiness for embarking;
but at eleven o'clock a counter-order arrived. About one o'clock in the
night was heard a loud cannonade; the firing extended from the forts of
Scylla to the fortifications of Pizzo. The squadron remained silent; the
engagement had therefore taken place on the land.
It seemed to be evident that the forts were simultaneously attacked by
the volunteers and the Calabrians. At a quarter past two the firing
ceased: it recommenced after a quarter of an hour in order to cease
again after a few minutes. At daybreak, a small boat, chased by a
Neapolitan corvette, sought protection under the guns of Faro.
The small party destined to land first in Calabria were under Major
Missori, and had been picked from the different volunteer corps. They
had been ordered to land on the opposite coast between Scylla and Forte
del Cavallo. It is on the extreme point of the Calabrian shore that
these forts are situate, at a little distance one from the other. The
castle of Scylla stands upon a rock, quite inaccessible from the
seaside. Forte del Cavallo is a little further to the left of it, and
its walls and fortifications slope gradually down toward the road which
skirts the sea, very much like that from Nice to Genoa, which is called
the Corniche Road.
On Wednesday evening, the sky so generally blue and bright in this
country, was covered with dense whitish clouds, and the night,
therefore, was very dark. Garibaldi, who knows how to take advantage
even of the smallest incident, at once ordered Missori to sail. Major
Missori, having embarked his men on board of large fishing vessels,
consequently started at half-past nine o'clock from the Sicilian shore.
The Neapolitan cruisers steaming up and down the straits, though
numerous and powerful, did not seem to possess the eyes of Argus, and
therefore the little expedition was able to land at the intended point.
Before reaching the Calabrian coast, however, one of the boats parted
company from the other, and sailed a little down toward Scylla Point,
just where a Neapolitan battery had been erected. The men on guard in
this battery gave the alarm, and the boat was fired at and one English
volunteer wounded. Garibaldi had ordered Missori to endeavor to surprise
the garrison of Fort Scylla, and to capture the fort. But on hearing the
rattling of musketry, and the report of a gun on his left, Missori
rightly thought that it would be impossible to seize Fort Scylla by
surprise. He therefore hastened to make the concerted signal, informing
the Dictator that he had safely landed, and he and his men ascended the
rough paths into the Calabrian mountains. As for his companions in the
boat which had missed its way, they returned to the Sicilian shore to
relate the cause of their failure.
Menotti, Garibaldi's eldest son, arrived at night from Palermo with 800
of the volunteers of Bertani's last expedition. The Dictator had then
20,000 or 25,000 men. His army had been formed into four divisions. That
of Medici was at Messina, watching the movements of the Neapolitans, who
still held the citadel; the other three were partly concentrated at
Faro, a brigade posted at Milazzo and Barcelona, and another, under
Bixio, was sent to Bronte, in the province of Catania.
Through the evening of August 11th, fires were seen on the Calabrian
mountains behind Pizzo. They were evidently signals made to Garibaldi by
the Calabrian bands which had joined the expedition of Major Missori.
From about half-past ten, firing was heard in the direction of Fort
Scylla; but as that place is hidden from view by the land about Torre
del Cavallo, nothing could be clearly distinguished except the heavy
boom of artillery. The Neapolitan steamers were cruizing all night, as
usual; but they did not fire, and only made signals with rockets. It is
supposed that the firing was caused by an attack made by Major Missori's
party on Fort Scylla.
The following proclamations appeared the next day:
ORDER OF THE DAY.
"FARO, AUG. 12.
"OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE LAND AND SEA FORCES: The
General Dictator having for a short time quitted
headquarters, left me the following Order:
"GENERAL SIRTORI: I leave to you the command of the land
and sea forces, being obliged to leave for a few days.
"G. GARIBALDI.
"OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS: My greatest title to your
confidence is the confidence which the man reposes in me
who represents your noblest aspirations. I trust that
you will obey me as you would obey Gen. Garibaldi.
"G. SIRTORI, Chief of the Staff."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XIII.
"Two seas and the Alps shall Italy bound,
The oppressors no more in our land shall be found
The banner of freedom we'll spread to the air,
And from Apennines rush in a chariot of fire."
_Garibaldi's National Hymn._
THE UNCERTAINTY OF THE
PROSPECT—APPREHENSIONS—GARIBALDI'S MYSTERIOUS
DISAPPEARANCE—THE EXPEDITION PREPARED IN SARDINIA—HIS
CHANGE OF PLANS—SAILS FROM GIARDINI, AND LANDS AT
REGGIO.
A new epoch in the war had now arrived, and one of the highest interest.
What might be the results none could easily conjecture with any degree
of confidence, because the grounds of calculation were known only to
Garibaldi. His friends in America as well as in Europe were anxious,
fearing that some great disappointment might then await him, after all
his brilliant successes. He was about to land on a wild coast, lined
with strong forts, garrisoned with numerous troops, and guarded by
war-steamers, while not a sign could be discovered of any friends
prepared to join him. He, it was to be presumed, had secret information,
on which he was acting; but might not that be erroneous or deceptive?
Reliance, however, was generally placed on his prudence and skill, and
all waited impatiently to see whether he would succeed in this
independent enterprise, undertaken against the command of his friend and
king.
But, just when things appeared to be all prepared for a descent upon the
Calabrian coast, new anxiety and great surprise were caused by the
sudden disappearance of the chief. Garibaldi had disappeared, leaving
behind him the proclamation which closes the last chapter. He had left
his trusted and faithful friend Sirtori in his place; but why or whither
had he gone, or when he would return, no one could even conjecture. The
explanation is now easily given; for the facts were known after the
reasons for concealing them had ceased. Garibaldi, it now appears, had
been acting in a manner quite consistent with himself.
About the middle of August, 6,000 men were collected by Dr. Bertani,
Garibaldi's agent in Genoa, for an expedition to the states of the Pope.
They were sent in detachments to the little retired Golfo d'Orangio, on
the eastern side of the island of Sardinia. Bertani went to Messina for
orders from Garibaldi, having been urged by Farina and Major Trecchi not
to complicate matters by invading the Papal territories before the
question of Naples was settled. It was to Golfo d'Orangio that Garibaldi
went secretly on the 12th. The "chivalrous regard" which he has been
said to have for Victor Emanuel, as the head of Italian unity, seems to
have induced him to consent, and the 6,000 men were ordered to Sicily.
One thousand of them were therefore sent round the island of Sicily, to
Taormina, with the intention of invading Calabria with the brigade
Bixio, on the south coast. This was a characteristic plan of Garibaldi,
when all eyes were turned to the Straits, as he is fond of making
surprises, especially to attack in the rear.
Garibaldi therefore left Messina on the 18th of August, for Giardini, by
land, where the troops arrived before him; and the materiel and horses
were shipped at night, in the two steamers, Torino and Franklin, which
had transported thither about 2,800 soldiers. These and others—9,000 in
all—were embarked in these steamers and two sail vessels, which were
taken in tow. Garibaldi and his son accompanied this first brigade,
which was to be followed by the second, and both were to act in
combination with the expedition across the Strait.
At dawn of day the two steamers entered the harbor of Melito, without
opposition, about twelve miles south of Reggio, and east of Capo
dell'Armi. But, unfortunately on approaching the shore, one of them, the
Torino, got aground, and efforts were made in vain to get her off.
Garibaldi, seeing that the case was a serious one, said that he was
needed to examine the bottom, and began to throw off his clothes,
preparatory to diving. But his sailors were too quick, for ten or twelve
of them leaped over the side of the vessel into the sea.
As he intended to take Reggio by surprise, he hastened on shore, and
effected a landing, with three cannon, in a wonderfully short time.
Knowing that almost all the enemy's troops were down at the forts on the
west coast, from Scylla onward, he lost no time, expected no assistance,
and gave them not time to learn of his arrival in their rear, but
speedily gained the neighboring heights. A frigate and corvette in the
King of Naples' service were posted on the watch exactly off the spot at
which Garibaldi landed, but, wonderful to relate, they not only did not
sink his ship, but opposed no serious obstacle to his disembarkation,
although they fired some shots which killed a few of the Garibaldians.
Four thousand insurrectionists in the Calabrias fraternized with
Garibaldi almost on the moment of his landing. It was rumored also, that
the defection of the army of Naples was extremely probable.
We now return to Faro, where the army was left still anxiously looking
across the strait:
"Nothing was heard of Missori's expedition till it was reported in the
camp that he had established himself at Aspromonte, a small village in
the mountains near the Calabrian shore. But before reaching this place,
he had to fight a company of Neapolitan riflemen, which was dispatched
from Villa San Giovanni to stop his march. The skirmish was a sharp one,
but at last Missori had the best of it, and was enabled to make his way
through the mountains without much difficulty. In this affair, however,
he had seven men wounded, and one was made a prisoner by the
Neapolitans, as he was so severely hurt that he could not move. In spite
of the remonstrances of the surgeon, who told the Neapolitan officer
that the man would die if he were taken to Reggio, he was removed, and
died on the road. Missori held Aspromonte, and Calabrian patriots joined
him from the neighboring villages of the coast: 150 men of Villa San
Giovanni, commanded by a Calabrian baron, were among the number.
"During the course of the night, other small expeditions sailed from
Sicily, notwithstanding the shining moon which made the night as clear
and bright as the day.
"The first of them was directed to land between Azzerello and Villa San
Giovanni. The second successfully landed at Fiumara Zaccherella. The
third reached Cannamiele. In all, these three expeditions did not number
more than 300 men."
Few scenes in history can be found, to be compared with those which soon
followed the landing of Garibaldi and his troops, in the manner and at
the different points, above mentioned. His combined movements show the
wisdom, as well as the ingenuity of his plans; and the results were
probably more favorable even than his anticipations. While amusing the
enemy with his preparations, and making his repeated essays to land on
the near parts of the coast, he had suddenly got in their rear with a
powerful force; and while the line of forts along the shore were
expecting an attack in front, they suddenly discovered the hills behind
and above them covered with Garibaldi's army. Their consternation may be
imagined, and some idea may be formed, by an active fancy, of the
feelings of the soldiers of freedom, as they showed themselves on the
lofty heights, which they had attained unperceived, and from which they
now looked down into the enemy's forts, and saw what passed, being able
to distinguish minute objects and the positions and motions of the men.
Garibaldi sent a summons to the enemy, demanding an immediate surrender.
A flag of truce soon appeared, proceeding from below, with a request for
an armistice of a few hours, until orders could be received from the
commander-in-chief. "You will never receive them," replied Garibaldi. "I
have cut off all communications." "What do you require?" was the next
question. "Surrender." "On what terms? May we march out with our arms?"
"Certainly; and all the troops will be at liberty to return to their
homes."
When the messenger returned to the fortress, there was a commotion
visible—men running about to spread the news; and a moment after, a loud
shout arose, of "Viva Garibaldi!" But little time was required to
arrange the capitulation, and then Garibaldi descended the heights and
entered the place, where he was received with acclamations, and the
warmest expressions of joy. The soldiers crowded round, kissed his hands
and hailed him as their friend. Thus relieved from all their
apprehensions in a moment, and, instead of a scene of battle and
bloodshed, of which they had expectations, and the forebodings of defeat
and its consequences, they found themselves treated with the humanity
and tenderness so universally displayed by their conqueror, and at
liberty to leave their hard and miserable military life, and to return
to their homes and families. The Calabrians, who had already joined the
patriot army in great numbers, were continually pouring in from the
country; and they, being in want of arms and ammunition to equip them
for the ranks of the liberator, purchased those of the disbanded
soldiers, who having no intention of remaining in the service of the
king, were glad to sell what they no more desired to use against their
brethren.
The capture of the forts was thus a scene of peaceful jubilee, and
effected without shedding a drop of blood. The results of Garibaldi's
proceedings now showed that he must have laid his plans and pursued his
movements on information before received, and which fully justified them
at every step. His progress, from that part of Calabria toward Naples,
afforded equal evidence of his sagacity and of the preparations made to
facilitate and secure it. The people rose in his favor wherever he came,
and insurrections were made in different and some distant parts of the
country, often with a boldness and success which proved extensive and
well-laid combinations. To secret societies and the patriotism of the
people belongs the credit of that great and almost bloodless revolution.
The following brief account of proceedings in several places may serve
as a specimen of the movements in the country.
"Three thousand men, assembled from Polla, Sant'Angelo, San Rufo, and a
number of other places, marched into Sala, commanded by Colonel
Fabrizii. There, in the presence of an enthusiastic population, the
downfall of the Bourbons was declared, and the government of Victor
Emanuel established, with Garibaldi as dictator, and Giovanni Matina as
pro-dictator. A _procès verbal_ of the whole affair was made, and signed
by the authorities. In western Lucania, under the direction of Stefano
Passaro, a committee was appointed to collect arms and ammunition,
another to collect voluntary offerings, and a third to provide for
public security. Three of the four districts of the province of Salerno,
Campagna Vallo, and Sala, had already risen. Of the insurrection, or
rather of the popular festivity in Vallo, we have these details: that on
the 29th the _tambour_ was beaten at 2 P.M., when the male population
rushed in arms to the _piazza_ of the city. They were shortly after
joined by many of the youth of the neighboring communes, and, forming
themselves into a column, with music at their head, they went through
the streets, taking down the arms of the Bourbons and substituting those
of Victor Emanuel. All the women of the place accompanied them,
scattering flowers and confetti, and thus, amid tears of joy, they all
marched toward Goi.
"The scene is described as having been one of marvellous enthusiasm, and
it is added that not a single quarrel or theft took place. Life, order,
and property were religiously respected."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XIV.
"Oh, short be his joy in our sorrow and pain,
I see his dark fate writ by destiny's pen."
_Eco di Savonarola._
THE CONDITION OF NAPLES IN PAST MONTHS—THE GOVERNMENT
CRISIS—ROYAL DECREE—HOW IT WAS RECEIVED—CRUELTIES
PRACTISED—FIRST MOVEMENTS OF THE PEOPLE.
THE excitement in Naples, in consequence of the movements in Central
Italy, had been very great so early as in June, and a crisis ere long
occurred in the cabinet. At a meeting of the Council of State, the Count
of Aquila advocated liberal principles, and the Count of Frani resisted
him. Concessions were afterward agreed to, and after a conference of six
hours, between Baron Brenier and the Count of Aquila, the following
decree was published:
"SOVEREIGN ACT.
"Desiring to give to our most beloved subjects a mark of our sovereign
benevolence, we have determined to grant constitutional and
representative institutions to our kingdom, in harmony with national and
Italian principles, so as to guarantee future security and prosperity,
and to draw always closer the bonds which unite us to the people whom
Providence has called us to govern. For this object we have arrived at
the following determinations:
"1. We grant a general amnesty for all political offenders up to this
day.
"2. We have charged the Commander, Don Antonio Spinelli, with the
formation of a new ministry, who shall compile, in the shortest possible
time, the articles of the statute, on the basis of representative,
Italian, and national institutions.
"3. An agreement will be established with the King of Sardinia for the
common interests of the two crowns in Italy.
"4. Our flag shall be from this day forward adorned with the national
colors in vertical bands, preserving always the arms of our dynasty in
the centre.
"5. As regards Sicily, we will grant it analogous representative
institutions, such as to satisfy the wants of the island; and one of the
princes of our royal house shall be our viceroy.
"PORTICI, _June 25, 1860_."
A letter from Naples of that date, said:
"Wrung from the sovereign as have been these concessions, against his
inclinations and convictions, if his majesty can be said to have any,
and known as all these facts are, the decree was received with the
greatest indifference. People read it on the walls and passed on. I have
not heard one cry of pleasure raised, but I have heard official people
say. 'Too late! What a pity that it was not given six months ago.' It
was the concession of one with his back to the wall, and who may
hereafter say, as Ferdinand II. said, that he yielded on compulsion, and
it was not binding.
"An order was given for the immediate release of the political prisoners
in Santa Maria Apparente, and a steamer, hired by their friends, went to
Capri to-day to bring back the victims of a long and cruel persecution."
Everywhere this decree was regarded in the same manner. The celebrated
Poerio, who had been released from a long and cruel imprisonment a few
months before, for supporting the constitution to which the father of
the present King of Naples had himself sworn, was at this time a member
of the House of Deputies of Sardinia, and in a speech said:
"The traditions of the Neapolitan government are hereditary perjury. The
new king, almost to prove the legitimacy of his descent, is preparing to
perjure himself; and, in order to qualify himself for the task of
forswearing himself, he must first swear. It is with that view that he
declares himself ready to swear constitutions and alliances. His object
in proposing an alliance with the king's government is obvious. He is
only meditating the reconquest of Sicily. These are the old fox-like
wiles of the Neapolitan government. As these have thrice availed them,
they hope, even now, from the same arts, to attain the same results. But
if these are very clearly the intentions of the government of Naples,
there is also no doubt but the government of the king—of that king who
for the last twelve years has held aloft the banner of Italian
nationality, will never desert his post, never will associate itself
with a faith-breaking government, a government by the nature of its very
institutions an implacable foe to Italian regeneration."
The following is an extract from the letter of an English lady in
Florence:
"The details that have reached here, through both private and public
information, of the horrible sufferings endured by the Sicilians, are
enough to account for the fiendish hatred excited by the Neapolitans,
whose conduct to the unfortunate islanders is almost a repetition of the
frightful barbarities of the Indians during the late war, for neither
sex, age, nor innocence, are any protection against the perpetration of
the most awful atrocities. It is beyond belief that, in the nineteenth
century, in a Christian part of Europe, there have been scenes enacted
within the last few months that renew the days of the Inquisition. A
gentleman, residing in Florence, has received intelligence of his family
in Sicily, giving details of the sufferings of his brother, who was
subjected to a 'torture' that even surpassed all the refined cruelty
that was ever imagined by Ximenes and his inquisitorial establishment,
having been chained to a copper chair, under the seat of which was
lighted a charcoal fire! This is only one of the many incidents that
have taken place—incidents that make the cheek grow pale, even to hear
of. No wonder there has been such a burst of enthusiasm throughout all
Europe for Garibaldi and his noble expedition. Every civilized land has
echoed the bell which has been tolled in Italy for the annihilation of
despotism. There has not been raised one sympathetic voice to cry to
Francis of Naples, 'Hear it not Duncan, for it summons thee' to join the
circle of deposed tyrants that have sought asylums within such short
distances of each other, imitating the instinct of the featherly tribe,
who only seek society with companions of the same color."
The feelings of the people of Naples cannot be imagined, without some
knowledge of the cruelties of the government. The following shocking
account of the cruelty practised on a man who was called an American, by
the priests of Rome and Italy, is from a letter written in Naples, just
after the revolution, by a person who saw him and obtained from him
since his own story:
BARBAROUS TREATMENT OF A POLITICAL PRISONER.
"Amongst the many cases of brutal and illegal imprisonment which have
been brought before the public during the last ten days, none has been
worse than that of Francisco Casanova, _calling himself an American_. He
was confined in San Francisco, and some young men who had formerly been
placed in the same prison, though not in the same room, remembering his
case, went, on the amnesty being proclaimed, to deliver him; but he was
all but naked, and he could not leave until an advocate called Arene,
who has acted with great benevolence, sent him some clothes, and has
since received him in his house and fed him. Last night I went to see
him, and I cannot tell you whether indignation against this most
Christian government or compassion for the victim was the strongest
feeling. 'When he entered my house,' said Arene, 'he was supported by
two persons, for he was unable to walk. He looked like a ghost.' 'Where
am I?' he exclaimed, as he looked confusedly around; and well he might,
after six years and a half of confinement from all intercourse with man.
But I give you his own description of his sufferings, as nearly as
possible in his own words, premising merely that there were witnesses of
all that I relate, in Arene himself, a Neapolitan friend, and a foreign
consul.
"I landed in Genoa from Boston some time in 1853, and wishing to see the
south of Italy, travelled till I came near to Viterbo, when I was
cautioned not to go to Rome; but I still persevered in my intention of
doing so, when I was arrested as not having a passport, and carried to
the Eternal City, where I was placed in the Carcere Nuova. Not satisfied
with the report I gave of myself, I was tortured for three months as
follows. My hands and arms were bound together, and then, by ropes tied
round the upper part of the arms, they were drawn back till my breast
protruded, and my bones sounded, 'crick, crick.' There was another
species of torture practised upon me, which was this: At night, whilst
sleeping, the door was secretly opened, and buckets of water were thrown
over my body. How I survived it I cannot tell; the keepers were
astonished, and said they never had such an instance; 'but you will
never get out alive,' I was told. I replied that I never expected to do
so, and prayed for the angel of death to come. The worst torture of all,
however, was the prison itself—a room into which a few rays of light
struggled from above, and the stench of which was as bad as death. For
three months I suffered thus, and then, without any reason assigned, was
taken from it and placed, always alone, in a room called 'Salon del
Preti,' a large airy room, and was well fed and well treated for
twenty-one months more. I was a prisoner of the Cardinal Secretary
Antonelli. About the middle of 1855 again, without any reason being
given, I was sent off to Naples, was placed first in the Vicaria and
afterward in San Francisco, in a small, close room, where I was detained
for four years and a half. I was questioned on several occasions, and at
last refused to answer, saying that my persecutors already knew what I
had to say, that I was unjustly and illegally confined, and nothing
could compel me to utter another word. On another occasion I was called
before Bianchini, the director of police, who interrogated me. I
appealed against my sufferings, and all the reply I received was, 'Va
bene, va bene,' from a Christian man to one suffering as I was, but my
invariable answer was, I will die first; never will I ask anything of
this government. When first I arrived here I had a little money, which
for a short time procured me better food than prison fare, and then by
degrees I sold my clothes. At last I sold my black bread to have a
little salt to sprinkle over my beans, and sometimes to procure some
incense to relieve the horrid stench of my prison. As for water for
purposes of cleanliness, it was never supplied me, and all that I could
do, was to dip one of my own rags in a jug of drinking water, and wash
some portions of my body. During the day I could repose, but at night I
was covered with black beetles, fleas, lice, and every conceivable
species of vermin. I expected death, and desired and prayed for it as a
relief, but it never came. My clothes were at last so reduced, that I
was all but naked, and so I have passed four summers and winters, pacing
up and down my narrow chamber.
"'I will show you my prison-dress,' said he; and going out, returned in
a few moments. He might have stood as a model for Lazarus risen from the
tomb. The lower part of his body was covered with a thin pair of linen
drawers, nothing more. On his feet was a pair of shoes, with soles and
upper leather all in holes. He had no shirt, but over the upper part of
his body, was thrown a rag, something like a common kitchen-towel, one
corner of which he had placed on his head, as the long elfin locks which
had not been cut, for many years hung down over his neck and shoulders.
He appeared more like a brute than a Christian man. 'See this rag,' said
he, 'how I have botched it. This was my dress, and so clad, I paced up
and down my solitary den.'
"There is much that Casanova reports of himself that I do not repeat,
for it is so mysterious that I require further evidence of its
correctness. There can, however, be no doubt of his sufferings and
imprisonment in Naples. It has long been whispered about here that an
unknown individual was lying in the prisons of San Francisco, but
nothing was known of him. He was one of the mysteries of the dungeon,
and even now there is much to unravel. Who is he?—what secret motives
led to his double confinement here and in Rome?—why was he transferred
from the hands of a Christian cardinal to the mercies of De Spagnoli?
What he said I report, and time must unravel his story; but the world
will know how to appreciate the influence of a priesthood under whose
eye such enormities have been committed."
In Naples, on the 26th of June, assemblages of the population commenced.
The populace shouted "GARIBALDI forever!" "Annexation forever!" "Death
to the police!" The following day a panic took place; the police were
maltreated, and disappeared as soon as the same cries were raised by the
populace.
The king had twice sent Signor Aquila to Baron Brenier, and had promised
to make a strict investigation.
On the 28th of June all the police stations were pillaged in open day;
forty of the agents were surprised, and either killed or wounded. The
archives were burnt. The spoils were carried about in triumph by the
populace.
The king had arrived at Naples, and had ordered the immediate formation
of a national guard.
A proclamation was issued, prohibiting seditious shouts, and
recommending the military to disperse assemblages of the population with
moderation.
As the successes of Garibaldi in Calabria became known in the city of
Naples, and his unimpeded advance toward that capital, the excitement
daily increased. A letter, dated there on the 5th of September, said:
"Seven-league boots must be in fashion again, and Garibaldi must have a
pair. It was but yesterday he was at Faro; then we find him at Pezzo,
Tiriola, Nicastro, Paolo, until, by a series of gigantic strides, by
last reports he was at Campagna, the capital of one of the four
districts of Salerno. I shall expect at any hour to meet the great
dictator in the Toledo. His march has been a continual triumph—war in
its severer aspects he has not seen in the kingdom of Naples, but
wreathed with flowers scattering confections and weeping tears of
welcome and joy. Apart from a hatred of the Bourbons, Garibaldi is
worshipped as a demi-god, and I believe that the veriest reactionist in
the kingdom would sheathe his sword to look at him. It is hero-worship
which has smoothed the passage of the dictator rather than anything more
definite or settled in principle."
The priests, the same letter declared, were much connected with the two
last revolutionary attempts:
"For that of Prince Luigi (Count of Aquila), the vicars of some
parishes, just before the outbreak was to have occurred, placarded the
doors of the houses of their faithful followers with little bills, one
of which is in my possession, bearing this inscription:
"'Viva Jesu Christo!
Viva la Madonna Immacolata!
Viva San Francesco!'
"This was to protect those houses.
"Naples is in a state of the greatest excitement. It is one great heart
without a head, and the most singular contrasts present themselves at
every step. I left a scene of wild confusion in the Toledo late last
night, when the names only of Garibaldi and Victor Emanuel were heard,
and, going down to Santa Lucia, I found every house illuminated, torches
burning, and fagots borne by a crowd of rabble, a small bell tinkling,
and a priest bearing the host, surrounded by hundreds of devotees. They
stop, and the vast crowd fall upon their knees. Silence! not a sound was
heard, except the indistinct roar of voices from the Toledo. On the
walls close behind were the cannon of the Bourbons, and in the offing
the fleets of many nations, all brought out as distinctly as possible by
the gorgeous moonlight of our southern sky. What a host of conflicting
ideas were here brought into juxtaposition and contrast!
"Last night it was decided that the king should leave immediately; at
midnight it was deferred, but _only_ deferred. The throne has well nigh
fallen."
The following Address to the Clergy of the Kingdom was issued by the
Ecclesiastical Committee of Union:
"THE CLERGY OF THE KINGDOM.
"_Viva Italian Independence!_
"_Viva Victor Emanuel!_
"_Viva Giuseppe Garibaldi!_
"PROGRAMME.
"Italianism, Activity, Catholicity—these are the duties demanded of
every good Neapolitan Christian, whether priest or layman; these he is
called upon to practise both in thought and action for the benefit of
the country. Such, in fact, is the speculative and practical principle
which in Naples animates the Union Ecclesiastical Committee in order to
arrive at the most holy object of independence, in the noble undertaking
of Italian redemption. For these reasons the committee are intent on the
union of ideas with facts; they profess it to be their indispensable
duty to labor unweariedly, so as not to go in opposition to the orthodox
faith, which rests in Christ and his vicar on earth—in Christ as
God-man, in his vicar as the first religious and the first civil power
of the world. Hence, taking its stand on these axioms, the committee
declares its intention of realizing the evangelical maxim that
spiritually the state is in the church, as temporarily the church is in
the state; and so it labors to establish the unity of Italy in the order
of religion and civilization; in the order of religion, of which the
pontiff of Rome is the œcumenical moderator; in the order of
civilization, of which Victor Emanuel is the only regulator in the
Italian kingdom."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XV.
"Expect not, O Pope! a second retreat
To find in Gaeta, or a stool for your feet:
A worse fate than even your own may await
The felon to you who once open'd the gate."
G. ROSETTI. T. D.
THE CONDITION OF NAPLES SINCE THE REIGN OF TERROR IN
APRIL—AGITATION ON GARIBALDI'S APPROACH.
THERE was a reign of terror in Naples in April, 1860, in consequence of
numerous arrests and imprisonments of persons of all classes, many of
them on the merest suspicion. The British minister in that city, who had
repeatedly distinguished himself by his humane exposure and protest
against the cruelties of the old savage, Bomba, now made new
representations to his government, that these measures were taken by the
Intendants in compliance with a circular from the Minister of Police. On
the 1st of March they arrested numbers who were not suspected at all,
and among them several dukes, marquises, counts, and princes. Other
evidences were given by the government of their great fear of an
insurrection.
The following is from the letter addressed to the King of Naples by the
Count of Syracuse:
"Civil war, which is already spreading over the provinces of the
continent, will carry away the dynasty into that ultimate ruin which the
iniquitous arts of perverse advisers have long been preparing for the
descendants of Charles III. of Bourbon; the blood of the citizens,
uselessly spilt, will again flood the thousand towns of the kingdom, and
you, once the hope and love of the people, will be regarded with horror
as the sole cause of a fratricidal war.
"Sire, while it is yet time, save our house from the curses of all
Italy! Follow the noble example of our royal kinswoman of Parma, who, on
the breaking out of civil war, released her subjects from their
allegiance, and left them to be arbiters of their own destinies. Europe
and your subjects will take your sublime sacrifice into account, and
you, sire, will be able to raise your brow in confidence up to God, who
will reward the magnanimous act of your majesty. Your heart, tempered by
adversity, will become accessible to the noble aspirations of
patriotism, and you will bless the day when you generously sacrificed
yourself for the greatness of Italy.
"With these words, sire, I fulfill the sacred duty which my experience
imposes upon me, and I pray to God that he may enlighten you, and render
you deserving of His blessings.
"Your majesty's affectionate uncle,
"LEOPOLD, Count of Syracuse.
"NAPLES, _Aug. 24_."
In the latter part of August, reports of the nearer approach of
Garibaldi, and of risings in different parts of the country, were
multiplied daily; and the secret patriotic committee more openly and
freely circulated their publications, which were to be seen in every
house. Movements had been made, before the 25th, in Matera, the
Capitanata, Bari, Monopolo, and Sassinoro, and in Potenza and Corleta
provisional governments were formed in favor of Victor Emanuel. Indeed,
the kingdom was in a state of general revolution, and a pro-dictatorial
committee held its sessions to direct "the great Lucanian insurrection."
An order was also published in Naples, in the name of Garibaldi,
Dictator of the Two Sicilies, providing that all authorities should
remain at their posts; that acts of the government should be published
in the name of Victor Emanuel; that a committee of public security and a
commission of engineers should be formed to barricade the city; and that
all capable of bearing arms should join the National Guard. Committees
were also formed for looking after the commissariat, and attending to
the sick and wounded, on which committee were the names of seven
ecclesiastics. The headquarters of the insurrectionists were at Potenza,
in the province of Basilicata, and to this point were crowding hundreds
and thousands of volunteers. The people of the country itself had taken
up arms. All business was suspended; one thought alone occupied the
public mind. The great fear of many was of pillage; and the want of
occupation, and the almost general famine among the lower classes, gave
such a fear yet greater appearance of reasonableness.
The landing of several detachments of the Garibaldians was now a
confirmed fact.
The following account of the revolution in the Basilicata will afford an
idea of the changes then made in the country:
"The province of Basilicata had long been agitated; it is a mountainous
country, subject to earthquakes. The war of Italy, the adventures of
Garibaldi, the constitution of Francis II., precipitated the crisis. The
reactionary attempts at Matera gave the signal for the movement.
Potenza, the chief town of the province, was only defended by gendarmes.
They were apparently on good terms with the national guard, and their
chief, Captain Castagna, had given his word of honor that he would not
be the first to commence the attack.
"On the morning of the 18th of October, the gendarmes formed in column,
left the town, and took up a position within musket shot of the houses
on the Monte. Castagna removed his men in this way to tranquillize the
country, as he said. However, a picket of national guards at the Salsa
gate watched the movements of the gendarmes. It was well they did, for
Captain Castagna all at once returned with his men at double-quick pace,
dividing them into two columns, one of which was to attack the post held
by the national guard, and the other to open the prisons.
"The first discharge of the royalists took place before the men attacked
had time to cry 'To arms!' A bullet struck Captain Asselta in the
temple. He had firmly stood the charge with some fifty of the national
guardsmen. Not till then did the latter open fire, and the gendarmes
were put to flight. They disbanded about the town and the open country,
striking at random, pursued and hunted everywhere by the peasants, who
were armed with hatchets. They also lost some fifty prisoners: about
fifty were wounded, and more than twenty slain.
"Besides the wound of Captain Asselta, the insurgents had to deplore the
loss of two young men, and count both women and children among the
wounded. Nevertheless, this strange insurrection, provoked, hastened at
least, and justified like the Italian war of last year, by the attack of
the gendarmes, was entirely successful, and it spread most rapidly.
Clouds of armed mountaineers came down from all parts of the heights to
help their brethren in the town. The wounded and royal prisoners were
not only spared, at the simple command of a chief, but received every
assistance, just as if they had been fighting for the good cause.
"On the 19th, at Tito, the national guard drove out the gendarmes; on
the 20th there were more than 10,000 armed men at Potenza; on the 22d
16,000 were mustered. All the nobility, the landowners, the chief
inhabitants, the educated citizens, even the priests, were on the side
of the insurgents. The peasants took up arms spontaneously to the cry of
'Long live Victor Emanuel.' The cross of Savoy floated everywhere on the
tri-color flag. The forces were commanded by a Neapolitan, who had
already figured in two former Italian wars—Colonel Boldoni.
Strong detachments were stationed _en échelons_ around the town and upon
the mountains. Good positions were occupied, amongst others that of
Marmo, whence a handful of men can keep in check an army, and renew the
defence of Mazagran. The insurrection assumed such proportions that it
kept the royal forces at a distance. Neapolitans and Bavarians had been
sent against it; the former stopped at Auletta, the latter at Salerno.
"Potenza was barricaded, and preparing to resist to the death. It had
already a provisional government, whose two first acts the National
Committee published, headed:
"'VICTOR EMANUEL, KING OF ITALY. GENERAL GARIBALDI,
DICTATOR OF THE TWO SICILIES.
"'A pro-dictatorial government has been formed to direct the great
Lucanian insurrection. (Basilicata is the ancient Lucania).
"'The members sit permanently in the old hall of Intendants.
"'POTENZA, _August 19, 1860_.'
"'FOR THE DICTATOR, GARIBALDI.
"'_The pro-dictators, N. Mignona, G. Albini;
the secretaries, Gaetano, Cascini, etc._
"'It is ordained: 1. That the authorities shall remain at their posts
and actively assist in maintaining order, providing for the proper
carrying on of the judicial and civil administration. 2. The acts of the
government relating to the civil and judicial administration shall be
headed: Victor Emanuel, King of Italy; Joseph Garibaldi, Dictator of the
two Sicilies. 3. A committee of public safety is established and a
committee of engineers for barricading the town.'
"The fifth article nominates the majors and captains of the national
guard. The sixth directs them to form the several corps. The seventh
appoints a deputation to see to the conveyance of provisions, etc. The
eighth appoints a deputation for providing quarters. The ninth names a
committee for attending to the sick, wounded, and prisoners.
"Rumors of the defection of the king's officers were repeated every
moment. It was asserted in Naples that General Nunziante had just gone
over to Garibaldi. The Duchess of Mignano, the wife of the exiled
general, having been ordered to quit Naples, proudly refused to go, and
defied the ministers to remove her by force."
During a few days about the beginning of September, the king's
ministers, his army and the city, were in a state of the greatest
agitation. On the 3d, General Cotrufiano sent in his resignation, but
expressed his hope that the ministry would remain in power. The National
Guard, who had before communicated with them, then told them that if
they did not remain they would commence the revolution in the city.
As circumstances, however, were, the ministers considered it impossible
to remain with dignity or advantage to the country, and, _en masse_,
again sent in their written resignation. "We have been called traitors,"
they said. "We have the troops against us, and no longer enjoy the
confidence of the sovereign; we are supported by the National Guard and
the people, it is true, and are their ministers rather than the king's;
but this is not according to the principles of the Constitution, and we
therefore earnestly beg your majesty to choose a transition ministry.
Besides, we will not undertake the responsibility of the war against
Garibaldi and his followers, for it will be altogether useless." Such,
remarks a writer who was at that time in Naples, was the manner in which
the ministers addressed his majesty, and put into plain English, it
means this: "_If your majesty will abandon all self-defence, we will
serve you, but if you are determined to risk an action, we will persist
in resigning, and then barricades will be formed directly._" The choice
left to Francis II., then, was revolution or abdication, and this is the
end of that vast structure of despotism which Ferdinand II. reared with
so much labor, and cemented with so much blood. On Sunday morning, the
ministers met in the council chamber, and waited for some decision on
the part of his majesty, but none came; but later in the day, De Martino
was sent for by the king, and requested to form an administration. This,
however, De Martino declined doing, and the king exclaimed, in great
sadness, "Then I am abandoned by all." So stood the matter on Sunday
night. It was clear that the ministers had no hopes or intentions, even
if they remained in power, of doing anything more than keep things
together till Garibaldi came. To them, as to all in Naples, it was
evident enough that the game was up, and that all they could do for the
country was to make the fall, or transition, as easy as possible. Up to
that time their conduct was beyond all praise. There was an impression
in the city that the ministerial difficulties had been arranged, and, in
consequence, on Saturday and Sunday night there was a partial
illumination of the city, and bills were placarded bearing the
inscription, "_Viva Garibaldi!_" "_Viva Romano!_"—the chief minister.
It is impossible for any generous mind to contemplate the position of
Francis II. without compassion. Not gifted by nature with much
intelligence, kept in gross ignorance, and reared in a school of
political despotism and religious bigotry by his father, misguided and
betrayed by evil counsellors in the early part of his reign, and finally
abandoned by his oldest uncle, and by the contemptible nobility and
parasites who supported or tolerated the corruptions of the government
so long as they were to their own advantage, he sat alone in his palace,
the last sovereign of his family, hesitating as to the moment when he is
to lay down both crown and sceptre. Close to his palace crowds were
reading and rejoicing in the latest dispatches from the camp of the
enemy, who was advancing by rapid marches—an enemy whom he had no force
to repel; and not much more distant resided the minister of a sovereign
who subscribed himself the "beloved cousin" (or by some similar
hypocrisy) of Francis II., at the same time that he was doing all that
in him lay to drive him from the throne. The position was a hard one,
created by the Bourbons themselves—a fulfillment of the great decree,
that the sins of the fathers shall be visited on the children.
What a contrast was then presented between the cold, bloody cruelty of
the Bourbons and the noble moderation of this long oppressed people!
Thousands in the city had in some form or other been victims of revenge
or suspicion; and it is truly wonderful that not a hand, nor even a
voice, was raised against the unprotected king.
As for placing himself at the head of the army, his majesty had no army
to command. During the whole of Sunday night, boats were going backward
and forward between the land and the Spanish vessels with royal
property. The queen mother was already in Albano, near Rome.
There was in the bay a most imposing fleet, representing every nation in
Europe. Even the Pope had his flag lying off the Villa. On that side of
the city there were fourteen vessels of war, and as many off Santa
Lucia.
FLIGHT OF THE KING OF NAPLES.
"At 6 o'clock in the evening of September, his majesty went on board a
Spanish vessel, and at 8 o'clock left Neapolitan waters. Before leaving,
his majesty published his protest, which is given below.
"It would appear that the French admiral thought, with the prefect, that
some precautions were necessary, and he therefore called on the British
Admiral Mundy in the course of the evening, and announced his intention
of sending some men on shore. Admiral M. replied that he saw no
necessity for the step, as the city was perfectly tranquil."
PROTEST OF FRANCIS II.
"Since a reckless adventurer, possessing all the force of which
revolutionary Europe can dispose, has attacked our dominions, under the
name of an Italian sovereign who is both a relation and a friend, we
have striven for five months long, with all the means in our power, on
behalf of the sacred independence of our states.
"The fortune of war has proved contrary to us. The reckless enterprise
of which the above sovereign protested his ignorance in the most formal
manner, and which, nevertheless, at the moment when negotiations were
going on for an intimate alliance between us, received in his own states
its principal support and assistance, that enterprise at which the whole
of Europe assisted with indifference, after having proclaimed the
principle of non-intervention, leaving us alone to fight against the
common enemy, is now upon the point of extending its disastrous effects
to our own capital. The forces of the enemy are now approaching this
neighborhood.
"On the other hand, both Sicily and the provinces of the continent,
which for a long time have been agitated in every manner by a
revolution, rising in insurrection under so great an excitement, have
formed provisional governments under the title and nominal protection of
the above sovereign, and have confided to a pretended dictator full
authority and the decision of their destiny.
"Strong in our rights, founded upon history, in international treaty,
and in the public law of Europe, we intend to prolong our defence, while
it is possible; yet we are no less determined upon every sacrifice in
order to save this vast metropolis, the glorious home of the most
ancient memories, the birthplace of national art and civilization, from
the horrors of anarchy and civil war.
"In consequence, we shall retire beyond the walls with our army,
confiding in the loyalty and the love of our subjects for the
preservation of order and for respect being shown to authority.
"In taking this determination we are conscious of a duty which our
ancient and uncontested rights, our honor, the interest of our heirs and
successors, and more than all, the welfare of our most beloved subjects,
have imposed upon us, and therefore we protest loudly against all acts
which have been accomplished up to this time, and against the events
which are on the point of completion, or which may be accomplished in
future. We reserve, then, all our rights and privileges, arising from
the most sacred and incontestable laws of succession as well as from the
force of treaties, and we declare solemnly that all the aforesaid acts
and events are null, void, and of no effect. For what concerns us we
leave our cause, and the cause of our people, in the hands of Almighty
God, under the firm conviction that during the short space of our reign
we have not entertained a single thought that was not devoted to the
happiness and the good of our subjects. The institutions which we have
irrevocably guaranteed are the proof of this.
"This protest of ours will be transmitted to every court, and we desire
that, signed by us, provided with the seal of our royal arms, and
countersigned by our minister of foreign affairs, it should be preserved
in our royal offices of the exterior, of the privy council and of grace
of justice, as a record of our firm resolution always to oppose reason
and right to violence and usurpation.
(Signed,)
"FRANCESCO II.
"DE MARTINO.
"NAPLES, _Sept. 6, 1860_."
-------
ROYAL PROCLAMATION.
"Among the duties prescribed to kings, those of the days of misfortunes
are the grandest and the most solemn, and I intend to fulfill them with
resignation, free from weakness, and with a serene and confident heart,
as befits the descendants of so many monarchs.
"For such a purpose I once more address my voice to the people of this
metropolis, from whom I am now to depart with bitter grief.
"An unjust war, carried on in contravention to the law of nations, has
invaded my states, notwithstanding the fact that I was at peace with all
the European powers.
"The changed order of government, and my adhesion to the great
principles of Italian nationality, were not sufficient to ward off the
war; and, moreover, the necessity of defending the integrity of the
state entailed upon me the obligations of events which I have always
deplored; therefore, I solemnly protest against this indescribable
hostility, concerning which the present and future time will pronounce
their solemn verdict.
"The diplomatic corps residing at my court has known since the
commencement of this unexpected invasion, with what sentiments my heart
has been filled for all my people, as well as for this illustrious city,
with a view of securing her from ruin and war, of saving her inhabitants
and all their property, her sacred churches, her monuments, her public
buildings, her collection of art, and all that which forms the patrimony
of her civilization and of her greatness, and which being an inheritance
of future generations, is superior to the passions of a day.
"The time has now come to fulfill these professions of mine. The war is
now approaching the walls of the city, and with unutterable grief I am
now to depart with a portion of my army to betake myself whither the
defence of my rights calls me. The remainder of my army remains in
company with the honorable national guard, in order to protect the
inviolability and safety of the capitol, which I recommend as a sacred
treasure to the zeal of the ministry; and I call upon the honor and the
civic feeling of the mayor of Naples and of the commandant of the said
national guard, to spare this most beloved country of mine the horrors
of internal discord and the disasters of civil war; for which purpose I
concede to the above-named the widest powers that they may require.
"As a descendant of a dynasty that has reigned over this continent for
126 years, after having preserved it from the horrors of a long
vice-royalty, the affections of my heart are here. I am a Neapolitan,
nor could I without bitter grief address words of farewell to my most
dearly beloved people, to my fellow citizens. Whatever may be my
destiny, be it prosperous or adverse, I shall always preserve for them a
passionate and affectionate remembrance. I recommend to them concord,
peace, and a strict observance of their civic duties. Let not an
excessive zeal for my dynasty be made a pretence for disturbance.
"Whether from the fortunes of the present war I return shortly amongst
you, or whatever may be the time at which it may please the justice of
God to restore me to the throne of my ancestors, a throne made all the
more splendid by the free institutions with which I have irrevocably
surrounded it, all that I pray from this time forth is to behold again
my people united, strong and happy.
"FRANCIS II."
THE LATE KING OF NAPLES DESCRIBED BY HIMSELF.
A late number of the "Revue de Paris" publishes a curious correspondence
between Louis Philippe and Ferdinand II., the late King of Naples.
Shortly after the revolution of July, Louis Philippe addressed a letter
to Ferdinand II., advising him in the government of his kingdom, to
relinquish a little so that all might not be lost, to give up his system
of compression and severity. "Imitate," said Louis Philippe, "the system
in France; you will be a gainer in every respect; for, by sacrificing a
little authority, you will insure peace to your kingdom and stability to
your house. The symptoms of agitation are so strongly pronounced and
numerous in Italy, that an outbreak may be expected sooner or later,
accordingly as the stern measures of Prince Metternich may hasten or
adjourn it. Your majesty will be drawn into the current if you are not
prepared to stem the tide, and your house will be burst in two, either
by the revolutionary stream or by the measures of repression the Vienna
Cabinet may think fit to adopt. Your majesty may save everything by
anticipating voluntarily and with prudence the wishes and wants of your
people."
To this excellent advice and very remarkable counsel, coming as it did
from a Bourbon, Ferdinand II. returned the following answer:
"To imitate France, if ever France can be imitated, I shall have to
precipitate myself into that policy of Jacobinism, for which my people
has proved feloniously guilty more than once against the house of its
kings. Liberty is fatal to the house of Bourbon; and, as regards myself,
I am resolved to avoid, at all price, the fate of Louis XVI. and Charles
X. My people obey force and bend their necks, but woe's me should they
ever raise them under the impulse of those dreams which sound so fine in
the sermons of philosophers, and which are impossible in practice. With
God's blessing, I will give prosperity to my people, and a government as
honest as they have a right to; but I will be king, and always. My
people do not want to think; I take upon myself the care of their
welfare and their dignity. I have inherited many old grudges, many mad
desires, arising from all the faults and weaknesses of the past; I must
set this to rights, and I can only do so by drawing closer to Austria
without subjecting myself to her will. We are not of this century. The
Bourbons are ancient, and if they were to try to shape themselves
according to the pattern of the new dynasties, they would be ridiculous.
We will imitate the Hapsburgs. If fortune plays us false, we shall at
least be true to ourselves. Nevertheless, your majesty may rely upon my
lively sympathy and my warmest wishes that you may succeed in mastering
that ungovernable people who make France the curse of Europe."
Here it was well remarked by a writer:
"We have the father of Francis II. exactly as he was, and exactly as his
son has been after him. Out of the lips of the Bourbon it is proved that
a Garibaldi was sadly wanted in Sicily. Well, the Garibaldi has come,
and the necks of the people bend no more; the people have begun to have
a desire to 'think;' have raised their necks 'under the impulse of those
dreams which sound so fine in the sermons of philosophers,' and the
'woe's me,' which the Bourbon Ferdinand II. feared would fall upon him
when the people did so rise, has fallen upon the head of the Bourbon
Francis II. 'The Bourbons are very ancient,' said Ferdinand, 'and if
they were to try to shape themselves according to the pattern of the new
dynasties, they would be ridiculous.' Well, Francis II., penned up there
in Gaeta, with a very small pattern of an army, strikes us as a very
ridiculous king, and ridiculous because he did not shape himself
according to the pattern of a wise and liberal monarch. This letter of
Ferdinand II. is one of the most striking lessons of history that the
present century has afforded."
CHAPTER XVI.
"Garibaldi! Garibaldi! thy glorious career
Is worthy thee and Italy: thy name to man is dear,
A brighter course has never a warrior true displayed:
Unsullied in the hour of peace, in danger undismayed,
Thy heart with every virtue warm, compassion all and love,
In war resistless as the storm, in peace a gentle dove."
_MS._
GARIBALDI'S JOURNEY THROUGH CALABRIA—REACHES PALERMO
—ENTERS NAPLES—ENTHUSIASM AND GOOD ORDER OF THE
PEOPLE—THE NEW GOVERNMENT—THE ARMY AND NAVY—VARIOUS
OCCURRENCES.
GARIBALDI, after his wonderful triumph over the royal army in Calabria,
made rapid marches through the wild regions of that part of the
peninsula toward Naples. By rising early, pressing on and resting but
little, he performed a journey of about two hundred and eighty miles to
Salerno, in a fortnight from the day of his landing at Reggio.
Before Garibaldi's entry into Naples, the Sardinian admiral had
threatened to fire upon any Neapolitan vessel which should attempt to
proceed to Gaeta.
A _Te Deum_ had been celebrated in the cathedral by Father Gavazzi, the
people shouting "Hurrah for Victor Emanuel!" "Hurrah for Garibaldi!" The
people were armed, some even with pikes and sticks.
General illuminations had taken place. The Papal Nuncio, a great part of
the ambassadors, and Count Trapani, had followed the king to Gaeta. The
king had appointed Signor Ulloa, brother of General Ulloa, as his prime
minister, and had issued a proclamation.
On the morning of the 7th of September, Garibaldi was at Salerno, a town
near the southern extremity of the vast and splendid bay of Naples, and
about thirty miles distant from the capital, preparing to proceed to it
by the railroad. The love with which he attaches his friends to him was
evident, in the manner in which his personal staff clung to him at the
station. Very few accompanied him; but 25,000 troops were to follow him
in four days.
The following account of Garibaldi in Salerno, is from a letter of Mr.
Edwin James to a friend:
"The long roll of the 'spirit-stirring drums,' the discordant noises of
the Calabrese soldiers as they were endeavoring to form their ranks, the
dashing in of carriages from Naples with their cargoes of deputations to
attend Garibaldi, roused me before four o'clock, September 7th, from my
bed, in a wretched 'albergo' in Salerno, where I had been the prey of
mosquitoes since midnight. Garibaldi was astir as early as four o'clock;
he had seen members of the committee from Naples, and was arranging his
_entrée_ into the city. At my interview with him yesterday at Eboli,
which was a hurried one, he had requested me to see him in the evening;
he was so surrounded by crowds of admirers, all anxious for a glimpse at
the 'great man,' that I delayed my interview until this morning. On
entering the large rooms of the Hôtel de Ville, or 'Intendenza,' the
throngs of people and their agitation and excitement were most striking.
"The national guard of Salerno lined the avenues; priests of every
denomination crowded to touch the 'hem of his garment.' Officers of
State of the king were in earnest conversation with him, urging his
coming without delay into Naples.
"A special train of about 20 carriages was in waiting at 10 o'clock, and
we obtained a seat in the carriage next to that in which Garibaldi was.
Throughout the journey to Naples, in every village, at every station,
the joy and enthusiasm of the people exceeded the powers of description.
Women and girls presented flags, threw flowers into the carriages,
struggled to kiss the hand of the general. Mayors and syndics ejaculated
their gratulations; priests and monks stood, surrounded by their
wretched flocks, on the hill-side, and shouted their 'Vivas,' and
holding the crucifix in one hand and the sword in the other, waved them
in the air, and bawled out their benedictions. As the train passed the
king's guard at Portici, the soldiers threw their caps into the air, and
joined lustily in the 'Viva Garibaldi!'"
It was reported in Naples, about eleven o'clock, that Garibaldi was to
arrive that day, and a great part of the inhabitants, on first hearing
the news, hastened to the station. A detachment of national guards
marched with the national colors flying, and in the yard assembled all
the leading liberals in their carriages, the secret committee, now no
longer concealed, and several foreign ministers, including the French,
M. Brenier, to do honor to the hero.
"Many ladies were in the waiting-saloon, which was crowded with national
guards and gentlemen in plain clothes and all sorts of uniforms.
"After waiting an hour (writes a spectator), shouts were heard, and the
scream of an arriving train. 'He is come!' The train steams in. In the
first carriage, standing on the roof, is a giant of a man, with a cap, a
red shirt, and the handkerchief fastened on his shoulders. The cries and
cheers increase. Suddenly all is hushed again, and we are down to zero.
It is only a train of disarmed Bavarians en route from Salerno. At last
he does come. The enthusiasm is overpowering. Surrounded by a band of
soldiers, sons of Anak as to size, and dressed in the wild and
travel-stained costumes of an irregular army on a campaign, comes
Garibaldi. The first thing that strikes you is his face, and the deep
determination of his extraordinary forehead. A face that might serve as
a model for the sculptor, is softened almost to sweetness by the
mildness of the eyes and the low tone of the most musical voice I have
ever heard. Long, grizzly curls hang from his broad hat. He wears a red
shirt with a silk handkerchief on his shoulders, like the 'panuelo' of
the South American, and grey trousers. He escapes as well and as soon as
he can from a reception, which he accepts rather than covets, and
proceeds to take possession of his new abode.
"Garibaldi entered the private carriage of the French minister, his
staff following in other carriages, and some few on horseback; the
cortége consisted of about twenty vehicles. Individually I have never
seen such men as his body-guard, and the picturesque dress sets off
their height and the squareness of their build. Compared with these
soldiers, Garibaldi is short, but very powerfully made. Along the
crowded Marinelli, the headquarters of lazzaroni, now constitutional
popolani, one of whom rode before Garibaldi's carriage, through the
Largo del Castello, the Strada di Toledo, and finally to the Palazzo
della Regina di Savoia, opposite the Palazzo Reale, which the dictator
refused to inhabit, the cortége makes its way, and Garibaldi enters into
what was once a palace of the Bourbons. The shouts of the crowd now
gathered together in the square penetrate the inmost recesses, and
presently the window opens and Garibaldi appears, followed by a large
staff of officials. The others stop, and he advances alone to the centre
of the balcony that extends along the palace, and the cheering is
deafening. It is no use for the hero to speak till the people have a
little exhausted their powers; so he stands there alone, leaning on his
hand, with his fine features in repose, and an almost melancholy
expression on his face, as if he felt that his career was a duty which
had its thorns as well as its roses; and that, though the end sanctifies
the means, yet carnage and slaughter, tottering thrones and crumbling
dynasties, leave their impression on the brow that caused them. I have
never seen so grand a study as Garibaldi, as he stood silently
speculating, perhaps, over the true value of the people whom he had just
freed. He spoke at some length, but it was impossible to distinguish
what he said, though it was easy to perceive that he speaks with great
energy. Having satisfied, for the moment at least, the desires of the
bassa-gente (the populace), it was time to re-enter the palace and
receive the welcome of the upper classes. The stair and entrée to the
dictator's levée were an extraordinary spectacle. The door leading to
the suite of apartments in which the general held his reception was kept
by the national guard, who were perpetually assailed by persons desiring
to see the dictator 'face to face.' Men of all nations and in all
costumes seemed suddenly to have started up in the heart of Naples.
"The reception was brief—even Garibaldi requires repose—and after having
appeared on both sides of the palace, and received the compliments of
all classes, including a Venetian deputy, who said, 'We are ready, and
only await Garibaldi,' to which the dictator replied, with a quiet
smile, 'Aspetta, aspetta!' (Wait, wait), he retired from the palazzo to
his quarters in the Palazzo Angri, Strada Toledo, where another ovation
awaited him. On his way he went to the cathedral, and was received with
due honors. The generality of priests have retired to their cells, but
many are still about, and I met one in the presence chambers in full
canonicals, crossed by a tri-colored scarf, and bearing an enormous
Sardinian flag—'_Tempora mutantur et nos._'"
On Saturday, the 8th, there was a sudden commotion in the Castelnovo, on
the shore, a description of which will convey a just idea of the state
of Naples and the garrison. A spectator wrote:
"One of those uproarious bursts of applause which come upon us like
hurricanes, called me to the window. The soldiers in the garrison at the
Castelnovo had just burst out, and were running, jumping, galloping past
my house like so many slaves who had burst out of the house of bondage.
Some were armed with muskets; most had their sacks full of loaves of
bread, which dropped from their wallets as they ran along, shouting,
like so many madmen, 'Viva Garibaldi!' At every step they met with
crowds of men and women, armed with naked swords, daggers, and pikes,
which they flourished in the air, uttering at the same time the usual
magic cries. Dirty-looking fellows, in the Neapolitan uniform, were
hugged and kissed by persons as dirty as themselves, and then uniting,
all surged onward to the Toledo. It was impossible to remain in the
house, and escaping from my chains, which fell from me as soon as the
post left, I hurried into the street. I turn round to Criatamone, and
just above me, peering over the walls, I see a number of soldiers in
garrison in the Pizzofalcone, and watching if the road was clear. The
people about me were waving their hands to them, and inviting them to
come down. There are iron doors at the bottom, and sentinels stand by
them. Down come the troops in a torrent—sentinels are motionless, the
doors bend, at last yield, and at length out they come like so many
madmen out of Bedlam, and run after their companions from the
Castelnovo. Sentinels still stand, 'pro formâ,' at the doors of both the
forts, but they are abandoned, and empty walls and harmless cannon alone
remain to be guarded. Meanwhile, Garibaldi is going to Pie di Grotta,
like another Emperor Carlo III., on the first day of his entry into
Naples. Carriages dash by me full of red jackets, or of men and women
brandishing swords and pikes, whilst the rain is pouring down in
torrents, and the thunder is pealing, as if it were a salute of heaven
for the liberator of the Two Sicilies. The weather prevented any grand
display, though the disposition was not wanting on the part of the
people, as the flags which hung down lank from the windows abundantly
showed. The weather brightened up toward the evening, and the town was
more brilliantly illuminated than last night. There can be no mistake
about the matter, the enthusiasm is very great. People are beside
themselves, and scenes are witnessed which, perhaps, have never been
witnessed in any other country under the sun. Two lines of carriages go
up and down the Toledo filled with persons decorated with tri-colored
ribbons and scarfs, and carrying the flag of Piedmont, or rather of
Italy. There are people of every class: there are priests and monks, as
gaily decorated as any, and some are armed; there are women in the
Garibaldian dress, and many carry daggers or pikes; there are red
jackets of Garibaldi and red jackets of England; there are people from
the provinces, who have scarcely dared to speak or breathe for twelve
long years, who are now frantic with joy. What wonder if they have lost
their senses?
"But many adjourn to San Carlo,[3] for Garibaldi is to be there, and,
indeed, one of our autumnal hurricanes of rain is coming down. I was
there when he arrived, and we knew of his approach from the shouts of
the populace outside. Every one is standing and craning over his seat to
catch a view of the great man, and at last he enters the stage box,
while many of his followers take possession of the neighboring boxes,
and a storm of applause greets him, and calls him to the front. There
are few spectacles so brilliant as San Carlo when lighted up in gala
fashion; and this evening particularly, with the banners waving from the
boxes, and from above the stage, it showed better than I have ever
before seen it; but altogether the demonstration was a failure. The
theatre was not two-thirds full, and when those two magnificent pieces
of music were performed, the 'Hymn of Garibaldi' and 'The Chorus of the
Lombardi,' not a voice joined in. I wanted, together with my friends, to
raise a chorus on our own account, for it was irritating enough to
witness a number of people sitting and fanning themselves, as though
they came to be amused, instead of pouring out their very souls in honor
of the great man who had liberated them. I shall not say anything more
of San Carlo. On my road home, a poor fellow was found not far from my
door with a dagger in his body. I regret to say that several, if not
many, cases of assassination have occurred during the last three days.
Political fanatics have stopped every one, and threatened them with the
knife if they were not prompt in crying out 'Viva Garibaldi;' and
private vengeance has demanded its victims too, perhaps. But, take it
altogether, the people have not been sanguinary, and, considering the
immense provocation which they have received, order has been wonderfully
preserved, and little blood shed."
-----
Footnote 3:
This theatre is one of the most splendid in Europe, and has five
galleries, all entirely covered with gilding.
-----
Garibaldi, from the first, gratified the Neapolitans, by appointing
natives to office. All public officers were, for the moment, retained in
their old stations. The holding of several offices by one and the same
person was forbidden, and pluralists were to select, within five days,
which office they would retain.
All military men willing to serve were ordered to present themselves at
the nearest station, give in their adhesion to the actual government,
and take their certificate of it.
Those officers who presented themselves with their troops were retained
in their positions in full activity; those who presented themselves
alone were placed in the second class, to be employed when the army is
reformed; those who did not send in their adhesion in ten days were
excluded.
The "Official Journal" of Naples of Sept. 9th, published a series of
decrees, of which the following are the most important: All the acts of
public authority and of administration are to be issued in the name of
His Majesty Victor Emanuel, King of Italy, and all the seals of state,
of public administration, and of the public offices, are to bear the
arms of the Royal House of Savoy, with the legend, "Victor Emanuel, King
of Italy." The public debt of the Neapolitan state was recognized; the
public banks were to continue their payments, as also the Discount Bank,
according to existing laws and regulations. Passports for the United
Italian States were abolished; those for foreign states and Italian
states not united were to be signed by the Director of Police. The
following address to the army was published:
"If you do not disdain Garibaldi for your companion in arms, he only
desires to fight by your side the enemies of the country. Truce, then,
to discord—the chronic misfortune of our land. Italy, trampling on the
fragments of her chains, points to the north—the path of honor, toward
the last lurking-place of tyrants. I promise you nothing more than to
make you fight.
"G. GARIBALDI.
"NAPLES, _Sept. 10_."
A series of dispatches was published from Nola, Benevento, Aquila, and a
host of other places, expressive of the public joy at the arrival of the
Dictator in the capital. In Arriano and Avellino there had been a
reactionary movement among the liberals. Some disturbances also took
place in Canosa, and in the island of Ischia.
In Naples, the castles had all capitulated, and were in the hands of the
National Guard. The population gradually settled down into its usual
sober state, which had recently been disturbed by the madness of
exultation, and before that by apprehension.
Naples continued tranquil on the 11th of July, to the surprise of
everybody; and the means by which the public peace was preserved at that
time and afterward, may well be a subject of curious inquiry. The public
anticipations of mobs, violence, robbery and bloodshed were as much and
as agreeably disappointed, as when the "_levée en masse_" in Turkey was
disbanded after the Russian war, and the soldiers went home joyfully and
peaceably. The truth is, that men who desire power, wealth, and
undeserved honors, have too long accused their less ambitious or vicious
fellow-beings of needing their government. Naples with her 70,000
lazzaroni, who are destitute even of shelter at night, remained quiet
during and subsequently to one of the most peaceful revolutions on
record.
The following accounts were reported on the 11th of September:
The tranquillity of the town had not been disturbed, and the same
enthusiasm still prevailed. The Elmo and the other forts have
surrendered. The English admiral paid a visit to Garibaldi, who
afterward went on board the Hannibal, the English ambassador being
present. On that occasion the Sardinian fleet fired a salute of
seventeen guns in honor of the dictator. The Sardinian troops
disembarked by order of the Dictator. It was said that the king, in
leaving Naples, ordered the bombardment of the town and the burning of
the royal castle, and that the original of the order has been found. The
king had formed a new royalist ministry, the members of which are
Caselli, Canofini, Girolamo, and Ulloa. The Austrian, Russian, Prussian,
and Spanish ministers, and Papal nuncio, had followed the king to Gaeta.
The whole army of Garibaldi was to arrive at Naples in four days, and,
with the revolutionary bands, the total force was 20,000 or 30,000 men.
The revolution was everywhere triumphant. The Bixio and Medici brigades
had just arrived in port. The entrance of Garibaldi into Naples was
celebrated at Milan in the most enthusiastic manner. The whole city was
illuminated and decorated with flags. The very name of the dictator
inspired electric enthusiasm. A number of illuminated drums, fixed on
long poles, were carried through the streets. The drums bore significant
inscriptions, as follow: "To Rome!" "To Venice!" "Rome, the capital!"
Most cities of Italy celebrated the annexation of Naples.
The Neapolitan navy, which had deserted, all together, to Garibaldi, he
delivered to the Sardinian admiral. The Neapolitan navy is of very
respectable size, taking a place in respect to materiel at least above
the second rank in Europe. It does not fall much below that of the
United States. The whole number of vessels amounts to ninety, carrying
786 guns, with a complement of upward of 7,000 sailors and officers of
all sorts. Of the vessels, 27 are propelled by steam. Of these, one is
of large size, carrying 60 guns; 11 are frigates, armed with 10 guns
each; 8 corvettes, with 8 guns each, besides seven smaller vessels, each
with four guns. Of the sixty or more sailing vessels, the largest is
armed with 80 guns. There are five frigates, carrying an aggregate of
252 guns, or about 50 each. Among the rest are bomb and mortar boats in
considerable number, and others armed with Paixhan guns. These latter
have been found useful by the king, when he has felt inclined to indulge
his propensity of knocking down the palaces and cities of his
disobedient subjects.
GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATION TO THE CITIZENS OF NAPLES.
"To the beloved population of Naples, offspring of the people! It is
with true respect and love that I present myself to this noble and
imposing centre of the Italian population, which many centuries of
despotism have not been able to humiliate or to induce to bow their
knees at the sight of tyranny.
"The first necessity of Italy was harmony, in order to unite the great
Italian family; to-day Providence has created harmony through the
sublime unanimity of all our provinces for the reconstitution of the
nation, and for unity, the same Providence has given to our country
Victor Emanuel, whom we from this moment may call the true father of our
Italian land.
"Victor Emanuel, the model of all sovereigns, will impress upon his
descendants the duty that they owe to the prosperity of a people which
has elected him for their chief with enthusiastic devotion. The Italian
priests, who are conscious of their true mission, have, as a guaranty of
the respect with which they will be treated, the ardor, the patriotism,
and the truly Christian conduct of their numerous fellow ecclesiastics,
who, from the highly to be praised monks of Lagracia to the
noble-hearted priests of the Neapolitan continent, one and all, in the
sight and at the head of our soldiers, defied the gravest dangers of
battle. I repeat it, concord is the first want of Italy, so we will
welcome as brothers those who once disagreed with us, but now sincerely
wish to bring their stone to raise up the monument of our country.
Finally, respecting other people's houses: we are resolved to be masters
in our own house, whether the powerful of the earth like it or not.
"GIUSEPPE GARIBALDI."
The following were some of the occurrences in Naples immediately after
the entrance of Garibaldi.
The four battalions of chasseurs whom the king had left behind in his
flight, quartered here and there about the town, disbanded. Many of the
soldiers went home; those who wished to remain at Naples, secure from
harm, did obeisance to the new powers, by wearing a small badge with the
Savoy cross on their breasts. The fortress of St. Elmo followed the
example of the fleet. It fired a thundering salvo in honor of Garibaldi,
hoisted the Sardinian colors, and admitted the national guards within
its walls. The other forts were garrisoned by this same burgher militia.
Naples, in short, was now wholly in the hands of the patriots, and
Garibaldi had already pushed forward one or two brigades, which gained
possession of the royal palace of Caserta. The king had shut the gates
of Capua. There and at Gaeta he was to abide till his enemies should
come on. Meanwhile Garibaldi, master of the seas, sent his steamers to
Paola, to Sapri, to all the small ports near which his overtasked
legions lingered behind. Every morning were shouts of a joyous landing
and a triumphant march of those several brigades. The whole force was
soon brought together, and the respite allowed to the king at Gaeta was
of no long duration.
The joy of the good Neapolitans at their cheaply-gotten emancipation,
became daily more noisy and frantic. Every evening the Toledo was all
alive with banners and torches, with thronged masses of possessed
people, all shouting out with all the might of their southern throats,
that favorite cry, "_Una! Una! Una!_" —conveying their desire that all
Italy should be made _one_ country. There was a grand gala night at San
Carlo, when the proscenium, the pit, and the boxes became one vast
stage. The whole performance consisted of _Io Pæans_ to Garibaldi, who,
calm and serene in his homely garb, had a pleasant word for all the
friends who surrounded him in his box, and was, in fact, less insensible
to that popular demonstration than he might have wished to avow.
One of the greatest objects of interest was the easily-won castle St.
Elmo. The whole population of Naples, male and female, seemed bent on
performing a pilgrimage to that shrine of their patriot martyrs.
One of Garibaldi's soldiers thus described it:
"Yesterday I went up myself with a party of friends. We first walked
through St. Martin's marble church and monastery, where our Garibaldian
red shirts, I dare say, boded little good to the white-cowled monks, who
gazed at us as we passed, tall, stately, and motionless, so that we at
first mistook them for statues;—good Carthusian monks, doing penance in
a marble paradise, bound by vow to perpetual silence, and affecting an
easy, unconcerned air, though in their heart of hearts, probably,
trembling not a little for the visible and invisible treasures of which
their sanctuary has been, time out of mind, the repository.
"From the marble cells of the monks to the iron dungeons of the victims
of Castle St. Elmo the transition is but short, but the contrast is
appalling. The stone steps wind down six floors, and at every floor room
was made for about half a score of victims. Some of the miserable cells
had windows; but, as the view from the hill over the loveliest panorama
of land and sea would have been too great a solace to the lonely
captive, the window was latticed over by thick wooden bars, not intended
to prevent escape—for from that height only a bird could attempt it—but
simply to rob the poor recluse of the distant view of his familiar
scenes. In the lowest floor there is no window to the dungeons—only a
little wicket in the door, opening outwardly, for the gaoler to
communicate with the prisoner if he has a mind. That wicket would be
opened one moment in the morning to let in a little bread and water;
then the wicket would fall to, and for twenty-four hours all would be
darkness inside.
"I do not like to witness horrors, much less to dwell upon them, else I
could tell you of the loopholes we were shown, through which the
sentries could shoot the prisoners in their cells and their beds. I
could repeat the instances of wholesale executions of Swiss and Sicilian
mutineers of which St. Elmo has been the theatre, and of which the world
never knew anything. The caitiffs who were but yesterday in the king's
pay are eager to promulgate abroad the infamy of his doings, and I have
no doubt St. Elmo will soon become the subject of books or pamphlets,
yielding but little in interest to the stories of La Bastille, of which
it will soon share the fate.
"The good people of Naples are bent upon demolishing St. Elmo, and are
only awaiting the dictator's bidding to lay hand to the work. A tough
job they will find it, I am sure. As I was walking yesterday along the
upper battlements the impatient citizens were already busy pulling back
the huge brass guns, each of which was most offensively pointed at some
of the most densely crowded quarters of the town, and turning their
muzzles inward. What a fortress that was, and what a protection to the
city! It was no bad emblem of the whole sea and land might of the
Bourbon—worse than useless against foreign aggression, wholly and
exclusively directed to crush internal commotion."
The condition of Naples on the 12th of September was thus described in a
private letter of that date:
"There is much to be done here, and Garibaldi is doing it well. It is
impossible to take up a journal, or move about in the midst of the vast
crowds which throng the capital, without feeling that a master-spirit is
here. Long before the city has shaken off its slumber, the dictator is
up and driving about. Yesterday he went to visit Nisida, and surprised
the British library, on his return, with a visit at half-past six
o'clock A.M, wishing to purchase some books. During the day he was hard
at work receiving visitors and legislating, and the following are some
of the fruits of his labors:
"All political prisoners are to be liberated immediately. All
custom-house barriers between Sicily and the Neapolitan continent are
abolished. Twelve infant asylums, one for each quarter, are to be
established in the capital at the public expense, and are to be
municipal institutions. Secret ministerial funds are abolished. The
trial by jury in criminal cases is to be established. The order of
Jesuits, with all their dependencies, is abolished in the territory. Two
Sicilies, and their property declared national. All contracts on
property for the benefit of the order are annulled. Considering that
religious fanaticism and aristocratic pride induced the late government
to make distinctions even between the dead, the burial of the dead is
henceforward absolutely forbidden within the walls of a city. The
traffic in grain and flour with Ancona is prohibited.
"All these decrees have a history attached to them, which, if narrated,
would tell of sufferings and persecutions almost incredible. They are
admirable, and in themselves amount to a beneficial revolution; but the
better and the more sweeping the changes that are introduced, the
greater the necessity for some established government.
"His majesty, Francis II. has already formed his ministry, and placed at
the head of it Gen. Cotruffiano; and among his colleagues are Caselli,
Ulloa—not the general—and Canofari, all of the legal profession.
"MM. Maniscalchi, father and son, notorious for having been the most
active agents of the late king's tyranny at Palermo, were arrested on
the 7th, at Caserta, and taken under escort to Naples."
Another letter, written on the same day, gave the following additional
particulars:
"Troops are continually coming in and marching to the frontier. The
Piedmontese admiral, with another steam frigate and the ex-Neapolitan
ships, is in the harbor.
"I hear the sound of cracked trumpets, and, looking out, see the first
ranks of a Garibaldi division coming down the Santa Lucia. I am struck
by the youthful appearance of some, certainly not more than twelve, or
at the furthest fourteen years old—fair, pretty-looking boys, who might
have had a satchel instead of a knapsack on their backs. There were,
however, some glorious-looking fellows, and all, whether men or boys,
seemed to be animated by a spirit little known to the Neapolitan troops.
The latter were a sect to defend a vile political creed, and inflict
chastisement on those who opposed it; but the former are banded together
to assert the sacred rights of liberty. I saw it in their march; there
was an elasticity about it which denoted what was passing within. I
cannot say much for their uniforms; they were very dirty, out of order,
and irregular, and I have no doubt but that so eminent a general officer
as Ferdinand II. would have been much scandalized; but they were
evidently working men, had an object in view, and were not going to
fight for money. I have seen hundreds of them about the town to-day;
they are billeted about in the hotels and lodging-houses, while the
Piedmontese troops are in Castel-Ovo.
"The city is in immense confusion—crowded, picturesque, almost mad.
Foreigners seem to outnumber the Neapolitans, and the red jacket every
other colored cloth. Such a Babel is every public place that I imagine
myself to be living some thousand years back—Englishmen just arrived,
hob-nobbing with Italians, whose only common lingo is that of the
fingers. Many of our countrymen came on Tuesday, and I watched some of
them carrying on a most animated, though purely gesticulatory,
conversation with Frenchmen yesterday morning."
After the peaceful and triumphal entry of Garibaldi into Naples, new
rumors were put into circulation of a pretended disagreement between him
and the King of Sardinia. These were most satisfactorily refuted by the
measures which the victorious general adopted immediately afterward. On
the 14th of July, he proclaimed the government of Victor Emanuel, placed
all the ships of war and commerce, the arsenals and materials of marine,
by decree, at the disposal of Sardinia, and put them into the hands of
Admiral Persaro; the portfolio of the interior was confirmed to Liborio
Romano, the only member of the late ministry who enjoyed the confidence
of the people. The choice of Scialoia, who had already left Genoa to
assume the ministry of finance, was very generally applauded. Two
battalions of genuine Piedmontese Bersaglieri were landed from the
Sardinian men-of-war, and took possession of the Darsena. Telegraphic
orders were sent for two more Piedmontese regiments to garrison the
Neapolitan forts. By taking the Neapolitan marine under its command, and
occupying the strongholds, dockyards and arsenals about this place, the
Sardinian government committed itself more openly to the annexation of
these kingdoms than it ever dared to do in the case of Tuscany or
Romagna last year. And all these measures were taken not only with the
consent but by the express desire of Garibaldi, who certainly exhibited
no apprehension that the king's government would interfere with his vast
undertakings.
The extreme joy with which the news of Garibaldi's entrance into Naples
was received by all classes and parties, from Messina to the Alps, can
be best understood by those who know the detestation with which the
oppression and vindictive cruelty of the late government were
universally regarded. This feeling was greatly increased by the
disappointment of the nation in all those hopes to which the death of
Ferdinand had given birth, and the conviction that his successor was
determined to tread in his father's steps rather than enter sincerely on
any new course. When Francis II. ascended the throne, it was felt that a
young monarch, above all, one educated as he had been, had every claim
to public consideration, and very sincere hopes were for the time
entertained, that he would cease to follow the beaten track of Bourbon
perjury and despotism, and frankly identify himself with the wants and
aspirations of his country. Possessing, through his mother, a
considerable hold on the affections of his subjects, and succeeding a
sovereign who was detested by his people, he had an excellent position,
and by a judicious system of even moderate reforms, might have
conciliated all parties and opposed a successful barrier to the tide of
revolution that was soon to sweep over the landmarks of Italy.
The amnesty was followed by a "circular" which struck at its very root
and replaced thousands under the surveillance of the police. Then came
the infamous and illegal deportation to Capri of men who had never been
put upon their trial, and upon whose liberation England had insisted,
through her minister, in the strongest terms. A system was pursued that
has been characterized as a perpetual violation of all law, and a
practical denial of Christianity.
The general satisfaction felt by the people of Naples after Garibaldi's
arrival amounted to enthusiasm. An Englishman, writing from that city on
the 14th of July, thus described the aspect of the people:
"I do not know Naples now, so changed is its aspect. Faces that I have
not seen for twelve years appear in every street and square. They have
come from foreign exile; from confinement in some frontier town or
village; from some voluntary lurking place, the retirement to which was
their only security from persecution; from the prison and the bagnio;
all have met together again, by hundreds and thousands, in the capital
of what was once the two Sicilies. Revolution is said to turn the dregs
uppermost; yet the appearance and manner of those who now appear on the
scene contradict the common proverb. In their very attitude, there is an
air of self-respect and independence to which I have long been a
stranger. I do not see the assumption or the swagger of the overbearing,
or the timidity of the man who leaves his friend, and walks on before,
because a spy is coming, or whispers and looks over his shoulder for
fear that such a person is listening. No; all this has passed away, and
I meet erect, independent men. My life here has brought me, too, into
frequent intercourse with them; and, accustomed as I have been to the
trivialities and the nullities rendered at first necessary, and
afterward habitual, by despotism, I have been astonished at the new tone
of thought and conversation. The Neapolitans now reason and talk like
men, and there is a degree of self-restraint about them which is in the
highest degree creditable after the sufferings to which they have been
so long exposed. It is clear that the intellect of the country has for
years been out of it, or in seclusion, or in imprisonment. Nor is this
to be wondered at, when ignorance was rewarded and learning discouraged
by those twins of darkness, the sovereign and the clergy, and the only
hopes of the Bourbons and the Vatican depend upon brutalizing the
national mind. Ferdinand II. it was who interrupted a father describing
the acquirements of his son by saying, 'Better he had a stone round his
neck, and be thrown into the sea;' and it was a priest who held a high
public office, who checked a person indulging in a similar style of
speaking by saying that it would be well for the rising generation to be
'little asses and little saints.' These times are, however, passing
away; heaven grant that the light of freedom and intelligence may not
dazzle the as yet unaccustomed vision of the natives.
"We have likenesses of Victor Emanuel and of Garibaldi in every shop
window, and multitudes crowd around them to admire; in short, there is
at present a _furia_ for the _Re Galantuomo_ and the Hero of Sicily."
The prisons of the police were thus described by the same writer:
"I yesterday saw some of them. Several members of the commission
appointed to close them—themselves once prisoners here—accompanied me. A
grated door led down to an ante-chamber, which was lighted only through
these bars. Stone walls, stone floor—stone everywhere, except the
ground, which was covered over with burnt fragments of books, that had
been taken in domiciliary visits and destroyed here. 'Here one
breathes,' said a pardoned prisoner; 'but bring a light,' he said to a
jailer, and we descended from this twilight room into another which
received the reflection of the twilight through a hole in the door. It
was small and of stone—nothing but stone—and on the right I observed a
stone bed three feet high from the ground, with an elevation of stone
called a pillow. A door is opened and leads into another room, where no
twilight, no reflected twilight, nor a ray of light nor a breath of air
can penetrate. 'I was imprisoned here,' said one of my conductors. I
looked at him as if expecting to find that he was turned into a brute
beast, for it was a den for a wild animal, not a chamber for a Christian
man, in a country teeming with Christ's ministers, and where the holy
Apostolic Catholic religion is the only one permitted to be professed.
In some parts a man could not stand upright, so that there he lay in
Stygian darkness, without any change of air, 'and on bare ground,' said
my friend, 'unless he could afford to pay an extortionate price for a
mattress, to a licensed spy and denouncer, who drove a good trade in
human misery.' 'Let us leave this den,' I said, and so we groped back
into the chamber where the reflection of twilight penetrated. 'Take
care,' cried the jailer, as I stumbled over a mountain of old books and
papers. On the opposite side was another _criminale_ about eleven by
five palms, where five or six persons were at times confined. The smell
of the prison was insufferable. Now mark, who were the men confined in
these places not fit for beasts? Not condemned criminals; no! but men
arrested on suspicion and waiting for an order for their committal—men
of rank and education accustomed to the comforts of a home."
The following passages from a letter written at Florence, are very
appropriate in this place:
"The ministry appointed by the Dictator is a liberal but moderate one.
Garibaldi is in earnest in his devotion to the King of Sardinia, and in
his determination to unite Italy under his rule. It is to be hoped that
he will, as soon as may be, commence the work of raising the Neapolitan
people out of some of the absurd superstitions which have always kept
them in ignorance, and made them the serfs of juggling priests. He has
not yet countenanced, by his presence at the operation, the ridiculous
juggle of the liquefaction of the blood of Saint Januarius, which is
held in such high esteem by the Neapolitans, that all the conquerors of
the city have heretofore been obliged to respect it. Saint Januarius,
according to tradition, was exposed to be devoured by lions in the
amphitheatre of Pozzuoli, when the animals, instead of devouring him,
prostrated themselves before him, and immediately became tame. So many
persons were converted to Christianity by this miracle, that the saint
was ordered to be decapitated, which was done at Solfatara, in the year
305, and the body was buried at Pozzuoli, until the time of Constantine,
when it was removed by St. Severus, the Bishop of Naples, and deposited
in the church of St. Gennaro. When this removal was made, the woman who
is said to have collected the blood at the time of the execution, took
it in two small bottles to St. Severus, in whose hands it is said to
have immediately melted. After undergoing several removals, the body of
the saint was brought back to Naples in 1497, and deposited with great
pomp in the cathedral, and the phials containing the blood secured in a
tabernacle kept securely locked with two keys, one of which is kept by
the archbishop and the other by the municipal authorities. Twice a year,
and at other times, on extraordinary occasions, the phials are brought
out, and the clots of dried blood, by some chemical process which has
been secretly preserved among the priesthood and handed down for four
centuries, made to liquefy and run in the phials. Can a people
appreciate and derive much benefit from free institutions so long as
they permit their senses to be cheated by such a palpable swindle as
this?
"But if detestation for young Bomba and his government have been
heightened by his flight, how much more grandly than ever Garibaldi
looms up in the light of a brave, noble, disinterested, patriotic man.
Three months from the day when he left Genoa with a handful of
adventurers, denounced as a filibuster and a pirate by the lovers of
legitimacy and tyranny, he enters Naples with but five of his staff,
knowing that his deeds had made him a home in the hearts of the people
there, who welcome him as their angel of deliverance. Naples lights up
with joy—the free flag of Italy waves from her windows, her long
oppressed citizens shout exultingly, and crown the hero with wreaths of
laurel, and fill his ears with glad cries of 'Long live Garibaldi.' Well
does he deserve them. Five marvellous stages mark the progress of the
hero, Marsala, Palermo, Malazzo, Reggio, and Naples, all passed over in
the short space of three months—and this has been all the time which
Garibaldi required, supported as he was by the national sentiment, to
overthrow a monarchy deemed immovable, which, not four years since,
defied France and England, and which in the face of the naval
preparations of the two greatest powers of the world, had determined to
persevere in its resistance. Such triumphs, such ovations, would have
turned the brain of a weaker or more ambitious man, and Garibaldi has
given the lie to those adherents of tyranny who have charged him with
personal ambition, by immediately, upon taking possession of the capital
of the Two Sicilies, proclaiming the territory and himself under the
reign and rule of Victor Emanuel. In future ages, when the deeds of the
Cæsars and the Alexanders and the Napoleons shall be appreciated as they
deserve, according to their merits, how high above them all will rise
the memory of the two greatest of the world's heroes, of the two men
whose personal ambition was merged and forgotten in the welfare of their
country, of two men worthy to stand ever side by side and hand in
hand—Washington and Garibaldi."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XVII.
"Thou, Æneas' nurse, Caieta, gav'st thy name,
In dying, to our shores, with deathless fame;
Thy name the place shall keep, thy bones shall guard,
In great Hesperia, if that be reward."
_Virgil's Æneid_, _Book_ vii. T. D.
THE GOOD ORDER IN NAPLES—ITS CAUSES—GARIBALDI VISITS
PALERMO—RETURNS—THE KING AND HIS ARMY AT GAETA AND
CAPUA—DESCRIPTION AND HISTORY OF GAETA AND CAPUA—PRESENT
CONDITION OF GAETA.
In what a peculiar, unexpected, and unaccountable condition must the
minds of the citizens of Naples have been before and after the arrival
of Garibaldi! Whoever has visited that city, as thousands of our
countrymen have done, and, while admiring the celebrated climate and
scenery, observed the poverty, ignorance, superstition, and idleness of
the mass of the people, especially the Lazzaroni—seventy thousand of
whom, it has often been asserted, have no home or shelter, or certain
means of subsistence—must have been ready to believe that scenes of
lawless violence might be excited there with great facility, and that
riots might occur if the government were weakened even for a moment. How
strong and general, then, must have been the salutary influences at work
to preserve peace and order in that population of nearly a million,
under the circumstances which have been reviewed! What could possibly
have secured such results but the faithful care of wise and good men?
The patriotic committee must have been successful in their efforts to
enlighten people of all classes, and to instill patriotic sentiments
into the hearts even of the Lazzaroni themselves; and they and the
rulers must have been well acquainted with the effects which had thus
been produced, or they would never have suffered, much less invited,
Garibaldi to enter Naples as he did, with only a few unarmed friends,
and meet with so peaceful and kind a reception.
On the 17th of September, Garibaldi made a flying visit to Palermo, in
the Neapolitan steamer Electrica. His arrival was entirely unexpected;
but, on his way from the landing to the palace, he was recognized by the
crowd, who followed and assembled beneath the palace windows. He made
his appearance on the balcony, and addressed them in these words:
"People of Palermo, with whom I have shared fatigues, perils and glory,
I am once more among you. Your memory is dear to me, and whatever part
of the world I may be in, I will always think of you.
"Those who wished to urge you to a speedy annexation, were putting you
in the wrong path. If I had followed their advice, I should not have
crossed the Straits and restored seven millions of men to Italy.
"They would have prostrated us at the feet of diplomacy, which would
have bound us hand and foot. There would have been brothers beyond the
Vulturnus, with chains on their ankles. People of Palermo, I thank you
in the name of Italy for your resistance. I love Italy and Victor
Emanuel; no one is a greater friend than myself of Victor Emanuel, the
representative of Italy. You despised their counsels, and I thank you
for it, you invincible people of the barricades."
The following proclamation was issued by Garibaldi to the inhabitants of
Palermo:
"The people of Palermo, who showed no fear in face of those who
bombarded their city, have shown themselves recently equally regardless
of fear in face of corrupt men, who want to lead them astray.
"They have spoken to you of annexation, as if any one was more fervent
than myself for the regeneration of Italy; but their object was to serve
personal interests, and you replied like a people who felt its own
dignity, and placed confidence in the sacred and unviolated programme
which I proclaimed—'Italy and Victor Emanuel.'
"At Rome, people of Palermo, we will proclaim the kingdom of Italy, and
there only will be sanctified the great family-bond between free men and
those who are still slaves of the same country.
"At Palermo annexation was demanded, that I might not pass the Straits;
at Naples it is demanded that I may not cross the Volturno. But as long
as there are chains to be broken in Italy, I will follow my course or
bury my bones there.
"I leave you Mordini, as pro-Dictator, and certainly he will show
himself worthy of you and of Italy. I have yet to thank you, as well as
the brave national militia, for the faith you have placed in me and in
the destinies of our country.
"GARIBALDI.
"PALERMO, _Sept. 17, 1860_."
The following proclamation was addressed to the Palermitans a few days
before:
"Near to you, or far from you, brave people of Palermo, I am with you,
and with you for all my life!
"Bonds of affection, community of fatigue, of danger, of glory, bind me
to you with indissoluble ties; moved from the very depths of my soul,
with my conscience as Italian, I know that you will not doubt my words.
I separated myself from you for the common cause, and I left you another
self—Depretis! Depretis is confided by me to the good people of the
capital of Sicily; and, more than my representative, he is the
representative of the holy national idea, 'Italy and Victor Emanuel.'
Depretis will announce to the dear people of Sicily the day of the
annexation of the island to the rest of free Italy. But it is Depretis
who must determine—faithful to my mission and to the interest of
Italy—the fortunate epoch. The miserable beings who talk to you of
annexation to-day, people of Sicily, are the same who a month ago spoke
to you and stirred you up; I ask them, people, if I had condescended to
their individual littlenesses, could I have continued to fight for
Italy—could I have sent you this day my salutation of love from the
beautiful capital of the Southern Italian continent? Well, then, noble
people, to the cowards who hid themselves when you fought in the
barricades of Palermo for the liberties of Italy, you will say, from
your Garibaldi, that the annexation and the kingdom of King Victor
Emanuel we will proclaim quickly; but there, on the heights of the
Quirinal, when Italy shall count her sons in one family, and receive all
as free men in her illustrious bosom, and bless them.
"G. GARIBALDI."
Garibaldi has always been humane and sympathizing, and especially with
his own suffering soldiers. Of this there are proofs in the preceding
pages. Few men ever knew as well as he how to make the unfortunate feel
that they were compassionated. The following is an account of one of his
visits to the hospitals of Palermo, from the letter of one of our own
countrymen, who had offered his services as a surgeon early in the
Sicilian war:
"One of the most moving sights it has been my lot to witness, was
Garibaldi's visit here the other morning. As he entered the different
wards, it seemed as though an electric shock had been communicated to
all the inmates; after the first joyful cry: '_E lui! E Garibaldi! E il
Generale!_" a dead silence prevailed; all eyes were fixed upon him as he
passed from bed to bed, taking the thin, wasted hands in his, or
pressing his own upon many a feverish brow, making each patient feel
that he was his general's favorite son, and that from him he might
expect all that a father's tenderness could give. All his own men were
known to him; he called them by their names, remembered where and how
they were wounded, promoted this one, promised honorable employment to
others disabled for military service, granting permission to others to
go home, and providing them with ample means. When he came to the
Sicilians, he inquired kindly into their wants and condition; ordered
that the pay of one should be doubled, that another should be pensioned,
and so on. But perhaps the most interesting scene of all was his visit
to the Neapolitan ward, where we have eleven wounded prisoners, who have
petitioned to enter our ranks. After being told that they were wounded
at Calata Fimi, he said, 'Then you are brave men, truly! You have been
misled; taught to look on us as enemies. I am fortunate to have you for
my soldiers and for brothers.' Those men, strong and stalwart as they
were, wept like little children, and in Garibaldi's eyes were tears;
none could help weeping, and one felt why it is that he is so loved, so
idolized by all. When the emotion had a little passed, they tried to
kiss his hands; he snatched them away. 'No, no!' he said, 'no more
_Eccellenza_; no more kissing of hands; that is servile. We are
Italians—brothers—we are equals!'"
On Garibaldi's return to Naples, he had soon to turn his attention from
the city toward the strongholds to which the poor king had retired, in
the northwestern extremity of his late kingdom. The only territory now
remaining to him of "the Two Sicilies," was the remarkable promontory of
Gaeta and the adjacent range of mountainous and hilly country, extending
southwesterly a few miles, near the frontier of the Pope's dominions,
and along the courses of the rivers Volturno and Garigliano, to the
heights of Capua. Gaeta and Capua have long been strong fortresses, and
have known, at different periods, the hard fate of war. In Gaeta the
present pope found a refuge, when he fled from Rome in 1848; thence were
sent the calls to his spiritual subjects in all countries, to make
contributions of "Peter's pence," and the demands on "Catholic powers,"
to reinstate the "Gentle Shepherd" in his sheepfold—by force of arms.
That call was answered by four monarchs; one of whom, the savage father
of the now fugitive King of Naples, had his armies, too, routed by the
now victorious Garibaldi; and another, Louis Napoleon, after having his
advance of 8,000 men driven back by the same hero, at the point of the
bayonet, afterward, by false faith and overwhelming numbers, took the
city by fraud and bombshells, and, on one pretext and another, has held
it to the present time. He, however, has recently done so much for
Italy, and seems resolved to do so much more, that her friends gladly
indulge the hope, that he will continue a course quite the opposite of
that which history was compelled to record nearly twelve years ago, and
which posterity will ever be compelled emphatically to condemn.
A description of Gaeta, Capua, and Caserta will be necessary to many
readers, before a connected account is given of the important military
events which took place in that remarkable vicinity in October and
November, 1860.
The traveller who leaves Naples for Rome, soon joins the route taken by
the Apostle Paul from Puteoli. He first crosses the Campagna di Lavoro
(country of labor), formerly called by the Romans, the Campania Felix
(happy country), and now covered with countless fields, pastures,
gardens and forests of vineyards. At the distance of about twenty miles,
he reaches the foot of the bare mountain range above mentioned, where
are seen the ruins of ancient Capua; and after winding among
eminences—among scenes desolate compared with those he has seen—and
crossing the Volturno and the Garigliano, he stops at Castello or Mola
di Gaeta. From the windows or terrace of the post-house he looks out
through a garden of flowers and orange-trees, upon a fine bay, several
miles across, the shores of which, low and curving round on the right,
extend to a high, round mountain opposite, where a city is seen at its
foot, and the zigzag walls and batteries of a mighty fortress on its
sides and summit. That is Gaeta.
When seen and sketched by the writer, not a ship or boat lay on the
noble bay, and there was scarcely a sign of life on the land. Cicero's
tomb (if tradition may be trusted) is one of the large square masses of
brick-work, overgrown with ivy, which stand near the road beyond the
hotel; for on his way to Gaeta was the great Roman orator assassinated,
by command of the treacherous Octavius.
An old Latin itinerary of Italy gives several pages to the history and
description of Gaeta, which was considered an almost impregnable
fortress two centuries ago, being a peninsula connected with the
mainland only by a fortified bridge, and having many forts and
batteries.
We translate the following account of Gaeta with abridgments, from a
celebrated work, "The History of Naples from 1734 to 1835," by General
Pietro Colleta:
The first walls of this city were raised by the Trojans, according to
ancient tradition; and Æneas named it after his nurse, Caieta, who was
buried there. It soon increased and was extended. Alfonzo, of Aragon,
erected a castle; Charles V. inclosed the city with fortified walls, and
succeeding kings added new defensive works. In 1734, it was besieged by
the Spaniards, and was then almost as it is now. It is situated on a
promontory, at the end of a low isthmus of the Tirrenian sea, the
descent to which is very abrupt. The isthmus extends, in a narrow plain,
to the mountains of Castellona and Itri.
On the summit of Gaeta is the very ancient tower of Orlando. The walls
of the fortress follow the declivities of the ground, and present
bastions, curtains and angles defending every point, modern science
being brought into use, as far as the nature of the ground would permit.
On the land side is a second inclosure within the first, with two
fosses, two covered ways, and several parade grounds. The citadel is
called the Castle of Alfonzo.
The Duke of Liria besieged the place with 16,000 Spaniards, well
provided with ships of war, arms, machines and supplies, when it was
defended by 1,000 Germans and 500 Neapolitans of the battalion formed by
the Duke of Montaleone. Trenches were soon opened, and approaches made,
by covered ways, toward the wall, while several cannon and mortar
batteries were raised, to batter the citadel, and reply to the guns of
the fortress. The Duke of Montemar and Charles V. joined the besiegers,
pressed the siege, and, after some delay, the place was surrendered,
after small loss on both sides. Only Capua then remained bearing the
standard of Cæsar; the Count de Traun commanding the Germans, and Count
Marsillac the Spaniards, who had been, as on previous occasions,
friends, enemies, and prisoners to one another, often disappointed by
ill-fortune, but always with benevolent hearts. The preceding facts we
have abridged from the first volume of Colleta's history.
Between the time of the surrender in 1734 and the treaty of Aix la
Chapelle, and during the fears of war in the reign of Ferdinand, the old
walls and bulwarks were restored, and the place surrounded by two walls,
and in front were formed a fosse and two covered ways. The siege was
commenced in February, by about 14,000 men against 7,000, in the form of
a blockade, as the besiegers were destitute of heavy artillery and
besieging apparatus. By the end of May, cannon being obtained, and
batteries having been constructed at Montesecco, the trench was opened,
and branches extended toward the two sides of the isthmus, and formed
the first parallel. But, the soil being bare and composed of hard
calcareous rock, earth was brought from a distance, and fascines and
gabions from the woods of Fondi, twelve miles distant. Much wood,
however, was obtained by destroying the houses in the vicinity, which
had been inhabited by nine thousand sailors and other industrious
people, who had fled from the scene of war. Batteries were raised to
fire upon ships approaching, and Sicilian and English vessels were
several times driven off with loss. The fortress kept up firing day and
night, and 2,000 shots were made in twenty-four hours without doing any
injury or receiving any reply from the besiegers. By the beginning of
July, preparations were made to open breaches in the citadel and the
Bastion della Breccia; and on the 7th, after the long silence on the
part of the besiegers, a tremendous fire was opened with eighty heavy
cannon and mortars, to which the besieged promptly replied. After ten
days of continued firing, the citadel was breached, but the bastion held
out until the 19th. On the morning of the 20th, when the French had
shown themselves ready to assault, the garrison demanded terms and
surrendered. They took an oath not to fight France or her confederates,
and 3,400 were transported to Sicily, some hundreds remained in the
hospital, some escaped, and others deserted to the conquerors. About 900
Bourbonists were killed and wounded, and 1,100 Frenchmen. Among the
former was Prince Phillipstadt, and among the latter, General Vallongue.
In 1798, Gaeta was surrendered to General Rey. While the left wing of
the French army was proceeding slowly through the Abruzzi, the right
wing reached the Garigliano, and summoned the Swiss commander of Gaeta,
Marshal Tschiudi, to surrender. The latter being a Swiss mercenary, who
had risen to rank by marriage and promotion without merit, urged by the
bishop and intimidated by the first missile thrown by the French, gave
up the fortress without conditions. Four thousand men, and a formidable
fortress well prepared for resistance, were thus given up, with 60 brass
cannon, 12 mortars, 20,000 arquebuses, a year's provisions, machines,
ships in the harbor, and innumerable materials for defence. The soldiers
were sent into prison, but the commander secured himself and officers
the shameful distinction of liberty on parole.
General Mack still held out in Capua, and Gen. Macdonald hoped to find
him also a coward or a traitor; but his assault was resisted with vigor,
after the outposts had been driven in, and the attempt was fruitless.
Capua was given up to Gen. Championet by the treaty of Jan. 13, 1799.
The present condition of Gaeta is thus described by recent Turin papers:
"Gaeta is a second Gibraltar. It is armed with seven hundred pieces of
artillery. All the sovereigns, from Charles V. downward, have added to
its defences. Ferdinand II. fortified its most vulnerable points. Our
army will find great difficulties in taking it; but this siege will not
hinder the political and military reorganization of southern Italy, a
task to which the government is devoting its utmost efforts. Gaeta has
provisions for six months, and during the siege, the representatives of
foreign powers will remain on board ships of war belonging to their
nations at anchor in the port.
"The front of attack on the land side does not exceed 700 metres in
extent. It is defended by works cut in the rock, and armed with three
rows of faced batteries, one of which has rifled cannon. These batteries
together mount about 300 guns, and their line of fire converges on the
points from which the attack must necessarily be made. The ditch at the
foot of the escarpment is cut in the rock, and the bottom of the
escarpment itself is completely covered. The other fortified points are
protected by masses of rocks, which render them unapproachable. The
ground in front of the place of attack is so rocky that any approaches
must be most difficult, and occupy a considerable time. Independently of
those defences, Gaeta possesses a certain number of works established on
the heights, among which may be mentioned the Castle, the Tower of St.
Francis, and the Monte Orlando, a strong fort, which commands both the
land side and the sea. As to the port, it is defended by considerable
works, which would cause great damage to vessels of war built of wood.
In the situation in which Gaeta now is, and with the sea side remaining
free in consequence of the non-recognition of the blockade by European
powers, it may, with a garrison of from 6,000 to 7,000 men, with
supplies of all kinds, defend itself for an almost indefinite period.
The struggle will be confined on both sides to a combat of artillery.
The besiegers may establish mortar batteries and bombard the place, but
that means will only occasion the destruction of the churches, public
buildings and private houses, but will not make the defenders of it
surrender, for the batteries and forts are all bomb-proof. The king had
put one wing of his palace into strong defence, and to it retired with
his family."
Francis II. had issued the following order of the day:
"SOLDIERS: When, after two months of generous efforts, perfect
self-devotion, labor and fatigue, we thought we had completed the work
of crushing the revolutionary invasion of our country, there arrived the
regular army of a friendly sovereign, which, by threatening our line of
retreat, has obliged us to abandon our position. Happen what may from
these events, the whole of Europe, in estimating and judging them, will
not be able to do less than admit the valor and fidelity of a handful of
brave men, who, resisting the perfidious seduction, as well as the
strength of two armies, have not only made resistance, but have once
more rendered illustrious the history of the Neapolitan army by the
names of Santa Maria, Cajazzo, Trifisco, Sant' Angelo, etc. These facts
will remain indelibly graven on my heart. To perpetuate the remembrance
of them, a bronze medal will be struck, bearing the legend, 'Campaign of
September and October, 1860,' and these words on the reverse, 'Santa
Maria, Cajazzo, Trifisco, Sant' Angelo,' etc. The medal will be
suspended by a blue and red ribbon. While ornamenting your noble
breasts, it will remind every one of your fidelity and your valor, which
will always be a claim to glory for those who shall bear your name.
"FRANCIS II."
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CHAPTER XVIII.
"Though soft the couch on which oppressors lie,
A harder fate will meet them ere they die."—
_MS._
"Then Fingal eyed his valiant chiefs;
His valiant chiefs replied;
The storm of battle roar'd again,
And Lochlin fled, or died.
"Never did joy o'er fallen foe
Upon my face appear
But I the feeble sav'd—the proud
Found that my rage was fire."
_Ossian versified._ T. D.
THE ROYAL PALACE AND GARDENS OF CASERTA—CHANGE OF
TIMES—THE RIVER VOLTURNO—POSITIONS OF THE KING'S TROOPS
AND GARIBALDI'S—THE BATTLE OF VOLTURNO.
Before we return to scenes of battle, we must stop to survey the
splendid and luxurious retreat of the King of Naples, where Garibaldi
had now established his head-quarters.
The palace and gardens of Caserta, as we saw them in a time of peace, we
may thus briefly describe: An avenue opens before us a mile in length,
at the end of which is seen the palace, presenting a front of white
marble, seven hundred and forty-six feet in length, with a spacious
square in front. From the broad steps the visitor discovers that he has
unconsciously been rising some distance above the level of the Bay of
Naples, now far behind him. But his attention is attracted within the
splendid palace, where a noble portal receives him, with a staircase on
his right, made of the celebrated variegated marbles of the kingdom,
which has had few if any equals.
It would require chapters to describe the almost innumerable apartments,
ante-chambers, waiting halls, reception halls, etc. Within its vast
compass are two theatres, one of which is said to be inferior only to
San Carlo in the capital. The front view of the edifice gives a very
inadequate impression of its real dimensions; as it covers an area five
hundred and sixty-four feet deep, with sides and a back front in the
same style, and two interior ranges crossing at right angles.
The glimpses we catch of the garden, through the spacious halls, or from
the upper windows, invite us to hasten through the palace; and a
charming view bursts upon us as we reach the rear portal. A tract of
land a mile in extent gradually rises to the hills of Capua, covered
with gardens and groves, lawns and avenues, interspersed with winding
paths, cascades and fishponds, glowing with flowers and adorned with
statues, whose beauties are redoubled by the shady foliage, the velvet
grass and the perfumes which fill the air. Directly before the observer
the main avenue of the garden opens the view up the ascent of the
sloping ground, where many terraces rise behind each other in
succession, by broad steps of white marble, on the right and left sides
of the wide avenue, while cascades pour down between them, in the
various forms of broad sheets and broken streams, intermingled with dark
rocks and white statues of animals, sea-gods and nymphs, and alternately
supplying and draining basins, ponds and small lakes, with grassy or
flowery margins, where swans, gazelles and other harmless creatures
sport in peace. On one of the lakes, formed in the adjacent fields and
groves, is an island, accessible in a ferry-boat, with a pavilion, where
refreshments are in waiting for the royal visitors; and on the shore of
another, a mimic fortress, with towers, battlements, moats and
drawbridges for the young princes to practise the art of war. Ah! what a
pity that Caserta should so long have been the only spot in the
dominions of Bomba where peace and happiness could be seen! Had he been
as mindful of the rights of his subjects as of the convenience of his
brute favorites, there would have been no need of the fortifications of
Gaeta, the protests of Europe or the invasion of Garibaldi.
A friend and admirer of that great man, while viewing, years before his
arrival, from the upper end of the grand avenue, this garden and the
adjacent "English garden" (which alone is three miles in circuit), and
seeing the campagna stretching to Naples, with her noble bay beyond,
thirty miles wide, marked by its islands on the west and Vesuvius on the
east, exclaimed: "Oh! this land is worthy of better masters!" The
response to this wish has been recently fulfilled in a most unexpected
manner, by placing the two Sicilies in the power of the Dictator, and
giving him that splendid palace for his head-quarters during the war in
earnest, which he has so successfully waged against the tyrannical
Bourbon, in one of the last of his strongholds.
Late in September was fought the battle of Caserta, which forced the
royal army to retire across the Volturno, to the fortress and batteries
of Capua.
THE BATTLE OF VOLTURNO
Was fought on the 1st of October, 1860, and was the greatest, for the
number of troops engaged, in which Garibaldi ever took part.
Both armies knew that Victor Emanuel was approaching at the head of the
Sardinian army, which passed so victoriously through the papal
territories, and was unopposed in those of Naples; and, while it was the
policy of Garibaldi to wait for his coming before fighting, it was that
of the royalists to gain a victory, if possible, before the arrival of
his powerful reinforcement. The Neapolitan generals had, therefore,
brought together all their available forces, and supplied the losses
caused by sickness and desertion.
The heights of Sant' Angelo and Bosco di San Vito form a long range,
reaching from the northwest of Caserta toward the river Volturno, two
miles northeast of Capua, passing to the left of the plain of Santa
Maria. This range descends precipitously to the rapid and narrow
Volturno, leaving room only for the road toward the Scafa di Carazzo. It
commands the country around and has much brushwood, while there are many
trees on the plain. Garibaldi often examined this ground; and he erected
several batteries to sweep the road on the opposite bank; dug a trench
near the shore to cover riflemen, and brought barges from Naples to
cross with if necessary. There he stationed several corps of troops. The
left flank and communication with Santa Maria were rather exposed. On
the right the position was pretty well guarded by the ground and the
troops.
The positions formed a semicircle of nearly thirty miles along the hills
to Limatola by the river's course, and then curving back. Along the
chord of this arc, nearly ten miles long, lie Santa Maria, Caserta and
Maddaloni.
"October 1st at dawn," writes an officer, "the Neapolitan army of forty
or fifty thousand men, who were strongly fortified in the fortress of
Capua opposite, and its numerous outworks, attacked all parts of this
line at once. But, before that hour, Garibaldi had left Caserta by
railroad for the line. When he arrived, the firing had already begun.
The three places, Capua, Santa Maria, and the Spur of St. Angelo, form
almost an equilateral triangle, which is indicated by the three roads
which connect these places. They run with little curves almost
straight—that from Capua to St. Angelo, close to the river; that from
Capua to Santa Maria, parallel to the railway; and that from Santa Maria
to St. Angelo, at some distance from the hills till close to this latter
place, where it is joined by the road coming from Capua.
"This triangle, which is in most parts thickly wooded with olive, and
other trees, and has only few open spots, the Neapolitans had chosen as
their field of operations on our left, and as the chief attack of the
day. During the night all the troops stationed in the Polygon behind had
passed through the town and had collected in the Campo, a large open
space before the fortress. Here they opened out in two directions—one
column, the left, toward St. Angelo, and the right toward Santa Maria.
"I shall first speak of the left column. Besides the great road from
Capua, alongside the river, there is a by-road, which, leaving the main
road at a little distance from the town, strikes across the country and
goes straight toward the village of St. Angelo, which lies on the
retreating slopes of the heights. This was chosen by the Neapolitans as
the centre of their operations against this point, while they sent one
column by the main road toward the right, and another to the right
across the country to take the village in the other flank.
"The by-road which runs direct from Capua to St. Angelo, intersects the
road from Santa Maria to the river, just where the road turns up to St.
Angelo. In order to guard this position a barricade was constructed a
little beyond this point, and armed with four guns. The country near the
river is so low that every morning the exhalations of the ground cover
it with a thick white mist. Besides this, the torrents which come down
from the hills have artificial beds of 15 to 20 feet in depth, very
steep, and covered with brushwood, which are dry now, and serve as
roads. The Neapolitans, advancing by these, and taking advantage of the
mist, approached quite close to the barricade, and carried it at the
first onset, driving our men across the main road toward St. Angelo.
Having taken this position, they came out and formed in an open field
which lies along the road, in regular order of battle. Their left had
been equally successful, driving ours from the trench near the river,
and forcing them back on the heights of St. Angelo. The column to the
right again had not only passed the road, but had gone up a little hill
commanding St. Angelo.
"It was at this critical moment that Garibaldi arrived. He had taken,
with his staff, carriages at Santa Maria, and was coming on in the main
road toward St. Angelo. The balls and grape were flying about, but the
carriages still proceeded. When they arrived in the neighborhood of St.
Angelo they were in sight of the Neapolitans, who were drawn up there in
line of battle. Fortunately, close to this spot was one of the torrents
dammed, which formed a covered way. In this the carriages turned down,
except the last, which was struck by a cannon ball, and remained on the
road. Through the road Garibaldi advanced, revolver in hand, toward St.
Angelo, and arrived just in time to give new courage to the defenders.
The object was to drive away the column in the rear of the hills to the
left of St. Angelo; this was easily done by throwing some skirmishers on
the heights above those occupied by the intruders. There was,
fortunately, some artillery in front, which was turned to good account,
but as usual, it was the bayonet which decided. The Neapolitans tried to
penetrate by a cavalry attack, but were beaten back, chiefly by the
coolness of the Calabrese, who behaved splendidly. After three or four
hours' fighting, whatever could be got together of available men were
carried forward, and the Neapolitans not only driven back from their
position on the great road, but likewise the barricades retaken. This
was about nine o'clock.
"During this time the fight had been equally hot at Santa Maria. General
Milvitz, who commanded there, was obliged to confine his defence to the
immediate vicinity of the town, holding the main road to Capua and the
space between it and the railway. Some light earthworks which he had
thrown up lately were of good service. But the enemy brought up fresh
and fresh troops, which he kept in reserve in the Campo before Capua.
The shells and shot flew into the houses of Santa Maria, and the
inhabitants left in masses. Dispatch after dispatch was sent to Caserta,
where the reserve was, to ask for reinforcements. But the reinforcements
were likewise claimed on another side. Early in the morning a column had
shown itself toward Castel Morone, but was easily driven back, and did
not renew its attack. More serious was the advance against Maddaloni,
where a column of four thousand or five thousand men attacked Bixio. It
was a hard fight, for there were not more than two thousand to two
thousand five hundred men to oppose on a long line where the hills had
to be kept on both sides. But the struggle was soon decided. By noon the
news came that the enemy had not only been driven back from their
position, but had likewise been followed up to the river. A part of
their forces were cut off, and threw themselves into the mountains
between Caserta and Maddaloni.
"Then there was a little breathing time, at least on our side, and the
whole effort could be directed against Capua. There were but two
brigades remaining in reserve, both weakened by detachments sent in
different directions. The first was sent on by rail; the second went by
the road, and both arrived almost at the same time, about one P.M. And
it was time. The Neapolitan bullets and balls were coming freely into
Santa Maria, while Garibaldi sent orders to let any disposable troops
advance as quickly as possible toward St. Angelo. The defence of Santa
Maria was quite confined to the outskirts of the town, where the
Piedmontese artillerymen were behaving beautifully. The first thing was
to oppose this, and a battalion of Bersaglieri and one of the regiments
of the Brigade Eber, were sent to advance, while the Brigade Milano was
sent by the Porta St. Angelo to take the enemy on the left flank. But
before this occurred, the newly-formed Hungarian Hussars had been sent
out by the Porta Capua to drive back the enemy's cavalry, which ranged
close to the gate. Although not more than sixty horsemen, they charged
and drove back the two squadrons, cutting them down and taking a number
of prisoners.
"The infantry soon followed, and General Turr took the command of that
side. Although mostly fresh troops, with the exception of the _cadres_,
composed of the Cacciatori of the first expedition, they went on like
old soldiers. The enemy, who had evidently all day long the idea of
intimidating our troops with his cavalry, charged: but the Picciotti,
guided by the soldiers of Calata Fimi, formed groups, and not only stood
firing, but bayoneted the horsemen. After this it was almost nothing but
advance with the bayonet, till the Convent of the Capuchins and the
Cemetery, the two chief positions of the Neapolitans, were permanently
taken.
"While this was going on on that side, the rest of the Brigade Eber, the
last reserve, was called by the Dictator toward St. Angelo. Scarcely out
of the gates, it fell in with Garibaldi, who, accompanied only by a few
officers, was waiting for further reinforcements to fall on the flank of
the enemy, who, on withdrawing from St. Angelo, had taken to the woods,
and occupied some houses with his artillery.
"After the first defeat in the morning, the enemy had returned with new
forces to carry St. Angelo. Not only did all his field guns scatter
death in every direction, but likewise three batteries from the opposite
bank, and the mortars from the fortress, began to open a tremendous
fire, under the protection of which the Neapolitans advanced between 10
and 11 A.M. They carried once more the position of the barricade, and
occupied even the first houses leading up toward St. Angelo. Medici and
Col. Spangaro, besides Garibaldi, did everything to steady the wavering
troops, who, seeing themselves so much outnumbered, and attacked by such
formidable artillery, began to think the day lost. For hours the fight
lasted, a continual advance or retreat on both sides, but still the
Neapolitans could not gain much ground. This was, perhaps, the most
strongly contested spot on the whole line, and only in the afternoon the
advantage began to show on our side. The Neapolitans had again to clear
the road, but they still held our barricade and the woods on both sides
of it. With great trouble two skirmishing lines were formed, and sent to
threaten their left and right, and then a hundred men were collected
behind the first house, and these made a rush, at the cry of 'Viva
Garibaldi!' and carried the position about 2 P.M., which was kept, as
well as the guns which were in it.
"Garibaldi returned to Santa Maria and brought on the rest of the
Brigade Eber to complete the success which had been gained. Scarcely
half a mile from Santa Maria, an open space lies on the left of the
road, through which a detached barrack is visible. Here the Neapolitans
had placed some guns, while their infantry lined the woods. As soon as
they saw the column, they opened fire. Garibaldi, not heeding, still
advanced, until he came to the first body. Here he gave orders to the
Hungarian legion and the Swiss company to advance and drive them away.
The two threw themselves into the woods, and, scarcely using their arms,
advanced with the bayonet, driving the Neapolitans before them like
sheep. A cavalry charge of several squadrons followed, and did a good
deal of harm to the little body of brave fellows, but did not hinder
them from following up their success and pushing forward to the very
edge of the Campo before Capua.
"Garibaldi still advanced with the few remaining companies in the
direction of St. Angelo, sending off one after another to continue the
work of the Hungarians. Medici had, in the meantime, also pushed in
advance, and by 4 P.M. the Neapolitans were flying in all directions,
and our men had occupied the edge of the wood at half a mile from Capua,
where they remained all night.
"It was as complete a defeat as ever an army suffered.
"They had on the whole line quite 30,000, to which we could scarcely
oppose 15,000.
"The losses were not so serious as might have been expected. Many
wounded, but few dead.
"The column which was cut off by Bixio showed about Caserta, and next
morning Garibaldi went to give them the finishing stroke.
"We have five guns which were left by the Neapolitans early in the day,
but could only be secured toward evening. Two British sailors
distinguished themselves in removing them."
The king's troops had erected strong defensive works along the right
bank of the Volturno, where they had, besides the formidable fortress of
Capua, on the margin of the water, every favorable point occupied with
forts or batteries. They entirely commanded the river, which is there
only a ditch, with bridges crossing from the castle. From San Clemente
to Cajazzo their bank was covered with well masked batteries, redoubts
and barricades of trees; while the low parts of the shore were full of
impediments and dangerous, concealed obstructions; and the whole was
supplied with numerous chosen troops, well intrenched, excited by the
promise of rewards.
We here translate _Garibaldi's Order of the Day_, after the battle of
Volturno:
"On the 1st of October, a fatal and fratricidal day, when Italians
fought, on the Volturno, against Italians, with all the energy which man
displays against man; the bayonets of my companions in arms found also
on that occasion the victory in their gigantic footsteps. With equal
valor they fought and conquered at Maddaloni, St. Angelo and Santa
Maria. With equal valor the courageous champions of Italian independence
led their brave men to the conflict.
"At Castel Morone, Bronzetti, a worthy rival of his brother, at the head
of a handful of Cacciatori, repeated one of those deeds which history
will surely place by the side of the combats of Leonidas and the Fabii.
Few, but splendid with the crown of valor, the Hungarians, French and
English, who attended the southern army, worthily sustained the martial
fame of their countrymen. Favored by fortune, I have had the honor, in
the two worlds, of fighting against the first soldiers; and I have
become convinced that _the plant Man grows in Italy not inferior to any
country_; I have been made to believe that these same soldiers whom we
have fought in southern Italy would not be placed behind the most
warlike, when assembled under the glorious standard of emancipation.
"At dawn on that day, I arrived at Santa Maria from Caserta, by the
railroad. While entering the coach for St. Angelo, Gen. Milwitz said to
me: 'The enemy have attacked my outposts of San Tamaro.' Suddenly,
beyond Santa Maria, toward St. Angelo, was heard a lively fusilade; and
near the posts of the left of the said position, they were powerfully
engaged with the enemy. A coachman and a horse of the coaches in my
train were killed. I might, however, pass freely, thanks to the bravery
of the Simonetta brigade, Division Medici, which occupied that point,
and courageously repulsed the enemy. I thus reached the crossing of the
Capua and Santa Maria roads, the centre of the position of St. Angelo,
and there were the Generals Medici and Avezzana, who, with their
accustomed courage and coolness, made their arrangements to repel the
enemy, breaking in upon their whole line. I said to Medici, 'I am going
alone to observe the field of battle. Defend the position at any cost.'
I had hardly proceeded toward the heights behind, when I found the enemy
were masters of them. Without loss of time, I collected all the soldiers
at hand, and placing myself on the left of the ascending enemy, I
endeavored to prevent them. I sent, at the same time, a company of
Genoese Bersaglieri toward Mount St. Nicolas, to prevent the enemy from
gaining possession of it. That company and two of the Sacchi brigade,
which I had demanded, and which made their appearance opportunely on the
heights, arrested the enemy.
"Then moving myself toward the right, on their line of retreat, the
enemy began to descend and fly. Not until some time afterward, I learned
that a corps of the enemy's Cacciatori, before their attack in front,
had got to our rear by a covered way, without being known. In the mean
time, the battle was warm on the plain of St. Angelo, now favorable to
us, and then compelling us to retire before so numerous and tenacious an
enemy. For several days unequivocal signs had announced to me an attack;
and therefore I was not left to be deceived by the different
demonstrations of the enemy against our right and left; and this was of
much importance, because the royalists had collected all their
disposable forces against us on the first of October, and attacked us
simultaneously in all our positions.
"At Maddaloni, after varying fortune, the enemy had been repulsed. At
St. Maria equally; and at both points they had left prisoners and
cannon. The same happened at St. Angelo, after a fight of more than six
hours; but, our forces at that point being very inferior to those of the
enemy, he had remained, with a strong column, master of the
communications between St. Angelo and St. Maria. I was, therefore,
obliged, in order to get to the reserve which I had asked of General
Sistori from Caserta, to pass to the east of the road leading from St.
Angelo to the latter point. I reached St. Maria near 2 P.M., and there
found our troops commanded by the brave general Milwitz, who had bravely
repulsed the enemy at all points. The reserves sent for from Caserta
reached us at that moment; and I placed them in column of attack on the
St. Angelo road; the Milan brigade, at the head, followed by the brigade
Eber; and I ordered in reserve part of the brigade Assanti. I then
pressed to the attack the brave Calabrians of Pace, who were in a wood
on my right, and fought splendidly. The head of the column had hardly
issued from the wood, about 8 P.M., when it was discovered by the enemy,
who began to fire grape. This caused a little confusion among the young
Milanese Bersaglieri, who marched in front; but those brave soldiers, at
the sound of charge from the trumpets, rushed upon the enemy, who had
begun to retire toward Capua. The lines of the Milanese Bersaglieri were
soon followed by a battalion of the same brigade, which fearlessly
charged the enemy without firing a shot.
"The road from St. Maria to St. Angelo forms, in the direction of St.
Maria to Capua, an angle of about forty degrees; so that, while the
column was proceeding along the road, it must always be on the left, and
alternate forward. When, therefore, the Milanese brigade and the
Calabrians were engaged, I sent forward the brigade Eber against the
enemy on the right of the former. It was fine to see the veterans of
Hungary march under fire with the tranquillity of a parade-ground, and
in the same order. Their fearless intrepidity contributed not a little
to the retreat of the enemy. With the movements in the front of my
column and on the right, I soon found myself joining with the column of
Medici, which had bravely sustained an unequal contest through the whole
day. The courageous Genoese carabiniers, who formed the left of the
division Medici, did not wait for any command to charge the enemy again.
They, as always, performed prodigies of valor. The enemy, after fighting
obstinately all day, toward 5 P.M., reëntered Capua in disorder,
protected by the cannon of the place.
"At evening I had noticed in St. Angelo, that a column of the enemy of
4,000 or 5,000 men was in Old Caserta. I ordered the Genoese carabiniers
to be ready at two in the morning of October 2d, with 350 men of the
corps of Spangaro, and 60 mountaineers of Vesuvius. I marched at that
hour on Caserta by the mountain road and St. Lencio. Before reaching
Caserta, the brave Colonel Missori, whom I had directed to discover the
enemy, with some of his brave guides, informed me that the royalists
were on the heights between Old Caserta and Caserta, which I was soon
able to verify. I went to Caserta to concert with General Sistori, and
not believing the enemy bold enough to attack that city, I combined with
him to collect all the forces at hand, and march against the enemy's
right flank, and attack him by the heights of the park of Caserta, thus
placing him between us and the division Bixio, which I had ordered to
attack him on that side.
"The enemy still held the heights; but discovering only a small force in
Caserta, had projected its capture, ignorant, no doubt, of the result of
the battle of the previous day, and, therefore, pushed half his force
upon that city. While I was thus marching under cover, on the right
flank of the enemy, he attacked Caserta in front, and would, perhaps,
have gained it, if General Sistori, with his accustomed bravery, and a
band of valorous men, had not repulsed him. With the Calabrians of
General Stocco and four companies of the northern army, I proceeded
against the enemy, who was charged—resisted but little, and was driven
almost at a run to Old Caserta. There a small number of the enemy
sustained themselves for a moment, firing from windows, but they were
soon surrounded and made prisoners. Those who fled in advance fell into
the hands of the soldiers of Bixio, who, after fighting bravely on the
first at Maddaloni, arrived on the field of battle like lightning. Those
who remained behind capitulated with Sacchi, whom I had ordered to
follow the movement of my column; so that, of all the enemy's corps, few
were able to escape. This corps, it appears, was the same which had
attacked Bronzetti at Castel Morono—and that his heroic defence, with
his handful of brave soldiers, had restrained them the greater part of
the day, thus preventing them from getting into the rear all that day.
The corps of Sacchi also contributed to detain that column beyond the
Park of Caserta on the first day by repulsing it bravely.
"G. GARIBALDI.
"CASERTA, _October_, 1860."
GARIBALDI'S PERSONAL HEROISM.
A correspondent of the Paris "Journal des Débats" says:
"The most brilliant episode of the action of the 1st of October was the
recapture of the battery at the foot of Mont St. Angelo. When I left
Santa Maria, I knew that this battery had been very much disabled in the
morning. Garibaldi arrived at nine o'clock, when the enemy was
thundering at it with all his strength, because it took him in flank,
and was causing him severe loss. The triple battery courageously
resisted the attack, and never slackened fire, when all at once the one
situated at the foot of the hill became silent. The royalists, to the
number of 2,500, got round the hill, and rushing upon the guns, spiked
five of them, and killed several of the men at their pieces. Garibaldi,
on the San Tannaro side, soon observed the silence of his favorite
battery, and an aid-de-camp from General Milwitz soon informed him of
the disaster, which would probably have lost him the battle. Garibaldi
at once started off, crossed Santa Maria, followed by Medici and his
staff, and collecting what men he could, cried out in a voice which
caused all to shudder, 'We are going to die, but the Italians must win
the day: at all other points we have conquered.' Followed by one hundred
men, at a rapid pace, Garibaldi leading the way in a small, disabled
carriage, went right forward. But just as they got near the Casino of
St. Angelo, some Neapolitan Chasseurs, who were lying on the ground,
rose and fell upon them. The coachman drove his horses into a ditch and
formed a barricade of the carriage. Garibaldi jumped up, indignant, and
went up to the Chasseurs, shouting, 'Viva Italia!' Some of his men
coming up at the same time, the enemy became demoralized and took to
flight. Garibaldi was slightly wounded in the stomach, and his trousers
were riddled by two or three bullets. 'If I only had another pair,' he
said, and without further remark he continued his march toward a
battalion of one hundred and fifty Hungarians, commanded by General
Mogyorady. He pointed to the Neapolitans who were in possession of the
battery, and cried out to them, 'Forward, my lads, disperse that rabble
for me!' This 'rabble' consisted of a regiment of the line, a squadron
of Cavalry, a company of Chasseurs, and a company of Artillery. The
Hungarians, without waiting to count the numbers of the adversary,
rushed forward and charged with the bayonet. After a contest of twenty
minutes, the battery was retaken, and once more it poured its storm of
grape on the Neapolitan troops, who fled in confusion across the fields.
The Hungarians, in this encounter, had thirty men put _hors de combat_,
the Neapolitans about two hundred. Garibaldi did not wait to dress his
wound, but hurried elsewhere. The day, however, was now won."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XIX.
"This Pius the Ninth for us, Romans, has made
Short joy and long grief by his treacherous trade.
Beguil'd and oppress'd, we have lost ev'ry hope:
Then unpope him, unpope him, unpope the false pope."
_G. Rossetti._
"Priests of Italy! we can conquer without you, but do
not wish to. Are you not our brothers?"—_Manzini._
"Have the Roman people submitted quietly to the Popes'
temporal power? History records more than one hundred
and sixty rebellions against it in ten centuries."—_An
Italian writer._
"Curia Romana non petit ovem sine lana."—_Modern Roman
proverb._
THE POPE URGED BY FRANCE AND SARDINIA TO DISMISS HIS
FOREIGN TROOPS—INCONSISTENCIES OF LOUIS NAPOLEON —MARKED
CHANGES OF TIMES, DOCTRINES, AND MEASURES —VICTOR
EMANUEL'S DEMANDS PRESSED ON THE POPE —CONSPIRACIES AND
INSURRECTIONS IN THE POPE'S REMAINING DOMINIONS—THE
ULTIMATUM REFUSED—GENERAL CIALDINI MARCHES—BATTLE OF
CASTELFIDARO—CAPTURE OF SPOLETO, ANCONA, PERUGIA, AND
OTHER PLACES—VICTOR ENTERS THE KINGDOM OF NAPLES.
We must now leave Garibaldi for a time, and devote a chapter to the
affairs of the Pope and Sardinia.
The Emperor of the French and Victor Emanuel had long since advised and
urged the Pope to dismiss his foreign troops, with which he garrisoned
his fortresses, and not only kept the people in awe, but oppressed them
intolerably; but he, under the influence of his prime minister,
Antonelli, stubbornly refused, as well as persisted in denying every
proposition for the removal of abuses. Adhering to the old and impious
claim of divine right, as the vicegerent of God on earth, and hoping, no
doubt, that Austria would be able to come to his aid with her armies,
when every intelligent eye saw that Austria was hardly able to stand
alone, the pope had excommunicated Victor Emanuel, and even Louis
Napoleon in fact, though without naming him, at a time when the latter
was still upholding with his army the papal power in Rome, which he had
restored by besieging that city in 1849. There was an abundance of
inconsistencies and self-contradictions on all sides; and it would have
been difficult to point out any way in which either of the three
sovereigns could consistently move, speak or even stand still. But good
men rejoice when good is done, and sometimes the more when it is
effected in an unexpected quarter. In 1849 the Roman republic was
overthrown by French cannon, though created by the free suffrage of the
Pope's subjects; and, in 1860, most of the Pope's territory and
fortresses were to be captured in siege and battle, in order to drive
out foreign troops, whose presence was "an insult to Italy," and to
allow the inhabitants freedom to vote for annexation to Piedmont.
England had often protested to the kings of Naples against their
inhumanity toward their subjects; and thus she was prepared to approve,
as she has done, of the invasions of her territory by Garibaldi and
Victor Emanuel.
We can find here but little space to notice the events which followed
the Pope's final refusal to accede to the demands made upon him. How
unreasonable soever they appeared to him, or however inconsistent they
may have seemed to the world, especially the appeal to free, universal
suffrage, which would be hardly submitted to in any other country in
Europe, no alternative was left.
After the iniquitous overthrow of the republic by Louis, the occupation
of Rome by his army in fact conciliated the entire papal priesthood of
the world, and the population which has remained under their spiritual
influence; and it has prevented Austria not only from taking that place,
but of every excuse and possibility of aspiring to obtain it. While the
Pope has been surrounded by French troops, he has appeared to be under
safe guardianship, even although during the few months which have passed
since the fulmination of the Bull of Excommunication against Victor
Emanuel, Louis Napoleon himself has also been, by plain innuendo, laid
_under the ban_ by the same instrument, and has been transformed from
"the eldest son of the church—the beloved in Christ," as the Pope used
to denominate him, to an enemy, delivered over to Satan, and
anathematized, in every part and member of his soul and body, from the
crown of his head to his accursed feet.
But now things have changed wonderfully, and we have indications that
the French emperor is about to change his position accordingly. If
events take such a course as we may anticipate, the Pope's temporal
power will soon be entirely gone, and his respectability in the eyes of
the world will be only such and so much as can be bought with two
millions of dollars a year, and by a train of cardinals, with ten
thousand dollars apiece. This is the plan now proposed for the future
position of Pius IX., which Victor Emanuel seems likely to carry into
operation, with the approbation of Louis Napoleon. There is now no
longer any danger from Austria, weak as she is by bankruptcy, the loss
of most of her Italian possessions, threatened with the invasion of the
remainder by Garibaldi on "the ides of March," and with Hungary ready to
rise at the first signal. The Italians can now take charge of the Pope
and of Rome, without fear of Austria or assistance from France; and,
either before any more fighting in Lombardy and Venetia, or, if need be,
after it, the kingdom of all Italy is likely to be proclaimed, according
to Garibaldi's announcement, from the Quirinal, one of the seven hills
of Rome.
When this shall have been done, the anticipations of the Italian
patriots will be realized, who have long regarded the loss of the Pope's
temporal kingdom as surely involving the destruction of his spiritual;
and many of them were early advocates of the doctrine preached by
Gioberti twenty years ago, although he was a devotee of popery and they
were its radical enemies, because they had sagacity to foresee the
necessity of this act, which was beyond his perception. They knew full
well, what millions of the unwilling subjects of the papacy have known
for centuries, that nothing but severe and cruel oppression could ever
keep the human mind submissive to such a system of tyranny, spiritual
and physical, and that, whenever force and fear were removed,
individuals, communities and nations would throw off the galling and
degrading yoke. This the world has seen proved within the past few
months, in ways and modes, in a degree and to an extent, which only
those who were acquainted with popery, with human nature and with Italy
would have expected. As soon as freedom of speech and action was granted
to the people of Lombardy, the Duchies, Tuscany and Emilia, and a free,
universal suffrage was proclaimed, the inhabitants rose in a mass in
city, villages and country, and proceeded, with banners, music and
acclamations, to the election urns, and voted unanimously for immediate
annexation to the constitutional kingdom of Victor Emanuel. And this
expression of the universal and enthusiastic popular will was greatly
enhanced by the circumstance that the king had just before been
excommunicated by a Bull of the Pope, which consigned him to outlawry,
persecution, torture and death in this world, and to eternal misery in
hell; and yet many Italian archbishops, bishops and priests, of all
degrees, have openly approved the rejection of allegiance to the papacy,
and urged and even led their people to the polls, themselves, in many
instances, putting in the first votes.
But not only have the hopes of good Italian patriots been gratified: the
prophecies of God himself have been fulfilled, by the recent astonishing
course of events in Italy. So striking is the resemblance between those
changes and the scenes recorded in the Bible, that the mind is filled
with solemn awe and grateful adoration while contemplating them in
comparison. "The souls under the altar" introduced to the reader of the
book of Revelation, with their purity, faithfulness, patience, but
earnest inquiry: "How long, O Lord, holy and true, dost thou not avenge
our blood?" how much do they resemble the victims of the Inquisition,
whose horrible secrets were disclosed by the opening of that infernal
edifice in Rome by the republican government in 1849! And how much does
the present period resemble that described in chap. xviii. ver. 13 of
that book, where the destruction of Babylon the Great is described, and
one of whose chief articles of traffic were not "the persons of men," as
in Tyrus (Ezekiel xxvii.), but their "souls!"
And how Garibaldi appears like the agent by whom that destruction is to
be accomplished, when we hear him repeat his open and tremendous
denunciations against the papacy, now, recently, standing in Naples,
almost in the same words which he wrote in New York in 1850, for this
volume, and recorded on page 233.
Before the war with Italy the States of the Church were divided into
four legations, not counting the district of Rome. The first comprised
the provinces of Bologna, Ferrara, Forli and Ravenna, and was called
Romagna. This is the portion which had been already annexed to Piedmont.
The second, which separates the Romagna from the Neapolitan states, is
composed of the provinces of Urbino, Pesaro, Macerata, Loreto, Ancona,
Fermo, Ascoli and Camerino. It is this portion of the Roman territory
which is commonly known under the name of the Marches, and is bounded on
the north by Romagna, on the east by the Adriatic, on the south by the
Neapolitan territory, and on the west by the provinces of Spoleto and
Perugia. The third legation was composed of the provinces of Spoleto,
Perugia and Rieti. The first two corresponded to what is generally known
under the name of Umbria. The fourth legation comprised Velletri,
Frosinone and Benevento, the last province being surrounded by
Neapolitan territory. The district of Rome was placed under a special
_régime_, and consisted of that city, of Viterbo, Orvieto and Civita
Vecchia.
The course of policy recently adopted by Sardinia had now been made
known by what was deemed a semi-official announcement by a Turin
gazette, under the direction of Cavour. It was this: that the cabinet of
Turin, in placing itself in the position of the representative of
Italian nationality, had a right to reproach Austria for not having
given to Venetia, either a separate government or an Italian army. This
violation of the treaty of Villafranca had very naturally disquieted the
Sardinian government, which, however, had no intention of provoking an
imprudent war. On the contrary, it desired to prevent this, and demanded
to this end, the dismissal of the foreign hordes which had been united
by General Lamoricière. "It cannot be permitted," says the paper in
question, "that Italy should be made the camping ground of twenty-five
thousand foreign mercenaries, who entertain toward the Italians feelings
of hatred and aversion." The Sardinian government cannot look on with
indifference at the renewal of the massacres of Perugia. It owes
protection to the populations of Umbria and the Marches, who are
subjected to a military dictation which they hate, and it is better for
the government to take the responsibility of energetic measures, which
will be too late if it waits for the attack. Such was the substance of
the article written while the people of Umbria and the Marches were in a
state of insurrection. For, before that time, the following accounts had
been received from different parts of the Pope's dominions. At Fano,
Sinigaglia and Ancona, the government of Pius IX. were in serious
danger. The last-named town in particular, which had revolted, and had
been brought back to obedience rather by stratagem than by force, was
said to be the centre of agitation and the hotbed of revolutionary
incendiarism. A correspondence had just been discovered which
compromised a great number of persons. Many had been arrested. It was
connected with a conspiracy, the ramifications of which were said to be
so widespread, and included men so high placed in society, that the
authorities admitted that they were incapable of guarding against the
storm without the assistance of an armed force. Advocates, officials,
private individuals, and even a certain number of Roman officers, were
compromised in the affair, but no general arrest could be attempted for
fear of leading to a most dangerous collision. The mass of the people
only waited as a signal the arrest of some eminent personages to rise in
insurrection, and the police were well aware that a large depot of arms
existed, but they were ignorant of the spot. Such was the situation of
Ancona, which, it would appear, regulated the movements of the towns on
the coast of the Adriatic, such as Sinigaglia, Fano and Pesaro, and of
those in the interior, as Osimo, Loretto and Recanati, and as far as
Macerata. In this state of things the Roman government had just ordered
troops to proceed by forced marches on Ancona from Pesaro, Perugia and
Rome.
At length Count Cavour gave notice to the Pope, in the following letter
to Cardinal Antonelli, that he must immediately decide on what course to
pursue.
"TURIN, _Sept. 7_.
"EMINENCE: The government of his majesty, the King of Sardinia, could
not without serious regret see the formation and existence of the bodies
of foreign mercenary troops in the pay of the Pontifical government. The
organization of such corps not consisting, as in all civilized
governments, of citizens of the country, but of men of all languages,
nations and religions, deeply offends the public conscience of Italy and
Europe. The want of discipline inherent to such troops, the
inconsiderate conduct of their chiefs, the irritating menaces with which
they pompously fill their proclamations, excite and maintain a highly
dangerous ferment. The painful recollection of the massacre and pillage
of Perugia is still alive among the inhabitants of the Marches and
Umbria. This state of things, dangerous in itself, becomes still more so
after the facts which have taken place in Sicily and in the kingdom of
Naples. The presence of foreign troops, which insults the national
feeling, and prevents the manifestation of the wishes of the people,
will infallibly cause the extension of the movement to the neighboring
provinces. The intimate connection between the inhabitants of the
Marches and Umbria and those of the provinces annexed to the states of
the king, and reasons of order and security in his own territory, lay
his majesty's government under the necessity of applying, as far as in
its power, an immediate remedy to such evils. King Victor Emanuel's
conscience does not permit him to remain a passive spectator of the
bloody repression with which the arms of the foreign mercenaries would
extinguish every manifestation of national feeling in Italian blood. No
government has the right of abandoning to the will and pleasure of a
horde of soldiers of fortune, the property, the honor and lives of the
inhabitants of a civilized country.
"For these reasons, after having applied to his majesty, the king, my
august sovereign, for his orders, I have the honor of signifying to your
eminence that the king's troops are charged to prevent, in the name of
the rights of humanity, the Pontifical mercenary corps from repressing
by violence the expression of the sentiments of the people of the
Marches and Umbria. I have, moreover, the honor to invite your
excellency, for the reasons above explained, to give immediate orders
for the disbanding and dissolving of those corps, the existence of which
is a menace to the peace of Italy.
"Trusting that your eminence will immediately communicate to me the
measures taken by the government of his holiness in the matter, I have
the honor of renewing to your eminence the expression of my high
consideration.
"CAVOUR."
The following is the reply of Cardinal Antonelli:
"ROME, _Sept. 11_.
"EXCELLENCY: Without taking into account the manner in
which your Excellency has thought proper to have your
letter of the 7th inst. conveyed to me, I have directed
my whole attention calmly upon the subject you lay
before me in the name of your sovereign, and I cannot
conceal from you that it has cost me an extraordinary
effort to do so. The new principles of public law
which you lay down in your letter, would be, indeed,
sufficient to dispense me from giving any answer at all,
they being so contrary to those which have constantly
been acknowledged by all governments and nations.
Nevertheless, feeling deeply the inculpations cast upon
the government of his holiness, I cannot refrain from at
once noticing the blame, as odious as it is unfounded
and unjust, pronounced against the troops belonging to
the Pontifical government, and I must add, that I find
the pretension of denying the right belonging to the
Pontifical government as well as to any other, of having
foreign troops in its service, utterly unjustifiable. In
fact, many governments of Europe have foreign troops in
their pay. On that subject it may be expedient to
observe that, owing to the character with which the
Sovereign Pontiff is invested as the common father of
all believers, he ought to be less subject to criticism
than any other for receiving in the ranks of his troops
all who come and offer themselves from the various parts
of the Catholic world, for the defence of the Holy See,
and of the States of the Church.
"Nothing is more false or insulting than to attribute to
the Pontifical troops the disorders which have taken
place in the states of the Holy See. There is no
necessity for asking, for history has already
enregistered whence came the troops who have violently
constrained the will of the people, and the artifices
which have been made use of for throwing into
perturbation the greater part of Italy, and ruining all
that was most inviolable and most sacred, both in right
and in justice.
"As to the consequences which it has been sought to make
weigh on the legitimate action of the troops of the Holy
See, to put down the rebellion of Perugia, it would
truly be more logical to throw that responsibility on
those who, from abroad, have excited the revolt; and you
know perfectly well, M. le Comte, where that outbreak
was concerted, whence were derived money, arms and means
of all kinds, and whence instructions and orders were
sent to the insurgents.
"There is, consequently, reason for representing as
calumnious all that has been said by a party hostile to
the government of the Holy See, as to the conduct of its
troops, and for declaring that the imputations cast on
their chiefs by the authors of proclamations of a nature
to excite dangerous ferments, are not less. Your
excellency concludes your painful dispatch by inviting
me, in the name of your sovereign, to immediately order
the disarming and disbanding of the said troops. This
invitation was accompanied by a sort of menace on the
part of Piedmont in case of refusal, to prevent the
action of said troops by means of the royal troops.
"This involves a _quasi_ injunction which I willingly
abstain from qualifying. The Holy See could only repel
it with indignation, strong in its legitimate rights,
and appealing to the law of nations, under the ægis of
which Europe has hitherto lived, whatever violence the
Holy See may be exposed to suffer, without having
provoked it, and against which it is my duty now to
protest energetically in the name of his holiness. With
sentiments of consideration, I am, etc.,
"G. CARDINAL ANTONELLI."
The occupation of the Roman States by the King of Sardinia was one of
the most important and unexpected steps in the war, which soon followed
the preceding announcement. The above note was sent by Count Cavour to
Cardinal Antonelli, minister of the Pope, in compliance with the urgent
demand of the people of Umbria and the Marches, in which the Sardinian
government had demanded the immediate dismissal of the papal
mercenaries, affirming that the presence of upward of 20,000 foreign
troops in the centre of Italy was incompatible with the treaty of
Villafranca. The note threatened that unless this demand should be
agreed to in 24 hours, the Sardinian army would enter those territories.
No reply was received within that time, and then Victor Emanuel issued
the following proclamation:
"SOLDIERS: You enter the Marches and Umbria to restore civil order in
their desolated cities, and to afford the people the opportunity of
expressing their wishes. You have not to combat powerful armies, but to
free unhappy Italian provinces from foreign bands of mercenaries. You go
not to avenge the injuries done to me and to Italy, but to prevent the
bursting forth of popular hatred and vengeance against misrule. You will
teach, by your example, forgiveness of injuries, and Christian tolerance
to him who in his folly has compared to Islamism our love for our
country, Italy.
"At peace with all the great powers, and without any idea of
provocation, I intend to remove from the centre of Italy a perpetual
source of disturbance and discord. I desire to spare the seat of the
head of the church, to whom I am ready, in accord with allied and
friendly powers, to give all those guarantees for independence and
security which his blind counsellors have vainly imagined they could
obtain from the fanaticism of that mischievous party that conspires
against my authority and the liberty of the nation.
"Soldiers; They accuse me of ambition! Yes! one ambition is mine—that of
restoring to Italy the principles of moral order and of preserving
Europe from the continual peril of revolution and of war.
"VICTOR EMANUEL."
Before the middle of September, General Cialdini had taken the town of
Pesaro, and captured twelve hundred of the German troops, being a
portion of those bands of foreign soldiers, against the keeping of which
France and Piedmont had so long protested, and the retaining of which
was the chief ground of the war. Orvieto was also taken. Fossombrone had
risen in insurrection, as Pesaro had done before Cialdini's arrival; but
Fossombrone, being unsupported, had been reduced to obedience, by such
savage punishment as had been suffered by Perugia.
The "London Times" remarked, on receiving this news, and in reviewing
the manifesto of Victor Emanuel:
"We freely admit that nothing but the extremity of the evil could
justify the step which Sardinia has taken, but we think that step is
justified. The evil would not cure itself. For all these reasons, we
think the King of Sardinia is entitled to the sympathy of Englishmen in
the war in which he has engaged. We wish him cordially success, and that
his success may be rapid as well as decisive."
The war, in fact, was begun by the rulers and their hired butchers
against the people, before the Sardinian troops crossed the frontier.
The presence of those troops was also an insult to Italy, as their
express object was to oppose the movement in the free territories. The
same writer added the following remarks:
"Then there is the intolerable oppression of the Pope's government. The
best proof of that oppression is the fact that the Pope dares not trust
his own subjects with arms, but places himself, like Dionysius of
Syracuse, in the hands of foreign mercenaries. The spectacle of a people
kept down by such means is an outrage on the civilization of the age,
and a danger and menace for all the rest of Italy. Till some government
be established in the centre of Italy, which can be maintained without
ten thousand French troops to garrison the capital, and five and twenty
thousand foreign mercenaries to sack insurgent towns, it is in vain to
hope for peace."
General Cialdini approached Ancona, and a naval squadron was to
coöperate. The battle of Castelfidaro was fought on the 18th of
September, when Lieut. General Cialdini was furiously attacked by
General Lamoricière, with eleven thousand men and one hundred and forty
cannon. Four thousand other papal troops made a sortie from Ancona, to
support the latter. The contest was short but bloody. Many of the
wounded papists used their daggers against the Piedmontese, who went to
assist them. The results, said Cialdini's report, were as follows:
"The junction of Lamoricière's forces with Ancona has been prevented; we
have taken six hundred prisoners, among whom are more than thirty
officers, some of them of high rank; we have taken six guns, among
others those given by Charles Albert to the Pope in 1848, one standard,
and numerous ammunition wagons, etc. All the wounded, including General
Pimodan, who led the attacking column, are in our hands, and a great
number of killed."
General Cialdini conceded the honors of war to this corps, and officers
and men were allowed to return to their homes.
General Lamoricière, accompanied by a few horsemen, fled from the field
of battle on the 18th, and, following the road by the sea through the
defiles of Conero, succeeded in reaching Ancona. All the prisoners and
troops were indignant at his conduct. Nothing remained of Lamoricière's
army except the troops shut up in Ancona; all the rest were in the hands
of the royal troops, with the exception of two thousand men dispersed in
the mountains. The Sardinian government offered to the English
government to set all the Irish prisoners at liberty. The latter sent a
courteous reply, leaving it entirely to the Sardinian government to take
such resolutions as it might deem most suitable. The Sardinian
government ordered the release of all Frenchmen taken prisoners from
Lamoricière.
"The mercenary army of General Lamoricière (as the "London Times"
remarked) was the last hope of the Pope. Lamoricière, whom the last
accounts had described as seeking a junction with the Royalist
Neapolitan troops, and threatening a southward movement upon the
Garibaldians, had appeared suddenly before Ancona. Cialdini accepted the
offered battle, and the event has been that the African general was
totally and entirely routed. Those bands, from whom so much was
expected, seem to be of no avail whatever against the Sardinian
soldiers. This fire-eating and pious soldado, who had fulminated such
dreadful threats, and who was known to have done such strong deeds among
the Arabs, has really done nothing in Italy which might not have been
done by one of the College of Cardinals. With eleven thousand men, and
the vigorous aid of the garrison of Ancona, he has simply marched up to
a signal defeat."
Ancona was soon after besieged, blockaded, bombarded, and captured. The
Sardinian navy and army displayed great skill as well as discipline and
courage in this operation. The particulars of this must be omitted, as
well as most others connected with the march of Victor Emanuel on his
triumphant course toward Naples.
The city of Spoleto was besieged and soon taken. The besieged had three
guns, two on a platform above, overlooking the town, and one below,
placed in an embrasure on the left of the outer gate of the _enceinte_,
so as to command the road leading up to it. They were iron guns of no
great range, but still serviceable. The smallest of the three, in the
embrasure by the gate, was the only one that did any execution.
The Piedmontese arrived at Spoleto in the morning. They were between two
thousand and three thousand strong, and had one battery of field
artillery, consisting of six guns. The fact is, that the whole thing was
a farce; there was very little attack, and still less defence. The
report of the commandant of Spoleto is an enormous exaggeration.
The Piedmontese, on their part, did not press the siege with much vigor.
The Italians were positively disaffected, and threatened their foreign
comrades to blow up the powder magazine if they did not give in. Most of
the Irish asked nothing better than to escape from the service and from
the country, and the rest of the garrison—the motley crew of German,
French, Swiss, and Belgians—they were few in number and of little worth.
The whole loss of the Piedmontese was, according to the evidence
afterward obtained, under one hundred men. The loss of the garrison is
stated at three killed and ten wounded.
Nothing, certainly, says a visitor, could be more complete or miserable
than the failure and break-down of the Irish contingent to the Pope's
harlequin army. It would be very unjust, however, to consider this to be
in any degree a stain on the gallant Irish nation, whose impetuous
courage and many excellent military qualities, every one must recognize
and admire. The same ignominious disasters might, and no doubt would,
have fallen to the lot of any body of men, no matter of what nation,
similarly recruited, and deceived, and neglected, and sent into the
field without the training and education which make the soldier. The
shame falls not on Ireland, but on those who insnared unwilling recruits
to prop a bad cause.
Perugia, which was the scene of an inhuman butchery last year, committed
by some of the horde of foreign wretches who formed the Pope's army, was
now held by about three thousand of them, who made a strong resistance.
The garrison had raised barricades in all parts of the town, and
occupied the houses, from which they fired upon the Sardinians. Every
street was the scene of a conflict; but the assistance afforded to
General Fanti by the inhabitants made the struggle much shorter than it
would otherwise have been. A considerable portion of the Pontifical
carbineers contrived to escape out of the town—the others retired to the
citadel, which could not hold out long. Toward evening the fort
capitulated, and the whole of the garrison, consisting of 1,600 men,
were made prisoners, as well as General Schmidt, who commanded them. He
was the worthy chief of the adventurers whom the Italians so cordially
detested. Switzerland refused to acknowledge him. He was one of the
heroes of that impious war of the Sonderbund, which caused much
bloodshed in the Swiss cantons. He was subsequently exiled.
Victor Emanuel's address to the people of Southern Italy, dated at
Ancona, October 9th, 1860, concludes thus:
"PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN EUROPE: My troops are advancing among you to
establish order. I do not come to impose upon you my will, but to cause
yours to be respected. You will be able to manifest it freely.
Providence, which protects just causes, will inspire the vote which you
will deposit in the urn. Whatever be the gravity of events, I wait
tranquilly the judgment of civilized Europe and that of history, because
I have the consciousness of having fulfilled my duty as king and
Italian. In Europe my policy will not be useless in reconciling the
progress of the people with the stability of monarchies. In Italy I know
that I terminate the era of revolutions.
"VICTOR EMANUEL.
"FARINI.
"Given at ANCONA, _Oct. 9, 1860_."
In the middle of October Victor Emanuel entered from the north the
kingdom of Naples, which Garibaldi had now won for him, though by
expressly disobeying him, as we have before seen. The Piedmontese army,
approaching by two columns, was now drawing, as a writer remarked, "the
iron circle, out of which there is no outlet. One column has already
passed Foggia on its way to Benevento and the Upper Volturno; it has
landed at Manfredonia, and is making its way through the plains of the
Capitanata. The other, under the personal command of the king himself,
has landed at Giulia, and has pushed forward to Pescara, whence a branch
leads into the main road from the north through the Abruzzi into the
rear of Capua.
"As for the Piedmontese troops landed at Naples, they have already taken
up their position in line. It was high time, for the fatiguing service,
in the heavy autumnal rains, with the cold winds, the heavy dews, and
chilly mornings, was fast thinning the ranks. For the most part in the
open air, or with but indifferent huts, constructed of branches and
straw, without camp fires at night, and with continual alarms, it was a
wonder that these young volunteers could resist as they did."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XX.
"Our Tricolor, not as in days that are gone,
Shows Italia disjoin'd, but united in one;
The _White_ is the Alps, our volcanos the _Red_,
And the _Green_ the rich fields over Lombardy spread,".
_Dall' Ongaro._ T. D.
THE PRESENT POSITION OF THINGS—DOUBTS RESPECTING
GARIBALDI—DESCRIPTIONS OF THE CAMP AT CAPUA—ENGLAND
DECLARES FOR VICTOR EMANUEL—GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS
—MEETING OF GARIBALDI AND VICTOR EMANUEL.
And now the short but momentous drama of the year was drawing rapidly
toward its close. Whatever opinions may be entertained respecting the
original intentions of Louis Napoleon, Victor Emanuel, or their
counsellors, or the period when they were expected to come to their
accomplishment, it seems certain that the steps taken by them not only
hastened the epoch, but secured its success. The world may perhaps never
know what part was performed by individuals in plans and councils, nor
be able to judge of their comparative merits or abilities. But of
Garibaldi we have much better opportunity to form our opinion, and on
most points there is little room for doubt or misapprehension. One
question still remained to be solved to those who had not attentively
observed his career in former times; and some, probably, expected to see
him ultimately break the promise which he had made, to resign his power
and possessions to Victor Emanuel; while more, it is natural to believe,
expected to see him claim a high reward, or at least to accept such
splendid honors and permanent powers as the King of Sardinia would, of
course, be ready to bestow. Anxious fears were expressed, and eager
inquiries were made, by many well-wishers of Italy and admirers of her
hero, especially about the epoch at which we have arrived.
The siege of Capua was pressed. A Scotch gentleman, who had visited
Garibaldi's camp and hospitals, thus wrote on the 6th of October:
"Let any man go to the hospital—what cruel wounds, what horrific sights!
and how cheerfully some of the sufferers bear their troubles. We have
heard much of the noble way in which our English heroes in the Crimea
conducted themselves. Truly many of the common soldiers of this patriot
army might take rank beside them. Again, as to the officers. If
Garibaldi has thought it advisable to break some of their swords, how
many instances can be cited of a heroism in others which cannot be
surpassed. There is a young Sicilian nobleman, Baron de Cozzo, commonly
termed 'The Flower of Sicily,' and beloved by Garibaldi as a son, now
lying cruelly wounded and suffering in the hospital of Caserta. He had
fought untouched all through the campaign, from Palermo to Capua. He was
in the thick of the battle of the 12th at Capua, and was still unhurt,
but he observed a private of his company in the front struck down
wounded; he returned, put the man on his back, and was carrying him off,
when he received his own wound, and such a one as will most probably
render him a painful cripple the rest of his days, if, indeed, he
survives it. Hundreds of wounded men, and many others mere boys, came
into Naples yesterday, after the battle; and we must reflect how many
more must have fought bravely to render such an account.
"Yesterday morning, Captains Smelt and Davidson started early for the
batteries situate on the hills of St. Angelo. On arriving at the camp at
the base of the hill, they joined Lieutenant Cowper, of Major Pietuni's
brigade, and proceeded to the batteries where the guns had been put into
position in order to prevent the royalist army from getting round to
Caserta, as they had previously succeeded in doing. On gaining the
summit of the hill they perceived a body of artillery with a couple of
guns advancing from the right of Cajazzo, with some cavalry on the left.
The officers having been granted the use of the guns, opened fire upon
the enemy as they gradually approached. Although the first trial shots
fell somewhat short, they had the effect of checking the artillery. The
cavalry, however, advanced notwithstanding, when another shell fell in
amongst them, and sent them flying. Captains Davidson, Smith, and
Cowper, finding that they were now making tolerably good practice, and
seeing a house on the other side of the river where there appeared to be
something stirring, they dropped a shell right into the centre of the
said mansion, and out came the contents like so many bees disturbed in
their hive.
"We started this morning for Santa Maria. The havoc amongst the avenues
of trees on the roads shows how severe the contest must have been.
"The view of the field of operations from the top of Mount St. Angelo
toward Capua, is most commanding. Garibaldi, in a round black hat turned
up at the rim, and in a light brown cloak, lined with Rob Roy tartan,
was coming down the hill with his staff, and we joined in. He held a
sort of standing council at the bottom of the hill with one or two
officers who met him, but he spoke so low, that only those quite close
to him could hear a word. We then returned to Caserta with Colonel
Peard, Major Wortley, Captains Sarsfield and Davidson."
An American gentleman who visited the camp before Capua, and the Palace
of Caserta in October, thus spoke of them in a letter:
"In company with two English gentlemen and Madame S., of Naples, I
visited the camp before Capua. As we drove down the road leading to the
River Volturno, we reached the extreme point where the road turned round
the base of St. Angelo, when a sentinel stopped us, saying, 'You are in
great danger from the batteries from the other side, which command the
entire road you have just come down, and they have been firing upon us
this morning.' We at once halted, and sent our carriage back, and under
the conduct of one of Garibaldi's men, ascended the mountain till we
reached the summit of the rising ground, and had a good view of Capua
and its defences. While thus standing at gaze, aided by glasses, a gun
was fired from a small battery we had not before observed on the side of
the opposite mountain. In an instant the ball flew over our heads, and
chanced to fall in the camp beyond, near a group of officers, and killed
a horse. With this notice to quit, we descended and reached the road of
St. Angelo, just as Garibaldi and his staff were ascending, and soon saw
him standing alone on the highest point, scanning the enemy's position
with his glass. One of his aids who had joined us, and who was known to
Madame S., said it was the general's custom to remain for hours upon the
mountain; so we were compelled to give up all hope of seeing him. As we
were walking toward the place where our carriage was, we were addressed
by an English gentleman, such a one as we have in our minds when we hear
the song sung of 'The fine old English gentleman, all of the olden
time.' His dress and bearing were alike the type of a landed gentleman
out of the agricultural counties. He begged us to avoid the road, as we
were within the range of the enemy's guns. Thanking him for his kindness
we left him, and among our guesses we thought he must be no other than
Colonel Praed, who is to command the English contingent—a regiment of
men just arrived, and who had been that day sent forward as far as the
king's palace at Caserta.
"When we reached the palace, whose magnificent courts and rooms we found
filled with English, we there met this gentleman (Col. Praed), and asked
Lieutenant Campbell, whom we knew, if that was his colonel. 'Oh no! that
gentleman came down with us, and has offered his services as a private.
He has declined a commission, and will act only with us as a common
soldier.' We mixed with the soldiers, who told us that they were to be
sent to the front that night, and expected to be in action the next day.
They were as joyous as they would have been going out to a May party.
While thus occupied, Lieutenant Campbell called our attention to a lady
in a military costume, just entering the court, attended by a gentleman.
Her dress was a velvet cap, with a feather, a grey suit, the full skirt
of which hung in many folds to her knees. She wore military boots with
spurs, and a sword hung by a waist belt. Her face was handsome—a dark
brunette, with fine flashing eyes. The English clustered around her, and
she addressed them a few words of welcome, whereupon the cheers of the
soldiers made the walls of the palace vocal with strange music for such
a place. The lady was the Countess de la Torre, who commands a company,
and has greatly distinguished herself by her courage and coolness. In
the battle of the 1st instant a shell fell near her, and those near by,
thinking as most persons do at such times, that 'discretion is the
better part of valor,' fell upon their faces awaiting the bursting, but
the countess, following the example of the great Frederick under similar
circumstances, stood with her arms folded, and when it exploded, she
uttered the most fierce reproaches on those who cowered."
On the 11th of October, Lord John Russell, in an official dispatch to
the British minister at Turin, declared that although the Emperor of the
French had expressed his displeasure at the invasion of the Roman
territory, the Emperor of Russia that of Naples, and the Prince of
Prussia had also objected, the British government could see no cause
sufficient for those objections. He closed with these words:
"Her majesty's government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying
prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and
consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and
good wishes of Europe. I have, etc.,
(Signed) "J. RUSSELL.
"P. S.—You are at liberty to give a copy of this dispatch to Count
Cavour. "To Sir James Hudson, etc., etc."
Garibaldi, on the 15th of October, issued the following proclamation:
"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_
"To satisfy a wish cherished by the whole nation, I, the dictator,
decree as follows:
"The Two Sicilies, which have been redeemed by Italian blood, and which
have freely elected me their dictator, form an integral part of one and
indivisible Italy under her constitutional king, Victor Emanuel, and his
descendants.
"On the arrival of the king, I will depose in his hands the dictatorship
conferred upon me by the nation.
"The pro-dictators are charged with the execution of the present decree.
"G. GARIBALDI.
"CASERTA, _Oct. 15_."
After this decree, both parties which had been vying with each other to
destroy Garibaldi, saw that there was an end to their calculations. His
enemies felt that, in spite of all intrigues and ingratitude, he rose
higher than ever at the moment they thought of crushing him, and his
false friends understood that his noble nature will always find out the
right way, in spite of the abuse which is made of the sacred name of
friendship, to lead him where their interest might wish him to go.
Indeed, this time they fell into their own snare, for this announcement
was accelerated by their last effort to divert Garibaldi from the right
path.
The day was now at hand, when an end was to be put to doubts and fears,
and the mouths of calumniators were to be stopped forever. How can the
enemies of Garibaldi look upon their aspersions without mortification;
or even the greater part of the first journalists of Europe as well as
of America, reperuse their evil prognostications, without a desire to
recall or to make some amends for their unworthy suspicions? How must
the character of Garibaldi rise in the view of those who were
unacquainted with his previous life, and allowed themselves to attribute
to him the weakness of judgment, the selfish aims, or the uncontrolled
passions of common men, since they have found him exalted far above the
ordinary level of soldiers and statesmen! How must his willful
calumniators turn, not only in bitter disappointment, after the defeat
of their criminal efforts, but with self-loathing, from the
contemplation of a character which makes their perfidy appear doubly
hideous by contrast.
Can we not imagine, in some just degree, what must have been the
feelings of his own heart, even through the periods of his greatest
darkness, when, independently of the opinions or fears of friends, and
the aspersions and intrigues of foes, he proceeded on his gigantic task
with unshaken resolution, undeviating step, and unfailing success, from
the beginning to the end? The difficulties, dangers, delays, obstacles
and opponents continually around him, far from overpowering, impeding or
disheartening him, never seemed to agitate or excite him.
Self-possessed, as if in tranquil scenes, he appears never to have lost,
even for a moment, the full exercise of his judgment or the perfect
control of his passions. He entered every new scene with a consciousness
of these extraordinary faculties, and came out of it confirmed, by new
experience, in his ability to do everything necessary in future. With
such conscious integrity and powers, how lofty must have been his
feelings during every stage of his career; and how exalted and
delightful when he arrived at its close!
The contemplation of such a character cannot fail to be useful as well
as delightful to every virtuous mind and heart; and the new model which
he has bequeathed to the world by his pure and splendid example, must be
extensively and long appreciated, and have great and blessed effects.
And one way in which it must most naturally act, will be by encouraging
men possessing traits like his own, in different spheres of life, duly
to estimate those humble virtues, which have been so much underrated in
our country in late years, because thrust aside or trampled down by the
empty vanity of wealth, or the impudence of corrupt party power. Indeed,
we may hope that the example of the pure and noble Garibaldi, since it
has been so displayed as to strike all eyes, and to engage all minds,
will impress upon good citizens a sense of the duty which they have so
long neglected, of combining to cast bad rulers from the seats designed
for better men.
A letter from Naples, dated the 29th of October, gave the following
affecting account of the interview between Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi:
"I was on my way to the head-quarters of Victor Emanuel, at Teano, and
took a cut through the mountains. While waiting for a conveyance, I met
Major Cattabene, commandant of Garibaldi's head-quarters. He was coming
from Teano, and to him I am indebted for the following account of the
interview between Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi. Garibaldi had taken up
his quarters at a small inn, about four miles and a half between Teano
and Speranzano, on the 25th. He ordered his column to advance and take
up positions, and sent Count Trecchi to see the king. On the following
morning, Count Trecchi and Missori came to inform him that Cialdini was
within an hour's march, and the king not far behind. Garibaldi left
immediately with his staff, and three-quarters of an hour afterward he
came in sight of the head of the Piedmontese column. He put spurs to his
horse. The Piedmontese advanced as follows: the 23d and 24th regiments
of the Como Brigade; the 26th and 27th of Pinerolo's Brigade; and then a
battery of rifle cannon. The columns presented arms to Garibaldi, and
opened to allow him to pass through. Cialdini rushed forward, and
Garibaldi, jumping from his horse, embraced him affectionately. After
exchanging a few words, Garibaldi remounted to meet the king. Victor
Emanuel was not far behind, leading on his own division. Seeing the red
shirts, the king took his telescope, and, recognizing Garibaldi, put
spurs to his horse and galloped toward him. Garibaldi did the same. When
they were within ten paces of each other, the officers of the king and
of Garibaldi shouted, 'Long live Victor Emanuel!' Garibaldi advanced,
took off his hat, and in a voice somewhat hoarse with emotion, said,
'King of Italy!' Victor Emanuel put his hand to his kepi, then held it
out to Garibaldi, and equally moved, replied, 'Thank you.' They stood
thus, hand in hand, nearly a minute, without uttering another word.
"Garibaldi and the king, still holding each other's hand, followed the
troops for about a quarter of an hour. Their suites had mingled
together, and followed at a short distance behind them. Passing a group
of officers, Garibaldi saluted them. Among them were Farini, minister of
war, in the foraging cap of a staff officer, and General Fanti. The king
and Garibaldi were conversing. After the king followed the 17th, 18th,
19th, and 20th regiments of the line, then sixty guns, and four
regiments of cavalry. His majesty was at the head of 30,000 men.
"Before reaching Teano, King Victor Emanuel halted, and ordered a
portion of his army to file off in presence of Garibaldi, that every one
might observe the good feeling which prevailed between him and the
chieftain. He then reviewed Bixio's Brigade, which was posted a little
beyond Calvi. He was received with the enthusiastic and unanimous shout
of 'Long live the King of Italy!' Garibaldi has 7,000 men divided
between different positions. The king remained at Teano; Garibaldi
returned to Calvi to give orders."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
CHAPTER XXI.
"Rest in thy shadowy cave, O sun!
But soon return with joy,
For Crona's bloody strife is done:
Let songs the night employ,
For Fingal there, on Crona's banks,
His foes had triumph'd o'er,
And backward turn'd their foreign ranks,
Like surges from the shore."
"Now spread the sail! said Morven's king,
And catch the winds for home.
We rose upon the wave with joy,
And rush'd through Ocean's foam."
_Ossian Versified._ T. D.
GARIBALDI'S ANNOUNCEMENT OF VICTOR EMANUEL'S APPROACH TO
NAPLES—THEY ENTER TOGETHER—GARIBALDI RESIGNS HIS
DICTATORSHIP—CAPITULATION AND SURRENDER OF CAPUA—HIS
ADDRESS TO THE HUNGARIAN HUZZARS—HIS FAREWELL TO HIS
TROOPS—HE SAILS FOR CAPRERA—UNEXPECTED CHANGES —LETTERS
DESCRIBING THEM.
The siege of Capua was now pressed; and, during its continuance, the
besiegers were joined by the Sardinian army, which had already, after
its victorious career through the territories of the Pope, approached
Naples.
Garibaldi announced the approach of Victor Emanuel in the following
terms:
PROCLAMATION OF GARIBALDI TO THE INHABITANTS OF NAPLES.
"To-morrow, Victor Emanuel, the king of Italy, the elect of the nation,
will cross the line which has divided us from the rest of our country
for so many centuries; and, listening to the unanimous voice of this
brave population, will appear here among us. Let us receive, in a
becoming manner, him who is sent by Providence, and scatter in his path,
as a pledge of our rescue and of our affection, the flower of concord,
so grateful to him, so necessary to Italy.
"No more political distinctions! no more parties! no more discords!
Italy one, as the people of this metropolis have expressed it, and the
gallant king, be the perennial symbols of our regeneration and of the
greatness and prosperity of the country.
"G. GARIBALDI."
Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi entered Naples together, on the 7th of
October. The following animated description of the scene is from a
letter of that date.
"King Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi entered Naples together, for it would
have been a grievous thing if, as had been feared, the apostle of
Italian liberty, the man of a century, had not been united with the
sovereign on this great occasion. When they left the railway _en route_
for the cathedral, there were Victor Emanuel and Garibaldi on his left
hand, and the pro-dictators of Sicily and Naples sitting opposite them
in the same carriage. The suite followed, and all along the railway to
the Duomo there was a perfect ovation. The streets, which are very
narrow, and scarcely wide enough to admit of more than two fat persons
abreast, were festooned with flowers and evergreens, hung from window to
window; pictures, tapestry, banners, and all the adjuncts of a great
_fête_ in Naples were there, but looking as _triste_ and downcast as
heavy rains could make them. On arriving at the Duomo, or the cathedral,
the piazza of which was beautifully decorated, his majesty was received
by the authorities, and conducted to the high altar, amidst such a storm
of shouts and applause as could only be compared to the storm which was
raging outside. 'Viva Victor Emanuel!' 'Viva Garibaldi!' 'Viva Italia
Unita!' Such were the cries which rose, not from one, but from a united
body of many thousands, who waved their hats, and handkerchiefs, and
flags, as the royal party advanced to the high altar; and this in the
cathedral church of San Januarius, the special protector of the
Bourbons, whose favor (the saint's) Baron Brenier not long since
requested as an honor for M. Thouvenel.
"The king did not take his seat on the throne, but stood a little
below it, and wiped his hands, and then his face, with his
pocket-handkerchief, and then looked round with that bold, undaunted
aspect which indicated an iron nerve. Shortly after, the ceremony
began, and his majesty knelt at the _prie-Dieu_ (a stool for
kneeling), whilst Garibaldi, the pro-dictators, Farini, and others,
stood behind him. The _Te Deum_ was sung in magnificent style.
"As soon as the ceremony was over, they came down the aisle, and I had
an admirable view of the king and the Liberator face to face, and as a
gleam of sun shone out on the monarch, every line was visible.
'Humanity' came first, and 'Divinity' after. The difference in the two
expressions could not fail to strike the most insensible. I looked at
Victor Emanuel's unvarying face and bold glance, and said, he is the _Re
Galantuomo_, true to his word, and ready to maintain it with his sword;
but I looked on Garibaldi, and felt all the moral grandeur of his
character—not a statesman, because he is something much higher—he
carries in his face his character: an amiability which wins all hearts,
and an energy which overcomes all difficulties. The crowd around each
was immense, though the soldiers round the church on either side did all
they could to keep the path open, but it was all of no use; one of the
poorest of the poor laid hold of his sovereign's hand and walked with
him; and the people clung to Garibaldi and kissed and embraced him as a
father. He was the greater idol in a temple of idols; and so the royal
party walked down the church, and entered their carriage in the midst of
the bursts, and long-continued storms of applause, as heretofore. The
king was dressed, let me say, as a general of division, and Garibaldi in
the same simple dress in which he had conquered the Two Sicilies and
given away a kingdom.
"As the cathedral clergy refused to officiate on this occasion, the
clergy of the palace offered their services."
On the 8th of November, the day after his entry into Naples with the
king, at eleven o'clock, Garibaldi, followed by the ministry, presented
to his majesty, in the throne-hall, and in the prescribed form, the
_Plebiscitum_, or Vote of the People. The Minister of the Interior and
Police thus addressed the king:
"SIRE: The Neapolitan people, assembled in Comitia, by an immense
majority, have proclaimed you their king. Nine millions of Italians
unite themselves to the other provinces governed by your majesty with so
much wisdom, and verify your solemn promise that Italy must belong to
Italians."
The king answered in a few noble words. The act of union was performed.
The ministry then offered their resignation, the dictatorship having
expired from which they had received their powers. The enthusiasm of the
people of Naples continued to be expressed in the highest degree.
The Capitulation of Capua was signed November 2, and, abridged, was in
these terms:
"Convention on the capitulation of Capua, arranged by mutual agreement,
by order of his excellency, Gen. Della Rocca (commander of the corps of
the Sardinian army), commanding the besieging corps, and by order of
Field Marshal De Cornet, commanding the place, by the undersigned
commissaries, and afterward ratified by the respective generals in
command.
"1. The place to be given up in twenty-four hours to the troops of
Victor, with the entire armament, arms, clothes, provisions, bridge
equipage, horses, carts, and all else, civil and military, belonging
to
the government.
2. The gates and fortifications to be immediately
given up.
3. The garrison to march out with the honors of war.
4. The forces to go with banners, arms and baggage, 2,000 men
hourly, laying down their arms outside (officers retaining their
swords), and proceeding to Naples on foot, embark for a Sardinian
port. The generals to go to Naples by railroad. The families
of soldiers not to follow the column. The sick and wounded to
remain in Capua.
5. A mixed commission to superintend affairs,
and an inventory to be made," etc.
The scene presented at the surrender is thus described by an American
who was in Garibaldi's army.
"At 7 A.M. we took up the line of march for Capua. The sun rose in all
his glory, after having hid his face for three days. The troops were in
the finest spirits, and decked their arms and colors with branches and
flowers, and as they marched up the road the bands played the opera of
'Don Giovanni,' the troops joining in the chorus, the gay Calabrese
dancing with very joy. With such music as this, with glorious mountains,
and a beleaguered city lying prostrate before us, you can imagine that
we do not sigh for the Academy of Music. At 11 A.M., 12,000 men laid
down their arms in the beautiful plain in front of the city. A sadder
sight I have not witnessed since the surrender of Vera Cruz to
Lieutenant General Scott. The city is now in the quiet possession of our
troops, and all the cities in the valley are illuminated. General
Avezzana's division marched tonight for Caserta, the palace of the king.
Captain Warwick, the young Virginian, is now with Colonel Wyndham, the
gallant commander of General Dunn's brigade (General Dunn having been
severely wounded). General Jackson, a major general of the English army,
has been here for three weeks past, lending his sympathy and his
presence, even upon the field of battle, to this glorious cause. "The
palace and hunting park at Caserta are said to be the most magnificent
in the world."
After the surrender of Capua, the battalions of volunteers were
disbanded, to be reorganized in the regular Italian army, if they wished
to remain in service. They were to be sent to Northern and Central
Italy, and disposed as follows: The Medici division in Parma; the Turr
division in Palermo; the Cosenz in Bologna; and the Bixio in Florence.
Garibaldi asked of the king amnesty for all the soldiers who had
deserted from the Sardinian army to join his expeditions, and the
request was immediately granted to both regulars and volunteers.
Garibaldi decreed as follows on the 15th of October:
"That the Two Sicilies, which owe their rescue to Italian blood, and who
have freely chosen me as Dictator, form an integral part of Italy, one
and indivisible, with her constitutional king, Victor Emanuel, and his
descendants."
GARIBALDI'S ADDRESS ON DELIVERING FLAGS TO THE HUNGARIAN HUSSARS IN
NAPLES.
"NEAPOLITANS: This is a fine day—a great day! It is fine and great,
because it reunites, with a new chain, the brotherhood which binds Italy
to Hungary. The peoples are consolidated together. The free Italians
cannot, ought not, to forget it—nor will they forget it." (Here the
people broke out in overwhelming applause, "_Viva Garibaldi!_" The
general replied:) "Italians free! Yes, they shall be—all, and soon. To a
life wholly consecrated to the cause of liberty—to the thought of our
nationality—nothing else have I added, nothing else do I wish to add,
but the right to speak the truth—to speak it equally to the powerful and
the people.
"Hear me, then, generous people of this great and beautiful metropolis,
and, if I deserve anything of you, believe my words.
"The canker, the ruin of our Italy, has always been personal
ambitions—and they are so still. It is personal ambitions which blind
the Pope-king, and urge him to oppose this national movement, so great,
so noble, so pure—yes, so pure—that it is unique in the history of the
world. It is the Pope-king who retards the moment of the complete
liberation of Italy. The only obstacle, the true obstacle, is this.
"I am a Christian, and I speak to Christians—I am a good Christian, and
speak to good Christians. I love and venerate the religion of Christ,
because Christ came into the world to deliver humanity from slavery, for
which God has not created it. But the Pope, who wishes all men to be
slaves—who demands, of the powerful of the earth, fetters and chains for
Italians—the Pope-king does not know Christ: he lies to his religion.
"Among the Indians, two geniuses are recognized and adored—that of good
and that of evil. Well, the Genius of Evil for Italy is the Pope-king.
Let no one misunderstand my words—let no one confound Popery with
Christianity—the Religion of Liberty with the avaricious and sanguinary
Politics of Slavery.
"Repeat that. Repeat it. It is your duty.
"You who are here—you, the educated and cultivated portion of the
citizenship—you have the duty to educate the people. Educate them to be
Christian—educate them to be Italian. Education gives liberty—education
gives to the people the means and the power to secure and defend their
own independence.
"On a strong and wholesome education of the people depend the liberty
and greatness of Italy.
"Viva Victor Emanuel! Viva Italia! Viva Christianity!"
Garibaldi's proclamation to his troops, when about to retire to Caprera,
commences thus:
"_To my companions in arms!_
"We must consider the period which is now about to close as the last
step but one in our regeneration, and prepare ourselves to finish
splendidly the stupendous conception of the choice men of twenty
generations, the fulfillment of which Providence has assigned to this
fortunate generation.
"Yes, young men! Italy owes to you an enterprise which deserves the
applause of the world. You have conquered, and you will conquer, because
you are now trained to the tactics which decide battles. You have not
degenerated from those who entered the Macedonian phalanxes, and struck
to the heart the proud conquerors of Asia.
"This stupendous page of our history must be followed by one more
glorious still; and the slave will finally show to the free brother a
sharpened iron which belonged to the links of his chains.
"To arms all!—all!—and the oppressors, the supremely powerful, shall be
turned into dust."
Garibaldi embarked in the small steamer, Washington, for his island, and
was so eager to be once more in retirement, that he cast off the hawser
with his own hands.
The following account of his arrival at Caprera we translate from a
letter dated:
"MILAN, _Nov. 16, 1860_.
"By the return of the steamer Washington to Naples, we have received
direct news from the Island of Caprera, where Garibaldi has established
his winter quarters. As soon as he placed his foot on shore in the
island, the dictator felt himself free as from an incubus weighing on
his mind and heart. As Garibaldi never could remain inactive under so
seductive a sky, like Victor Emanuel, he is in his element only when in
the field of battle, or hunting among rocks. In fact, he speaks of the
re-conquest of his own individual liberty, which he wishes to divide
with his three war-horses, which, when he had first stepped on the sand
on the island, he unbridled and left free among the fields.
"But a pleasing surprise came, on his arrival, to enliven the mind of
the Italian hero. The modest cottage which had served him as an abode
the past year, during his absence had been changed for a handsome and
elegant _casino_. The avenues were well marked out, and, instead of the
nakedness of the ground, the wild and uncultivated aspect in which he
had last seen it, he observed marks of recent cultivation, plantations
of trees and hedges, well arranged, convenient and well-made roads.
"Garibaldi, full of wonder, went about trying to imagine and divine what
magical hand could have made so great a change. He even almost began to
doubt whether it was the Island of Caprera. Entering the house, and
looking about in every part, he found in the centre a rich and
commodious hall, and, supported from the wall, a large and beautiful
portrait. It was one of Victor Emanuel!"
The following is from a letter of the Rev. J. Newman, dated "Naples,
November, 1860:"
AN INTERVIEW WITH GARIBALDI.
It was my good fortune to have an interview with General Garibaldi, in
the royal palace at Caserta, a day or two before his departure. When I
arrived at the palace, the dictator was in the king's garden, sitting
for his photograph—a pretty Italian lady acting as artist. General Turr,
and the other officers of his staff, were present; also the wife of the
mayor of Palermo, and two other ladies. As in ordinary cases, the artist
had great difficulty in arranging the general's head and hands, but
still more in getting him to keep them arranged, according to order. And
after the picture was finished, he was the first to look at it, which he
jocosely pronounced _good_. He then walked with one of his staff, and
again with the mayor's wife, through the broad avenues of the garden,
and finally strolled off alone, with his arms thrown behind and his head
inclined forward, like one in deep reflection.
He kindly received me into his private apartments in the palace, where,
by a most winning manner, he made me feel myself quite at home. Learning
that I was an American, and having himself travelled through North and
South America, the conversation turned upon the United States. He
indicated his comprehensive and penetrating mind by a marvellous
familiarity with our history and prosperity. Nothing can exceed the
grace and dignity with which he conversed. He was mild in his manner
till I suggested the great want of railroads in Italy, when he
immediately grew animated, and drew a striking contrast between Italy
and America, as to material greatness, and concluded with expressions of
hope that a brighter day is dawning upon his native land. Garibaldi is
so justly proud of his American antecedents, that it is not egotism for
me to claim for our country an important agency in the Italian
Revolution, by the impressions our institutions and greatness made upon
his mind while there. My previous admiration for the man was increased
by this brief interview. He seemed to me to be a man of exalted purpose
and of generous sympathies. He is now in the prime of life, and in the
enjoyment of robust health, which he preserves by his simple mode of
living. He is above the medium height, and has a powerful muscular
frame. His complexion is florid; his hair and beard sandy; his brow
lofty, and his eyes are of a light chestnut hue, and when at ease they
have that dreamy expression so peculiar to many great men. He is not
particularly dignified in his address; his gait is even careless; his
carriage might be thought uncourtly, yet there is that indefinable
something in his presence which, while it does not overawe you, yet
impresses you with a profound respect for the man. He is certainly an
extraordinary character, and the most popular man now before the world.
He is honest in his principles, unselfish in his purposes, unalterable
in his decisions, lasting in his friendships, bitter in his enmities,
and magnanimous to all. When I saw him he was attired in grey pants, a
red shirt, and a grey mantelet, lined with a red and black plaid, the
sides of which were looped upon his shoulders, giving free play to his
arms. He wore a Chinese cap, common in England, and a serviceable sword
was dangling at his side, which constituted his uniform. His mode of
living is extremely simple, so much so that his staff joke him by saying
they do not expect to get much to eat where he is. He never takes wine,
and generally breakfasts upon a cup of coffee and a few Italian
chestnuts. He had formed the decision to retire to his island home. If
you will turn to your map, you will see a little island on the northern
coast of Sardinia, near the entrance of the Straits of Bonifaccio, and
opposite to the southern point of Corsica. This is Caprera, where the
famous Garibaldi, with his son and daughter, together with a few choice
friends, is now residing. The island is less than six miles in length
and not two in breadth. It consists of two rocks, which belonged to an
Englishman and the general. The former is now dead, and Garibaldi is
left alone in his rockland glory. But on reaching his island, he was
most agreeably surprised; the appearance of his home had been so changed
since he left. Well cultivated fields and beautiful plantations, with
shady groves and spacious avenues, had taken the place of a stony
desert. It looked as if a magician had been there, and struck the island
with his wand, bidding nature forthwith to lavish her treasures on this
chosen spot. But the general was still more surprised when, instead of
his humble cottage, an elegant villa stood before him; but on entering
it the mystery was solved, for on the wall hung the portrait of his
friend Victor Emanuel, whose generosity had anticipated his happiness.
The following extract of an unpublished letter from a gentleman in
Piedmont to a friend in New York, contains a most particular description
of Garibaldi's arrival at Caprera:
"TURIN, _Nov. 24, 1860_.
"What do you say of all that has been passing here, and of Garibaldi,
the king-maker? You will have heard that this true patriot refused the
rank of first marshal of the kingdom of Italy, which would have made him
the first person after the king; and the order of Annunziale, which is
equal to that of the Golden Fleece, and generally only given to born
princes.
"Garibaldi lives near the Island of Sardinia, on the small Isle of
Caprera, right in front of the Pass of Bonafaccio. It is a mere rock,
uninhabited or nearly so, where he has a small house and a little
garden, where he lives with his daughter, spending his time fishing. To
this hermitage he has retired, after having made a present to Victor
Emanuel of the kingdom of Naples. But you may fancy his surprise, when,
on arrival, he found his little garden had given room for a park, with
large trees, more than a century old, with flower-beds, etc., etc. He
entered his house. The outer walls were as he left them; but the
interior had become a palace, with magnificent furniture and velvet
hangings, with gold fringes, etc. He passed into the study, and there
above the massive mahogany table, hanging against the wall, upon the
velvet tapestry, a large painting, made by one of the first artists of
the day, in which he could not but recognize himself, sitting at a
table, his head bent over a drawing of a plan of battle he was forming,
while the king standing next him, his right arm leaning familiarly on
his shoulder, was looking, in a bending position, at what he was doing.
"Was this not a pretty surprise which the king prepared for his faithful
follower, the fisherman's son, who had given him a kingdom and would
accept nothing—neither rank, nor honors—in return?"
THE END.
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
Punctuation has been normalized.
Variations in spelling hyphenation and accentuation were maintained.
Correction In Table of contents Chapter V byExiles now by Exiles.
Italicized words and phrases are presented by surrounding the text with
_underscores_.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Life of General Garibaldi - Translated from his private papers; with the history of - his splendid exploits in Rome, Lombardy, Sicily and to the - present time." ***
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